The Politician’s place in Therapeutic Practice

8/11/2019 The Politicians place in Therapeutic Practice

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Anna Windfeldt Thor

Inscription number: 2

Supervisor: Morten B

Submitted: March 201

Word Count: 22717

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A Study of Politici

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Politicians Place i

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ans Participation in Ceremonies

s of Torture in Uttar Pradesh, In

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The front page photo depicts an honour ceremony in Sarai Village, Varanasi District, Uttar

Pradesh, India on the 13th

of June 2013.

All photos in this thesis were taken by Mr. Rohit Kumar, staff member of Peoples Vigilance

Committee on Human Rights, and reproduced with his permission.


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Figure 1: Map of the Indian state Uttar Pradesh, where ceremonies rehabilitating victims of torture take place.


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Ta&le of Contents

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................ 6

THE STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS........................................................................................................................... 8

CHAPTER 2: INTRODUCING THE HONOUR CEREMONIES ...................................................... ............. 9

CHAPTER 3: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND KEY CONCEPTS .................................................. 14

WEDEENS PERFORMATIVE RESEARCH AGENDA.......................................................................... ..................... 14

A Performative Understanding of Qat-chews ........................................................ ........................................ 15

Participation in the Qat-chews ...................................................................................................................... 16

Examining Participation in the Qat-chews ........................................................... ......................................... 16

PARTHA CHATTERJEES CIVIL SOCIETY............................................................................................................ . 18

Electoral Politics Defined ......................... ............................................................ ........................................ 20Chatterjee Challenged ................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 22

Chatterjees Defence ..................................................................................................................................... 23

CHAPTER 4: THEORETICAL EXPECTATIONS ........................................................................................ 26

CHAPTER 5: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ................................................................... . 27

AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY.......................................................... ........................................................... ........... 27

AN INTERPRETIVE APPROACH...................................................... ........................................................... ........... 28

APPLYING THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK....................................................................................................... 29

GENERATING DATA............................................................................................................................................ 29Semi-structured Interviews ............................................................................................................................ 30

Observation Studies ....................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 30

The Selection of Informants ..................................................... ........................................................... ........... 31

The Selection of Observation Sites ................................................................................................................ 33

Sources of data discussed ........................................................ ........................................................... ........... 37

Working in Translation.................................................................................................................................. 38

Ethical Challenges .......................... ............................................................ .................................................. 38

PROCESSING THE DATA...................................................... ........................................................... ..................... 38

CHAPTER 6: FIRST PART OF THE ANALYSIS ........................................................... ............................... 41

THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE POLITICIANS........................................................................................................... 41

The Village Head ........................................................................................................................................... 41

The Village Council Member ................................................... ........................................................... ........... 42

The Political Party Member .......................................................................................................................... 42

The State Level Politician ........................................................ ........................................................... ........... 44

DISCUSSING THE POLITICIANSINVOLVEMENT............................................................................. ..................... 45

CHAPTER 7: SECOND PART OF THE ANALYSIS ....................................................... .............................. 50

EXPLAINING THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE POLITICIANS.................................................................. ..................... 50


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Community Ties ............................................................................................................................................. 50

The Village Heads Community Ties ............................................................................................. ........... 50

The Village Head Lacks Community Ties ................................................................. ............................... 52

The Village Committee Members Community Ties .............................. .................................................. 53

Understanding the Politicians Community Ties ........................................................ ............................... 54

The Self-serving Politician ............................................................................................................................ 56

The Self-serving Village Head ............................................................................................. ..................... 56

The Self-serving Political Party Member ............................................................................. ..................... 56

The Self-serving State Level Politician ................................................... .................................................. 58

Understanding the Self-serving Politician ........................................................ ......................................... 60

The Politicians Mandate .............................................................................................................................. 61

The Village Heads Mandate ......................................................... ........................................................... . 61

The Village Head Corrupted .......................................................... ........................................................... . 63

Understanding the Politicians Mandate ........................................................... ......................................... 65

EXPLAINING THE POLITICIANSINVOLVEMENT.......................................................... ........................................ 66

CHAPTER 8: SUMMARIZING THE RESULTS OF THE ANALYSIS ...................................................... . 68

CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION OF THE RESEARCH ......................................................... .............................. 71

CHAPTER 10: CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVES ................................................... .............................. 73

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................................................... 75

APPENDIX 1: INTERVIEW-GUIDE ................................................................................. .............................. 80

APPENDIX 2: CALENDAR .............................................................................................................................. 81

ABSTRACT ......................................................................................................................................................... 82


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Chapter 1: Introduction

Torture and ill-treatment remains an unresolved problem in India. In most cases, victims

receive neither treatment nor remedy, because there is no enforceable right to rehabilitation of

torture survivors under Indian law. Peoples Vigilance Committee on Human Rights

(PVCHR) is one of many human rights organizations in India, which provides victims of

torture with alternate measures of relief. PVCHR is based in Uttar Pradesh, the most populous

state in India. Uttar Pradesh is marred by poverty with 59 million people living below the

poverty line (Ministry of Rural Development, 2009). Torture and abuse is most often

perpetrated against the very poor and few victims obtain legal redress. From their central

office in Varanasi, PVCHR advocate against the use of torture and offer relief to people, who

have suffered grievous hurt.

In partnership with the Danish Institute against Torture (DIGNITY), PVCHR organizes and

hosts ceremonies aimed at rehabilitating victims of torture. To participants these gatherings

are known as honour ceremonies and are public events, which form part of a treatment

program named testimonial therapy. Testimonial therapy is a therapeutic practice aimed at

improving the victims mental health. In the honour ceremonies, torture victims written

testimonies are presented and shared with a larger public. PVCHR views giving testimony as

an important step towards healing the torture survivors mental wounds.

To its practitioners, testimonial therapy is an intervention strategy with far reaching effects.

Not only does it heal individual hurt, proponents believe that it can affect political change

(Agger & Raghuvanshi, 2008). In the literature written on testimonial therapy, there are

numerous references to the political effects of giving testimony (Agger et al. 2009). Yet there

have been no studies conducted so far, which digs deeper into these claims of political effects.

Very little has been written about the honour ceremonies, which take place in Uttar Pradesh,

and even less is known about politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies. None of the

researchers, who have described the testimonial therapy program in India, have examined

whether PVCHR seeks to involve politicians in the ceremonies (Cruz, 2012). So far, all the

research conducted on testimonial therapy and the honour ceremonies has focused primarily

on the mental health aspects of the therapy (Agger et al. 2009).


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The thesis seeks to amend this lack of knowledge about the honour ceremonies and provide an

answer to a fairly straight forward question. Are politicians invited to the ceremonies? The

thesis takes a first step towards finding an answer to this question by asking PVCHR, whether

they invite politicians to the ceremonies. In short, the research question of this thesis is as

follows.

The research question is descriptive, because so little is known about participation in the

ceremonies and where PVCHR stands on this issue. Though one might wish to examine the

effects of the honour ceremonies in an evaluation of the rehabilitation method, this cannot be

done before we have covered the very basics. As John Gerring notes, the descriptive work

comes before the work, which explains (Gerring, 2012: 733).

To answer the research question, the thesis draws on the writings of the Indian historian

Partha Chatterjee. In Chatterjees research, we find rich descriptions of Indian NGOs and their

interaction with politicians. Chatterjee observes how NGOs and politicians often are

remarkably antagonistic towards each other. Chatterjees theorizing on the relationship

between NGOs and politicians is included in this thesis theoretical framework, because it

contains an explanation of what guides NGOs in their interaction with politicians. By

incorporating certain elements from Chatterjees writings on NGO tactics, the thesis aims at

arriving at a deeper understanding of what drives PVCHR in their interaction with politicians.

However, Chatterjees work on NGOs is just one component of the thesis theoretical

framework. Chatterjees writings are rich with detail and complexity, but offer no practical

advice as to how one undertakes a study of a public event. Here, the thesis draws on the

writings of Lisa Wedeen, an American professor of political science. Lisa Wedeen has

examined qat-chews, which are public gatherings that are similar to the honour ceremonies,

but which take place in Yemen. Through ethnographic research, Wedeen examines these

What is PVCHRs stand on politicians participation in the honour ceremonies?


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public events. Wedeens study is relevant to this thesis, because she writes at length about

how to examine participation in the gatherings. The thesis adopts her analytical approach and

investigates the research question through one month of ethnographic research consisting of

field observations and semi-structured interviews with the staff working in PVCHRs offices

in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

When combined in the thesis theoretical framework, Wedeen and Chatterjee supplement each

other favourably. Lisa Wedeens writings deal specifically with participation in public events

in a Middle Eastern context. Though she writes expertly on participation, many of her

findings are not directly transferable to the Indian context. By combining Wedeens analytical

approach with Chatterjees extensive knowledge about the work of NGOs on the Indian

subcontinent, the thesis theoretical framework stands stronger.

The Structure of the Thesis

This introductory chapter is followed by chapter 2, where the honour ceremonies are

introduced. Chapter 3 contains a presentation of the theoretical framework and the key

concepts. Chapter 4 details the theoretical expectation derived from the theoretical

framework. Chapter 5 addresses the research design alongside the research methodology. This

chapter also contains a discussion of how key terms have been operationalised and an account

of data generation and processing. The analysis falls in two parts in chapters 6 and 7. The

findings of the analysis are summarized in chapter 8 followed by a discussion of the research

design in chapter 9. The thesis comes to a close with a conclusion and perspectives in chapter

10.


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Chapter 2: Introducing the Honour Ceremonies

In the following, testimonial therapy is briefly introduced alongside PVCHRs work on the

honour ceremonies. The honour ceremonies are a component in testimonial therapy; a

therapeutic method aimed at rehabilitating victims of torture. Briefly explained, the Indian

testimonial therapy program consists of four steps. Initially, the mental health status of the

victim is assessed by PVCHR staff on the basis of a questionnaire (PVCHR, 2013: M&E

Questionnaire). Afterwards, the victim is asked to narrate his/her story of the violation. A staff

member assists the victim in documenting the event and a written testimony is produced. The

written statement is then presented to an audience at an honour ceremony.1The testimonial

therapeutic process comes to close after the victim has undergone a final mental health

evaluation (Agger et al. 2009).

Testimonial therapy as an approach to rehabilitating victims of torture originated in Chile in

the late 1970s in a response to the human rights violations, which took place under Augusto

Pinochets military dictatorship (Agger & Jensen, 1996). Chilean psychologists and

psychiatrists began eliciting testimonies about the violations suffered by the victims and

found that collecting testimonies functioned as a means towards rehabilitation (Cienfuegos &

Monelli, 1983).2Testimonial therapy was further developed by the Danish psychologist Inger

Agger in partnership with the Danish Institute against Torture and introduced to a number of

DIGNITYs partner organizations in the Global South as a method of mental health

intervention.

In 2008, PVCHR, a partner organization to DIGNITY, expressed an interest in the

rehabilitation method. In their prior work, PVCHR had mainly been focused on providing

victims of torture in Uttar Pradesh with legal aid, but wished to expand on these activities and

introduce a program aimed at strengthening the victims mental health. PVCHR participated

in a series of training session on the testimonial method led by Inger Agger and shortly

1The informants consistently name the public event, where the testimony is read aloud to an audience, an

honour ceremony. In Hindi, they term it Samanth Samaro, which directly translates to hounor ceremony. This

thesis replicates the informants choice of words and refers to the public presentation of the testimony as an

honour ceremony.

2For a further introduction to testimonial therapy refer to the work of the psychologists Inger Agger and Sren

Buus Jensen, who have written extensively on the therapeutic dimension of testimonial therapy (Agger, 1988,2004, 2009 and Agger & Jensen 1989, 1990, 1992, 1996).


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afterwards initiated a testimonial therapy pilot program with support from DIGNITY (Agger

et al. 2009). The testimonial therapy program set in motion is still running and at present

PVCHR has expanded its scope and implemented it in the various parts of Uttar Pradesh,

where they have otherwise established a presence through their charitable programs. Figure 2

depicts the various locations, where PVCHR has put the testimonial therapy program into

practice and provides an overview of the sites, where honour ceremonies have taken place.


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Figure 2:Map of Uttar Pradesh with an overview of the sites, where the testimonial therapy program has beenimplemented (Report from PVCHR to DIGNITY, 2013).


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In the research for this thesis, precise estimates of the number of honour ceremonies held

since 2008 were hard to come by, but it is safe to say that the figure has surpassed hundred by

now. In the years 2010-2012, PVCHR held 25 honour ceremonies, which were open to the

larger public (see table 1). PVCHR estimates that since 2012 the ceremonies have been held

with an even greater frequency. Their claim is supported by observations made during the

field work for this thesis, where PVCHR organized four larger ceremonies within the

timeframe of a single albeit busy month.

Table 1: Honour Ceremonies organized by PVCHR from 2010-2012, Uttar Pradesh India.

Site No. of ceremonies No. of people participating

Badagaon 6 honour ceremonies Missing data

Pindra 6 honour ceremonies 569Robertsganj 5 honour ceremonies 609

Domchach 2 honour ceremonies 34

Tanda 5 honour ceremonies 554

Varanasi 1 honour ceremony 150

Total 25 honour ceremonies Estimated 1916 people

participating

Source: Report from PVCHR to DIGNITY, 2013.

It is worth noting that the ceremonial component of testimonial therapy is particular to the

Indian context and is a recent addition to the testimonial method.3It was first developed by

Inger Agger in collaboration with PVCHR in the workshops, which took place in 2008. At

present, PVCHR views the ceremony as an indispensable component of the testimonial

therapy program and emphasizes that all victims, who undergo testimonial therapy, should

present their testimonies to an audience.

Depending on the wishes of the victim, the honour ceremony, where the testimony is

presented, can take place in private setting, where only close family and friends participate.

Alternatively, the victim can opt for a more public function, where the written testimony is

presented to a larger audience and is open to the public (PVCHR, 2013: M&E Questionnaire).

According to PVCHR, most victims prefer to have their testimony presented to a larger

audience in a public setting.

3 In earlier versions of testimonial therapy implemented elsewhere, presenting the written testimony to an

audience was not an integrated part of the treatment. Only if the victim actively expressed an interest in sharing

his/her testimony with others after the treatment had come to an end, would such an event be arranged and

carried out.


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A review of the literature written on testimonial therapy reveals that there has been some

research describing PVCHRs testimonial therapy program. Counted among this research is a

pilot-study of the mental health benefits of the therapy. Based on a limited number of

observations, the study tentatively concludes that giving testimony leads to an improvement

in the torture survivors mental health (Agger et al. 2009). Recently, DIGNITY has initiated a

larger-scale quantitative research project aimed at substantiating the findings from the smaller

scale study. The purpose of this comprehensive evaluation is to validate whether testimonial

therapy leads to an improvement in the mental health of the participants. More than 800

people, who have undergone testimonial therapy, have filled out questionnaires specifying

their mental health status. The data is still being processed, but initial findings confirm that

testimonial therapy has had a positive impact on the victims mental health.


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Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework and Ke Concepts

The thesis examination of PVCHRs perception of politicians participating in the honour

ceremonies is guided by a theoretical framework, which draws on two sources. The writings

of Lisa Wedeen on the performance of citizenship in public gatherings in Yemen and Partha

Chatterjees account of NGO tactics in the Indian state West Bengal. The following section

provides an account of the two components of the theoretical framework.

!edeen"s #erformati$e %esearch &genda

In examining PVCHRs take on politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies, the thesis

draws heavily on the work of the political scientist Lisa Wedeen and her study of democracy

in Yemen (Wedeen, 2009). In her country study of Yemen, Wedeen contributes to the debate

on whether democracy is to be understood in minimalist terms or if one should ascribe to a

more substantial definition. In examining whether Yemen might be termed democratic,

Wedeen takes a special interest in qat-chews. Briefly explained, qat-chews are public

gatherings, where people group together, chew qat and discuss current events.4 Wedeen

examines the qat-chews in an ethnographic monograph with the purpose of determining,

whether this type of activity can be termed democratic.

Wedeens approach to examining the qat-chews is guided by performative principles. To

Wedeen, a performative approach is more than just a vocabulary with theatrical roots.Though

politics is populated by actors, antagonists and audiences and political scientists often use

terminology such as scenarios, dramatic moves, climaxes, backstage to describe it, the

performative marks a distinct research agenda (Bala, 2007: 47).

The performative approach gained prominence through the work of Judith Butler, a professor

of comparative literature and rhetoric, who has written extensively on questions of gender

identity (see Butler, 1990). Central to the performative research agenda are questions of how a

persons identity comes into being. What Wedeen terms the formation of selves (Wedeen,

2009: 182). To performative theorists identity is a performance. This is captured by Butler,

who writes that identity is performatively constituted by the very "expressions" that are said

to be its results (Butler, 1990: 25). Thinking performatively implies accepting the conviction

4

Qat is a leafy plant, which when chewed acts as an amphetamine-like stimulant. In Yemen, qat is oftenconsumed in a social setting.


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that selves, on this account, do not exist, as if in some authentic mode, independently of the

actions by which they are constituted (Wedeen, 2009: 87). Rather, one becomes a subject

through performing.

& #erformati$e 'nderstanding of (at)chews

Wedeen takes a performative view of the qat-chews in Yemen, when she argues that

participants in the qat-chews are engaged in a performance of Yemeni democratic citizenship.

By participating in the qat-chews, Yemeni nationals constitute themselves as democratic

citizens (Wedeen, 2009: 213). Wedeen makes the argument that democratic citizenship is not

something, which is conferred upon the individual, but rather that one becomes a democratic

citizen by acting as one. She observes how the deliberation so evident in these meetings

represents an important aspect of democratic practice and personhood (Wedeen, 2009: 104).

Wedeen argues that participants in the qat-chew constitute themselves as citizens by

conforming to democratic norms and she therefore identifies the qat-chews as an example of a

performative practice. Wedeen defines performative practices as bodily and speech acts that

iterate norms in the context of everyday life (Wedeen, 2009: 105).5Wedeen finds that it is a

similar set of norms, which are repeated by all participants in the qat-chews. To Wedeen, the

qat-chews are an example of a democraticperformative practice, because actors reproduce

norms, which she identifies as democratic. Simply put, participants in the qat-chews iterate

norms, which are democratic and thereby they constitute themselves as democratic citizens.

Though the performative perspective privileges actions as the mode of creating and

consolidating attitudes (Bala, 2007: 64), Wedeen acknowledges that participants prior set of

values might have influenced their involvement in the qat-chews. Thus, Wedeen does not

dismiss the importance of values altogether. She acknowledges that attitudes held by Yemeni

nationals prior to their participation in the qat-chews influence their performance as

democratic citizens in the ceremonies. Nonetheless, Wedeens analytical approach favours

uncovering the norms iterated by the participants in the qat-chews. These iterated norms are

viewed as key in understanding the political identities of the participants.

5Wedeens definition of a performative practice echoes Judith Butlers use of the concept. See Hjgaard &

Sndergaard for an introduction to Butlers understanding of performative practices (Hjgaard & Sndergaard,

2010: 318).


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#articipation in the (at)chews

In Wedeens study, she examines four aspects of the Yemeni qat-chews. She takes an interest

in what topics make the agenda of the chews and how the topics in question are discussed.

She also examines, what kinds of people participate and the different roles played by the

individual participants in the chews (Wedeen, 2009: 126). In that participation is a central

concern in this thesis, it is worth dwelling further on Wedeens motivation for including

participation as an element in her analysis of the norms reproduced in the chews.

Wedeen makes the argument that if one is to fully understand the chews as an example of a

performative practice, then one has to look at, what actors are included in the proceedings and

what kind of actors are excluded from the chews.6

Wedeen finds that examining, who is

involved in the chews or alternatively barred entry, constitutes an important step towards

determining, whether the qat-chews can be interpreted as a democratic performative practice.

In Wedeens analysis of participation in the gatherings, she arrives at findings, which suggest

that participation in the chews is governed by democratic norms. Wedeen observes how the

organizers of the chews emphasize that the forums are open to anyone, who wishes to

participate. None are excluded. To Wedeen, this lends supports to her conviction that thechews are best understood as democratic practices. Wedeen finds that the organizers

reproduce democratic values, when they allow all concerned parties entry, because this

ensures that all are able to make their voices heard in the forums.

*+amining #articipation in the (at)chews

Theoretically, Wedeen unpacks participation in the qat-chews by incorporating theoretical

concepts, which originate from the work of Oxford philosopher J. L. Austin. In particular,

Austins analytical device, where all actions can be broken into three parts: a locutionary

component, an illocutionary component and a perlocutionary component. To Austin, this

threefold distinction provides the researcher with a more profound understanding of peoples

actions (Austin, 1975: 99). Austin finds that acts, which appear to be similar, often are

dissimilar, if one takes the speakers intention(the illocutionary) and the audiences reaction

(the perlocutionary)into account. He terms these two factors context. Austin writes that the

6See also Birgitte Poulsens work on parents participation in Danish school boards. She makes an argument

similar to Wedeens about the importance of examining the norms, which govern the inclusion/exclusion of

actors (Poulsen, 2000: 162).


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words used are to some extent to be explained by the context (Austin, 1975: 100). Austin

observes that to fully appreciate the meaning of an act, the context has to be taken into

account. According to Chatterjee, all actions contain these three dimensions:

The locutionary dimension:the act itself

The illocutionary dimension:the speakers intention with the act

The perlocutionary dimension:the effects of the act

Austin posits, that this threefold distinction should be kept in mind by anyone, who wishes to

come to terms with how an act functions (Austin, 1975: 99).

Wedeens inquiry into the norms, which govern participation in the qat-chews, is to some

extent guided by Austins threefold distinction. Firstly, Wedeen uncovers the locutionary

dimension of participation in the qat-chews. This is done by examining, who the organizers

would invite to participate in the chews. Through meticulous observations in the field and by

asking questions about participation in the interviews, Wedeen arrives at the conclusion that

to the organizers none are barred entry. Hence, Wedeen is able to conclude that in regard to

the locutionary dimension, the organizers of the chews engage in the replication of democratic

values.

Wedeen also takes the illocutionary dimension into account and examines, why the organizers

of the qat-chews work to ensure that all interested parties are allowed entry. To Wedeen,

examining the organizers intentions does not presuppose grasping an inner essence or

getting into the heads of informants understood as captive minds of a system, but rather is

centred on the ways, in which people attempt to make apparent, observable sense of theirworld to themselves and to each other (Wedeen, 2009: 17). Wedeen finds that the

intentions of the qat-chew organizers can be uncovered simply by asking them to explain their

stance on who should be allowed entry to the chews. Wedeen finds that the organizers in their

justifications, where they emphasize the importance of involving everyone, replicate

democratic values. The organizers constitute themselves as democratic citizens in their

conviction that everyone should be allowed to participate.


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Briefly summarized, Wedeen adopts parts of Austins theoretical framework by paying

attention to the locutionary and illocutionary dimensions of the chews. Inspired by Austin,

Wedeen asks two kinds of questions about participation in the public forums.

1. Whom do the organizers invite to participate in the qat-chews?

2. How is participation talked about by the organizers?

Very deliberately, Wedeen refrains from dealing with the perlocutionary dimension of the qat-

chews. Wedeen does not examine how the norms which govern participation in the qat-chews

are received by Yemeni nationals (Wedeen, 2009: 216). Wedeen defends leaving out the

perlocutionary dimension, by arguing that a full account of this dimension would require

time, effort and resources, which at present lies beyond the scope of her work.

#artha Chatter,ee"s Ci$il Societ

Where Wedeen studies participation in the qat-chews with the aim of determining, whether

one can term Yemen a democratic polity, this thesis seeks to describe an NGOs stand on the

participation of politicians in the ceremony. Therefore, Wedeens performative approach

needs to be integrated with a theoretical framework, which explains how politicians and

NGOs relate to each other in an Indian setting. Partha Chatterjees writings on civil society

centres on Indian NGOs and their relationship with political agents and is therefore thought to

be relevant for this thesis purposes. In the following, Partha Chatterjees work is briefly

introduced.

Chatterjee is best known as a historian and has written on the nationalist movement in India

before and after independence, on questions of secularism and numerous other topics related

to modern Indian history.7He gained a large following in academic circles, when he in 1982

joined a group of prolific South Asian scholars and proposed a subaltern research strategy as a

contribution to the postcolonial research agenda (Chatterjee, 1998b: 289). Briefly explained,

subaltern research is concerned with understanding the political strategies of marginalized

groups in South Asia (Lilja, 2008: 20). Chatterjee took a special interest in NGOs relationship

with state agents, when he in the 1990s conducted field work among Calcuttas urban poor.

7

For an introduction to Partha Chatterjees authorship refer to Empire and Nation: Essential Writings 1985-2005 (Chatterjee, 2010).


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On the basis of his involvement with this section of Indian society, Chatterjee wrote The

Politics of the Governed (2004) in which he introduced the idea of an Indian civil society.

Civil society is a heralded concept within the field of political science and its usages multiple.

Often civil society is named the third sector of society, where the other two sectors in

question are the state and the market. Chatterjee acknowledges that civil society is a deeply

contested concept and therefore goes to some lengths in an attempt to clarify, what he means

by the concept. To Chatterjee, civil society refers to the manner in which people within a

given territory relate to state agents, who govern the polity. Chatterjee defines civil society as

a sphere where there are free associations, not under the tutelage of state power (Chatterjee,

1990: 276).

In defining civil society as a sphere, where the state does not interfere, it is apparent that

Chatterjee draws on the political philosopher John Lockes definition of civil society (Locke,

1689). Locke holds the view that in civil society people band together in a pre- or apolitical

sphere in order to protect a natural set of rights (Merkel, 2004: 45). Like other liberalist

thinkers, Locke proves wary of state power (Petersen, 2009: 216). According to Locke, there

is always the danger that state forces become tyrannical and threaten the individuals

freedoms. Civil society is envisioned as a vanguard capable of protecting people from the

looming tyranny of the state. Its purpose is to protect its members from the arbitrary rule of

the state, thereby guaranteeing the individuals negative freedoms (Merkel, 2004: 46).

Lockes emphasis on civil society ensuring the individuals right to life, liberty and estate

should be viewed as an attempt at carving out a space for the citizen outside the reach of state

agents (Petersen, 2009: 216).

In his study of the urban poor living in Calcutta, Indias third-largest metropolis, Chatterjee

detects the existence of a civil society, which closely resembles Lockes conceptualization. A

puzzled Chatterjee looks to the past for an explanation of this phenomenon. The answer is to

be found in Indias colonial past, where administrators of the British Empire implemented

principles, which were inspired by Lockes thoughts on the role of civil society. Chatterjee

makes the argument that the principles of civil society introduced by the British, still govern


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certain institutions in India to this day, albeit in limited form (Chatterjee, 1990: 286,

Chatterjee, 2004: 37).

Chatterjee counts NGOs among the institutions, which reproduce the values of civil society in

present day India (Chatterjee, 2012: 320). Chatterjee arrives at this conclusion based on

observations of Indian NGOs navigation within the field of electoral politics.

NGO activism is premised on a separation from the electoral forms of

representation; it is accountable to its constituents not through electoral practices.

Indeed, the dominant ideology that has guided such idealistic middle-class

activism is precisely the distance from the world of the politicians (Chatterjee,

2012: 320).

The quote captures Chatterjees motivation for characterizing NGOs as civil society actors.

NGOs can be termed civil society actors, because they view their independence from electoral

politics as a fundamental premise for their work (Harrison, 2007: 3). Though Chatterjee notes

that NGOs shy away from political interferences, he acknowledges that NGOs do operate

within a legal framework put in place by the legislators of electoral politics. It follows that

NGOs are not completely autonomous. Yet, Chatterjee maintains that NGOs are not under the

direct control of state agents (Held, 2006: 274).

*lectoral #olitics -efined

It is worth pointing out that Chatterjee in his study of NGO tactics only examines how NGOs

interact with actors involved in electoral politics. Chatterjee refrains from specifying what he

means by electoral politics, because he assumes that his readers are familiar with the

political structures, which govern India. For the sake of analytical clarity, what electoral

politics refers to in an Indian setting is briefly recounted. The actors of electoral politics are

the people who compete for votes in order to obtain political offices (Gallagher & Mitchell,

2005: 3).

Seeing that India is a federal polity consisting of 25 states and 7 territories, the actors of

electoral politics struggle to obtain votes at central, state and local level. At central level, the

actors involved in electoral politics seek to be representatives in the Indian Parliament. India


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Government

of India

State

Government

Division

District

Block

Village

Municipal

CorporationMunicipality

Ward

City Council

is a Westminster parliamentary democracy with a lower and an upper house. Members of the

lower house (Lok Sabha) are directly elected by the people, whereas the members of the

upper house (Rajya Sabha) are elected by members from the state legislatures. In Indias

federal system, the state legislative assemblies are granted substantial legislative powers

(Gallagher & Mitchell, 2005: 141). In Uttar Pradesh, actors involved in electoral politics seek

to be represented in the state legislature, which consists of two houses: a legislative assembly

(Vidhan Sabha) and a legislative council (Vidhan Parishad). A chief minister is the head of

the Uttar Pradeshi state government and presides over 18 divisions containing 75

administrative districts. There are also electoral politics at local level in the administrative

districts. In rural areas, actors strive for seats in the village governments (Gram Panchayat).

The village government is headed by a village head (Pradhan), who is democratically elected

by the inhabitants of the village. In urban areas, people seek influence in the municipal

governments. Figure 3 provides an overview of the three levels of electoral politics in India.

Figure 3:The three levels of electoral politics in India.

Central level

State level

Local level


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Chatter,ee Challenged

Chatterjees writings on civil society have sparked a lively debate among scholars of South

Asian politics. In particular, Chatterjees characterization of NGOs, as acting in accordance

with civil society tactics, has been debated in a number of empirical studies, which deals with

NGO activism in India. In a study of village clubs and small NGOs in West Bengal, Tom

Harrison draws on Chatterjees civil society concept, but critiques Chatterjees definition of

an NGO. Harrison finds that when Chatterjee refers to NGOs he evokes an image of large

and formalized organizations (Harrison, 2012: 240). By defining NGOs in reference to their

size and organizational set-up, Chatterjee fails to pay attention to the activities undertaken by

the NGOs.

Chatterjee does not differentiate between when associations are mobilizing in

order to protect specific interests (...) and when they are involved in the delivery

of services. He is able to lump very different practices together in this way

because he tells us so little about the technicalities of how these processes of

mediation actually take place (Harrison, 2012: 239).

Harrison challenges Chatterjee, when he argues that an adequate definition of an NGO shouldcontain a specification of the type of activities undertaken by the NGO (Harrison, 2012: 239).

According to Harrison, the universe of NGOs can be divided into two groups:

a) NGOs performing distributive and consultative functions for the government

b) NGOs engaged in mobilization and lobbying

NGOs that perform distributive and consultative functions for the government draw on the

civil society tactics enumerated by Chatterjee (Harrison, 2012: 240). Where Harrison findings

contradict Chatterjees are in the cases where NGOs engage in mobilization and advocacy.

Harrison argues that these types of NGOs show no hesitancy in engaging with electoral

politics. Harrisons study of NGO tactics in West Bengal challenges Chatterjees relegation of

NGOs to the sphere of civil society. Harrison faults Chatterjees definition of NGOs. If

Chatterjee paid greater attention to the NGOs mandates and adopted a more finely grained

definition, then he would refrain from relegating all NGOs to the realm of civil society.


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Two additional studies lend support to Harrisons critique of Chatterjees placement of NGOs

within the realm of civil society. In a critical review of Chatterjees writings, Ajai Gudavarthy

confirms that some NGOs dotake on the role of mediators speaking on behalf of the poorest

and negotiation with politicians about entitlements and benefits (Gudavarthy, 2012: 11-12). In

a study of state agents and the rural poor in the Indian states of West Bengal and Bihar, Stuart

Corbridge also arrives at findings, which lend support to Harrisons criticism of Chatterjees

understanding of NGO tactics. Corbridge reports that there have been instances where NGOs

have engaged with electoral politics, rather than shied away from it (Corbridge et al. 2005:

191). Though Gudavarthy and Corbridge refrain from replicating Harrisons distinction

between NGOs that perform government services and NGOs that advocate and lobby, they do

find that Chatterjees classifications of NGO tactics would benefit from paying closer

attention to the type of tasks undertaken by the NGOs.

Chatter,ee"s -efence

Chatterjee has responded to the criticism levelled at his categorization of NGOs as civil

society actors. Chatterjee admits that there have been instances, where NGOs have crossed

the line separating the civil from the political (Chatterjee, 2012: 320) and engaged with

electoral politics. He acknowledges that in certain cases NGOs born within the spaces of

civil society can effectively give voice to demands hitherto unrepresented groups and even

force political parties to take notice (Chatterjee, 2012: 319). He has also acknowledged that

there are NGOs, which perform consultative and distributive tasks and NGOs, which are

involved in advocacy and mobilization (Chatterjee, 2012: 329). Yet, Chatterjee maintains that

regardless of their mandate, NGOs would rather not be involved in electoral politics.

Although, he accepts that there have been cases, where NGOs have been involved with

electoral politics, he maintains that NGOs in large part remain loyal to the principles of civil

society. Instances where NGOs have engaged with electoral politics remain the exception

rather than the norm (Chatterjee, 2012: 315).

Chatterjee faults his critics for not paying close enough attention to the reasoning, which

guides the few NGOs, who engage with electoral politics. If his critics had taken these NGOs

justifications for engaging with electoral actors into account, then they would discover that

their collaboration with politicians comes fraught with tension. Chatterjee observes that

NGOs, who engage in electoral politics, feel the need to defend their actions. If prompted,


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these NGOs admit that their interaction with electoral politics sits uncomfortably with them.

Chatterjee observes how NGOs are quite aware of the conceptual distinction, even though

they dont respect it in practice (Chatterjee, 2012: 321). NGOs are well aware of the fact that

their collaboration with electoral actors constitutes a transgression. To Chatterjee, their

defensive behaviour confirms that NGOs in general prefer keeping their distance from

electoral politics.

Chatterjee further criticizes Harrison, Gudavarthy and Corbridges studies for failing to

distinguish between NGOs and more informal organizations. Chatterjee mentions the

leadership of squatter settlements as an example of an informal organization. Village clubs

would be another example. In particular, Chatterjee finds fault with the empirical work done

by Harrison. Chatterjee argues that Harrison fails to make a distinction between informal

organizations and NGOs. In failing to so, Harrison overlooks the fact that the two types of

organizations interact with electoral politics in distinct ways. According to Chatterjee,

informal organizations do not shy away from engaging with electoral politics. Chatterjee

found this to be the case in his work on squatter settlements in Calcutta, were he encountered

informal groups, who managed to make their voice heard in a manner, which defied the

values of civil society.8

As a theoretical framework, the Lockean civil society was not able to

capture how these disenfranchised groups living in Calcuttas slums levelled influence. In an

attempt to explain how these informal organizations interact with the state, Chatterjee

introduces the concept of political society tactics.

Political society tactics are the actions of informal groups, who wrestle entitlements and

benefits from electoral agents by negotiating with them (Chatterjee, 1998: 61). Members of

political society do not shy away from engagement in electoral politics. In fact, one of thekey instruments of political society in India is the instrumental use of a right of formal

citizenship, namely the vote. That is what keeps the activities of political society in constant

play with the formal procedures of electoral democracy (Chatterjee, 2012: 310). For informal

groups, electoral politics is viewed as a means to level influence.

8In this case, the informal group in question were a squatter settlement, which occupied a stretch of railroad land

illegally. The squatters demanded better living conditions and were able to wrangle benefits from the municipal

office (Mannathukkaren, 2010: 297).


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Chatterjee argues that it is necessary to distinguish between NGOs and more informal

organizations. The two types of organizations do not engage with state agents in a similar

manner. The more informal groups interact with state agents, whereas NGOs view electoral

politics as an unwelcome disturbance. NGOs and informal groups are not to be conflated into

the same category. The conceptual distinction between NGO-led movements and political

society needs to be maintained (Chatterjee, 2012: 320). When Harrison concludes that NGOs

engage with politicians, he fails to distinguish between NGOs and informal organizations. If

Harrison had drawn this distinction, then he would have noticed that it is informal

organizations, who engage with electoral actors, whereas the more formalized NGOs prefer

not to.


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Chapter .: Theoretical *+pectations

Having accounted for Wedeens writings on Yemeni qat-chews as an example of a

performative practice and Chatterjees categorization of NGOs as civil society actors, what

follows is a brief outline of how the two theorists concepts will be applied to this thesis

examination of PVCHRs stand on politicians participation in the honour ceremonies.

Wedeens performative approach is integrated with Chatterjees observations of how NGOs

relate to political actors in an Indian setting. The theoretical expectation of this thesis is as

follows.

We expect that Chatterjees observations of NGO tactics also applies to PVCHR. We

anticipate that PVCHR will constitute themselves as civil society actors and prefer that

politicians are not involved in the ceremonies. If PVCHR in any way engages with politicians

in the ceremonies, they will adamantly defend their actions, because they know that this

interaction constitutes a transgression.

PVCHR will prefer that politicians are not involved in the honour ceremonies


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Chapter /: %esearch -esign and 0ethodolog

In what follows, the thesis research design and methodology is recounted. The thesis is an

intensive study of a single unit (Gerring, 2007). By limiting the thesis scope to an in-depth

examination of PVCHRs perception of politicians participation in the honour ceremonies,

within-case variation takes centre stage. Within-case variation is central to this thesis, because

of the simple maxim, which dictates that organizations do not understand themselves,

individuals do. By maintaining a narrow focus on the staff at PVCHR, the thesis is better able

to determine, whether the informants perception of politicians participation in the honour

ceremonies are in alignment or differ from each other.

Though a comparative study, where PVCHRs take on participation is compared with the

victims or even the politicians perception, would undoubtedly prove interesting, limited time

and resources are obvious limitations. At the time of research, next to nothing was known

about participation in the honour ceremonies and therefore an examination of the organizers

experience with participation seemed as good a place to start as any.

&n *thnographic Stud

Answers to the research question were sought through a one month stay in PVCHRs offices

in Varanasi, India. The field research was planned and executed in accordance with

principles, which guide Wedeen in her ethnographic research of the Yemeni qat-chews.

Wedeens study of the qat-chews is an example of a study concerned with typical political

science questions, but which makes use of research methods more familiar to the field of

anthropology and ethnography. Though an ethnographic approach to data collection is no

longer limited to studies of culture, ethnographic studies within political science are still

relatively rare (Schatz b, 2009: 305, see also Cerwonka & Malkki, 2008). Therefore, it is

necessary to briefly introduce the central components of Wedeens fieldwork.

To Wedeen, ethnographic research entails immersion in the place and lives of people under

study (Wedeen, 2010: 257). The thesis adopts Wedeens ethnographic approach, which

entails spending copious hours in the offices of PVCHR, observing how PVCHR organizes

the ceremonies and participating in honour ceremonies in various parts of Uttar Pradesh. In

addition to the observational work, data is also generated through semi-structured interviews

with PVCHR staff working on the testimonial therapy program.


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The research question of this thesis deals with PVCHRs perception and therefore the

extensive ethnographic field work is deemed the most suitable method of collecting data,

because it allows for close, person-to-person contact that is attuned to the worldviews of the

people we study (Schatz, 2009: 4). The time spent in the field does enable one to take a

concept or phenomenon and understand it in deep rich ways (Cerwonka & Malkki, 2005:

74).

&n Interpreti$e &pproach

In addition to replicating Wedeens ethnographic research design, the thesis also accepts

Wedeens interpretive premise.9 To Wedeen, language not only mirrors the world, it also

shapes it. In arguing that language is fundamental to our being in the world, Wedeen rejects

the idea of an external reality independent of language. In doing so, Wedeen does away with

the claim that a statement can be either true or false. One can only determine the truth value of

an utterance if the statement is made in reference to an external reality, which can be

observed.

Wedeen disbands with the idea that there are some informants, who are more reliable than

others. Instead, she dictates that each voice can be interpreted for what perspectives,

practices and assumptions it reveals (Schatz, 2009: 13). Wedeen finds that making a

distinction between accurate and inaccurate information would require that all statements

were viewed in reference to some Archimedean point. To Wedeen, the idea of an objective

reality is null and void.

The thesis accepts Wedeens interpretive premise and does not seek to question the truth

value of the informants statements. Instead focus is on examining, what certain utterances

tell us about the perspective of the informants and the context in which they are situated. Here

the ethnographic approach is a suitable approach to data collection, because by being

immersed in the daily activities of PVCHR, it is easier to discover how PVCHR makes sense

of their context and what meanings they contribute to politicians participation in the

ceremonies.

9

It should be noted that an ethnographic approach does not necessarily entail an interpretive sensibility. Severalethnographic studies rest on positivist foundations.


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&ppling the Theoretical Framework

The thesis is guided by the theoretical expectations derived from Chatterjees theoretical

framework, but is not purely deductive. The absence of research into PVCHRs perception of

participation in the ceremonies calls for a more explorative approach, which foregrounds data.

The thesis attempts to strike a balance between a deductive and an inductive approach by

using Chatterjees concepts as a frame of reference, while remaining open to whatever

PVCHR deems important in their explanations of politicians involvement in the ceremonies.

Chatterjees concepts are used in so far as they inform and deepen our understanding of

participation in the ceremonies. Edward Schatz has termed this a yes, and approach,

which builds on what people, texts, or the field site bring up (often unexpectedly), rather

than negate or refuse these offers (Schatz, 2006: 12).

In applying Chatterjees theoretical concepts, it should be kept in mind that Chatterjees work

on NGO tactics is informed by his involvement in the political landscape of West Bengal.

This thesis describes the activities of an NGO based in Varanasi that organizes ceremonies in

very rural parts of Uttar Pradesh. It is safe to assume that some of the insights from

Chatterjees analysis of NGOs interaction with electoral politics cannot be directly applied to

the Uttar Pradeshi context. In an introduction to a critical anthology on Chatterjeestheorizing, the Indian scholar Nivedita Menon comments on attempts at applying Chatterjees

insights to other cases. She cautions against the purity of empty universalist categories and

() their claims to speak about everywhere from nowhere (Menon, 2010: 3). Instead, what

is needed is an approach, which displays sensitivity to location (Menon, 2010: 3).

enerating -ata

The data used in the thesis was generated by conducting interviews and through observations.

In that the thesis is interpretive, it follows that data is not out there to be found. Instead we

speak here of accessing sources that might enable the generation of data (Yanow &

Schwartz-Shea, 2006: 115). Raw data is not collected, but generated in interplay between the

researcher and the informants. Thus, the interpretive work starts at the level of data

generation. Therefore, it is necessary to precisely describe how the data was generated with

the purpose of ensuring that the research design can replicated (Wedeen, 2010: 265).


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Semi)structured Inter$iews

Data was generated through semi-structured interviews. Though interviews are by no means

the only way to generate ethnographic data (Hastrup, 2009: 18), this method of data

generation was chosen, because it allows for a more nuanced understanding of the world

from the informants perspectives rather than simply from the researchers (Pader, 2006:

163). Inspired by Wedeens method of conducting interviews, the interview-guide consisted

of two kinds of questions (appendix 2: interview-guide). Open-ended questions, where the

informant was encouraged to describe politicians participation in the ceremonies and more

probing why-questions aimed at eliciting answers, which pertained to the motivations, which

guided PVCHR in their stand on politicians participation. The more descriptive questions

were posed with the purpose of determining whether PVCHR thought that politicians had any

role to play in the ceremonies (the locutionary dimension), whereas the why-questions sought

to uncover PVCHRs justifications (the illocutionary dimension).

Though the interviews were conducted in reference to an interview-guide, they remained

exploratory. Rather than run through a preconceived list of politicians involved in electoral

politics and ask the informant to confirm, whether the listed politician had a role to play in the

ceremonies, I asked open-ended questions, which encouraged the informants to describeparticipation in the ceremonies with special focus on the role of politicians. The exploratory

approach was chosen, because I wanted to avoid imposing any theoretical preconceptions on

the informants. In this thesis, interviews were conducted with the purpose of gaining more of

a sense of the context in which PVCHR operates and what drives PVCHR in their interaction

with the politicians.

ser$ation Studies

In addition to the interviews, data was also generated through observation studies of four

honour ceremonies and by observing PVHCRs daily work with organizing the ceremonies,

which mainly took place at the Varanasi office. As Pader puts it, doing observations is the

fine art of hanging out with a difference. The difference is that an ethnographer doing

participant-observation attempts to interpret observations and experiences systematically

(Pader, 2006: 163). As far as possible, I attempted to join the participants in the rhythm of

their life, in their space and their time (Buroway, 1998: 17). All the data generated through


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observations was meticulously noted down in field notes, which were compiled and edited at

the end of each day.

Observations were chosen as the second method of generating data, because it is a good way

to gain insight into actors lived political experiences, to observe how people make sense of

their world, to chart how they ground their ideas in everyday practices and administrative

routines (Wedeen, 2009: 85). Through observations, I aspired to arrive at a deeper

understanding of PVCHRs take on politicians involvement in the ceremonies. By doing

observations I was able to include data, which arose in more casual conversations in response

to shared experiences. As Allaine Cerwonka has noted, this form of data is brimming with

valuable insight, because it is often easier for people to talk to ethnographers if they are

talking about something they see together, instead of just asking questions narrowly directed

at them (Cerwonka & Malkki, 2005: 149). A further advantage to doing observational work

was that it made for better interviews. In the interviews, informants often made mention of

shared experience and used it as a common frame of reference.

In the literature on observation-studies, much has been said about the role of the observer and

opinions are divided as to how one should navigate while in the field. For this research, I took

on the role of a participant observer, serving both as an actor and a spectator (Wedeen,

2010: 257). A participant observer is not a fly on the wall and this marks a break with the

positivist idea of the non-interfering researcher (Wedeen, 2010: 257). But in view of the

thesis interpretive approach, this is not viewed as a major complication, but just another layer

of interpretation, which is taken into account in the analysis.

The Selection of Informants

What follows is a brief account of how the informants were selected. As mentioned, the thesisis a single-case study of PVCHRs take on participation. Due to this, only PVCHR staff

members were chosen as informants. The universe of informants was further narrowed down

to include only staff members, who were directly involved in the implementation of the

testimonial therapy program. Though most of the staff at PVCHR is familiar with the

testimonial therapy program, they were not asked to be informants due to the limited time and

resources of the research. Limiting the pool of informants even further, only staff members,

who had a hand in organizing the ceremonies, were chosen. Figure 4 provides an overview of


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the organizational set-up of the testimonial therapy program. The informants, who have

contributed to this thesis, are shaded green.

Figure 4:Organizational set-up of the testimonial therapy program, 2013.

Source: PVCHR report to DIGNITY, 2013.10

All of the management staff involved in the testimonial therapy program contributed to the

thesis as informers. These were Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi (Project Director), Mrs. Shruti

Nagvanshi (Managing Trustee) and Ms. Shirin Shabana Khan (Program Manager). The

management holds the overall responsibility for the implementation of the honour

ceremonies, while field staff takes care of the practical arrangements and is in direct contact

with the communities, where the ceremonies are held.11

There are two kinds of field staff,

model-block coordinators and psycho-social community worker. Psycho-social community

workers are required to spend more hours in the field, whereas model-block coordinators

solve the more administrative task of organizing the ceremonies (PVCHR, 2013: Contract of

employment for field staff). Of the model-block coordinators, five agreed to be informants for

the thesis. These were Mr. Manoj Singh, Mr. Shiv Pratap Chaubey, Ms. Chhaya Kumari, Mr.

10Note that at present no one holds the position of the model-block manager. Instead, the programme manager

has taken on the tasks of the model-block manager.

11

For more information on the division of duties between management and field staff, refer to the contracts foroffice staff and the contracts for field staff, where the tasks are further enumerated.

Proect director

!inance

manager

"dministrative

assistant

Program

manager

Model #lock

manager

Coordinator

detention $atc%

Data entry

operator

Model #lock

coordinators

Psyc%o&social

community

$orkers

Coordinator

advocacy

Legal

coordinator


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Onkar Viswakarma and Mr. Pintu Gupta. One model-block worker was out of office during

the field work and did therefore note participate. Of the psycho-social community workers,

only three of the five were able to participate as informants. These were Mr. Digvijay Singh,

Mr. Prabhakar and Mr. Dinesh Kumar Anal. The remaining two were not in office at the time

of research.

The Selection of ser$ation Sites

Most of the observations were made in PVCHRs office in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh. During

the one month field visit, I sat in on staff meetings, a three-day training session of field staff

and was able to follow the organizational and administrative work with arranging the

ceremonies. In addition to being present in PVCHR offices, I was able to participate in a total

of four honour ceremonies in various parts of Uttar Pradesh. I observed a smaller honour

ceremony in Babhnauli village in the southern of Uttar Pradesh, where a little less than 100

people participated. Following this ceremony, I travelled to the northern parts of Uttar

Pradesh an observed a large honour ceremony in Chintauara village, where more than 150

people participated. At the end of my field visit, I participated in two honour ceremonies in

the vicinity of Varanasi, one in Badagaon village, where more than 200 people showed up and

one in Sarai village, where approximately 100 people were in the audience. Figure 5 depicts

the placement of the five observation sites in Uttar Pradesh. The photos serve as an

illustration of the various ways the honour ceremonies were organized.


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Figure 5:Map of Uttar Pradesh depicting the five observation sites.


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Photo 1: PVCHRs offices in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh.

Photo 2: Honour ceremony in Babhnauli village, Robertganj, Uttar Pradesh, 30.05.2013.


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Photo 3: Honour ceremony in Chintaura village, Tanda, Uttar Pradesh, 08.06.2013.

Photo 4: Honour ceremony in Sarai village, Pindra, Uttar Pradesh, 13.06.2013.


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Photo 5: Honour ceremony in Badagaon village, Uttar Pradesh, 15.06.2013.

Sources of data discussed

In the following, the choice of informants and observation sites is evaluated in reference the

ethnographic idea of immersion. In ethnographic research, immersion refers to the duration

and intensity of a field visit and is an important research criterion (Schatz, 2009: 17). Only if

the researcher is in the field long enough to discern the social processes that give integrity to

the site (Buroway, 2009: 17) can one speak of immersion. It should be noted that it is

difficult to determine, what amounts to the ideal duration and intensity of a field study.

Measuring immersion objectively is next to impossible. Nevertheless, the Danish

anthropologist Kirsten Hastrup notes that immersion happens, when the data gathered in the

field work no longer presents any surprises, but falls into consistent patterns (Hastrup, 2009:

301).

In what follows is a brief discussion of whether the field study of this thesis lives up to the

immersion-research criterion. As mentioned earlier, the duration of the field work was a

month. I arrived in Varanasi in late May and left at the end of June. The summer months in

northern India are viciously hot and all activity slows down to a halt. People are active in the

early mornings and evenings, when the temperature drops, but take breaks during the hottest

hours of the day. Luckily, PVCHR had a very busy schedule, despite the heat (see appendix

2). The schedule for June did not differ vastly from any other months and I was therefore able


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to conduct interviews with almost all the relevant staff and participate in a handful of

ceremonies. Therefore, the timing of the field research had no adverse effect on the intensity

of the field research.

!orking in Translation

The generation of data was complicated by the fact that most of my informants spoke mainly

Hindi. Though I have a basic understanding of Hindi, the somewhat sensitive topic of the

thesis required attention to nuances and details and I therefore solicited the help of a

translator. The academic researcher and professional translator Ajay Pandey did the bulk of

the translation work for the interviews. Ajay Pandeys high proficiency in both English and

Hindi ensured that only minor details were lost in translation. However, in a few of the

interviews Ajay Pandey was not available and I had to ask English speaking staff members to

translate. Staff members also functioned as translators during my observations of the honour

ceremonies. In the interviews where staff members functioned as translators, I made it a point

to repeat or rephrase questions in order to avoid misunderstandings and weed out ambiguous

answers. In addition, I ensured the quality of the translations by having Ajay Pandey listen to

the recorded interviews and confirm the accuracy of the translations.

*thical ChallengesThe generation of data was somewhat complicated by the manner in which I came into

contact with PVCHR. Initially, I contacted PVCHRs Danish partner organization DIGNITY

with questions about the testimonial therapy program. DIGNITY took an interest in my

research and put me in touch with PVCHR. In an attempt to counter the asymmetrical power

relationship (Agger & Jensen, 1996: 9) that inadvertently arose due to my affiliation with

DIGNITY, I emphasized that I had come to learn about PVCHRs experiences with the

honour ceremonies and that I did not seek to evaluate their efforts. I also made sure to

mention that my study was not funded by DIGNITY.

#rocessing the -ata

Having generated data about PVCHRs perception of politicians participating through

interviews and observations, the data was further processed. All interviews were recorded and

transcribed. Field notes detailing the observations were written in the immediate aftermath of

field visits in order to prevent inaccuracy in terms of recollecting events and conversations. In

the process of transcription, a few of the interviews were edited for clarity. In the editing


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process, certain fragmented passages from the interviews were omitted, if they were difficult

to make sense of. This was done, to avoid making too much of ambiguous data (Miles &

Huberman, 1994: 114).

The qualitative data recorded in the interviews and through the observations was further

systematized by being arranged in displays. By creating displays I was able to compare and

contrast the data generated through interviews and from the observations. Seeing that the

creation of displays is part of the analytical process, it is therefore necessary to briefly

recount, how the data was summarized. This ensures that the thesis research design can be

replicated (Lofland et al., 2006: 212).

In creating the displays, I closely followed the guidelines of Peter Dahler-Larsen, who has

written extensively on how to present qualitative data (Dahler-Larsen, 2002). The raw data

was arranged in large working-displays. From these working-displays, smaller displays were

created by condensing the raw data. Only the condensed displays are included in the analysis,

but the working-displays are available upon request.

The displays were made in accordance with Dahler-Larsens inclusion-principle, which

dictates that all relevant data is to be included in the displays (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 37-42).

Noteworthy gaps in the data have also been incorporated into the displays. By including all of

the available data, I have ensured that the outliers and contradictory findings are taken into

account in the analysis, thereby minimizing the risk that data serves merely as apt

illustrations of the theoretical concepts (Velsen, 1967: 140, see also Dahler-Larsen, 2002:

42).

The creation of working-displays, which are then condensed to smaller displays, also ensures

the transparency of the analysis. The findings of the analysis can all be traced back to the raw

data of the working displays (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 43).

Additionally, presenting data in displays ensures that the findings of the analysis actually

build on existing data. Dahler-Larsen terms this the authenticity principle (Dahler-Larsen,

2002: 42). Dahler-Larsen finds that much qualitative research suffers from a tendency to draw


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conclusion on the basis of little data (Dahler-Larsen, 2002: 39). By respecting the authenticity

principle and use displays build from condensed data, one is safeguarded against drawing

conclusions that have no basis in the available data (Miles & Huberman, 1994: 144)


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Chapter 4: First #art of the &nalsis

Having described the research design and methodology, what follows is the first part of the

analysis. The first part of the analysis seeks to answer the question of which politicians

PVCHR would invite to participate in the ceremonies.

The In$ol$ement of the #oliticians

The following is an overview of which politicians the informants mention in response to

questions about politicians involvement in the honour ceremonies. All of the informants

mention the village head, while fewer informants identify the village council members.

Political party members, who operate at village level, are also named alongside politicians,

who operate at state level. Table 2 provides an overview of the politicians mentioned and

tallies how many informants made mention of them. It also summarizes the terminology used

to describe the politicians.

Table 2:Politicians mentioned.

Politician mentioned Mentioned by Terminology used

Village head 11 informants Village head

Panchayat leader

Village council member 4 informants Gram Panchayat

Panchayat member

Political party member 5 informants Local party membersState level politician 5 informants Political leader

Member of State Assembly

Higher level political leaderHighly political leaders

Big leaders

The higher politician

The 5illage Head

Though all of the informants make mention of the village head, only five argue that the

village head should participate in the ceremony (interviews with Onkar, Pintu, Digvijay,

Manoj and Chaubey). Onkars description of the village heads involvement in the ceremony

is a good example of the general tenor among the other four informants. Onkar reports that

we try the village head to honour that person and if the village head does it, he thinks the

village head is with me, so he feels less scared of the police (interview with Onkar).

For the remaining six informants the village heads involvement in the ceremonies is less

straightforward. They all note that there have been cases where the village head has


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attended, but they also caution against inviting certain village heads (interviews with

Prabhakar, Shabana, Dinesh, Chhaya, Lenin and Shruti).

The 5illage Council 0emerWhereas the informants in their stand on the village heads involvement in the ceremonies are

somewhat divided, they present a unified front in terms of the village council members

involvement. All five informants, who mention the village council members, are in favour of

their involvement in the ceremonies (interviews with Onkar, Lenin, Shruti and Digvijay). To

illustrate, Lenin remarks that panchayat members will come [to the ceremony]. They will

come, they will support (interview with Lenin 01.06.2013).

The #olitical #art 0emerFive of the informants are equally unified in their conviction that members of political parties,

who operate at village level, are best left out of the ceremonies (interviews with Chaubey,

Digvijay, Chhaya and observations of Lenin and Shabana). Chaubey is one informant, who

with great emphasis explains that members of the political parties are not encouraged to

participate. We never allow the political party to enter in the program (interview with

Chaubey). Neither Chaubey nor any of the other informants make any reference to the party

affiliation of the party members. They are all targeted with a blanket-exclusion. The

informants exclusion of party members was not only limited to the interviews, but also

apparent in the observations made in the field. During an honour ceremony in Chintaura

Village in Northern Uttar Pradesh, a party member from Congress was in the audience. What

follows is a short excerpt from my field notes.

As I was walking towards the entrance of the tent a short man in a red shirt

walked up to me and handed me his business card. I was a little surprised in that

this was the first business card Id been handed while in the field. None of the

PVCHR staff has one. Puzzled, I took the card from him. On the business card

was his name alongside the pictures and names of Sonja Gandhi and Rahul

Gandhi. He told me that he was a member of the Congress Party () Later; I

showed the business card to Lenin and Shabana. They explained that he was a

party member from the Congress Party, but clearly didnt think much of him and

dismissed his importance (Field note, 08.06.2013: Chintaura Honour Ceremony).


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Photo 6:Ibrahim Ansari, member of the Congress service group, Chintaura village 08.06.2013.

Figure 6:Ibrahim Ansaris business card.12

12Translated from Hindi, the business card reads Long live Sonia Gandhi, long live Rahul [Gandhi], long live

the Congress Party. The Congress Service Group. Mr. Ibrahim Ansari from Tanda Nagar Constituency.

Neighbourhood Talwapar, Tanda, Ambedkhar Nagar.


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The picture in the above captures the Congress member overlooking the members of the

audience before the start of the ceremony. Though he is standing by the microphone, he did

not address the people gathered. Figure 6 is his business card and confirms his identity as a

member of the Congress Party.

Lenin and Shabana neither desired the Congress members participation, nor promoted his

presence. They found that this particular party member had no role to play in the ceremony.

Lenin and Shabanas reaction to the party members presence in the audience falls perfectly in

line with the statements of the other three informants, who also reported that political party

members had no role to play in the ceremonies.

The State 6e$el #olitician

Four of the informants, who mention the politician at state level, agree that state level

politicians have no role to play in the honour ceremonies (interview with Lenin, Onkar,

Manoj and Shruti). One of these informants is Lenin, who explains how we are never giving

any space, we are never calling to any political leaders at all () They wanted to, but we

never promote them to come into our ceremony (interview with Lenin). Lenin posits that

PVCHR does not give space to political leaders, nor promote their participation in the

ceremonies. Manoj is equally forthright in his exclusion of the state level politician from the

ceremony and explains how we are very careful with inviting highly political leaders () we

have not invited that type of very big leaders (interview with Manoj).

However, not all informants are in alignment. One informant sees no problems with state

level politicians presence in the ceremonies and argues in favour of their inclusion (interview

with Pintu). In the following, Pintu describes how state level politicians are invited to the

ceremonies. In the ceremonies we invite politicians. And they come and they honour these

people () Sometimes we get them honoured by people from other communities by the

higher politician (interview with Pintu). Pintu description marks a break with other four

informants consensus.

To fully appreciate Pintu as an outlier, it is worth mentioning that Pintus inclusion of state

level politicians is apparently a bone of contention within the organization. Without being

prompted, Lenin comments on Pintus inclusion of the state level politician.


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Once upon a time we brought a Member of State Assembly. It was not our

decision to do that. And he came, he talk crazy, crazy, because they are not going

to support anti-torture. I told Pintu, you look, we give the freedom to you. We do

() We gave the freedom. What you want to do, youll do. He came. And he

spoke against us (interview with Lenin).

Lenin describes an honour ceremony, which took place in a village, where Pintu had the

responsibility for inviting participants. Lenin notes that Pintu invited a Member from the State

Assembly of Uttar Pradesh. Clearly, Lenin questioned Pintu in his decision to include the

state level politician in the ceremony, but nonetheless decided to leave the decision in Pintus

hands. Leni

The Politician’s place in Therapeutic Practice

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