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The Politics of Temporality AnAnalysis of Leftist Youth Politics andGenerational ContentionGabriela Gonzalez Vaillant aa Department of Sociology State University of New York at StonyBrook Stony Brook New York USA

Version of record first published 21 Sep 2012

To cite this article Gabriela Gonzalez Vaillant (2012) The Politics of Temporality An Analysis ofLeftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention Social Movement Studies Journal of SocialCultural and Political Protest DOI101080147428372012723367

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The Politics of TemporalityAn Analysis of Leftist Youth Politics andGenerational Contention

GABRIELA GONZALEZ VAILLANTDepartment of Sociology State University of New York at Stony Brook Stony Brook New York USA

ABSTRACT Based on focus groups and in-depth interviews with young leftist political partyactivists in Uruguay this article analyzes the dilemmas faced by young people as they use imagesfrom the past to interpret and orient their situation in the present and their aspirations for the futureThey are the heirs to a highly romantic image of what it means to be a political activist on the Left inthis sense the shadow of the radical Sixties and the omnipresent image of armed struggle andmilitary dictatorship define them But the reality of politics in contemporary democratic Uruguay isthat of pressing for incremental and routine social reform inside a lsquoBroad Frontrsquo where ideologicaldefinitions for the future have become hazy This paper explores the various ways that youngUruguayan Leftists work to reconcile these different senses of time and how these mediate theirrelationships with lsquosignificant generational othersrsquo In so doing I place the concept of time of theperceived and socially constructed sense of acting in the current of a particular historical time at thecenter of analysis

KEY WORDS Temporality leftist politics youth political culture alterity generationLatin America

Introduction

In 2009 Jose Mujica won the presidential elections in Uruguay thus securing the

continuation of the leftist coalition (the Frente Amplio) in power Mujicamdashan ex-

Tupamaro guerilla leader of the 1960smdashspent 14 years in prison under the harshest of

conditions during the military dictatorship (1973ndash1985) In a recent public commemora-

tion he referred to images of the past as lsquoold shadows that fly around in our memoryrsquo

reminding spectators that historical remembrance is an exercise of constant recreation as

lsquohumans are subjects of timersquo These words are highly suggestive of the conflictual

relationship the country has with its recent past a tension that constitutes the backdrop of

the current political arena

The experience of time is one of the core-constituting elements of political collective

identities Our experiences within organizations are always temporally lodged and

organized and different temporal foci indicate different organizational priorities

(Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 Bluedorn 2001) This paper explores the intertwined

1474-2837 Print1474-2829 Online12000001-20 q 2012 Taylor amp Francis

httpdxdoiorg101080147428372012723367

Correspondence Address Gabriela Gonzalez Vaillant Department of Sociology State University of New York at

Stony Brook Stony Brook New York 11794-4356 USA Email gagovagmailcom

Social Movement StudiesiFirst article 1ndash20 2012

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2012

relationship between temporality (understood as subjective interpretation of time) and

alterity (understood as acknowledged significant objectified others) in the youth wings of

the Frente Amplio in Montevideo Uruguay In doing so it seeks to contribute towards

the understanding of the place (and effect) of remembrance memory and projectivity in the

current leftist political organizations in Latin America It asserts that the temporal

dimension of collective identity mediated by distinctive historical experiences (national

and generational) is essential for understanding power dynamics and relations inside

political movements

While the role of alterity has been mostly studied in the social movement literature in

terms of its spatial dynamics (Simmel 1950 Schwartz 1976 Bourdieu 1985 Tilly

1994a Miller 2000) its temporal dynamics are usually taken as constant (Emirbayer amp

Mische 1998 McAdam amp Sewell 2001 Sewell 2005) That is while actors are placed in

politically contentious struggles against lsquosignificant othersrsquo that are cotemporary there

have been scarce attempts to unpack the ways in which previous historical lsquoothersrsquo also

play a pivotal role in shaping collective identities and actions in the present Even though

the idea that past generations act like a weight on the shoulders of the living was already

developed in Marxrsquos 18th Brumaire the presentness of other historical generations in

contentious politics and collective action has yet to be fully explored (Jansen 2007)

Studies of collective political identities have usually incorporated the notion of alterity in

terms of coexisting substantial groups this paper shows how significantly acknowledged

alter egos shift depending on the time being evoked and how the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo border is

dynamic and fluid The notions of lsquotemporalityrsquo and lsquoalterityrsquo are at the very crux of the

political lsquoidentity workrsquo carried out by the young activists under study

This article begins by briefly characterizing the Frente Amplio within leftist politics in

Latin America It then moves on to consider what it means to be a young leftist political

activist today and the importance of contemplating time for understanding the process of

constructing a common sense of collective identity For this purpose it refers to three

overarching concepts alterity temporality and generations the latter mediating the

former two The theoretical section is followed by a succinct presentation and rationale of

the methods employed for collecting data Finally the main findings of this study are

presented organized in three sub-sections the prevailing memories of the past readings of

the present and conceptions of the future In doing so I show how experiences of time

function both as a structuring force within an organizational setting and as a context for

social agency used instrumentally (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 Abbot 2001 Olick 2003

Polletta 2003) In a very suggestive article Emirbayer and Mische (1998) propose a

theoretical distinction between three different temporal-relational dimensions of action

iterational (rooted in the past) projective (placed in the future) and practical-evaluative

(carried out in the present) They conclude by calling on empirical research to exemplify

how specific contexts can constrain or enable certain temporal orientations over others

The case under study helps to illustrate how different temporal orientations coexist in a

same political organizationmdashthough the weight of the past is overarchingmdashand how

temporality is a lens for investigating intergenerational relations of power and political

identity The different temporalities serve to justify differences in the lsquotypersquo of activism

available for each generation and possible courses of actions in the present and the future

However the tripartite distinction is merely analytical As the empirical material shows

temporality for these young activists is not linear and continuous past present and future

do not unfold in an orderly fashion

2 GG Vaillant

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Frente Amplio and the Political Left in Latin America

Latin American political activism cannot be understood if one does not take into account the

heritage of mass-based politics which emerged during the populist regimes of the 1930sndash

1960s (Foweraker 2001) the collective effervescence which characterized the region

during the 1960s and the subsequent legacy of the years of authoritarian regimes in many

countries (OrsquoDonnell et al 1986) Subsequently leftist political parties in the region were

profoundly shaped by processes of democratic transition on the one hand (Dagnino 1998)

and the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR on the other (Cavarozzi 1993)

Many authors have suggested that after the fall of the Soviet Union and the failed

revolutionary attempts the very idea of a totalizing narrative has been called into question

in Latin America (Castaneda 1993 Cavarozzi 1993 Dagnino 1998 Colburn 2002)

The Frente Amplio is a leftist coalition formed in 1971 integrating several groups from

the Uruguayan leftist political sphere Among others the Front includes socialists

communists Christian democrats social democrats leftist independents Trotskyites and

ex-guerrilla members It was declared illegal after the 1973 military coup drsquoetat but re-

emerged in 1984 when democracy was restored in Uruguay The Front achieved an electoral

majority for the first time in 2004 and was re-elected in 2009 Since its foundation this

coalition underwent a progressive ideological and programmatic renovation (Yaffe 2004)

characterized by (a) moderation (abandoning radicalism both in discourse and action) (b)

democratization (abandoning instrumentalist views of democracy to value it as an end in

itself) and (c) traditionalization (generating a legacy of traditions and myths) Beginning in

the early 1990s the Front expanded its electoral menu lsquobecoming increasingly catch-allrsquo

(Luna 2007 p 17) Even though this has been a barrier to the generation of internal

consensus it is one of the factors that accounts for the partyrsquos popularity in the present

Significantly the most popular faction within the Frente Amplio in the last election was the

lsquoMovimiento de Participacion Popularrsquo (Popular Participation Movement) whose founders

and current leaders bear the heritage of the guerrilla group lsquoMovimiento de Liberacion

Nacional-Tupamarosrsquo This faction defines itself as a lsquomovementrsquo and is organized around a

bottom-up conception of popular participation (Luna 2007 p 22)

This case speaks broadly to the sociological question of how current leftist political

identities have shifted within political organizations The leftist parties in the southern cone

have been profoundly shaped by democratic transition in the region (Cavarozzi 1993)

strongly adopting the language of democracy and human rights (Angell 1994 Munck 2000

Panizza 2005) The abandonment of an instrumentalist view of democracy and the new

centrality of electoral democracy as the best path towards progressive social transformation

has been empathized as a prevalent feature of the political Left in Latin America

(Przeworski 1991 Petras amp Harding 2000 Philip 2003) After a process of profound crisis

in the 1980s and 1990s Lechner coined lsquodisenchantmentrsquo (1990 p 105)1 the Left is making

a comeback in the region though under different ideological shades (Panizza 2005)

The recent literature on leftist identity emphasizes the new characteristics of political

culture and discourse usually presented as a lsquobreakrsquo with the lsquotraditional Leftrsquo The vast

majority of research in the field has been devoted to the lsquonew Leftrsquo (Grandin 2004 Zolov

2008 Gould 2009) to the emergence of a lsquosocial Leftrsquo (Petras amp Veltmeyer 2005) and to

the relatively recent victories of the lsquoelectoral Leftrsquo (Roberts 1995 Petras 2000)

However there is a dearth of literature on possible reconfigurations within traditional

spheres of political participation such as leftist political party youth organizations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 3

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As I show here the old political projects of the Left have not been completely tucked

away and buried The lsquotraditionalrsquo leftist identity is still a source of tension and an active

force of struggle and political capital within the Left Furthermore leftist identities are not

homogenous and static rather they are under contestation However in order to

understand how these identities operate it is necessary to understand how new generations

of leftist activists engage with lsquotimersquo and how they use it to constitute themselves and

lsquoalternatersquo significant political others In an important analysis Mische (2003) shows how

when studying Brazilian partisan youth it is not enough to analyze the ideological content

of their organizations to understand in-groupout-group affinities One must also pay close

attention to how the groups contest political time by analyzing their lsquotemporal cueingrsquo

that is how certain ties are deactivated at certain moments The efforts to delineate

identity and alterity in the context of specific timeframes imply power ascriptions and

leverage within the organization

Activist Identity and Alterity

Identities are not reified social categories but rather processes shaped by the multiple

group belongings in which actors embark Stryker et al (2000) state that social movement

and collective action theories have tended to gloss over the processes through which

identities are constructed and maintained Any collective activity based on mere agitation

would be short-lived and sporadic movements need to develop what Blumer (1953 p

205) has called an esprit de corps One of the many ways of generating this esprit de corps

is by developing a clear sense of identityalterity or in-groupout-group relations (Allport

1979 Tilly 2000) Political collective identities deal with boundaries (conceptual and

physical) in a lsquoconflicting spacersquo (Stone 1997 p 381)

Even though there is no consensual definition of identity in the social sciences the word

suggests a shared sense of lsquoone-nessrsquo or lsquowe-nessrsquo (Stryker et al 2000) Etymologically

lsquoalterityrsquo refers to the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo The concept of alterity analytically accounts

for a broader construct than that of lsquodifferencersquo which refers to an lsquootherrsquo with a concrete

existential reality Alterity refers to any acknowledged significant objectified other that is

perceived as external to the self (Mead 1936 Rapport amp Overing 2000 p 9) However

the fact that the lsquootherrsquo is alien should not be taken to mean that lsquowersquo are independent from

that other Rather identity and alterity are two sides of a same coin It is fundamental to

understand the process of collective identity formation in relational terms by paying close

attention to the complex and dynamic demarcation between an lsquousrsquo and a lsquothemrsquo

(Jelin 2003 Rucht 2007) that allows boundary-making (Whittier 1997 Pachucki et al

2007) I focus here on activistsrsquo perspectives on three lsquosetsrsquo of others that appear as

especially significant (1) non-activist youth (2) the older generations of activists

currently within the party and (3) older generations of activists from previous historical

moments2 As I will argue even though the second and third sometimes coincide in the

same individuals (young generations of activists from other historical times are many

times the older generations of the present) the categories need to be kept as analytically

distinct As Schutz and Luckmann (1973) has pointed out the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo needs

to encompass interactions beyond face-to-face and consider relationships that we

establish with people from other times and spaces

As the concept of lsquoyouthrsquo is highly contested and problematic (Bourdieu 1994) the

category of lsquogenerationsrsquo appears more analytically useful The notion of lsquoa generationrsquo is

4 GG Vaillant

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understood here not simply as a mere statistical aggregate of individuals that share an age

range but rather as a group of people that have experienced a similar socio-historical

epoch and are endowed with certain identitarian inscriptions (Mannheim 1993 [1952]

p 365) This does not mean that all members of a given generation interpret their life

experiences or conceptualize their political identities the same way According to

Mannheim (1993 [1952] p 40) the concept of lsquogenerational unitsrsquo accounts for the

various subgroups that exist within a generation and that constitute its heterogeneity Thus

Uruguayan youth can be subdivided into many differential groups that relate differently to

the world of politics The non-activist lsquootherrsquo youth appears as a different lsquogenerational

unitrsquo in the discourses of these young activists

Conceived in this way the relational dimension of generational identities becomes

primary as they are shaped in constant reaction to previously acknowledged generations

(Attias-Donfut amp Wolff 2000) Generations are precisely points of contact with

posteriority and anteriority (Schutz amp Luckmann 1973 p 92) The political party appears

as a place of interaction with older generations of activists who play a pivotal role in the

configuration of the political identities of these young activists The choice of this young

generation of activists as unit of analysis is rooted in the belief that they are placed in the

intersection between political traditionalism and transformation thus serving as an

interesting window into the study of temporality

Activist Identity and Temporality

Contra other usages of the term in the study of social movements the notion of

lsquotemporalityrsquo that is employed here is related to the collective subjective experience of the

pastndashpresentndashfuture triad This usage seeks to move from ontological to subjective and

from sequential to discontinuous definitions of temporality

Memories and forecast merge in the present to mold both discourses and practices (Tilly

1994b) The symbolic dimension of temporality affects both micro-social relations at the

interpersonal level and macro-social relations at the societal political level (Zerubavel 1987)

Temporality is not only a mental process but it is also crucial to affect embodiment and action

(Freeman 2007) This does not mean that experiences of temporality are immutable within

an organization they can be contested revised and simultaneously contradictory

Collective memories (founding events traditions myths heroes) provide groups with a

common identity and a sense of common origin (Blumer 1994 Olick amp Levy 1997

Assmann 2003) Collective memory is not a lsquostorehousersquo Rather it is an active and

selective process by means of which individuals take possession of an arsenal of meaning

that they inherit and make lsquousersquo of them in order to establish a sense of communion and

belonging (Halbwachs 1992 [1951] p 48) In this sense memories are lsquoinstrumentalrsquo for

political organizations (Lavarbre 2009 Edy 2006 p 2) Tilly pointed out that one cannot

account for the shared interest on which people will act without considering the mnemonic

frames they have available (Tilly 1994b p 244) However not all memory is lsquoup for grabsrsquo

or can be used instrumentally memory also operates as a mythical cultural constraint over

the present (Olick amp Levy 1997) functioning as the most obstinate of social structures

The conception of the future that a given group has is also fundamental for

understanding its identity It is impossible to refer to agents who seek to define and

dominate their surrounding and destinies if we do not contemplate the projects they have

for the future (Touraine 1987) The future is where groups deposit their expectations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 5

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2012

dreams and ambitions and as the past it constitutes an essential component of their

individual and collective identity People constantly scan the present for opportunities and

threats which they use to estimate the likelihood of certain outcomes (Tilly 1994b p 247)

However the notion of future need not necessarily be located in linear procession from the

present Schutz (1962) referred to the notion of lsquowill have beenrsquo to account for possible

futures existent in the past Emirbayer and Mische (1998) theorize the importance of

lsquoprojectivityrsquo as a culturally embedded process that is rooted in an actorrsquos capacity to

hypothesize experience and elaborate possible alternatives for future action Leftist

movements have been characterized as lsquoteleologicalrsquo in nature (they are driven by utopias

placed in an indefinite future) It is thus important to see how the experiences of lsquofuturersquo

have or have not changed in a group of young activists who identified themselves with

socialism an ideology that has hoisted the emblem of profound social transformation as

part of their axiomatic repertoires

Methodology

The results of this study are based on field research carried out between April and July

2005 in Montevideo using four focus groups (total participants frac14 28) and in-depth

interviews (n frac14 8) conducted with young activists both male and female who

participated in the different political sectors of the Frente Amplio In order to ensure a

certain level of homogeneity (a prerequisite for focus groups Glaser amp Strauss 1967

Krueger 1998 Kitzinger amp Barbour 1999) participation was restricted to activists who

were between 18 and 24 years of age ( first time voters in the 2004 presidential elections)

residents of Montevideo and those having completed basic education (9 years of

schooling) at the time of research The selection criteria limited participation to a fraction

of the broader universe of leftist political youth activists thus caution must be taken when

extrapolating results presented here to youth activists outside this specific group

Participant Selection Criteria

Residents of Montevideo The location criterion was selected for accessibility purposes as

the focus groups were carried out in Montevideo It is possible to assume theoretically that

the experience of political activism in rural areas and in smaller cities is probably

considerably different from the experience in Montevideo this is something that would

require further research Approximately half the population of Uruguay lives in

Montevideo Despite a clear location bias it is important to point out that Montevideo

was the most theoretically relevant location given the highly centralized nature of

Uruguayan politics it is where the political center of the Frente Amplio is and where

national political decisions are made Additionally since 1990 the Frente Amplio has

controlled Montevideo drawing its most important political support from this region of the

country (Winn 1995)

Age Range Given the theoretical relevance of the notion of generations the intention

was to guarantee a common generational inscription among participants This allowed for

a shared reference to a political lifetime a similar socialization and political experience

within the party They were the only generation to experience the victory of the Frente

Amplio as first-time voters and all of them were born after the dictatorial period and grew

up during the first democratically elected governments

6 GG Vaillant

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Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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2012

milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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ptem

ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

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16

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ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

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2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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2012

Frente Amplio and the Political Left in Latin America

Latin American political activism cannot be understood if one does not take into account the

heritage of mass-based politics which emerged during the populist regimes of the 1930sndash

1960s (Foweraker 2001) the collective effervescence which characterized the region

during the 1960s and the subsequent legacy of the years of authoritarian regimes in many

countries (OrsquoDonnell et al 1986) Subsequently leftist political parties in the region were

profoundly shaped by processes of democratic transition on the one hand (Dagnino 1998)

and the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR on the other (Cavarozzi 1993)

Many authors have suggested that after the fall of the Soviet Union and the failed

revolutionary attempts the very idea of a totalizing narrative has been called into question

in Latin America (Castaneda 1993 Cavarozzi 1993 Dagnino 1998 Colburn 2002)

The Frente Amplio is a leftist coalition formed in 1971 integrating several groups from

the Uruguayan leftist political sphere Among others the Front includes socialists

communists Christian democrats social democrats leftist independents Trotskyites and

ex-guerrilla members It was declared illegal after the 1973 military coup drsquoetat but re-

emerged in 1984 when democracy was restored in Uruguay The Front achieved an electoral

majority for the first time in 2004 and was re-elected in 2009 Since its foundation this

coalition underwent a progressive ideological and programmatic renovation (Yaffe 2004)

characterized by (a) moderation (abandoning radicalism both in discourse and action) (b)

democratization (abandoning instrumentalist views of democracy to value it as an end in

itself) and (c) traditionalization (generating a legacy of traditions and myths) Beginning in

the early 1990s the Front expanded its electoral menu lsquobecoming increasingly catch-allrsquo

(Luna 2007 p 17) Even though this has been a barrier to the generation of internal

consensus it is one of the factors that accounts for the partyrsquos popularity in the present

Significantly the most popular faction within the Frente Amplio in the last election was the

lsquoMovimiento de Participacion Popularrsquo (Popular Participation Movement) whose founders

and current leaders bear the heritage of the guerrilla group lsquoMovimiento de Liberacion

Nacional-Tupamarosrsquo This faction defines itself as a lsquomovementrsquo and is organized around a

bottom-up conception of popular participation (Luna 2007 p 22)

This case speaks broadly to the sociological question of how current leftist political

identities have shifted within political organizations The leftist parties in the southern cone

have been profoundly shaped by democratic transition in the region (Cavarozzi 1993)

strongly adopting the language of democracy and human rights (Angell 1994 Munck 2000

Panizza 2005) The abandonment of an instrumentalist view of democracy and the new

centrality of electoral democracy as the best path towards progressive social transformation

has been empathized as a prevalent feature of the political Left in Latin America

(Przeworski 1991 Petras amp Harding 2000 Philip 2003) After a process of profound crisis

in the 1980s and 1990s Lechner coined lsquodisenchantmentrsquo (1990 p 105)1 the Left is making

a comeback in the region though under different ideological shades (Panizza 2005)

The recent literature on leftist identity emphasizes the new characteristics of political

culture and discourse usually presented as a lsquobreakrsquo with the lsquotraditional Leftrsquo The vast

majority of research in the field has been devoted to the lsquonew Leftrsquo (Grandin 2004 Zolov

2008 Gould 2009) to the emergence of a lsquosocial Leftrsquo (Petras amp Veltmeyer 2005) and to

the relatively recent victories of the lsquoelectoral Leftrsquo (Roberts 1995 Petras 2000)

However there is a dearth of literature on possible reconfigurations within traditional

spheres of political participation such as leftist political party youth organizations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 3

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As I show here the old political projects of the Left have not been completely tucked

away and buried The lsquotraditionalrsquo leftist identity is still a source of tension and an active

force of struggle and political capital within the Left Furthermore leftist identities are not

homogenous and static rather they are under contestation However in order to

understand how these identities operate it is necessary to understand how new generations

of leftist activists engage with lsquotimersquo and how they use it to constitute themselves and

lsquoalternatersquo significant political others In an important analysis Mische (2003) shows how

when studying Brazilian partisan youth it is not enough to analyze the ideological content

of their organizations to understand in-groupout-group affinities One must also pay close

attention to how the groups contest political time by analyzing their lsquotemporal cueingrsquo

that is how certain ties are deactivated at certain moments The efforts to delineate

identity and alterity in the context of specific timeframes imply power ascriptions and

leverage within the organization

Activist Identity and Alterity

Identities are not reified social categories but rather processes shaped by the multiple

group belongings in which actors embark Stryker et al (2000) state that social movement

and collective action theories have tended to gloss over the processes through which

identities are constructed and maintained Any collective activity based on mere agitation

would be short-lived and sporadic movements need to develop what Blumer (1953 p

205) has called an esprit de corps One of the many ways of generating this esprit de corps

is by developing a clear sense of identityalterity or in-groupout-group relations (Allport

1979 Tilly 2000) Political collective identities deal with boundaries (conceptual and

physical) in a lsquoconflicting spacersquo (Stone 1997 p 381)

Even though there is no consensual definition of identity in the social sciences the word

suggests a shared sense of lsquoone-nessrsquo or lsquowe-nessrsquo (Stryker et al 2000) Etymologically

lsquoalterityrsquo refers to the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo The concept of alterity analytically accounts

for a broader construct than that of lsquodifferencersquo which refers to an lsquootherrsquo with a concrete

existential reality Alterity refers to any acknowledged significant objectified other that is

perceived as external to the self (Mead 1936 Rapport amp Overing 2000 p 9) However

the fact that the lsquootherrsquo is alien should not be taken to mean that lsquowersquo are independent from

that other Rather identity and alterity are two sides of a same coin It is fundamental to

understand the process of collective identity formation in relational terms by paying close

attention to the complex and dynamic demarcation between an lsquousrsquo and a lsquothemrsquo

(Jelin 2003 Rucht 2007) that allows boundary-making (Whittier 1997 Pachucki et al

2007) I focus here on activistsrsquo perspectives on three lsquosetsrsquo of others that appear as

especially significant (1) non-activist youth (2) the older generations of activists

currently within the party and (3) older generations of activists from previous historical

moments2 As I will argue even though the second and third sometimes coincide in the

same individuals (young generations of activists from other historical times are many

times the older generations of the present) the categories need to be kept as analytically

distinct As Schutz and Luckmann (1973) has pointed out the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo needs

to encompass interactions beyond face-to-face and consider relationships that we

establish with people from other times and spaces

As the concept of lsquoyouthrsquo is highly contested and problematic (Bourdieu 1994) the

category of lsquogenerationsrsquo appears more analytically useful The notion of lsquoa generationrsquo is

4 GG Vaillant

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understood here not simply as a mere statistical aggregate of individuals that share an age

range but rather as a group of people that have experienced a similar socio-historical

epoch and are endowed with certain identitarian inscriptions (Mannheim 1993 [1952]

p 365) This does not mean that all members of a given generation interpret their life

experiences or conceptualize their political identities the same way According to

Mannheim (1993 [1952] p 40) the concept of lsquogenerational unitsrsquo accounts for the

various subgroups that exist within a generation and that constitute its heterogeneity Thus

Uruguayan youth can be subdivided into many differential groups that relate differently to

the world of politics The non-activist lsquootherrsquo youth appears as a different lsquogenerational

unitrsquo in the discourses of these young activists

Conceived in this way the relational dimension of generational identities becomes

primary as they are shaped in constant reaction to previously acknowledged generations

(Attias-Donfut amp Wolff 2000) Generations are precisely points of contact with

posteriority and anteriority (Schutz amp Luckmann 1973 p 92) The political party appears

as a place of interaction with older generations of activists who play a pivotal role in the

configuration of the political identities of these young activists The choice of this young

generation of activists as unit of analysis is rooted in the belief that they are placed in the

intersection between political traditionalism and transformation thus serving as an

interesting window into the study of temporality

Activist Identity and Temporality

Contra other usages of the term in the study of social movements the notion of

lsquotemporalityrsquo that is employed here is related to the collective subjective experience of the

pastndashpresentndashfuture triad This usage seeks to move from ontological to subjective and

from sequential to discontinuous definitions of temporality

Memories and forecast merge in the present to mold both discourses and practices (Tilly

1994b) The symbolic dimension of temporality affects both micro-social relations at the

interpersonal level and macro-social relations at the societal political level (Zerubavel 1987)

Temporality is not only a mental process but it is also crucial to affect embodiment and action

(Freeman 2007) This does not mean that experiences of temporality are immutable within

an organization they can be contested revised and simultaneously contradictory

Collective memories (founding events traditions myths heroes) provide groups with a

common identity and a sense of common origin (Blumer 1994 Olick amp Levy 1997

Assmann 2003) Collective memory is not a lsquostorehousersquo Rather it is an active and

selective process by means of which individuals take possession of an arsenal of meaning

that they inherit and make lsquousersquo of them in order to establish a sense of communion and

belonging (Halbwachs 1992 [1951] p 48) In this sense memories are lsquoinstrumentalrsquo for

political organizations (Lavarbre 2009 Edy 2006 p 2) Tilly pointed out that one cannot

account for the shared interest on which people will act without considering the mnemonic

frames they have available (Tilly 1994b p 244) However not all memory is lsquoup for grabsrsquo

or can be used instrumentally memory also operates as a mythical cultural constraint over

the present (Olick amp Levy 1997) functioning as the most obstinate of social structures

The conception of the future that a given group has is also fundamental for

understanding its identity It is impossible to refer to agents who seek to define and

dominate their surrounding and destinies if we do not contemplate the projects they have

for the future (Touraine 1987) The future is where groups deposit their expectations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 5

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dreams and ambitions and as the past it constitutes an essential component of their

individual and collective identity People constantly scan the present for opportunities and

threats which they use to estimate the likelihood of certain outcomes (Tilly 1994b p 247)

However the notion of future need not necessarily be located in linear procession from the

present Schutz (1962) referred to the notion of lsquowill have beenrsquo to account for possible

futures existent in the past Emirbayer and Mische (1998) theorize the importance of

lsquoprojectivityrsquo as a culturally embedded process that is rooted in an actorrsquos capacity to

hypothesize experience and elaborate possible alternatives for future action Leftist

movements have been characterized as lsquoteleologicalrsquo in nature (they are driven by utopias

placed in an indefinite future) It is thus important to see how the experiences of lsquofuturersquo

have or have not changed in a group of young activists who identified themselves with

socialism an ideology that has hoisted the emblem of profound social transformation as

part of their axiomatic repertoires

Methodology

The results of this study are based on field research carried out between April and July

2005 in Montevideo using four focus groups (total participants frac14 28) and in-depth

interviews (n frac14 8) conducted with young activists both male and female who

participated in the different political sectors of the Frente Amplio In order to ensure a

certain level of homogeneity (a prerequisite for focus groups Glaser amp Strauss 1967

Krueger 1998 Kitzinger amp Barbour 1999) participation was restricted to activists who

were between 18 and 24 years of age ( first time voters in the 2004 presidential elections)

residents of Montevideo and those having completed basic education (9 years of

schooling) at the time of research The selection criteria limited participation to a fraction

of the broader universe of leftist political youth activists thus caution must be taken when

extrapolating results presented here to youth activists outside this specific group

Participant Selection Criteria

Residents of Montevideo The location criterion was selected for accessibility purposes as

the focus groups were carried out in Montevideo It is possible to assume theoretically that

the experience of political activism in rural areas and in smaller cities is probably

considerably different from the experience in Montevideo this is something that would

require further research Approximately half the population of Uruguay lives in

Montevideo Despite a clear location bias it is important to point out that Montevideo

was the most theoretically relevant location given the highly centralized nature of

Uruguayan politics it is where the political center of the Frente Amplio is and where

national political decisions are made Additionally since 1990 the Frente Amplio has

controlled Montevideo drawing its most important political support from this region of the

country (Winn 1995)

Age Range Given the theoretical relevance of the notion of generations the intention

was to guarantee a common generational inscription among participants This allowed for

a shared reference to a political lifetime a similar socialization and political experience

within the party They were the only generation to experience the victory of the Frente

Amplio as first-time voters and all of them were born after the dictatorial period and grew

up during the first democratically elected governments

6 GG Vaillant

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Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

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ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

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16

47 2

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ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ber

2012

As I show here the old political projects of the Left have not been completely tucked

away and buried The lsquotraditionalrsquo leftist identity is still a source of tension and an active

force of struggle and political capital within the Left Furthermore leftist identities are not

homogenous and static rather they are under contestation However in order to

understand how these identities operate it is necessary to understand how new generations

of leftist activists engage with lsquotimersquo and how they use it to constitute themselves and

lsquoalternatersquo significant political others In an important analysis Mische (2003) shows how

when studying Brazilian partisan youth it is not enough to analyze the ideological content

of their organizations to understand in-groupout-group affinities One must also pay close

attention to how the groups contest political time by analyzing their lsquotemporal cueingrsquo

that is how certain ties are deactivated at certain moments The efforts to delineate

identity and alterity in the context of specific timeframes imply power ascriptions and

leverage within the organization

Activist Identity and Alterity

Identities are not reified social categories but rather processes shaped by the multiple

group belongings in which actors embark Stryker et al (2000) state that social movement

and collective action theories have tended to gloss over the processes through which

identities are constructed and maintained Any collective activity based on mere agitation

would be short-lived and sporadic movements need to develop what Blumer (1953 p

205) has called an esprit de corps One of the many ways of generating this esprit de corps

is by developing a clear sense of identityalterity or in-groupout-group relations (Allport

1979 Tilly 2000) Political collective identities deal with boundaries (conceptual and

physical) in a lsquoconflicting spacersquo (Stone 1997 p 381)

Even though there is no consensual definition of identity in the social sciences the word

suggests a shared sense of lsquoone-nessrsquo or lsquowe-nessrsquo (Stryker et al 2000) Etymologically

lsquoalterityrsquo refers to the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo The concept of alterity analytically accounts

for a broader construct than that of lsquodifferencersquo which refers to an lsquootherrsquo with a concrete

existential reality Alterity refers to any acknowledged significant objectified other that is

perceived as external to the self (Mead 1936 Rapport amp Overing 2000 p 9) However

the fact that the lsquootherrsquo is alien should not be taken to mean that lsquowersquo are independent from

that other Rather identity and alterity are two sides of a same coin It is fundamental to

understand the process of collective identity formation in relational terms by paying close

attention to the complex and dynamic demarcation between an lsquousrsquo and a lsquothemrsquo

(Jelin 2003 Rucht 2007) that allows boundary-making (Whittier 1997 Pachucki et al

2007) I focus here on activistsrsquo perspectives on three lsquosetsrsquo of others that appear as

especially significant (1) non-activist youth (2) the older generations of activists

currently within the party and (3) older generations of activists from previous historical

moments2 As I will argue even though the second and third sometimes coincide in the

same individuals (young generations of activists from other historical times are many

times the older generations of the present) the categories need to be kept as analytically

distinct As Schutz and Luckmann (1973) has pointed out the notion of lsquoothernessrsquo needs

to encompass interactions beyond face-to-face and consider relationships that we

establish with people from other times and spaces

As the concept of lsquoyouthrsquo is highly contested and problematic (Bourdieu 1994) the

category of lsquogenerationsrsquo appears more analytically useful The notion of lsquoa generationrsquo is

4 GG Vaillant

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2012

understood here not simply as a mere statistical aggregate of individuals that share an age

range but rather as a group of people that have experienced a similar socio-historical

epoch and are endowed with certain identitarian inscriptions (Mannheim 1993 [1952]

p 365) This does not mean that all members of a given generation interpret their life

experiences or conceptualize their political identities the same way According to

Mannheim (1993 [1952] p 40) the concept of lsquogenerational unitsrsquo accounts for the

various subgroups that exist within a generation and that constitute its heterogeneity Thus

Uruguayan youth can be subdivided into many differential groups that relate differently to

the world of politics The non-activist lsquootherrsquo youth appears as a different lsquogenerational

unitrsquo in the discourses of these young activists

Conceived in this way the relational dimension of generational identities becomes

primary as they are shaped in constant reaction to previously acknowledged generations

(Attias-Donfut amp Wolff 2000) Generations are precisely points of contact with

posteriority and anteriority (Schutz amp Luckmann 1973 p 92) The political party appears

as a place of interaction with older generations of activists who play a pivotal role in the

configuration of the political identities of these young activists The choice of this young

generation of activists as unit of analysis is rooted in the belief that they are placed in the

intersection between political traditionalism and transformation thus serving as an

interesting window into the study of temporality

Activist Identity and Temporality

Contra other usages of the term in the study of social movements the notion of

lsquotemporalityrsquo that is employed here is related to the collective subjective experience of the

pastndashpresentndashfuture triad This usage seeks to move from ontological to subjective and

from sequential to discontinuous definitions of temporality

Memories and forecast merge in the present to mold both discourses and practices (Tilly

1994b) The symbolic dimension of temporality affects both micro-social relations at the

interpersonal level and macro-social relations at the societal political level (Zerubavel 1987)

Temporality is not only a mental process but it is also crucial to affect embodiment and action

(Freeman 2007) This does not mean that experiences of temporality are immutable within

an organization they can be contested revised and simultaneously contradictory

Collective memories (founding events traditions myths heroes) provide groups with a

common identity and a sense of common origin (Blumer 1994 Olick amp Levy 1997

Assmann 2003) Collective memory is not a lsquostorehousersquo Rather it is an active and

selective process by means of which individuals take possession of an arsenal of meaning

that they inherit and make lsquousersquo of them in order to establish a sense of communion and

belonging (Halbwachs 1992 [1951] p 48) In this sense memories are lsquoinstrumentalrsquo for

political organizations (Lavarbre 2009 Edy 2006 p 2) Tilly pointed out that one cannot

account for the shared interest on which people will act without considering the mnemonic

frames they have available (Tilly 1994b p 244) However not all memory is lsquoup for grabsrsquo

or can be used instrumentally memory also operates as a mythical cultural constraint over

the present (Olick amp Levy 1997) functioning as the most obstinate of social structures

The conception of the future that a given group has is also fundamental for

understanding its identity It is impossible to refer to agents who seek to define and

dominate their surrounding and destinies if we do not contemplate the projects they have

for the future (Touraine 1987) The future is where groups deposit their expectations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 5

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2012

dreams and ambitions and as the past it constitutes an essential component of their

individual and collective identity People constantly scan the present for opportunities and

threats which they use to estimate the likelihood of certain outcomes (Tilly 1994b p 247)

However the notion of future need not necessarily be located in linear procession from the

present Schutz (1962) referred to the notion of lsquowill have beenrsquo to account for possible

futures existent in the past Emirbayer and Mische (1998) theorize the importance of

lsquoprojectivityrsquo as a culturally embedded process that is rooted in an actorrsquos capacity to

hypothesize experience and elaborate possible alternatives for future action Leftist

movements have been characterized as lsquoteleologicalrsquo in nature (they are driven by utopias

placed in an indefinite future) It is thus important to see how the experiences of lsquofuturersquo

have or have not changed in a group of young activists who identified themselves with

socialism an ideology that has hoisted the emblem of profound social transformation as

part of their axiomatic repertoires

Methodology

The results of this study are based on field research carried out between April and July

2005 in Montevideo using four focus groups (total participants frac14 28) and in-depth

interviews (n frac14 8) conducted with young activists both male and female who

participated in the different political sectors of the Frente Amplio In order to ensure a

certain level of homogeneity (a prerequisite for focus groups Glaser amp Strauss 1967

Krueger 1998 Kitzinger amp Barbour 1999) participation was restricted to activists who

were between 18 and 24 years of age ( first time voters in the 2004 presidential elections)

residents of Montevideo and those having completed basic education (9 years of

schooling) at the time of research The selection criteria limited participation to a fraction

of the broader universe of leftist political youth activists thus caution must be taken when

extrapolating results presented here to youth activists outside this specific group

Participant Selection Criteria

Residents of Montevideo The location criterion was selected for accessibility purposes as

the focus groups were carried out in Montevideo It is possible to assume theoretically that

the experience of political activism in rural areas and in smaller cities is probably

considerably different from the experience in Montevideo this is something that would

require further research Approximately half the population of Uruguay lives in

Montevideo Despite a clear location bias it is important to point out that Montevideo

was the most theoretically relevant location given the highly centralized nature of

Uruguayan politics it is where the political center of the Frente Amplio is and where

national political decisions are made Additionally since 1990 the Frente Amplio has

controlled Montevideo drawing its most important political support from this region of the

country (Winn 1995)

Age Range Given the theoretical relevance of the notion of generations the intention

was to guarantee a common generational inscription among participants This allowed for

a shared reference to a political lifetime a similar socialization and political experience

within the party They were the only generation to experience the victory of the Frente

Amplio as first-time voters and all of them were born after the dictatorial period and grew

up during the first democratically elected governments

6 GG Vaillant

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Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

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ded

by [

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ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

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47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ford

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ries

] at

16

47 2

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ptem

ber

2012

understood here not simply as a mere statistical aggregate of individuals that share an age

range but rather as a group of people that have experienced a similar socio-historical

epoch and are endowed with certain identitarian inscriptions (Mannheim 1993 [1952]

p 365) This does not mean that all members of a given generation interpret their life

experiences or conceptualize their political identities the same way According to

Mannheim (1993 [1952] p 40) the concept of lsquogenerational unitsrsquo accounts for the

various subgroups that exist within a generation and that constitute its heterogeneity Thus

Uruguayan youth can be subdivided into many differential groups that relate differently to

the world of politics The non-activist lsquootherrsquo youth appears as a different lsquogenerational

unitrsquo in the discourses of these young activists

Conceived in this way the relational dimension of generational identities becomes

primary as they are shaped in constant reaction to previously acknowledged generations

(Attias-Donfut amp Wolff 2000) Generations are precisely points of contact with

posteriority and anteriority (Schutz amp Luckmann 1973 p 92) The political party appears

as a place of interaction with older generations of activists who play a pivotal role in the

configuration of the political identities of these young activists The choice of this young

generation of activists as unit of analysis is rooted in the belief that they are placed in the

intersection between political traditionalism and transformation thus serving as an

interesting window into the study of temporality

Activist Identity and Temporality

Contra other usages of the term in the study of social movements the notion of

lsquotemporalityrsquo that is employed here is related to the collective subjective experience of the

pastndashpresentndashfuture triad This usage seeks to move from ontological to subjective and

from sequential to discontinuous definitions of temporality

Memories and forecast merge in the present to mold both discourses and practices (Tilly

1994b) The symbolic dimension of temporality affects both micro-social relations at the

interpersonal level and macro-social relations at the societal political level (Zerubavel 1987)

Temporality is not only a mental process but it is also crucial to affect embodiment and action

(Freeman 2007) This does not mean that experiences of temporality are immutable within

an organization they can be contested revised and simultaneously contradictory

Collective memories (founding events traditions myths heroes) provide groups with a

common identity and a sense of common origin (Blumer 1994 Olick amp Levy 1997

Assmann 2003) Collective memory is not a lsquostorehousersquo Rather it is an active and

selective process by means of which individuals take possession of an arsenal of meaning

that they inherit and make lsquousersquo of them in order to establish a sense of communion and

belonging (Halbwachs 1992 [1951] p 48) In this sense memories are lsquoinstrumentalrsquo for

political organizations (Lavarbre 2009 Edy 2006 p 2) Tilly pointed out that one cannot

account for the shared interest on which people will act without considering the mnemonic

frames they have available (Tilly 1994b p 244) However not all memory is lsquoup for grabsrsquo

or can be used instrumentally memory also operates as a mythical cultural constraint over

the present (Olick amp Levy 1997) functioning as the most obstinate of social structures

The conception of the future that a given group has is also fundamental for

understanding its identity It is impossible to refer to agents who seek to define and

dominate their surrounding and destinies if we do not contemplate the projects they have

for the future (Touraine 1987) The future is where groups deposit their expectations

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 5

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2012

dreams and ambitions and as the past it constitutes an essential component of their

individual and collective identity People constantly scan the present for opportunities and

threats which they use to estimate the likelihood of certain outcomes (Tilly 1994b p 247)

However the notion of future need not necessarily be located in linear procession from the

present Schutz (1962) referred to the notion of lsquowill have beenrsquo to account for possible

futures existent in the past Emirbayer and Mische (1998) theorize the importance of

lsquoprojectivityrsquo as a culturally embedded process that is rooted in an actorrsquos capacity to

hypothesize experience and elaborate possible alternatives for future action Leftist

movements have been characterized as lsquoteleologicalrsquo in nature (they are driven by utopias

placed in an indefinite future) It is thus important to see how the experiences of lsquofuturersquo

have or have not changed in a group of young activists who identified themselves with

socialism an ideology that has hoisted the emblem of profound social transformation as

part of their axiomatic repertoires

Methodology

The results of this study are based on field research carried out between April and July

2005 in Montevideo using four focus groups (total participants frac14 28) and in-depth

interviews (n frac14 8) conducted with young activists both male and female who

participated in the different political sectors of the Frente Amplio In order to ensure a

certain level of homogeneity (a prerequisite for focus groups Glaser amp Strauss 1967

Krueger 1998 Kitzinger amp Barbour 1999) participation was restricted to activists who

were between 18 and 24 years of age ( first time voters in the 2004 presidential elections)

residents of Montevideo and those having completed basic education (9 years of

schooling) at the time of research The selection criteria limited participation to a fraction

of the broader universe of leftist political youth activists thus caution must be taken when

extrapolating results presented here to youth activists outside this specific group

Participant Selection Criteria

Residents of Montevideo The location criterion was selected for accessibility purposes as

the focus groups were carried out in Montevideo It is possible to assume theoretically that

the experience of political activism in rural areas and in smaller cities is probably

considerably different from the experience in Montevideo this is something that would

require further research Approximately half the population of Uruguay lives in

Montevideo Despite a clear location bias it is important to point out that Montevideo

was the most theoretically relevant location given the highly centralized nature of

Uruguayan politics it is where the political center of the Frente Amplio is and where

national political decisions are made Additionally since 1990 the Frente Amplio has

controlled Montevideo drawing its most important political support from this region of the

country (Winn 1995)

Age Range Given the theoretical relevance of the notion of generations the intention

was to guarantee a common generational inscription among participants This allowed for

a shared reference to a political lifetime a similar socialization and political experience

within the party They were the only generation to experience the victory of the Frente

Amplio as first-time voters and all of them were born after the dictatorial period and grew

up during the first democratically elected governments

6 GG Vaillant

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2012

Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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2012

milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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ber

2012

well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

Dow

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16

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8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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16

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2012

adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

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2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ber

2012

dreams and ambitions and as the past it constitutes an essential component of their

individual and collective identity People constantly scan the present for opportunities and

threats which they use to estimate the likelihood of certain outcomes (Tilly 1994b p 247)

However the notion of future need not necessarily be located in linear procession from the

present Schutz (1962) referred to the notion of lsquowill have beenrsquo to account for possible

futures existent in the past Emirbayer and Mische (1998) theorize the importance of

lsquoprojectivityrsquo as a culturally embedded process that is rooted in an actorrsquos capacity to

hypothesize experience and elaborate possible alternatives for future action Leftist

movements have been characterized as lsquoteleologicalrsquo in nature (they are driven by utopias

placed in an indefinite future) It is thus important to see how the experiences of lsquofuturersquo

have or have not changed in a group of young activists who identified themselves with

socialism an ideology that has hoisted the emblem of profound social transformation as

part of their axiomatic repertoires

Methodology

The results of this study are based on field research carried out between April and July

2005 in Montevideo using four focus groups (total participants frac14 28) and in-depth

interviews (n frac14 8) conducted with young activists both male and female who

participated in the different political sectors of the Frente Amplio In order to ensure a

certain level of homogeneity (a prerequisite for focus groups Glaser amp Strauss 1967

Krueger 1998 Kitzinger amp Barbour 1999) participation was restricted to activists who

were between 18 and 24 years of age ( first time voters in the 2004 presidential elections)

residents of Montevideo and those having completed basic education (9 years of

schooling) at the time of research The selection criteria limited participation to a fraction

of the broader universe of leftist political youth activists thus caution must be taken when

extrapolating results presented here to youth activists outside this specific group

Participant Selection Criteria

Residents of Montevideo The location criterion was selected for accessibility purposes as

the focus groups were carried out in Montevideo It is possible to assume theoretically that

the experience of political activism in rural areas and in smaller cities is probably

considerably different from the experience in Montevideo this is something that would

require further research Approximately half the population of Uruguay lives in

Montevideo Despite a clear location bias it is important to point out that Montevideo

was the most theoretically relevant location given the highly centralized nature of

Uruguayan politics it is where the political center of the Frente Amplio is and where

national political decisions are made Additionally since 1990 the Frente Amplio has

controlled Montevideo drawing its most important political support from this region of the

country (Winn 1995)

Age Range Given the theoretical relevance of the notion of generations the intention

was to guarantee a common generational inscription among participants This allowed for

a shared reference to a political lifetime a similar socialization and political experience

within the party They were the only generation to experience the victory of the Frente

Amplio as first-time voters and all of them were born after the dictatorial period and grew

up during the first democratically elected governments

6 GG Vaillant

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Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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16

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

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2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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2012

Basic Education Level Several authors have emphasized that when using focus groups it

is important to guarantee certain homogeneity in terms of educational level The reason for

this is that large gaps among participants in terms of educational levels lead to social

capital differentials leading in turn to the subjugation of certain discourses by others in

focus groups settings (Ibanez 1986 Valles 1997 Canales amp Peinado 1999) The

criterion of recruiting participants with completed basic education at time of research tried

to guarantee a minimum homogeneity in this regard Nevertheless it is important to point

out that the minimum level required was quite low for national standards (Uruguay

mandates 9 years of schooling as compulsory and over 70 of young adults have

completed this level) This could have led to a potential problem of selection bias that

excluded young working class activists from the sample but it is possible to assert that this

is actually a form of historically existing bias within leftist political party activism itself

(Schmidt 2001 Espinoza amp Madrid 2010) One of the reasons for this can be related to

the privileged place of the university as a space for recruiting activists Even though there

is no census or specific research carried out among political activists that would allow

comparing the sample to the overall population the latest National Youth Survey (ENAJ

2008) enables us to locate this sample within the broader universe of youth activists in

Uruguay According to this census a little less than half of Uruguayan young people

participate in some type of organization (religious recreational social and political)

however only 2 are politically involved in political party activism most of whom come

from favorable socio-economic backgrounds with educated parents (ENAJ 2008) A brief

survey carried out with participants before the start of the focus groups and with

interviewees reveals several forms of unintended bias Most activists participating in this

research were university students from public universities (93) studying lsquosocialrsquo degrees

(84) Finally 91 of the activists participating in this study had at least one parent that

voted for the Frente Amplio in the preceding election It is undeniable that these

characteristics permeate the participantsrsquo political discourses

The choice of focus groups3 as the main method was rooted in an attempt to avoid what

Kansteiner has described as a lsquopotentially grave methodological errorrsquo consisting in

analyzing collective memories exclusively in terms of the psychological and emotional

dynamics of individual remembering (Kansteiner 2002 p 185) Interviews functioned as

a space to further the analysis of topics which might not emerge in group settings Both

focus groups and interviews were carried out and analyzed in Spanish fragments were

translated into English by the author

The focus groups and interview questions were open-ended and did not revolve around

the issue of temporality Temporality as a prism for studying their discourses only emerged

during the research (responses were not prompted around pastpresentfuture) the findings

thus reflect how the past and future naturally emerge and are invoked in the context of

discussions around other political and organizational issues Special attention is paid

throughout the analysis to the use of lsquodeixisrsquo or how the intention of lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo changes

across utterances (Wagner-Pacifici 2010) Ambiguities and discursive metaphors are also

traced in the enunciations as important constituents of political identities (Stone 1997)

The Past That Which We Are But Never Really Will Be

One unequivocal thing emerged from the participantsrsquo reflections upon the Left in the past

activism was quite different lsquoback thenrsquo According to these young activists two historical

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 7

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milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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2012

all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ford

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] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

milestones are particularly relevant for the Frente Amplio identity the epic 1960s and the

dark years of military dictatorship in the 1970s The overarching significant lsquoothersrsquo here

are the previous generations of activists

Activistsrsquo evocation of militancy in the Sixties reflected a blend of nostalgia and

admiration for a time that appeared more apt for radical political transformation and

change References to the lsquoepic sixtiesrsquo appeared throughout the discourses with common

references to world events that were seen as having key impacts on their political

identities not through direct experience but through the mediated experiences of others

Some of the most salient images referred to the Latin American guerrilla movements

(Tupamaros in Uruguay) the Cuban Revolution May lsquo68 and the Cold War Because the

formation of the Frente Amplio is relatively recent the founding memories of the

organization were not placed in a distant past but rather in a recent past that is still vibrant

There was a certain poetic veil which covered some of the discourses of these young

activists when referring to this recent past and the symbolic images it evokes As the

quoted extracts below reflect while for previous generations the future was seen as within

touching distance for younger generations today it is seen as uncertain

In the 60s you had many things going on the Cuban Revolution was at its fullest in

France you had the students of May 68 the Sixties were I donrsquot mean to imply

that I would have liked to live back in the Sixties I know they also went through

rough times but political activism was more poetic in a way dreams were right

there at your reach you could see socialism advancing a crisis in the Empire

(Ines Focus Group 3 italics added here and elsewhere by the author)

The lsquobusrsquo of the revolution the utopias the dreams all the icons I think this all

composes a legacy we have received from them (Andrea Interview)

We also raise the flags of previous generations the mobilizing capacity that young

people had in the sixties a capacity that was not only theoretical but also

practical of materialization of ideals You had the Cuban Revolution the Soviet

bloc China all in the context of the Cold War which meant that your enemy was

there [ ] They could almost touch it the Revolution was right there lsquoround the

cornerrsquo (Pedro Interview)

The figure of the activist and the heroic lsquoguerrillerorsquo appear as particularly significant for

young people of this generation Images of these years are embodied in a romantic flair and

covered in mystique As one activist expressed lsquoour generation doesnrsquot have any martyrs

yet it is therefore comprehensible that we borrow them from previous generationsrsquo

The reference to lsquowersquo and lsquotheyrsquo marks a clear distinction between differently

acknowledged generations as activists from the 1960s appear as an important lsquomirrorrsquo for

scrutinizing their own activities but one cannot be understood without the other The

limitations of current political activism can only be understood according to them if

placed in striking contrast with a time in which possibilities were up for grabs This image

of a revolution lsquoas a busrsquo that you could simply lsquoget onrsquo clearly illustrates this idea The

activists of the 1960s and early 1970s were many times described as immaculate and

altruistic individuals who were willing to sacrifice their lives for noble principles and the

8 GG Vaillant

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2012

well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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16

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2012

all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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16

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ptem

ber

2012

adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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2012

The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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16

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2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

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ded

by [

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ford

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ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ford

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16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

well-being of others They are portrayed as 247 individuals that devoted all their time to

lsquothe causersquo and that were committed to the party A socialist female activist explained

People were more committed back then there was the 24-hour activist today we

simply donrsquot have the time nor the strength to spend 24 h in the party I also think

that young activists probably read much more than we do Today we have many

young people participating in the Socialist Party that have never read Marx or

other important thinkers from the left We no longer have those long days drinking

coffee studying and arguing [ ] Now the value of what we do has changed

(Soledad interview)

Though some activists openly expressed admiration for previous generations others

emphasized the fact that times have changed and that this type of participation is neither

viable today nor desirable Respondents mostly stated that though they recognize the

legacy of the generation of former activists it is necessary to contextualize it as a concrete

form of participation that corresponds to a specific historical timeframe Change in the

temporality is used here as a justification for a different available mode of political

participation different contexts enabled different types of activism

They say lsquothe Broad Front today is not what it was in rsquo71rsquo I think that we are not

what we were in rsquo71 because among other things Uruguay is not what it used to be

If you want the Frente Amplio to be what it was you are a leftist conservative

(Roberto Focus Group 4)

Martin 30 years ago activism was fundamental go to the university throw a bomb

[ ]

Gabriel I also think we need to contextualize and understand that to each historical

epoch corresponds a different type of activistwe go against the image (Focus Group 3)

When these young activists identified milestones in the history of their organization the

years of repression and the Uruguayan dictatorship appeared as common historical

reference Memories of these years were uncontested in the sense that no one dared to

question the impact that the dictatorship had on the party and its activists The prevailing

discursive tone when referring to these years was always of respect and great sorrow

Some activists used the images of lsquocrossrsquo or lsquoscarrsquo to refer to the impact these years had on

the Left and on the country in general It is interesting to see how the generational

boundaries are erased here and the older activists become the object of identification rather

than comparison The trauma and presentness of the horrific experiences of the

dictatorship (due to their closeness and emotional weight) allows young activists to also

feel part of that narrative Here the lsquousrsquolsquowersquo comes to encompass everyone in the Frente

Amplio (or Left in general) when the dictatorship is evoked the comparison is now

explicitly defined with regard to the lsquonon-leftrsquo

Without a doubt the dictatorship was something fundamental for us The greatest

victory of the left and of our people was to defeat the dictatorship I think that

it is something that left profound marks in all of the activists of the time and on

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 9

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2012

all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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16

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2012

adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

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ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ber

2012

all of us as well Meeting someone that has been to prison for so many years or

that has been tortured is mobilizing I see it like a cross we must carry (Rosa

Interview)

For me the dictatorship was like a milestone I think that is was actually favorable for

the unification of the Left people that adhere to different ideologies but that

today see each other and hug because they were cellmates itrsquos intense All of our

leadership went through some very tough experiences and I think that this also

creates a common identity Unification through resistance and suffering itrsquos

horrible but at the end it contributed to unity (Ana Focus Group 4)

Scholars who have studied the place of lsquocultural traumarsquo in mnemonic practices have

highlighted the emotional weight of these types of experiences in the communities which

have witnessed them (Perelli 1994 Schirmer 1994 Roniger amp Sznajder 1999 Jelin

2002 Alexander 2004 Eyerman 2004) Memory of the dictatorship exercises a cohesive

force in the present delimiting boundaries between the different parties in the political

field As the Uruguayan left is constituted by a complex ideological mosaic in which very

different sectors come together lsquocommonrsquo suffering appears to be decisive for the political

coalition In a suggestive essay about the relationship between memorization and political

identification in Uruguay Methol Ferre (1994) states that the current electoral growth of

the Left is rooted precisely in the emotional power of the historical narratives it evokes

Authors have referred to the idea of lsquocommunities of memoryrsquo (Booth 2006) or

lsquomnemonic communitiesrsquo (Zerubavel 2003) in order to account for this subjective sense

of a common past Methol Ferre coins the notions of lsquocommunities of bloodrsquo to refer to

the case of the Uruguayan left where the profound marks left by the dreadful experiences

of the dictatorship are not only mnemonically but also physically present in the

bodies of those who survived The memorializing of these years evokes an amalgam of

strong common symbolic images lsquoblood as a boundary that divided ldquousrdquo from ldquothemrdquorsquo

Perelli (1994 p 40)

However this forging of a collective identity around resistance and suffering in the

dictatorship comes not without tensions as the proximity of events allows some

generations to claim more legitimacy over those memories Though the memories in

themselves were not challenged it is important to highlight that some young activists were

especially critical of the political lsquousagersquo that older members of the party made of these

experiences in the present The idea of lsquosacrificersquo during the dictatorship is seen by some

as operating as a legitimating credential used by older generations of activists (Aguiar et al

2008) A young activist describes this lsquousagersquo of memory in the following way

There are many people within the left that tend to say lsquothose that were in prison are

more leftist than the restrsquo [ ] they are always saying lsquooh but he was a political

prisonerrsquo There is this horrible idea in the party that the more you were tortured

the more leftist you are (Andres Interview)

In this sense it is possible to see how remembrance has a political function within the

party which is appropriated differently by different generations of activists The

relationship between collective memory power and trauma appears as especially

significant in this context Physical experiences of these years are the sole monopoly of the

10 GG Vaillant

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16

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2012

adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

Dow

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2012

The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

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[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

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ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

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Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

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ity L

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ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

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2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

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ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ford

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16

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ptem

ber

2012

adults within the organization and perhaps unintentionally they are used as an instrument

for legitimating generational power structures within the party The movement here is

again towards generational boundary-making but this time between young leftist activists

(who remember) and contemporary elders (who experience) Jelin (2002) has referred to

the particular importance of traumatic events such as the Latin American dictatorships in

collective remembrance and the differential appropriation that social groups make of

them Different social groups evoke a same historical event differently The fact that many

of the victims of the dictatorship and the repressive years before are still alive today

endows them with a special type of symbolic power over this narrative in comparison to

new generations This gives rise to a complex power relation matrix based on an implicit

legitimacy over the right to lsquonarratersquo a collective story (Polletta 2006) The temporal

closeness of a remembered historical event has an effect on the organizational structures of

the party and the power dynamics taking place between long-time activists and

newcomers What matters here is that having a certain age signifies having been part of a

certain struggle

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the foundational past young activists

draw on a common identity with their fellow partisan elders The epic sixties and

resistance to the dictatorship serve as a unifying mnemonic framework that identifies a

collective lsquowersquo (the Left) in opposition to the rest According to the young activists the

past was much more future-oriented and it enabled a different more radical and devoted

type of activism However problems arise when the meaning and symbols of that common

past (as well as the ascription to that past of a more active and sacrificial militancy) can be

more easily and legitimately appropriated by some members over others (in this case the

elder activists) In these instances the lsquowersquolsquothemrsquo boundary is immediately reshaped from

ideology to age In this process important generational power differentials are exposed

that as the next section illustrates have effects on political action

The Present Apathetic Youth and Oxidized Party Politics

The world of politics is undergoing processes of profound transformation permeating the

lsquotraditionalrsquo forms of political participation Activists themselves referred to these changes

constantly though readings of the current relationship between youth and politics varied

greatly among participants and gave rise to lively discussions in the focus groups

Interestingly the image of previous generations of activistsmdashand the perceived

immediateness of their futuremdashlsquohauntsrsquo these young activistsrsquo evaluation of themselves

in relation to other young people in the present It is possible to identify two different ways

of interpreting the current estrangement of young people from partisan politics one

reading placed the blame on uninterested young people the other on unattractive party

politics

On the one hand it is possible to distinguish a set of statements that allude to the idea of

an apathetic contemporary individualistic youth Here responsibility is placed on the

young people themselves who are portrayed as lsquouninterestedrsquo lsquoselfishrsquo lsquoconsumeristrsquo and

lsquoegocentricrsquo Generally those who ascribed to this theory explained apathy as a

consequence of the perverse logic of capitalism that promotes individualization

segmentation and a philosophy of lsquodo your own thingrsquo (in the words of 7UP as quoted in

focus group 4) at the expense of more collective values Here the comparison is drawn

between those who opt for political involvement and those who do not

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 11

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The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

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ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

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ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

The new generations are uninterested in participation because of hundreds of

reasons drugs because I do my own thing (Maite Focus Group 1)

The opposing vision that emerged sought to explain young peoplersquos distanciation from

party politics as an expression of a change in generational preferences and an inability on

the part of the political parties to attract young people and adjust to new times This

second reading emphasized the fact that young people are involved in other collective

endeavors (artistic social) thus calling for a distinction between participation in general

and political party participation as one form of it According to this reading the

responsibility for the lack of interest in formal political participation should be placed on

the political system and the political parties themselves which have not been effective or

efficient in attracting young people The proponents of this view consider themselves both

part of the problem and part of the possible solution

I would say that young people are organized and they are involved in multiple

projects There are numerous forms of participation many which are virtually

ignored by our party Organize a rock concert and see how many young people

show up And I think that this lack of clarity on our part has negative effects on how

the youth relates to formal politics many times they donrsquot feel that their interests are

being represented We are responsible for not getting across to them (Patricia

Interview)

This led many young activists to call for an urgent revision of the partyrsquos organization and

the way in which politics is being carried out There appears to be a big gap between young

peoplersquos interest lsquoout therersquo in the words of one activist and the reality of political parties

One way of bridging this gap is to look for innovative forms of activism that are more

appealing to young people and that are attuned to emerging subjectivities The existence of

lsquoobsoletersquo demands and tactics and the assignment of unattractive tasks to the youth in the

party were seen as two plausible explanations for the current distance of young people

from formal channels of participation The older generations of activists were many times

held accountable for this many participants referred to gerontocratic structures that were

counterproductive for innovation and change In the words of an activist lsquowhite hair has

more legitimacy in the party than acnersquo (Juan Focus Group 1) Young activists see their

own role within the party as that of a revitalizing force in the present though the means for

that are oftentimes blocked The older generations appear to be infusing the past in the

present both in terms of the content of many discussions (that these young activists see as

outdated) and in terms of an incapacity to revise traditional forms of participation Here

the identification process is along generational lines (lsquowe are youngrsquo)

In our organization we are trying to transform and change that idea sooo sixtyish of

the activist There are other forms of political expressions that also represent us

fewer debates and assemblies [ ] more games and concerts [ ] which our

generation identifies with (Andrea Interview)

I think that the party reproduces within itself the very same inequality and

asymmetry which are sociologically present in the society it seeks to transform

12 GG Vaillant

Dow

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ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

[ ] Itrsquos a political participation which is kind of patriarchal sexist and

gerontocratic (Pablo Focus Group 1)

However though they identified common generational traits with non-party youth that

distance them from the older generations of activists they nonetheless confessed to a sense

of lsquoexceptionalismrsquo or lsquostrangenessrsquo with regard to their contemporaries Many stated that

they constantly felt misunderstood by their non-activist friends who saw their involvement

in party politics as a waste of time or as something outdated This mismatch between their

self-definition and other young peoplersquos definition of them generated a sense of dislocation

and dissociating crisis Here again the lsquoghostrsquo of past generations reappeared as a source

of comparison

They see you like a crazy girl that spends all her life fighting for something that

according to them will never change [ ] they look at you weird (Soledad

Interview)

Miguel Before if you were in politics [ ] you were like

Victor A god

Miguel Now you say Irsquom 20 years old and I am a political activist and they say

lsquoYou are crazyrsquo they even look at you weird

Lucia Like a strange creature [ ]

Miguel Before it was also a fad

Roberto It was also a different context there were external factors that promoted

that image the idea that another perfect world was possible [ ] Then they had to

realize that it wasnrsquot so perfect

Miguel that that other world was like a horizon (Focus Group 4)

The adjectives which are used by others to describe them (lsquostrangersquo lsquolunaticrsquo lsquocrazyrsquo

lsquosectrsquo) all imply the discrediting of their activity This image that non-activist youth

projects to them contradicts both the images that they have of the relationship between

previous generations of young activists and society and the image they have of their

political involvement Just as their elder counterparts they are convinced that political

party activism is the best way to achieve deep transformations Nevertheless as the next

section illustrates there exists a sense of frustration related to their reading of prospective

futures

In conclusion when the tempos being evoked is the present young activists tend to

differentiate themselves from the elders in the party (sometimes nostalgically and at other

times proudly) and in this process of differentiation another important lsquousrsquolsquootherrsquo

boundary emerges that is defined by generational ascription Their diagnosis of the present

lack of political participation by young people is embedded in the images these young

activists receive from the past regarding the social meaning attributed to leftist activism in

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 13

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

previous decades vis-a-vis a present time in which their activity appears to be

underestimated and downplayed When talking about the present these young activists

differentiate themselves from both the elder generations (who according to them have

been lsquostuckrsquo to a traditional form of militancy) and their contemporary lsquoothersrsquo (who are

not politically active) This lsquodouble differentiationrsquo appears in different moments of

discourse when they are describing internal differences in the political party (looking

inward) young activists tend to identify themselves as lsquoyouthrsquo to explain generational

clashes within the Frente Amplio when they are describing the generalized lack of

political involvement (looking outward) the generational lines become diffused and the

line of distinction is drawn with those outside of the party

The Future Between Revolution and a Hard Place

Just like the lsquoreal pastrsquo the lsquoreal futurersquo is only obtainable through hypothesization its

realm of possibility is subjected to the specific understandings of what is seen as

materially plausible from the present (Mead 1932) At the same time notions of lsquofuture

perfectrsquomdashimagining what will have been for past generationsmdashalso influences

evaluations and understandings of possible futures (Emirbayer amp Mische 1998 p

987) The idea of revolution was a cornerstone of identification for generations of leftist

activists prior to the Uruguayan dictatorship Studies on the discourse of leftist activist in

the 1960s show that even though the exact meaning and implications of the word

revolution was contested it was seen as something plausible and likely to happen in the

near future (Ruiz amp Paris 1998) In the Marxist revolution the lsquodead were to bury their

deadrsquo break away from the past and create the substance of the future (Koselleck 2004

p 54) The temporal emphasis lay in other words on the future (Mallo amp Marrero

1990)

Analysis of young activistsrsquo discourses at the time of this study show that not only is

there uncertainty about what the concept of revolution entails but also uncertainty about

whether it is possible References to the future dimension of temporality were

considerably less frequent than to the past and present dimensions and when they

appeared they were less concrete and specific Because questions were not cued in terms

of temporality it is possible to analyze these scarce whist-convoluted allusions as

symptomatic of a re-signification of the future as a parameter of reference The future is

still important but its content is less stable than that of the past (which is static and

immobile though contested) When evoked the near future was more constantly induced

than the far future This could be related to the fact that ideological dissidence among

different factions of the Frente Amplio would be made evident if the longer-term goals

were discussed and therefore references were kept to the short term to indicate a

domain of joint collaboration (Mische 2003) Equally images of the future were

lsquoinfectedrsquo by what the activists remember the future to have meant for previous

generations The excessive burden of the past appears to obscure possible answers in the

future This shift in the experience and sensibility of time by which we are compelled to

look at the past because the future does not inspire comfort could epitomize the

contemporary era rather than a generational trait (Huyssen 2003) The generational

boundaries that are drawn here are with previously acknowledged generations while

boundaries with their elders become blurry as they too have had to confront this new

political context

14 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Yoursquove been hearing for years that socialism has failed and that according to

Fukuyama it is the end of history even though you have no clue of who the guy

is History is over no more great narratives (Pedro Interview)

Even though as seen references to armed struggles in previous decades were sometimes

romanticized they were dismissed as illegitimate in the current democratic scenario

These young activists viewed historical agency and social transformation in the light of

certain repertoires which were currently available for them as a generation If past

repertoires were no longer valid this creates a need to invent new ones (Tilly 1994b)

However this is not an easy task and it is experienced with tension the vivid definitions

of future prevalent in the past still overshadow the programmatic definitions of the party

The following quote illustrates this quest for a redefinition of the distant future in the

context of strong identification with pastndashfuture orientations

The problem is that our organizational project (national liberation and socialism) are

projects that our generation borrowed from the ones that came before us It is our role

to appropriate those objectives make them ours and transform them if not it loses

relevance and significance in the present Not only do we have the necessity but also

the obligation as a generation [ ] You are being dogmatic and irresponsible if you

simply accept what comes from the past without questioning it be it a bourgeoise

constitution or the platform of a revolutionary movement (Pedro Interview)

For the vast majority of these young people socialismcommunism was thematized as

desirable but not something achievable in the near future In this sense socialismcommu-

nism as the ultimate objective appeared as a common place for these young people

something undisputable but democracy was evaluated as the most realistic option for the

present Conflict emerged however when they were asked to explain what they understood

by this desirable system of government and how they thought it should be achieved Most

young activists conceded that it was more plausible to think of small progressive

transformations than of profound radical changes Socialism as an lsquoorientationrsquo of their

practice acted as a horizon in the sense that as one moves closer it moves further away

How can we reach socialism I think that this is the greatest challenge for leftist

activists today we are not really sure about where we are heading obviously we

have no idea how to get there (Rosa Interview)

I donrsquot believe in the end of history I want socialism but I donrsquot know what it will

be like (Maite Group 1)

Because the Frente Amplio unifies groups with diverse ideological stances it is not

surprising to find that while the overarching goal of the party was clearly stated

(lsquosocialismrsquo) the actual definitions of what each faction understood by socialism differed

greatly This could explain why the question of what socialism means was avoided in the

context of the focus groups This latent internal tension is further intensified by the fact

that this party not only actively took part in the democratic electoral system but won the

national elections in 2004 Even though the electoral victory was welcomed by all young

activists there were many doubts and uncertainties about the real extent of the

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 15

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

transformations that the Frente Amplio would be able to accomplish while in power Most

of these young activists tried to avoid lsquoclass categoriesrsquo for defining their current political

struggle and references to the lsquoworking classrsquo were practically inexistent Furthermore

a conflict between a set of strong shared ideological principles and certain doses of

political pragmatism created much anxiety for young activists who found themselves

having to do what is materially possible while wanting to do what is ideologically

necessary (Lechner 1995 p 110) Leftist parties taking part in electoral systems have

been forced to rethink themselves in this new light the present acquires special relevance

in this new scenario as relations between past present and future become altered

We have to start with minimum changes to then change the global I canrsquot sign a law

tomorrow to break off relations with the IMF I just canrsquot now [members laugh]

Really we have to be more realistic (Ramon Focus Group 2)

Pablo If you are within an institutional framework in a political party system and a

democracy with a constitution that regulates it you have to follow the institutional

rules of the game [ ]

Sebastian We donrsquot have to be tied to the institutional only Irsquom not saying we have

to take up arms next year Irsquom saying that we canrsquot just stay at that

Maite [ ] this is a tension right For example the external debt we canrsquot

say as a Frente Amplio government ldquowe wonrsquot pay the external debtrdquo (Focus

Group 1)

In conclusion when the time being evoked is the future the lsquoothernessrsquo boundary suffers

yet another transformation the prospective futures for the Left (stated in vague abstract

terms) are shared across the different generations of activists and thus the line of division

between lsquousrsquo (young activists) and lsquothemrsquo (older activists) becomes blurry Nevertheless

the image of lsquofuture in the pastrsquo (the conviction that socialism was lsquoaround the cornerrsquo and

the immediacy of political action for past generations) impregnates their reading the

present in relation to prospective futures

Discussion

This research was undertaken in the wake of the Frente Ampliorsquos first electoral victory

since its inception Further research needs to be carried out in order to assess whether after

several years in government subjective experiences of time have varied among young

activists Furthermore analyzing possible tensions or heterogeneity between experiences

of time across ideological lines among young Frente Amplio activists would also shed

further light into these questions

Future studies on how youth political activists from the non-left conceptualize the past

present and future would also shed light on whether there are generational struggles that

are taking place independently of ideological ascriptions Preliminary research would

indicate that right-wing youth activists establish a very different relationship with their

organizational pasts placed in a distant time and thus subject to lower levels of

generational contestation (Celiberti et al 2008)

16 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

This paper has shown the importance of temporality in shaping the political identities

and actions of young activists in the Frente Amplio It has showed how generational lines

become relevant or irrelevant depending on the time being evoked For example

generational lines become irrelevant when young activists think about the future but are

decisive when they think about the past and the present Additionally it has illustrated how

generations from previous historical times also constitute a very important point of

reference for generations acting today The way current activists imagine the conception

of the future of past generations shapes their own conception of the future Interesting

tensions and negotiations occur however when certain members of an organization have

more legitimacy of appropriation over the narratives of past generations there are

generational power dynamics that emerge in the present when one is capable of

embodying past trauma and the other is not It is important to integrate cognition emotion

and the body into analysis of political identity (Goodwin et al 2001) it is through the

body that older generations of activists exemplify the past in the present

Tracing the usage of collective signifiers (such as lsquowersquo lsquothemrsquo) has been very important

to see how the process of boundary-making takes place within an organization and how

these are ultimately reliant on the historical tempus that is being evoked The lsquotemporal

workrsquo that young activists do is rich complex and shaped by the paradox that they want the

elders to embody the Leftrsquos history while also needing to move on and articulate their own

visions of past present and future

Acknowledgements

I am very grateful to my advisor Professor Michael Schwartz for his ongoing support Also to Andres Estefane

Crystal Fleming Daniel Levy Naomi Rosenthal Ian Roxborough and Iddo Tavory for reading and providing

feedback on previous versions of this paper I am also extremely grateful to the editorial staff of Social Movement

Studies and the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and comments Finally I am very grateful to

the professors and colleagues that participated in the Political Sociology workshop at the University of Social

Sciences in Montevideo during the course of the study (2004ndash2005) to my research colleagues from the LGH

to Cecilia Chouhy for our long discussions and for her ongoing support and to all the young activists that

participated in the focus groups and interviews for generously opening up and sharing their experiences

Notes

1 This process of disenchantment is characterized by an abandonment of socialism as a specific political goal a

renouncement of the working class as the revolutionary subject and a relinquishment of the totalizing accounts

of reality

2 Social movement activists and activists from lsquothe rightrsquo appear as two additional significant others that help

shape these activists identities they are not analyzed here for the sake of space

3 The focus groups were designed and conducted with my colleague Cecilia Chouhy

References

Abbott A (2001) Time Matters On Theory and Method (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Aguiar S Celiberti L Chouhy C Filardo V Gonzalez G Munoz C Noboa L amp Quesada S (2008)

Juventud e integracion sudamericana Caracterizacion de situaciones tipo y organizaciones juveniles en

Uruguay in I A Polis (Ed) Informe Nacional de Uruguay (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Alexander C J (2004) Toward a theaory of cultrual trauma in C J Alexander R Eyerman B Giesen

N J Smelser amp P Sztompka (Eds) Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity (Berkeley CA University of

California Press)

Allport G W (1979) The Nature of Prejudice (Reading MA Perseus)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 17

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Angell A (1994) The left in Latin American politics since 1930 in L Bethell (Ed) The Cambridge History of

Latin America pp 163ndash232 Vol 6 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Assmann J (2003) Cultural memory Script recollection and political identity in early civilizations

Historiography East and West 1(2) pp 154ndash177

Attias-Donfut C amp Wolff F C (2000) The redistributive effects of generational transfers in S Arber amp

C Attias-Donfut (Eds) The Myth of Generational Conflict The Family and State in Ageing Societies

(New York Routledge)

Bluedorn A C (2001) The Human Organization of Time Temporal Realities and Experience (Stanford CA

Standford University Press)

Blumer H (1994) Social movements in S M Lyman R Jackall amp A J Vidich (Eds) Social Movements

Critique Concepts and Case Studies (New York New York University Press)

BlumerH (1953 [1939]) Collective behavior in A M Lee(Ed)Principles of Sociology (New York Barnes amp Noble)

Booth J W (2006) Communities of Memory On Witness Identity and Justice (Ithaca New York

Cornel University Press)

Bourdieu P (1985) The social space and the genesis of groups Theory and Society 14 pp 723ndash744

Bourdieu P (1994) Sociology in Question Vol 18 (London Sage)

Canales M amp Peinado A (1999) Los grupos de discusion in J Delgado amp J Gutierrez (Eds) Metodos y

Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social (Madrid Sıntesis)

Castaneda J G (1993) Utopia Unarmed The Latin American Left After the Cold War (New York Vintage)

Cavarozzi M (1993) La izquierda en Ameritca del Sur La polıtica como unica opcion in M Vellinga (Ed)

Democracia y Polıtica en America Latina (Mexico City Siglo Veintiuno Editores)

Celiberti L Quesada S Filardo V Munoz C Aguiar S Gonzalez G Chouhy C amp Noboa L (2008)

iquestQue ves que ves cuando me ves Juventud e integracion regional Caracterizaciones de situaciones tipo y

organizaciones juveniles en Uruguay Ed 1 v 1 (Montevideo Cotidiano Mujer)

Colburn F D (2002) Latin America at the End of Politics (Princeton Princeton University Press)

Dagnino E (1998) Culture citizenship and democracy Changing discourses and practices of the Latin

American left in S E Alvarez E Dagnino amp A Escobar (Eds) Culture of Politics Politics of Cultures

Re-Visioning Latin American Social Movements pp 33ndash63 (Boulder CO Westview Press)

Edy J A (2006) Troubled Pasts News and the Collective Memory of Social Unrest (Philadelphia PA

Temple University Press)

Emirbayer M amp Mische A (1998) What is agency American Journal of Sociology 103(4) pp 962ndash1023

Encuesta Nacional de Adolescencia y Juventud (ENAJ) (2008) Database available (www injugubuy)

Espinoza V amp Madrid S (2010) Trayectoria y Eficacia Polıtica de los Militantes en Juventudes Polıticas

Estudio de la Elite Polıtica Emergente (Santiago PNUD)

Eyerman R (2004) The past in the present Culture and the transmission of memory Acta Sociologica 47(2)

pp 159ndash169

Foweraker J (2001) lsquoGrassroots Movements Political Activism and Social Development in Latin America

A Comparison of Chile and Brazilrsquo Civil Society and Social Movements Programme Paper n 4

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development

Freeman E (2007) Introduction GLQ A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 13(2ndash3) pp 159ndash176

Glaser B G amp Strauss A L (1967) The Discovery of Grounded Theory Strategies for Qualitative Research

(Chicago IL Aldine)

Gould J L (2009) Solidarity under Siege The Latin American Left 1968 American Historical Review 114(2)

pp 348ndash375

Goodwin J Jasper J M amp Polletta F (Eds) (2001) Passionate Politics Emotions in Social Movements

(Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Grandin G (2004) The Last Colonial Massacre Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Halbwachs M (1992 [1951]) On Collective Memory in L A Coser (Ed) (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Huyssen A (2003) Present Pasts Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory (Stanford CA Stanford

University Press)

Ibanez J (1986) Mas Alla de la Sociologıa El Grupo de Discusion Tecnica y Crıtica (Madrid Siglo XXI)

Jansen R S (2007) Resurrection and appropriation Reputational trajectories memory work and the political

use of historical figures American Journal of Sociology 112(4) pp 953ndash1007

Jelin E (2002) Los Trabajos de la Memoria (Madrid Siglo Veintiuno)

18 GG Vaillant

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Jelin E (2003) Citizenship and alterity Tensions and dilemmas Latin American Perspectives 30(2)

pp 101ndash117

Kansteiner W (2002) Finding Meaning in Memory A Methodological Critique of Collective Memory Studies

History and Theory 41(2) pp 179ndash197

Kitzinger J amp Barbour R (1999) Introduction The challenge and promise of focus groups in R Barbour amp

J Kitzinger (Eds) Developing Focus Group Research Politics Theory and Practice (London Sage)

Koselleck R (2004) Futures Past On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York Columbia University Press)

Krueger R (1998) Moderating Focus Groups The Focus Group Kit (Thousand Oaks CA Sage)

Lavarbre M C (2009) For a Sociology of Collective Memory CNRS-Centre Marc Bloch 2001 [cited December

20 2009] Available at httpwwwcnrsfrcwenprescompressmemoirelavabrehtm

Lechner N (1995) A disenchantment called postmodernism in J Beverley M Aronna amp J Oviedo (Eds)

The Postmodernism Debate in Latin America (Durham NC Duke University Press)

Luna J P (2007) Frente amplio and the Crafting of a Social Democratic Alternative in Uruguay Latin American

Politics and Society 49(4) pp 1ndash30

Mallo S amp Marrero A (1990) Modernidad y Posmodernidad y su incidencia en las transformaciones del

discurso polıtico en Uruguay y Argentina Revista de Ciencias Sociales 4

Mannheim K (1993 [1952]) The problem of generations in K H Wolff (Ed) From Karl Mannheim

(New Brunswick Transaction)

McAdam D amp Sewell W Jr (2001) Itrsquos about time Temporality in the study of social movements and

revolutions in R Aminzade J Goldstone D McAdam E Perry W Jr Sewell S Tarrow amp C Tilly (Eds)

Silence and Voice in the Study of Contentious Politics (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Mead G H (1936) Mind Self and Society (Chicago IL University of Chicago Press)

Mead G H (1932) The Philosophy of the Present (LaSalle Open Court)

Methol Ferre A (1994) Elecciones tripartidismo y nueva bipolaridad Cuadernos de Marcha 100 pp 49ndash56

Miller B (2000) Geography and Social Movements Comparing Antinuclear Activism in the Boston Area

(Minnesota MN University of Minnesota Press)

Mische A (2003) Cross-talk in movements Rethinking the culture-network link in M Diani amp D McAdam

(Eds) Social Movements and Networks Relational Approaches to Collective Action (Oxford Oxford

University Press)

Munck R (2000) Postmodernism Politics and Paradigms in Latin America Latin American Perspectives 27(4)

pp 11ndash26

OrsquoDonnell G Schmitter P amp Whitehead L (1986) Transitions From Authoritarian Rule Latin America

(Baltimore MD John Hopkins University Press)

Olick J K (2003) Introduction in J K Olick (Ed) States of Memory Continuities Conflicts and

Transformations in National Retrospection (Durham and London Duke University Press)

Olick J K amp Levy D (1997) Collective memory and cultural constraint Holocaust myth and rationality in

German politics American Sociological Review 62 pp 921ndash936

Pachucki M A Pendergrass S amp Lamont M (2007) Boundary processes Recent theoretical developments and

new contributions Poetics 35 pp 331ndash351

Panizza F (2005) Unarmed utopia revisited the resurgence of left-of-centre politics in Latin America Political

studies 53(4) pp 716ndash734

Perelli C (1994) Memoria de sangre fear hope and disenchantment in Argentina in J Boyarin (Ed)

Remapping Memory The Politics of Time Space (Minneapolis MN University of Minnesota Press)

Petras J (2000) The Left Strikes Back Class and Conflict in the Age of Neoliberalism (Latin American

Perspectives) (Sussex Westview Press)

Petras J amp Harding T F (2000) Introduction Latin American Perspectives 27(5) pp 3ndash10

Petras J amp Veltmeyer H (2005) Social Movements and State Power Argentina Brazil Bolivia Ecuador

(London Pluto Press)

Philip G (2003) Democracy in Latin America (Cambridge Polity Press)

Polletta F (2003) Culture is not just in your head in J Goodwin amp JM Jasper (Eds) Rethinking Social

Movements (Lanham MD Rowman and Littlefield)

Polletta F (2006) It Was Like Fever Storytelling in Protest and Politics (Chicago IL University of Chicago

Press)

Przeworski A (1991) Democracy and the Market Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and

Latin America (Cambridge Cambridge University Press)

Rapport N amp Overing J (2000) Social and Cultural Anthropology The Key Concepts (New York Routledge)

Leftist Youth Politics and Generational Contention 19

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Stan

ford

Uni

vers

ity L

ibra

ries

] at

16

47 2

8 Se

ptem

ber

2012

Roberts K M (1995) From the barricades to the ballot box Redemocratization and political realignment in the

Chilean left Politics and Society 23 pp 495ndash519

Roniger L amp Sznajder M (1999) The Legacy of Human Rights Violation in the Southern Cone Argentina Chile

and Uruguay (New York Oxford University Press)

Rucht D (2007) Movement allies adversaries and third parties in D A Snow S A Soule amp H Kriesi (Eds)

Blackwell Companion to Social Movements (Malden MA Blackwell)

Ruiz E amp Paris J (1998) Ser militante en los 60 in J P Barran G Caetano amp T Porzecansky (Eds) Historia de

la Vida Privada en Uruguay Individuo y Soledade 1920ndash1990 (Montevideo Taurus)

Schirmer J (1994) The claiming of space and the body politic within National-Security States the plaza de mayo

Madres and the Greenham common women in J Boyarin (Ed) Remapping Memory The Politics of

TimeSpace (Minnesota MN University of Minnesota Press)

Schmidt J P (2001) Juventude e Polıtica no Brasil A Socializacao Polıtica dos Jovens na Virada do Milenio

(Santa Cruz do Sul Edunisc)

Schutz A amp Luckmann T (1973) Structures of the Life-World Vol I (Evanston IL Northwestern University Press)

Simmel G (1950) The Metropolis and Mental Life in K H Wolff (Ed) The Sociology of Georg Simmel

(New York Free Press)

Stone D (1997) Policy Paradox The Art of Political Policy Making (New York Norton)

Sewell H W Jr (2005) Logics of History Social Theory and Social Transformation (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

Schutz A (1962) Collected Papers I The Problem of Social Reality (The Hague Martinus Nijhoff)

Schwartz M (1976) Radical Protest and Social Structure The Southern Farmersrsquo Alliance and Cotton Tenancy

1880-1890 1880-1890 (Chicago IL University of Chicago)

Stryker S Owens TJ amp White RW (Eds) (2000) Self Identity and Social Movements (Minneapolis MN

University of Minneapolis Press)

Tilly C (1994a) The time of states Social Research 61 pp 269ndash295

Tilly C (1994b) Afterword Space and political memories in space and time in J Boyarin (Ed)

Remapping Memory The Politics of TimeSpace (Minnesota MN University of Minnesota Press)

Tilly C (2000) Spaces of contention Mobilization 5(2) pp 135ndash159

Touraine A (1987) Return of the Actor Social Theory in Post-Industrial Society (Minneapolis MN University

of Minneapolis Press)

Valles M (1997) Tecnicas Cualitativas de Investigacion Social Reflexion Metodologica y Practica Profesional

(Madrid Sıntesis)

Wagner-Pacifici R (2010) Theorizing the restlessness of events American Journal of Sociology 115(5)

pp 1351ndash1386

Whittier N (1997) Political generations micro-cohorts and the transformation of social movements

American Sociological Review 62(5) pp 760ndash778

Winn P (1995) Frente Amplio in Montevideo NACLA Report on the Americas 29(1) pp 20ndash26

Yaffe J (2004) Memoria y olvidos en la relacion de la izquierda con el pasado reciente in A Marchesi

V Markarian A Rico amp J Yaffe (Eds) El Presente de la Dictadura Estudios y Reflexiones a 30 Anos del

Golpe de Estado en Uruguay (Montevideo Trilce)

Zerubavel E (1987) The language of time Toward a semiotics of temporality Sociological Quarterly 28(3)

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Zerubavel E (2003) Time Maps Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past (Chicago IL University of

Chicago Press)

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A Contracorriente 5(2) pp 47ndash73

Gabriela Gonzalez Vaillant is a sociology graduate student at the State University of

New York at Stony Brook She obtained an MA in Sociology (2010) and a Diploma in

Women and Gender Studies (2011) from this same institution She has undertaken

numerous investigations on diverse issues in the field of political sociology such as

contentious politics in Latin America youth social movements memory and politics

guerrilla warfare and gender Her doctoral dissertation focuses on the social power of

student movements in Chile and Argentina in the last decades

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