The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: A Selection - Triceratops Home

^iEI.IENICLUPOA Quarterly Review

VOL. VI, No. 1

SPRING 1979

Editorial Board:DAN GEORGAKASPASCHAL'S M. KITROMILIDESPETER PAPPASYIANNIS P. ROUBATIS

Managing Editor:PHYLLIS R. CRAIG

Advisory Editors:NIKOS PETROPOULOSDINO SIOTIS

The Journal of the Hellenic Diasporais a quarterly review published by PellaPublishing Company, Inc., 461 EighthAvenue, New York, NY 10001, U.S.A.,in March, June, September, and Decem-ber. Copyright © 1979 by Pella Publish-ing Company.

The editors welcome the freelance sub-mission of articles, essays and book re-views. All submitted material should betypewritten and double-spaced. Trans-lations should be accompanied by theoriginal text. Book reviews should beapproximately 600 to 1,200 words inlength. Manuscripts will not be re-turned unless they are accompanied bya stamped, self-addressed envelope.

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Advertising rates can be had on requestby writing to the Managing Editor.

Articles appearing in this Journal areabstracted and/or indexed in HistoricalAbstracts and America: History andLife; or in Sociological Abstracts; or inPsychological Abstracts; or in the Mod-ern Language Association Abstracts (in-cludes International Bibliography) inaccordance with the relevance of contentto the abstracting agency.

All articles and reviews published inthe Journal represent only the opinionsof the individual authors; they do notnecessarily reflect the views of theeditors or the publisher

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

ATHAN ANAGNOSTOPOULOS is associate professor of classics atBoston University . . KIMON FRIAR's translations of Yannis Ritsos,Takis Sinopoulos, and Manolis Anagnostakis will be published soon .. .S. VICTOR PAPACOSMA is associate professor of history at Kent StateUniversity ... PETER PAPPAS is an editor of the Journal . . . In additionto being an editor of the Journal, YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS is the Wash-ington correspondent of the Athens daily, Ta Nea. He is currently work-ing on a book about the murder of George Polk . . . MINAS SAVVASteaches creative writing at San Diego State University . . . GEORGEVALAMVANOS is a regular contributor to the Journal . . . PERICLESS. VALLIANOS received his doctorate in the history of ideas fromBrandeis University . . . VASILIS VASILIKOS is the author of Z,Photographs, and The Monarch, among many other works. His mostrecent book is My Whole Life (Stelios Kazantzidis) . . . HENRYWASSER is professor of humanities at the College of Staten Island andan associate of the Center for European Studies of the Graduate Centerof the City University of New York. He is the co-author of HigherEducation in Western Europe and North America: A Selected AnnotatedBibliography.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Statement 4

Anatomy Lesson by Vasilis Vasilikos 5

The United States and the Operational Responsibilities ofthe Greek Armed Forces, 1947-1987by Yiannis P. Roubatis 39

The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: An Introductionby Kimon Friar 59

The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: A Selection 68

A Survey of Recent Trends in Greek Higher Educationby Henry Wasser 85

Book Reviews

Pericles S. Vallianos on Homage to the Tragic Muse 97Peter Pappas on Politics and Cinema 102

S. Victor Papacosma on Social Change and MilitaryIntervention, 1880-1909 107

George Valamvanos on The Athenian Review 109

Minas Savvas on Resistance, Exile and Love 114

Letters 117

Publications Received 119

Index 122

Statement

With the previous issue, the first five years of theJournal came to a close. Begun as a voice againstthe dictatorship of April 21, it has developed into apermanent forum for the democratic discussion of allissues concerning contemporary Greek reality. Further-more, it has become an important medium for the pres-entation of what is most vital—and viable—in Greekculture.

While we believe that we have done much to ensurethat the Journal become an authentic organ of Greeks inthe diaspora, we know that there is still more to do. Aswe enter our second five years, we would like to inviteour readers to participate in the Journal's development.

We welcome not only suggestions for improvement,but constructive criticism of our errors and deficiencies.We believe that the production of a magazine accountsfor only half of its life—the other half begins only afterit reaches the hands of the reader. In that spirit of com-mon enterprise, we urge all our readers to take an activerole in the ongoing definition of the Journal.

—The Editors

Anatomy LessonMderiga 'Avatogiac

by VASILIS VASILIKOS

Last fall, after an absence of many years, Vasilis Vasilikosvisited the United States for several weeks. The immediate creativeresult of that visit (though not the only or final one, undoubtedly)was "MaEhwa 'Avorroplac," the story which follows these com-ments. Ostensibly about a conference of anatomists, its essentialconcern is the meaning of history and the manner in which it isconfronted. The central metaphor of anatomy is an unusually per-ceptive crystallization of the social role historians play in definingand analyzing the development of our collective consciousness.Humanity's past is reified into a corpse which historians—history'sanatomists—dissect. Having done so, they deduce from its entrailsnot only what has already been but what is yet to come. As such,their "profession," Vasilikos seems to imply, is sometimes insepara-ble from the ritual function of a magus.

Although "Mdceruicc 'Avccroplac" may bear similarities toany number of academic conferences, it would be a profound mis-judgment to read it as a conte a clef. To do so would be to lose thegeneral resonance of Vasilikos's metaphor for the satisfaction ofillusory deductions. The point to the story is not to make connec-tions "to persons living or dead," but to describe the process bywhich humanity many times distorts its own self-portrait. In thissense, the reference in the story to Rembrandt's painting is not onlysignificant but crucial.

As more and more scholars are beginning to realize, the rigidly-defined specialization which has been imposed on the humanitiesand social sciences is leading to a new intellectual barbarism. Mostpolitical scientists are as ignorant of Stendhal and Mayakovsky asprofessors of literature are oblivious to Locke and Marx'sEighteenth Brumaire. It is time to reinterpret the idea of the ra-tionalization of academic disciplines and to understand that historyand culture are the two separate profiles of the same human face.In that respect, we can learn as much about history from a writer aswe can about literature from a historian. In any case, we are indeedfortunate in that "Mearit 'AvaTotitac" is an excellent exampleof both history and literature. —Peter Pappas

Anatomy Lesson

The chairwoman started her introduction by saying that much effortand many expenses had been necessary "to arrive at the present moment."First, the corpse had to come from Greece to here where it was now, thatis, the United States of America; then, all the anatomists who were presenthad to be invited from their various universities where they were teaching;their free times had to coincide, etc. She thanked the audience for theirgreat participation and the Greek Embassy in Washington, which hadreally helped, in every way, the bureaucratic machine to get the requiredpermits from the health authorities and the police until they had finallyreached this moment when the whetted knives of the anatomists couldwork unobstructed.

The audience was growing impatient with the long drawn-out intro-duction. They were afraid that the corpse might begin to smell beforethey could learn who it was, why it died, and the rest.

"To begin with" (the first one to speak after the chairwoman wasthe trimmed beard), "we don't have at our disposal all the necessarydocuments which would help determine the origin of the dead man. Thereare, scientifically speaking, many gaps. Without the registrar's certificateof birth and death, no autopsy has the guarantee of accuracy. But," headded, "the period in which the man died was such, anomalous and turbu-lent, that we are looking for a needle in a haystack. Archives were de-stroyed, families perished, homes were annihilated. Besides, Greece hasnever been characterized by the preservation of her archives. A land ofpassage, of the crossing of peoples, how could it keep a genealogical tree?If one dug into each Greek (and I am Greek," he explained, "although I'vemade my career here in America), he'd discover almost the same thingthat happened with property titles: they were in Constantinople, in theArchives Bureau which no longer exists because the Young Turks burnedit down. Thus, behind each Greek hides, in seed, an Albanian, a Turk,a Slav, a European, an Asian. The pure race of the Vikings, for example,does not exist in us, in the Greek people. If the shape of his skull suggeststo us that he's from Pontus, nothing excludes the possibility that theorigin of the corpse might be from Mesa Mani or from the north, fromFlorina. The fact that it was found, that it might have been found, onVitsi for instance, on a mountain ridge, means absolutely nothing. Howdid he get to the mountain peak? Holding a machine gun? Was he abouradas (quisling) or a katsaplias (bandit), to use the terminology ofthat period? A monarchofascist or a soldier of the Democratic Army?Nothing of all this, I explain, is of interest to the scientific givens ofthe problem. The distance which we have from this fact helps us toexamine it without fear or passion. A corpse is a corpse. Although," headded, "the opposite point of view is also correct: a scholar must takea position. My position, though, my own position, makes me confessthe nonexistence of any position. Because I lack the documents. Documentswhich would have obliged me to take a position. ..."

12 JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA

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Anatomy Lesson 13

And saying this, he stepped down from the platform and made thefirst stab into the place where the bullet had hit the heart.

(He saw sprouting a field sown with flowers, a humble hut, the goattied, the chickens pecking, a family of farmers whose crops had beenburned one night either because it helped the guerrillas or because itwas turned in by the neighbor with whom it had quarrelled over an olivetree long before the war.)

"If the bullet," continued the trimmed beard, "had remained in thebody, we might have been able to determine the victim's identity, whichwould have been, necessarily, contrary to the place of origin and deriva-tion of the weapon, as they say in the army. If the bullet were American,our dead man, then, would be a partisan. If it were Russian, then hewould be a soldier of the national army. However, in order for us toexamine the fiber of his heart, we need not refer to politics. The fiber,then, presents all the symptoms of a chronic deficiency. ..."

"Long live the heroic ELAS," a voice was heard in the audience,with a Greek-American accent resembling a third degree burn of thetongue. (With the "L" sounding as though saying "cloths," the tonguestuck behind the upper set of teeth.) Scattered applause was heard in thelarge auditorium.

"Let all political refugees return," someone else shouted from theback rows.

"Let our national resistance be recognized," another voice was heard."Questions at the end," the chairwoman pleaded."They are demands, they are not questions," corrected the sypathetic

old man, third from the left, and, picking up the microphone from itsbase, brought it to his mouth to say: "The comrade is right. We are theonly country that has not yet recognized our national resistance againstHitler's fascism. And the repatriation of the political refugees constitutesa burning, urgent demand."

"We can't hear you," a listener protested.Then, the old man brought the microphone doser to his lips, as if

he were ready to kiss it, and repeated:"These demands, I hope, will be voted as resolutions at the end."And he gazed at the chairwoman with his sweet, humane glance.The audience was freed from the chill of death which the spectacle

of the corpse on the anatomy table evoked in them and burst into a pro-longed applause, something that irritated the anatomist with the trimmedbeard, who held in his hand, pierced by a fork, the fourfold leaves ofthe heart.

"We don't understand," said an American girl, "what you're talking


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Anatomy Lesson 15

about in here. Please, someone translate for us what was said becausewe're fourth generation Greek-Americans who don't know any Greekat all."

Someone from the first row then translated what had been said byboth the audience and the kindly old man.

Then, the "frozen one" said in English:"As a historian of anatomy, I have this to say: there's no question that

the political refugees should return to their country. But those who, forone reason or another, will remain abroad until their death—somethingwhich I, personally, do not wish as a human being—as a scholar, I cannothide the fact from you that even so, as dead men in exile, they will con-stitute for us valuable documents for research. We, as scholars of thediaspora, come into contact more easily with other people of the diaspora.In Greece, in any case, where they bury the dead and they dissolve in theearth—rather, the earth dissolves them because of the climate—manydocuments get lost, history's bodies disintegrate, not to mention thatgraverobbers steal from them whatever gold tooth or gold cross theyhappen to find . . ."

"A gold hammer and sickle," remarked the Englishman with thecharacteristic, as he noticed, Anglo-Saxon humor, from the other end of thecrescent-shaped table. "Communists are godless," he added. "Therefore,they do not wear little crosses on their chests. . . ."

And as the trimmed beard was putting the heart back into its initialplace—a heart which, although forty years in the morgue, some peoplein the first rows saw was still bleeding ("blood can't turn to water") —the English lord continued, as he was still holding the microphone, some-what like this:

"Now I'm holding this innocent microphone," he said. "But at thattime a grenade was in its place. And although now I hold the lancet ofthe anatomist, at that time I held the bayonet of the warrior."

"Who is he ?" Rubens asked Rembrandt."He's an Englishman who parachuted among the partisans, as a doctor,

a surgeon, but in fact was an agent of the Intelligence Service.""What do you mean?" Rubens asked. "Why did they bring him

here? What does he represent?""He knows the era of the corpse well. . . ."In English that made the American English of the other speaker

seem like an impoverished relative, the lord continued:"When my memory returns to those years in which we place the

corpse, which may belong to any party or faction, I catch myself inter-preting the past situation with today's scientific givens. At that timeanatomy had not reached the point to which the technological development


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Anatomy Lesson 17

of our era has brought it. In our day a corpse can be dissected even onthe moon. We are here today neither to deliver cheap political speeches,nor to find the cause and effects that made this anonymous dead manmeet his death in the prime, as it seems, of his life."

He stepped down from the table and, constantly holding the micro-phone in one hand, a big tweezers in the other, approached, with fox-likesteps, the Speechless One.

"They say he was found on Grammos. Is that written anywhere? Whatevidence do we have? What authority can guarantee this for us? Thebullet in the heart may have been from a stray bullet as this peace lovingman, this poor man, was returning home, where his mother would havebeen waiting for him to bring her some canned food, the kind Scobie'sliberating forces distributed when they invaded Athens to impose law andorder. I think that our analysis, in order to have a positive outcome, mustbe confined to the peculiarities of the bodily shape of this strange homoanomalies." (And he cut the calf to the same length as the toes of theother leg.) "I have to remark," he added, "that if his left leg, whichhas lust now become equal to the right, had grown like this in life, itwould now show different characteristics in the tendons. The calf wouldhave been smoother, whereas we notice that it has all the traits of a postmortem development. Shall I generalize? Shall I say that myth has madeit so that one leg, the left one, appears extremely large in comnarison tothe other one? Something of this sort would be outside the strictly deter-mined framework of scholarly exactitude. Shall we imagine that he ranwith one leg only, when he had two? It would be equally absurd. Ex-amining, therefore, this imbalance in the dead man, I would say thatit's due to a post mortem anomaly, to parasitic fungi or malaria, takinginto consideration that DDT did not reach Greece until after 1947, whenthe Truman Doctrine and the Marshal Plan contributed to the curing ofthe country from all sorts of illnesses which abound in countries withoutany substructure, without works of reclamation for the drying up ofmarshlands and the extermination, where they spawn, of parasitic fungi. . . .

It's been asked of me many times to specify the era to which an ac-cident is attributed. Each accident has its own era, just as each era has itsaccidents. These two things go together in Comparative Pathology. Oneis never independent of the other. It's my opinion, therefore, that inthe era in which this man died, Greece's problem was not between theright or the left, but that old division—which has heaped so many catastro-phes onto your heroic people—between the king and democracy. Therewas an ideological problem to the degree that the monarchy always hadfollowers on the right. But all antimonarchists were not reds. Theiron curtain had given orders to its followers to participate in the elections.


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Anatomy Lesson 19

To abide by the law. But keeping their illegal organization, and theirguns, in case of an emergency. Thus, we can say, without fear of beingscientifically unjustified, that, if this corpse belonged to Zervas's faction,its anomaly incorporates the anomaly of the right itself, which wasdivided into Security Batallions collaborating with the Germans and intomonarchist patriots. If he belongs to the other faction, where I'd ratherplace him because it had the most victims, then its anomaly expressesthe double role which the left had to perform, with both its legal andillegal limbs, in which case the one leg, the short one, was the illegal one,we could say, whereas the long one, the legal one, came out of its hidingplace.

Personally, I don't like to speak symbolically. Scholarship does notadvance with hypotheses. I myself fought in the front lines and in tem-porary surgery rooms made of material from parachutes—I've worked asa doctor, surgeon, anesthesiologist, and even a gynecologist. And as amidwife. I've been a midwife to history. I became an anatomist whenI retired, when my great knowledge of death finally promoted me to aninterpreter of life. I tell you, therefore, with all the love I nurture foryour exquisite people, that corpses resemble what their human bearershad been in life. They are not transformed. They merely show us moreclearly the basic anomalies of the individual. . . ."

Rembrandt observed the English anatomist. His face reminded Rem-brandt of a polished pebble. No sign of any scar. He had dissected somany dead bodies, and yet he managed to remain untouched. In hiscountry he would have been one among many, a face in the crowd. Butinvited to this special anatomy symposium, he distinguished himselffrom the natives by the origin of his race. His two-fold capacity both asa partisan and a surgeon, in which he had lived his whole life, remindedRembrandt—and Rubens agreed—of those mushrooms which sprout indamp places. You can never tell whether they're poisonous or not untilyou taste them. Now he was developing his theories with the ease of thecolonialist addressing himself to primitive people. Because one couldn'treally find such corpses even among the wildest tribes of Zulus, but thismap, who had spent a lifetime in the colonies, was accustomed to thatstyle which gives one the feeling of superiority even when one was leftwithout any colonies. This corpse reminded him of the blissful era ofcolonialism, the era in which the empire had been in its glory.

Rubens thought of him in his London flat, freezing in winter becauseof the lack of fuel, taking the subway, a squeezed lemon among othersimilarly squeezed lemons who, when they die, in their funeral announce-ment is mentioned, in sterling, the amount of money they leave behind


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Anatomy Lesson 21

and to whom they bequeath it, but here, with us (but who are we, whoare you, where's the here, where's the there, he was confused himself, asthough he had not yet recovered from the change, the six-hour time differ-ence which exists between Europe and America, and he was still calculatingwith outmoded timetables things which were taking place here)...

"Any evidence we have of the corpse is American only," said theanatomist who was sitting at the extreme right of the crescent-shapedtable, the "frozen one." We have the delivery receipt here" (and he pulleda slip of paper out of his leather case, "but we are missing the sender.Therefore we depend, out of necessity, on suppositions which originatefrom foreign authorities. A fact which could, logically speaking, lead usto the assumption that this corpse originated in Spain, from the time ofthe civil war there, just like the fish which, although served as Greek—andfresh ones on top of it—come directly from Zaire, Argentina, or Guade-loupe. But we have every reason to believe that this corpse is fromGreece because of the gallantry it has, even the way it has lied horizontallyfor forty years in the morgue; they have not managed to steal it from him,a gallantry like that of Kolokotronis, or Karaiskakis, a gallantry likethat of Rigas Velestinlis "

Through the big windows of the amphitheater the light that was nowfalling vertically illuminated differently the inexplicable dead man. Thepublic began to get fed up.

"March ELAS-ELAS-ELAS for HELLASfor glory and for freedom . . ."

a girl softly hummed in the front row. This provoked a remark from the"frozen one":

"Young lady, don't sing during class time, please. You're not at ayouth festival here. You haven't come here to let off steam. You are,and you shouldn't overlook this, in an anatomy lesson. In Greece, fromwhere I've been away for many years, and may I be forgiven for thedigression, but it is, I believe, important, I've heard that there is thetendency, the disposition, I don't know what to call it, to substitute re-search, comparative study, analysis, statistics, with frivolous songs. InAmerica, as you may not know perhaps, singing is very alive—thanks tothe blacks mainly, but there are also "discos" and "clubs" —but it doesn'tintrude on study time. You are in the wrong classroom if you think thatwe're about to start singing guerrilla songs. Our task is different...."

And with his knife gleaming, he stepped down from the platform,drew near the dead man, and cut open his stomach. The bowels of thecorpse hung in his hands like a ripe cluster of grapes. His hand, in the


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Anatomy Lesson 23

transparent plastic glove, became, thus, a black grapevine of the WorldBelow.

'There's no doubt that this man ate UNNRA's food. Because we ob-serve in the entrails all the symptoms of a poisoning which existed at themoment of his death. Therefore, his death must have occurred after thewar, when American aid to Greece began arriving in sufficient installmentsin the form of various plans. . . ."

"UNNRA was sending food to our occupied fatherland during thewar also," remarked a Greek-American from the audience who had comefrom Seattle specifically for this lesson. "Only that, at that time, it ap-peared to be the donation of the International Red Cross. Otherwise theoccupiers wouldn't have allowed it...."

And he sat down blinded by an unexpected spotlight that fell uponhim to pinpoint him.

"In any case," continued the "frozen one," "what I want to em-phasize, although we run the risk of displeasing our friends the Americans,is the fact that the food of the Marshall Plan was often poisoned. Theadulterations in the canned foods. . . . No, his stomach was not ruined,"he added as he examined the kokoretsi of the intestines. "Only the foodwith which they fed him."

He put the intestines back in their depository, removed his glove,threw it into a wastebasket, and returned to his seat, where he consultedhis papers and found nothing else to say. He again assumed his taut, ex-pressionless appearance. He again sealed himself completely behind hisobdurate silence.

"This poisoning" (said the sweet old man after getting permissionfrom the chairwoman), "is not necessarily, and I underline the wordnecessarily, from American food. It may well be from food which Stalinsent, too. Since the corpse was found on the dramatic mountain ridge ofGrammos-Vitsi, we could put forth the hypothesis that the poisoningresulted from the Chatka canned foods; the stingy crates sent for thesurvival of the partisan armies used to come through Bulgaria. Further-more, we could make the general assumption and infer that any foreignaid from one side or the other had in it the potential for all those danger-ous elements which cause pestilence because this man had to die at anycost."

His turn came to step down from the crescent-shaped table. He didnot carry a butcher's knife, but a tiny Chinese scissors which he openedup to its components and, as he approached, unfolded like the foldedwings of a toy bird.

"It has been a long time," he confessed, "since I dealt with anatomyas a daily practice. My position at the Institute of Comparative Studyof Corpses in Strasbourg has alienated me from my old skill. And it is


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Anatomy Lesson 25

not without some emotion that I touch the scissors again, since this man,who knows, was perhaps an old comrade of mine."

He stood, short as he was and of a small frame, on the platform,almost extinguished before the highly elevated corpse.

"Because I also fought on the Pindos mountains, first the externalenemy, Mussolini's spaghetti eaters, and later Hitler's armies, when withthe retreat I found myself in Athens.. . . I'll never forget a night in '42when the Gestapo arrested me with the accusation that I was carrying sub-versive material. It was an anatomy book, like the ones that still existeven today because corpses are always the same, the stopped movementof an organism does not change, and that's why anatomy books do notchange. A living organism is transformed, a corpse though ... nevermind I remember it because," and the old man was truly moving,standing under the spotlight that enclosed him in its circle as he changedposition along with it, "a spotlight such as this stopped me suddenly onthat freezing night of '42. The horseshoed Gestapo men jumped froma truck and grabbed me. They found the anatomy manual in my hands,and, as they didn't know Greek, they immediately suspected that the dia-grams of the heart and the nervous system were underground roads, withhideouts marked in red. They dragged me to Haidari and tortured me tobetray the hiding place of the underground press; fortunately an officercame who spoke krench, an admirer of Wagner. I explained myself. Andthey let me tree. But what I lived through for two nights in the detentioncells of the Gestapo made me change course. I organized myself. LaterI left for the mountains. And from there I never came down again. Withthe defeat of the movement, I lost all hope and left for abroad. I passedthrough Albania. But instead of going, as most did, to the so-called so-cialist countries—even then I suspected there was something suspiciousabout them—I chose the West, where I made my career.

Since 1960, I have given up my practice. In my chair of ComparativeAnatomy I have dealt mostly with our area, the Mediterranean. Greece-Spain-Portugal, until recently, comprised the main pivot of the researchof the Institute, where the various religions determined to a great extentthe different treatment of the dead as well. My task therefore ..."

The little Chinese scissors were, in his hands, an objet d'art. Heclimbed onto a podium, to rise higher than the corpse, and the people inthe front rows (Rubens and Rembrandt, too) saw tears in his eyes ashe bent affectionately over the dead man. He didn't make any of the violentmovements of the others. With infinite tenderness he cut a little bit frombehind the ear, where there might have been, if the partisan were a woman,an earring, and with his tweezers pulled out a tiny, insignificant twig.

26

JOURNAL OF THE HELLENIC DIASPORA

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Anatomy Lesson 27

First he gazed at it with infinite nostalgia, brought it to his nose,smelled it, and, holding it high, said:

"From this we conclude that this dead man is one of our own. Themoment that the fated bullet struck him, he had behind his ear a littlebunch of basil, the way we all used to in the battery of Kapta-Fotias."

"Long live the heroic dead of the Resistance ! Down with the quislings !"some people in the amphitheater shouted.

The old man, obviously touched, was holding the tweezers high, withthat tiny twig which seemed charred.

"Therefore, this dead man belongs to '47-'49," he added. "Of themountains. Surely he fell defending, alone, who knows against how many,a mountain ridge, covering the retreat of his comrades, since the problemthen was, the way they had cornered us, how to retreat. . . ."

"Americans get out," a strange voice was heard saying. "Yankeesgo home. . . ."

It was a slogan which caused the lightning like intervention of thechairwoman, who remarked caustically that they were at this moment inthe "home" of the Americans, who at that time were celebrating the holidayof love, Halloween, and so the "going home" was contradictory to thegeographic reality.

The dear old man went up to the platform again. There he took hisprevious seat, as in an iconostasis, like a Byzantine saint among the Praeto-rians.

Now it was the turn of the neutral type to speak, the one who wassitting with his profile to the audience. Rubens looked at him. He saidto Rembrandt that he seemed like a butcher to him. Rembrandt repliedthat anatomists are like dentists. Some of them, who seem to be reallybarbarians, have the lightest hand. Whereas, some others, sensitive likefeathers, could drive one mad with pain. Therefore they shouldn't jumpto conclusions on account of external appearances.

The neutral type picked up the microphone and began his introduction:"My relation to Greece, if we presume that the corpse is from there,

and personally I have no reason to doubt it because this isn't the sameas the dispatching of those immigrants who are loaded on the wrong es-calators at the airports and the coffin, instead of reaching its destination,ends up, let's say, in Hong Kong; this one came to us packed, entirelyprepared by the State Morgues in which they keep corpses on reserve foranatomy lessons, after an invitation by our university, of which I happento be the Dean of the Medical School this year; consequently, I'd disagreewith the previous speaker, who said that we have no sender, but only arecipient; there is a sender and that is the Greek State, to which, that'swhat I started telling you, my relations are much more recent than the


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AnatomyLesson 29

supposed era of the corpse under examination, I mean that I went toyour country for the first time as a tourist in May '63, the time whenLambrakis was assassinated, and I took part in his autopsy entirely bychance, just as in the summer of '65, when I went with my family to theislands and was present, again entirely by chance, at the July events inthe same year and I took part in the autopsy of Sotiris Petroulas. In thisway I came into contact with all the progressive elements of that small,yet proud, people who, in a pocket of the Balkans, have never ceasedto give us marvelous examples of self-sacrifice and bravery, offering vic-tims continually, not for anatomy lessons, but for the advancement ofthe ideals of progress and freedom. . . ."

He stepped down with a jagged tableknife, deadly, although hisneutral face didn't make anyone uneasy. He examined the hand first beforecutting it. He found the second finger "still charred," as he said, asif it were tightly sqeezed on an imaginary machine gun trigger, and witha swift movement he cut off the arm a little below the shoulder, effortlessly,as if it were the badly connected arm of a statue.

"We can't at all," he said turning toward the audience which waswatching in terror, "maintain that this hand, the right one, didn't knowwhat the left one was doing. They were two hands, the right and the left,limbs of the same body, and if they quarrelled, it was because they wereforced to do so by the stab this man, this anonymous victim, received inthe back. The hands," he went on calmly, "like all the limbs of the body,obey the brain centers. You must wonder about the hypertrophy of theright arm in relation to the left one which remains within normal dimen-sions. I'll explain this. According to the latest findings in our field, twogroups of nervous centers in the human brain have been discovered. Thefirst one, located to the left, in the back section, causes the developedfunctions of man—concepts, words, notions—and it directs the limbs onthe right side. The second group located on the right side, and whichthe parts of the organism on the left side obey, has a greater relation tothe instinctive functions: to singing, to feeling, to the inarticulate cry.In retarded children who, nevertheless, show a great talent in the arts,we observe a relatively greater development of this second center in theskull. If we accept, therefore, that in an imbalanced organism there existsa competition between these two encephalic sources, we won't be surprisedas to why each of these hands obeyed a different course in its development.In balanced organisms no such anomaly is noticed. Only there where . . ."

And, piously, he again put down the severed arm onto the corpse,as if it were a piece of marble.

"From the tattoo on his arm," he added, "we may surmise that thisman was a seaman, an Odysseus I'd say, who found at last, here at CornellUniversity, his Ithaki...."_


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TOte x&-cc napetEeyo gycye p.k; td dtp.cpc0ia-cpo: tin' tb &yotyttiyo%spear. Tor) TC .abluccoc 6yf1xe gym 6Xc4thy-cayo neptcrcipt not apxtas yetcrepotrget ipoy-ccc; TC00 xpucp-cei. IIilye np6; 'set netyco, etXXi-co0 %dainty -cdt crepet -art Suya.rdt an6-c. Iblys np6; Tet %a ece 61TOUItucacye -c6 cpth; -co0 pOoptaxo0 -7Xcoo, -c6 pappoc 'too x1-6n-riasnewt° a-c6 acEtacpaLpo ecnoppocprrtxd KetOtas My° neve) a' gymanoap.rivit6 xaXthato, Eccycenit4e Taa-cocyloy-caq yo6tap.iyo -Pet cp-ce-pi Too, (sew Td4 aapay-ca xpOyta to Ep.etye ffyxXeca-co crc6 npayto -co0yexpo0 yet -co0 stray Eepiceet xotpdt ydc neviet. KoupotC6-cay e5noXa.Eapety-cot xp6yta Co0ae kynAto6tap4vo, etyctactlyorcac ale -cr; -cp6ne; rate mkt& tou yexpo0, aapdty-ca xpOyLa find t6 eacp-capo S/noSo» nottocty 6 &y0pconoc eyipte tthpa -c6 «gycrepo SlnoSo» not •-coty -co nouXE,ive) of 'rowans; acptyyay tck, yOyatet Too; and -cp6p,o, mil+ c Stxcrc-/X6-Soya, Ita/ p,eprstol naXtol Itattaco6ptaay knf-c-nSe; yti yet -co0 npoacpe-pouv et7C0%06117CL sta0last. Xi Myo, ecyat-act, t6 nX-710o; Eianccaa al

•.frcu.ntpctuyiq.e'Avoi,E-ce Too yet cp6yet», cpdrictEe bog.K' Iva; &XXoc: <<KpaTtt" Eva xap-cl a-cet y6xta Tow.«Mat neptatipt-pay-caTocp6p0».«cilipyet pc& naparrelteo.«"Eva p.AyupoxOE cptoyi; -cp6pttEay T6 nouX1 not tthpa n€-codas notynt66X11-co. MO-

yo;, [Liam ato6; etya-c6p.oug, tO yepoYretxt Sdotp4s xapet Too.TO neparcipt aet y&Se Td Secnpo too nal Tri)ye, kn.:pot-mom xorpet-cou. '00 yipo; -c6ntaas -cpucpepOrti-ca, To0 yotpytiLas -c6 Xatp.6.

auycoylatpca kitten nth; Sky pinopoOas Eva arcp6on-co yeyo-Y6;» vet tot; xaXacret g7Cpens auyexfaouy, v& 6Ao-xX7Ipthaouy of n.n. nakynti; cin6tPet; Toy; Tea T6 nT64112..

Anatomy Lesson 31

"Although Odysseus' myth," continued the nearby scrawny fellowin the relay race of speeches, "to which my dear colleague hinted at couldlead us into the field of literature, we must say that the Ithaca of New Yorkbears no relation to Homer's Ithaki. Personally I also occupy myself withwriting, I am, that is, a philosopher doctor, and I'd have a lot to say onthe matter since the anatomy of the body is not different from that of thesoul. But then I'd risk going beyond the strictly defined limits of thelesson. I remind you only of Engonopoulos's lines, which apply to ourcase: "In this era of civil rending. ..."

In the meantime the scrawny fellow kept walking forward, talking,and when he reached the dead man, he plunged his knife into his skull,just as a taverna owner splits open the heads of spring lambs beforeserving them on a dish.

Then something strange happened in the amphitheater: from the splithead of the corpse a live dove came out and started fluttering its wingswithout knowing where to hide. It went upward, but the powerful spot-lights burned its feathers. It went toward the side through which the lightof the fluorescent sun came in, but its beak hit the bulletproof, absorbentwindowpane. For a short while it sat on a deoderant wire, but it flewaway again, flapping its wings fearfully, as if the forty years it remainedshut in the skull of the dead man had made it unlearn the joy of flying.It grew tired easily. For forty years it had lived caged, breathing throughthe dead man's holes and ears, after forty years, from the "wingless two-legged being" which this man was, now came this winged bird that madethe women keep their knees tightly together, like the dicotyledons, andsome old fellows hunched over purposely to offer it a prop to sit on.After awhile, the crowd burst into spontaneous loud cheers.

"Open so it can get out," someone shouted.And someone else: "It holds a slip of paper in its daws.""It's a messenger-dove.""It brings a dispatch.""A message . . ."The shouts frightened the bird, which now flew about terror-stricken.

Amid the anatomists, only the dear old man shed tears of joy. The doveseemed to have noticed the old man's tears and went near him, like divineillumination. The old man caught it tenderly, and tickled its neck.

The chairwoman asserted that "an unexpected event" should not spoilthe lesson. That they had to go on so that the Messers. Professors couldconclude their views about the corpse. They had not yet examined thechest, they had not analyzed his genital organs, his thighs . . .

She spoke to a void. No one listened to her. Then she proceeded tothe written questions which had been submitted to her. She read some of


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Anatomy Lesson 33

them in a stentorian voice: "What was the role of the church in the caseof the dead man we're examining ?" "Was he blessed by a priest or bythe devil ?" "If the dead man belonged to the partisans, is it possiblethat he was a victim of Zachariadis?" etc.

No one paid attention to her. Everybody's attention was turned towardthe dove which the dear old man, always at the crescent-shaped table,was holding protectively between his two palms. He was warming it orwas himself warmed by it. Anyway, he was trying to remove from itshookclaws, the folded slip of paper with the message which was caughtthere. The dove was coquettishly shaking its head, where the rich feathersrippled without uncovering the nerves of the neck, happy that it had founda nest in this man's trembling hands, and when it was convinced that itwas with the right person, because of some secret communication the twoof them shared, unhooked its hookclaws and let the folded slip of paperit was holding drop like an egg.

The dear old man took it, put it on his little finger like an engagementring, in order to unloosen it, and then, carefully, with the same tweezerswith which he had earlier picked up the twig of basil from the partisan'sear, he hegan unfolding it.

Meanwhile, freed from his hands, swaying and swinging, the dovecirculated on the table with the planted microphones, hopping grace-fully over the wire-traps, like the doves at St. Mark's in Venice, whichwalk on wooden crosswalks set up for pedestrians when the square floods,cooing, searching for food, hopping fearfully each time the gong ofthe church sounds the quarter hours, half-hours, and hours. This dovehopped each time some anatomist wanted to hold it in his hands, steppedover the written questions which were scattered in front of the annoyedchairwoman, and, only when the English lord threw it some seeds to eat,did the dove, suspicious, pretend that it was bending down to peck, butquickly, as though changing its mind, stepped back. It only drank, after-wards, from an untouched glass of water and giggled happily.

The audience, like taut strings in their seats, saw the Byzantine saintshedding tears. The folded slip of paper was hanging from his handslike gauze from an open wound. A gauze, though, that in a short whilewas transformed into a white dazzling light just as when we look at theholes of a beggar's overcoat lying on the grid of the subway, and, suddenly,the overcoat turns into the night and its holes into stars.

The dear old man was weeping now as though all the comparativeanatomy he had taught for so many years at Strasbourg so successfullyhad melted like crystal icicles when the sun appears, destroying allmorgues, all scientific research, and everything becomes fluid again, the


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—0 BEAOIXISZTHE ZEI.

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Anatomy Lesson 35

ravines fill with running waters, birds chirp, "and the world becomesbeautiful again to the heart's standards."

The anatomists had turned to stone in their seats. Now they themselveslooked like corpses that needed other anatomists to perform autopsieson their bodies. Did the message, perhaps, abolish their positions, theirworthy salaries? What would become of them without corpses, the valu-able grants of their lives, like the ethnologists who fear the extinction ofprimitive races?

The seven microphones moved from their places then, they all gatheredlike sunflowers before the tightly closed mouth of the weeping saint.The wires stretched like the muscles of construction workers lifting heavybuckets of mixed concrete. And the people in the amphitheater, standing,as though waiting to hear the Third International, or keeping a mo-ment's silence for victims. The bosom of the chairwoman kept goingup and down, like balconies from where preelection speakers have left.The scrawny fellow was drumming his fingers, bewildered, as though theywere to blame for freeing the dove; the neutral type, with a Giocondasmile, was waiting for the continuation; the trimmed beard whisperedsomething to the fully grown beard beside him, just as a cypress tree bendsfrom the wind and leans against a fully grown walnut tree; the Englishmanhad taken his watch out of his pocket and said to the "frozen one" thatif the old man hesitated a little longer in reading the message, they'd misstheir prescheduled "lunch," whereas the "frozen one" had turned intothe spitting image of his own self in a wax museum, melting suddenlylike Eurydiki's fish which, if left outside the freezer for a short while,acquire a sticky substance around them, something like saliva smellingof "preservation." And the dead man kept smiling beyond death as thoughthe turbulence in the people had warmed him up, brought shivers fromthe other turbulence to his skin, a little before the bullet hit him in theheart and killed him on the spot.

The dear old man coughed, cleared his throat and, approaching theseven microphones, read the folded slip of paper:

"VELOUCHIOTIS LIVES."

The audience, not all of them, burst into loud cries of joy. The sheepwere instantly separated from the lambs. The old EPON, EAM, andELAS followers who happened to be in America—small storeowners,restaurateurs, mechanics, workers, went to the head of the march thatwas formed immediately, with the dead partisan at the head carried bywell-built lads with strong arms—students of every school, including twoor three cleaning women from the university, of Greek descent, all singingthe songs of the struggle, "compost of freedom, the first dead," they started


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14.11.78

Anatomy Lesson 37

—towards where? They didn't know yet. If there were an embassy, they'dgo there. But university asylum didn't give them any protection. Soonpolice sirens, ambulances, ran toward the center of the turmoil, the bigamphitheater of the medical school. The sympathetic old man was incharge of the peaceful demonstration. The anatomy lesson was terminatedby the sudden appearance of the dove, which came like another HolyGhost to bring the message: "The struggle continues. We are still atthe beginning. Let's go ahead to raise the sun over Greece."

At lunch, the anatomists commented somewhat bitterly—betweenwhite and red wine, interchangeable, after fish followed by steak—aboutthe tendency of the young generation to resurrect even the dead, whereas,during dessert, between the cheese and the pears, they agered that, in thisway, they were relieved, at least, of their afternoon teaching.

November 14, 1978

Translated by Athan Anagnostoponlos

The United States and the OperationalResponsibilities of the GreekArmed Forces, 1947-1987

by YIANNIS P. ROUBATIS

"The Greek Government could not cooperate within the frameworkof the Alliance's military organization with a country which, in utterdisregard of international agreements, inflicted grievous injury upon animportant segment of the Greek nation. As a consequence of this decision,Greece shall recover forthwith, over her entire territory, airspace and ter-ritorial waters, full exercise of sovereignty which was heretofore limitedon account of her participation in NATO and as a result of the permanentpresence on Greek soil of foreign military installations and facilities forthe regular use of Greek airspace and territorial waters by foreign militaryaircraft and naval vessels." (emphasis added)

With these words, contained in an August 28, 1974 message to theheads of state of the NATO countries, Prime Minister of Greece Konstan-tinos Karamanlis announced the decision of the Greek government towithdraw its military forces from the integrated military command of theAlliance. The letter, apart from its immediate implications for theallies, was important in one other respect: for the first time since theend of the Second World War a leader of the Greek right had admittedin writing that there had been limitations placed on the sovereignty ofGreece by its participation in the NATO alliance and the acceptanceof bilateral agreements with other Western nations. Karamanlis had not,of course, stated anything new. There were not many people who hadthought that Greece had been a sovereign nation since the end of the CivilWar in 1949. Karamanlis had, however, articulated a truth that had beenfloating both in Greece and abroad for a good number of years. Namely,that Greece was a country under the tutelage of its major allies, and thatthe tutelage was exercised through the use of the military aspects of therelationship.

The editors of this journal wrote not too long ago that "from the liber-ation of Greece in 1944 until today, the decisive—and `dynamic'—factorin Greek political life has been the army. The resolution of the 'problem'of the army will play a fundamental role in resolving the more general

This article is based on a presentation made in November 1978 to the Unionof Democratic Scholars of North America (EAEBA).


political 'problem' in Greece today". 1 By its very nature, the subject of theGreek army has not been open to academic scrutiny. The reasons for thatare many. Most of the pertinent documents in the various national archivesare still classified. Furthermore, most of the researchers in this area havetended to concentrate on the diplomatic side of the relationship. Academicsin the western world, and especially in the United States, have a preferencefor the style of diplomacy rather than the substance of interstate relations,and, as a consequence, are more comfortable in dealing with diplomats andtheir papers than with soldiers, who are traditionally closemouthed andoverclassify their written output. The military aspects of the relationshipare, however, as important as the political ones. Furthermore, most of thetime they are also more interesting. My intent in this brief essay is to set outa number of observations and to offer some information on the relationsbetween the Greek and the American military establishments. My con-clusion can be stated from the very start of this presentation: I am in fullagreement with the current prime minister of Greece when he states thatthe military role and the military alliances Greece has chosen—or wasmade to choose--put limitations on the full exercise of sovereignty bythat country within the area over which a nation is traditionally supposedto exercise such sovereignty.

In the annual process that precedes the submission of the Americanadministrations' foreign military sales and security assistance proposals,one can find some rather interesting statements. The Assistant Secretaryof State for European Affairs, George S. Vest, testified recently that "(thesecurity assistance program for Greece for Fiscal Year 1980] ... willassist Greece in fulfilling its NATO obligations and help provide forGreece's self-defense. The program also is a continuing indication ofU.S. support for a democratic Greece. It has also been formulated with aview to strengthening the south-eastern flank of NATO at a time of parti-cular concern in that region." s Moments before, Vest had said that"[the U.S.] continue[s] to have an on-going and positive defense relation-ship with Greece. Our facilities in Greece continue to operate with thefull cooperation of the Greek authorities. Sixth Fleet ships are makingregular calls at Greek ports and we have had an exchange of high-levelmilitary visits."

A first reading of these statements would lead one to concludethat either Vest or Karamanlis have described the prevailing situationbetween the two nations in a less than candid manner. According to theKaramanlis letter to the Alliance, Greece would "not participate" in NATOand would put restrictions on the use of foreign "military installationsand facilities ' on Greek soil. Why, then, is Greece receiving credits fromthe U.S. for "fulfilling its NATO operations" and "cooperating fully"

I Statement by the Editors, journal of the Hellenic Diaspora, special issue,Greece: 1940-1950, vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978, p. 4.

Statement of George S. Vest, Assistant Secretary of State for EuropeanAffairs, before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, March 1, 1979, p. 10.

3 /bid., p. 8.

The U.S. and the Greek Armed Forces, 1947-1987 41

with the American military authorities in their use of "facilities" inGreece? To answer such questions, one has to look at the developmentof the U.S.-Greek military relationship as it has unfolded over the years.The question one must answer first is what operational responsibilitieswere assigned to the Greek military establishment after the Second WorldWar. Once that is examined, a lot of seemingly contradictory statementsbecome more consistent with each other.

The Early Years

On August 1, 1946, Thomas Karamessines, a former OSS operativewho later held a series of high offices in the CIA, "had been designated asAttache" at the American Embassy in Athens. 4 He wrote a memorandumto the American ambassador at the time, Lincoln MacVeagh, on theCommunist Party of Greece. MacVeagh forwarded the memorandum tothe Department of State in a dispatch entitled "Rightist Campaign toEradicate Communists in Greece." s Karamessines informed MacVeaghthat, "from a ranking officer of the Intelligence Directorate of the GreekGeneral Staff," he had learned that Greek officers were drawing up plans"whereby strict security measures will be taken to protect the armedservices from subversion and sabotage." He also told the ambassador that"the plan calls for purging all the armed and associated services of allpersons suspected of membership in, or sympathy with, the KKE." Kara-messines went on to write that:

The source of our information also made it clear that the Staffis presently considering methods whereby, following the conclu-sion of the Paris Conference or shortly thereafter, the GreekGovernment can proceed to neutralize the KKE completely andeffectively, even if it is necessary to declare the Party illegal. .Although the officers of the General Staff have always been knownas pronounced anticommunists, it is believed that several recentoccurrences have hastened their thought along the lines describedabove.. ..It is perhaps regrettable that moderation and discretion havenot been considered as consistent with effectiveness by thepresent Government, and one may wonder whether precipitateand ill-considered moves will not do more damage than goodin the long run. Nevertheless, in the light of all our information,we cannot disagree with the Staff's definition of the problem.(emphasis added).

MacVeagh, commenting on the memorandum, wrote that "altogether,

4 Department of State Records, 811.20200/1-2246.Ibid., 868.00/8-1046.

42 JOURNAL OP THE HELLENIC DIASPORA

Mr. Karamessines' condusion that 'in the light of all our information,we cannot disagree with the Staff's definition of the problem', would seemunexceptional. . . . Practically every one of the above complaints againstthe KKE was made a year ago, though the lot was not lumped together, toexcuse a campaign of eradication." MacVeagh, no Communist sympathizerhimself, nonetheless observed that, "under the guise of royalism thisprogram [of the Greek government] actually approximates Fascism ata time when, if anything has been proven by events, it is that Fascismhas no place in the modern world." He goes on to observe:

By their policy of continually enlarging their definition ofCommunism to include all who do not support the return of theKing, the extremists of the Mavromichalis type now conductingthe Government's crusade against Communism are risking thecreation here, by confirming the alliance of large numbers ofdemocrats with the extreme left, of the same sort of ideologicalcivil war which has occurred in Spain. . . .

Some diplomatic historians insist that it was not until later that the UnitedStates made it a matter of policy to support any element within the countrythat would guarantee anticommunist policies. What is important in thetwo differing views expressed by Karamessines and MacVeagh is that itbecomes apparent that, from the very first years of the U.S.-Greek militaryrelationship, there was general agreement as to the role of the Greek armyamong the "professionals" in the two countries.

MacVeagh might have disagreed with the Greek Staff and the Kara-messines conclusions, but less than six months later the decisions andactions of his government did not support his views. The ICaratnessines;view of the role of the Greek army and his ready acceptance of theirplans, after the necessary expressions of regret as to the lack of "modera-tion and discretion" had been made, was to be the attitude that prevailed.The American civilian and military strategic planners did not assign tothe Greek army the role of protector of the country from possible outsideattacks, but, rather, envisioned an army the main objective of which wasthe protection of the ruling class from the citizens of the country. TheUnited States never intended the Greek army to become a fighting forcefor the defense of the country. Instead, they wanted an army that wouldrestore and maintain internal order.

In the last three months of 1947 and the first five months of 1948,the Staff of the National Security Council undertook to prepare a seriesof reports on the situation in Greece with a view to formulating the officialpolicy of the United States. The draft of the first report was submitted forconsideration by the National Security Council on January 6, 1948. Theproblem that the Staff of the NSC examined was stated on the first page:

To assess and appraise the position of the United States withrespect to Greece, taking into consideration the security interests


of the United States in the Mediterranean and Near East areas.

In paragraph four of the report it was stated that:

The Greek Government rests on a weak foundation and Greeceis in a deplorable economic state. There are [sic] general fearand a feeling of insecurity among the people, friction amongshort-sighted political factions, selfishness and corruption inGovernment, and a dearth of effective leaders. The armed forcesof Greece, both military and police units, are hampered in theireffort to eliminate Communist guerrilla forces by lack of offensivespirit, by political interference, by disposition of units as staticguard forces and by poor leadership, particularly in the lowerechelons. The Greek army, if strengthened, adequately equipped,operationally and technically well advised, and assured of con-tinued US support, can eliminate guerrilla forces composed ofGreek nationals alone. (emphasis added)

In order to "assure the continuation of US support," the Staff of the NSCrecommended that the United States:

Demand as a condition for the continuance of the assistanceprogram, the complete cooperation and aggressive action of theGreek government, including such measures as . . .divorcingpolitics from the conduct of operations. . . .

and also:

Increase the assistance to the Greek armed forces to the extentnecessary to cope with the guerrilla situation by reallocation offunds within the present aid program and placing emphasis uponthe military assistance in future programs.

This report to the National Security Council, among other things, gavethe first official indication of how the United States saw the Greekarmy one year after they had taken over from the British in assisting it.The report also gave the first indications that the U.S. interest in the Greekarmy was going to be limited. More importantly, the Staff of the NSCmentioned, even though only in passing, what was going to become acornerstone of American policy toward the Greek army. The Greek armywas going to have to become "depoliticized." "Political interference" hadcontributed to the army's woes, according to the American planners. Bydemanding, and getting, a hands off policy in regard to the army fromGreek politicians, the Americans managed to create a force which was

RG 319, Records of the Army Staff, P & 0, 091 Greece, (TS), file 13,National Archives (hereafter cited as NA). (Also known as NSC 5, January 6,1948.)


loyal to them, rather than to the country. This was essential for the successof what was to follow. On February 12, 1948, the Executive Secretary ofthe National Security Council, Sidney W. Suers, in an official note, wrotethat the NSC had considered "a draft report on the above subject—theposition of the U.S. with respect to Greece—and adopted it in its revisedform. . . ." The NSC recommended that the President approve the con-clusions of the report on Greece, which he did. The main points of thedraft report were included in the approved NSC5/1. There was, however,one addition. Paragraph 8, subsection b, of the report stated that one ofthe alternatives for the United States in Greece was "to continue andstrengthen the present US assistance program to Greece, using all feasiblemeans short of the application of US military power." (emphasis in theoriginal) . ' Paragraph 10 stated that:

The United States should . . . make full use of its political, eco-nomic and, if necessary, military power in such manner as may befound most effective to prevent Greece from falling under thedomination of the USSR either through external armed attack orthrough Soviet-dominated Communist movements within Greece,so long as the legally elected government of Greece evidencesa determination to oppose Communist aggression. (emphasisadded)

Paragraph 11 contained a very peculiar conclusion:

As an interim step based upon the analysis in paragraph 8 b, thisdetermination should be immediately evidenced and implementedby: a. Strengthening the present U.S. assistance program toGreece, using all feasible means short of the application of U.S.military power. b. Conducting, with the consent of the legalGreek government, training flights into Greece by U.S. armedforces. c. Actively combatting Communist propaganda in Greeceby an effective U.S. information program and by all otherpracticable means, (deleted—not declassified).

The National Security Council of the United States decided then thatthe Greek government would "evidence a determination to oppose Com-munist aggression" by implementing a series of measures that requiredAmerican actions in Greece The Greek army was to be assigned a rolethat would augment these American decisions on Greece's future lateron in the same year.

On November 24, 1948, in a memorandum of the Department of theArmy's Office of Plans and Operations we find that:

The other two alternatives were "to end all aid or all military aid to Greece"and "to continue and strengthen the present type of aid to Greece, combined withone or more of the following uses of US military power." NSC 5/2, RG 319,Records of the Army Staff, P & 0, 091 Greece, (TS), 12 February 1948.


The Department of the Army has recently approved the followingconcept for future Greek Aid:

a. That US Military Aid be made available to Greece only to theextent required to eliminate large scale guerrilla activity andthereafter to maintain a reasonable state of internal security, andthat no attempt would be made to provide US support to theestablishment of a Greek Army large enough to control the north-ern borders of Greece. (emphasis added)

b. That any Military Aid to Greece in the future be evaluated inrelation to that given to other countries united with the U.S. inresisting Communist expansion; and be proportionate to theaccrual of strategic advantages gained by the U.S. as a result ofsuch aid, except as outlined in paragraph d below.

c. That future aid to Greece be on an austerity basis; the degreeand amount to be dependent on the military success achievedby the Greek Government with the means presently available.

d. In the event that the relative priority accorded Greece in theoverall U.S. Military Aid Program or a stringent reductionin the availability of U.S. Military Funds results in reducingthe Greek Armed Forces below the level required to eliminatelarge scale guerrilla activities, the minimum amount of U.S. aidto Greece should then be that amount of U.S. aid required toprevent the Communist elements in Greece from achieving aposition of dominance politically or militarily, or both.

The decisions of the Department of the Army were based on an earlierNational Security Council recommendation, which was adopted by theNSC and approved by the President on May 25, 1948.

NSC 5/ 3, which was a study of the use of American military powerin Greece, concluded that, if the United States had to act in Greece,"decisions as to (a) the strengthening of US military forces in the Mediter-ranean area, and (b) the adoption of measures equivalent to the initiationof mobilization, should be made in the light of the over-all world situationand not primarily as a contribution to the solution of the problem inGreece." On November 24, 1948, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in J.C.S.1826/12, a paper on Greece and Turkey, concluded that, although itwould be to the military advantage of the United States to give aid tothe Greek army to the point that it could resist "all forms of Communistaggression," the strategic realities and "other more important commitmentsmade by the United States," made it "impracticable . . . to extend military

8 RG 218, Records of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff, CCS 092, 22August 1946, Sec. 15, pp. 2-3.

RC, 319, Records of the Army Staff, P & 0, 091 Greece, (TS), 25 May 1948,file 13, pp. 5-6.


aid to Greece beyond that required to eliminate guerrilla activity." Thesame paper contained another important decision for the future of theoperational roles of the Greek army. The American generals decided that,'after the end of the Civil War, "military aid will be reduced to thatsufficient only to maintain Greece's internal security." "

On March 23, 1949, President Truman approved the conclusions ofa National Security Council report entitled "U.S. Objectives with Respectto Greece and Turkey to Counter Soviet Threats to U.S. Security." Thereport, known as NSC 42/1, concluded that it was in the interest ofU.S. national security that neither Greece nor Turkey "fall under com-munist domination." Paragraph 30 in the conclusions contained whathas become, in the last twenty-five years, the cornerstone of United Statespolicy towards the Greek military establishment:

Because Turkey is strategically more important than Greece andbecause the present situation in Greece is precarious, whereasin Turkey it is relatively sound, the United States has greaterlong-range strategic interests in the military establishments ofTurkey than those of Greece. "

NSC 42/1 adopted the conclusions of another study on U.S. long-rangestrategic interest "in the military establishments of Greece and Turkey."According to NSC 42/1, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in agreement withthe State-Army-Navy-Air Force Coordinating Committee, had decidedthat Greece should have "A Greek military establishment capable ofmaintaining internal security in order to avoid the communist dominationof Greece." On the other hand, Turkey should have:

A Turkish military establishment of sufficient size and effective-ness to insure Turkey's continued resistance to Soviet pressure;the development of combat effectiveness to the extent that anyovert Soviet aggression can be delayed long enough to permit thecommitment of U.S. and allied forces in Turkey in order todeny certain portions of Turkey to the USSR. 12

The National Security Council report repeated earlier limitations on thecommitment of American military power for the defense of the twosmall allies. Paragraph 32 of the conclusions stated that all militarydecisions with respect to Greece and Turkey "should be made in thelight of the over-all world situation and the defense needs and potentia-ities of the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean areas as determinedon the basis of U.S. strategic interests, and not primarily as a contri-

"Quoted in Report of the Joint Munitions Allocation Committee to the JointChiefs of Staff on Programs for Foreign Military Assistance, 7 March 1949. RG218, CCS 092, 8 August 1946, Sec 20, p. 440.

NSC 42/1, NA, p. 17.p. 6.


blition to the solution of the problems in those countries." " Two yearslater, on February 6, 1951, the Staff of the National SecurityCouncil prepared another draft report for the NSC. There was animportant change. For the first time there was mention of anoperational assignment for the Greek army that included defenseagainst outside enemies. However, the primary objective of the militaryestablishment, as the Americans saw it, was the maintainance of "internalsecurity." " There was also another important aspect in the new report.The national security planners made it clear both that they were not readyto supply Greece with the necessary materiel to ward off an attack—because of "the limits of existing priorities and availabilities"—and thatthe U.S. would not necessarily come to the assistance of Greece in theevent of an attack from socialist bloc countries. They stated that theUnited States "in common prudence should assist in opposition to theattack in a manner and scope to be determined in the light of circumstancesthen existing." " Even if and when it responded, the United States would"provide such military materiel and deploy such forces to the generalarea as can be made available without jeopardizing the security of theUnited States or areas of greater strategic importance to the United States. is

The same report, in rather explicit language, explained that, after Sep-tember 1949, the objective of military assistance to Greece was "toprovide support to a Greek military establishment which would be capableof maintaining internal security and affording Greece, through certainlimited accessories, a modicum of prestige and confidence, and which,in the event of global war, would be capable of causing some delay toSoviet and/or satellite forces and of assisting in the over-all war effort. "

Those who drafted the report took no chances, however. The Greekarmy was supposed to "maintain internal control," but there were poli-ticians who might get in the way of the "mission" of the army. In thesection on the "Alternative Courses of Action" paragraph on the politicalsituation, which, twenty-nine years after it was written, remains heavilycensored, it is stated that:

In the political field the principal alternatives lie in the determi-nation of the degree to which the United States should intervenein the internal affairs of Greece in order to insure the employ-ment of policies which will strengthen democratic procedures,increase the acceptance of social responsibilities by the GreekGovernment, and utilize effectively United States assistance.

DELETIONSThe United States

must remain prepared to insist by appropriate means upon thela Ibid., p. 18.14 NSC 103, February 6, 1951, NA.

p. 2.le Ibid., p. 3.17 1bid., p.

48


implementation of policies and measures indispensable to theachievement of United States objectives." 18

There should be no misunderstanding here as to the type of interventionthe writers of the report had in mind for "strengthening democraticprocedures." A little more than a year later, under the pressures of theUnited States representatives in Greece, the government in power fell.One of the most important policies of that government was the reorien-tation of the political life of the country towards a national reconciliationand an integration of all political tendencies in the political life of Greece.At approximately the same time that this report was drafted, the jointChiefs of Staff put the finishing touches on the "Greek War PlanPHOENIX." Appendix III of this plan dealt with the "Internal SecurityPIan" drawn up by United States military experts for the use of theGreek army. "

In the beginning of the 1950s there was an initial decision to reducethe Greek armed forces from the authorized level of 120,000 men forthe Army, 12,000 men for the Navy, and 5,000 men for the Greek AirForce. The events in Korea reversed that decision. Instead, the UnitedStates decided that the Greek military establishment should remain at theauthorized levels, and be provided with assistance which at least wouldgive the impression that the armed forces were able to defend the countryfrom outside attack. The Military Assistance Program (MAP), and theoperational responsibilities of the Greek army for the rest of the decade,were to be based on the determinations made in the late 1940s and early1950s.

The Decade of the Sixties

Beginning with the first part of the decade of the sixties, the viewsof the American strategic and military planners concerning the GreekArmy were predicated on two considerations: 1) the kind of Westernalliance that was desired, and 2) the kind of strategy that the UnitedStates intended to follow in the area of southeastern Europe. In the mid-sixties, American planners had decided that the NATO alliance wasevolving into a different organization from the one they had envisionedat its inception. This evolution was the result of at least three develop-ments:

a) The threat to Europe from the Soviet Union was perceivedby the allies as a diminished one. b) Since the threat was notas great as before, the European allies were not willing to spend

le Ibid., p. 9.19 RG 218, Records of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff, CCS 091 Greece,

(TS), 30 April 1951.

The U.S. and the Greek Armed Forces,1947-1987 49

as much for arms. c) There was a renewed impetus within theAlliance towards more nationalistic sentiments and concerns.

These developments were seen as leading toward an alliance which wasgoing to pay lip service to integration, while at the same time being muchlooser than before. The U.S. specialists did not consider these as negativedevelopments. They decided at that point that the United States shouldcollaborate with NATO only when it was convinced that it was in the U.S.'best interest to do so. This decision was reflected in the January 19, 1967U.S. Senate Resolution 49. The American legislators demanded that thecommitments to the activities of the Alliance be related in a more directway to the national interests of the United States than was the case untilthat time. More bluntly, the American national security managers haddecided that the NATO alliance was not serving the goals of their countryas faithfully as in previous years and, as a consequence, decided to limittheir commitment to it until such time as it would be deemed necessary toincrease it again.

Given these perceptions regarding the overall situation of the Alliance,there was also a change in the strategy to be followed in the southeasternMediterranean. In the view of the U.S. strategists, the events of 1963 and1964 in Cyprus had dictated a realignment of priorities. American policy-makers and military planners rated the possibility of a war betweencountries belonging to the two blocs as far less likely than a war betweenGreece and Turkey. As a result, United States objectives in assisting theGreek armed forces accorded the highest priority to the prevention ofsuch an eventuality rather than to preparing these forces to defend theircountry against the "real enemy." The reduction of Greece's capacity tofight a defensive or offensive war against Turkey over the issue of Cyprusbecame the major goal guiding military relations between Greece andthe. United States throughout the sixties.

The first indication of this policy decision came in a series of draftpapers and studies by the United States Department of Defense. TheOffice of the Assistant of Secretary of Defense prepared, on February 11,1964, a Draft Talking Paper for Assistant Secretary of Defense JohnT. McNaughton in Talks with the Minister of Defense of Greece. Soonafter that, McNaughton told Greek officials of the Greek Department ofDefense that reductions would have to be made in the Greek air forceand navy, with the objective of restricting the offensive capabilities ofthose branches of the Greek military. The American assumption wasthat the reductions would lessen the possibilities of a Greco-Turkish warover Cyprus. The American concern over a Greco-Turkish conflict wassubstantial because it would injure a series of American interests in thearea. Although U.S. strategists of the 1960's had not changed their evalu-ation of the contributions of the two countries to the global strategy ofthe United States, Greece did represent an asset which would have beenseriously damaged by a war between the two countries.

With the loss of its bases in North Africa, Greece's value to the


United States had dwindled. Greece's role in a generalized war would bealmost exclusively to protect—to the extent possible, given its limitedmilitary resources—its own territory. American policyrnakers had decidedthat the Greek "undertakings would not seriously affect the outcome ofthe strategic campaign." However, Greece did have certain strategic func-tions in the plans of the American specialists. It was seen as a counter-weight to possible excessive Turkish pressures on the United States. Thus,its role was as: 1) an alternate base area to Turkey, 2) a hedge to pos-sible Turkish estrangement from the United States, 3) a land mass to beused as a stepping stone from the core area of the Alliance to the southernflank, 4) a check on Turkish demands for a quid pro quo and against thepossibility that they could get out of hand, and 5) an impediment to theSoviets' access to the Middle East. On March 25, 1965, a group which wasput together to study the defense posture of Greece in the five years from1966 to 1971 issued its report. Headed by U.S. General Charles H. Bones-teel, the Hellenic Defense Study Team of the Joint Chiefs of Staff issueda Reappraisal of the Defense Posture of Greece for the Period FY 1966-FY 1971. 2°

The team which drafted the report concluded that an attack onGreece from the north was "highly unlikely." A sustained Bulgarian attack,if it were to be successful, would "require extensive Soviet air and logisticssupport." 21 According to this report, "it is not the intent of NATO or MAPto equip and maintain military forces in any one country, which wouldenable it to defeat alone a Communist bloc limited aggression against it." "Bonesteel proposed that Greece design its forces in such a way as toassume that the allies would come to its assistance. This meant that Greecewould not need to have adequate forces to fight a war by itself againstany country. The key to Greek defense would have to be the reliance—and dependence—on outside reinforcements from its allies. The principalaims of the implementation of the Bonesteel proposals were in agreementwith the policy - decision that Greece not possess a military establishmentcapable of undertaking independent operations. This conflicted sharplywith the strategic objectives of Greece, which were similar to those ofthe United States except in one important area: it was in Greece'sinterest to create a fighting force which would be capable of defendingthe country against possible Turkish attack, and, if necessary, to carrythe fight to the enemy. This meant that Greece needed strong naval andair components in its armed forces.

The Bonesteel Report proposed that the Greek air force be composedof eight tactical squadrons or 144 aircraft. McNaughton wanted a furtherreduction to seven squadrons. Initially, Greek air force officers refused todiscuss such cuts with the Americans. The Bonesteel report recommendationswould have reduced by twenty percent the number of operational aircraftin the inventory of the Greek air force. The Americans argued that the

20 The report will be referred to hereafter as the Bonesteel Report.21 Bonesteel Report, p. V-10.22 Ibid., p. XIII-4.


aircraft that were going to be put out of commision were obsolete F-86sand F-84s. Greece, however, had adopted a defensive strategy, that is, itwould remain in the defensive until attacked. In such a strategy, qualityand quantity of aircraft are equally important. In addition, at the timeof the mid and late 1960s, most of the air forces of the nations in theBalkans and eastern Mediterranean were contemporaneous with the F-86sand F-84s. When that argument of obsolescence did not work, the Amer-icans told Greece that the MAP programs would have to be cut in thenear future, and that, in any case, the U.S. would not be able to supportthe modernization efforts of the Greek air force. It is interesting to notethat, in 1968, only 25 out of more than 150 F-84s in the Greek air forceinventory had been purchased with Military Assistance Program monies.

The Bonesteel Report also proposed that no new improvements bemade in the Greek navy. It argued that Greece's contribution to thedefense effort of the allies in the naval field would be made through theavailability of port facilities and shipyards for common use. In terms ofland forces, the Americans proposed that Greece deactivate two 1st echelondivisions which would have added up to fifteen percent of the total strengthof the Greek field armies. It is estimated that such cuts would have reducedthe operational effectiveness of the Greek army by several times thispercentage if they had been in the areas which are considered crucialfor a cohesive defense. During this same period, the United States rejectedall Greek suggestions for the improvement of fortifications on the northernborders. The Greeks had requested to be provided with Atomic DemolitionMunitions or ADMs, which were used in the border areas of othercountries of the Alliance.

The proposals and the requests for reductions were never presentedfor what they were in reality: attempts to limit Greek capabilities to fighta war with Turkey. Nor were the Greeks ever informed about the changein the minds of the U.S. strategic planners concerning the nature of thethreat from the north. Even if nothing had changed in terms of strategicperceptions, however, dependence on outside reinforcements contains animportant risk factor: what if an emergency occurs, and the allies thatare supposed to come to the rescue decide that they cannot or do not wantto help? The Bonesteel Report drafters touched on the problem. Accordingto them, the Greeks were concerned that the allies would "look the otherway" in the event of an emergency. 23 In addition, the Bonesteel proposalsenvisioned Turkish air force units among the forces which would cometo Greece's assistance!

The first official responses to the proposed cutbacks were made inthe "Greek Response to the 1966 Annual Review Questionnaire (ARQ)of the North Atlantic Council" that is known as the Greek StatisticalSummary." The Greek civilian and military leaders rejected the need forsuch drastic reductions. On April 21, 1967, a group of military officerscarried out a coup d'etat. On July 21, 1967, Dr. Maurice J. Mountain,

23 /bid., p. 11-2."AR (66), Greek D/2, November 1966.

Book Reviews

105

from his review of The Godfather.

I am convinced that The God-father could have been a moreprofound film if [Francis Ford]Coppola had shown more interest(and perhaps more courage) inthose sections of the book whichtreated crime as an extension ofcapitalism and as the sine quanon of showbiz. . . .

The irony is not that the Code-one family is a microcosm ofAmerica, but rather that it is mere-ly a typical American family besetby the destructively acquisitiveindividualism that is tearingAmerican society apart. It is anidea that Chaplin developed somuch more profoundly in Mon-sieur Verdoux: that if war, inClausewitz's phrase, is the logicalextension of diplomacy, then mur-der is the logical extension ofbusiness.

In another essay, entitled "Pornversus Puritanism," Sarris defendsthe right of all human beings to beallowed their sexual fantasies, andhe attacks the liberal bluestockingswho, in pornographic movies, havefound a convenient outlet for theirsnobbery.

. . . I'm willing to bet that fewstags of yesteryear attended asmany tribal sessions in basementsor garages as legends of the"good old days" would suggest.Of course, there were the beau-tiful stags who were making itwith real girls or real boys, butNarcissus was never much of amoviegoer. Then there were therich stags like the Kennedys withreal starlets to play with in the

family's swimming pool in PalmBeach. They don't need compas-sionate spectacles to relieve themof their dire wants and needs. Ispeak still for all the poor stagsin the world who didn't want toundergo any elaborate tribalrituals before venturing one onone with their forbidden fan-tasies.

Finally, in a review of a moviemade up of kinescopes from the oldYour Show of Shows, Sarris com-pares the comedy style of Sid Caesarto the style of Nichols and May(both of whom, by the way, wenton to become film directors) .

The difference between a SidCaesar skit and a Nichols andMay skit was not only a differencein period, but also in (loss con-sciousness. With Caesar, a funda-mentally popular common sensewas appealed to with every bellowof outrage. With Nichols andMay, an elitist frisson of intel-lectual and cultural superioritywas cultivated at the expense ofour most sacred cows. This wasthe beginning . . . of an era ofcultural affluence and alienation,and of increasing fragmentationof audience sensibilities.

These examples have been select-ed more or less at random. In eachcase, what is most evident is Sarris'sprofoundly popular—and populist—perspective. His populism, however,is not of the American rural corn-munitarian kind but of the Eu-ropean urban working class kind(which, in my opinion, can be ex-plained to a significant extent byhis Greek immigrant background) .


As such, his anti-leftism is not basedso much on any type of conceptualanticommunism as it is on a deepsense of betrayal.

In both politics and cinema Sarrisis a convinced social democrat. Hisgreatest affinity lies with GeorgeOrwell in politics and Andre Bazinin the cinema (the latter's opposi-tion to la politique des auteurs not-withstanding). What unites allthree men is the same sense ofcritical honesty, a belief in the mostfundamental and various democracy,and, what is perhaps most important,a lucid compassion, a compassionwhich is not prepared to murder allthose who have been "objectively"labeled the oppressors for the sakeof all those who have been "ob-jectively" determined to be op-pressed. In short, Sarris is a vocaland uncompromising anti-Stalinist.He opposes the left—or at least thecommunist left—because he con-siders it to be mendacious, blood-thirsty, and self-righteous.

No Marxist of any integritywould argue any longer that theleft has not at times, since the found-ing of the First International, donea great deal not so much to betrayothers as to betray itself. Where Idisagree with Sarris, however, isthat he is convinced the left isimmutably corrupted whereas Ibelieve that it is still not onlycapable of noble actions but, indeed,of changing the world. To quotehis own quote (in his book, ThePrimal Screen) from Orwell:"Socialists don't claim to be ableto make the world perfect; theyclaim to be able to make it better.And any thinking Socialist will con-cede to the Catholic that when eco-nomic justice has been righted, the

fundamental problem of man'splace in the universe will still re-main. . . . It is all summed up inMarx's saying that after Socialismhas arrived, human history can be-gin." It is up to the left, of course,to vindicate itself. I believe thatit can and will. Before it can do so,however, it must stop reviling criticssuch as Sarris and begin examiningits own words and actions. In filmthat can start by a rejection of thenoxious notion that there is onlyone kind of "revolutionary" cinema.Again, here I agree with Sarris inhis approval of Bazin's belief thatdeep focus is more democratic thancross-cutting. It is not only patentlyabsurd but utterly totalitarian to de-fend the idea that there is only oneway to make a movie, let alone arevolutionary one. Art is not a mat-ter of formula but of form. To saythat revolutionary filmmakers canonly learn from Eisenstein andDziga Vertov is not to praise thoseartists but, ultimately, to ridiculeand belittle them.

I wrote at the beginning of thisreview that Andrew Sarris was theonly significant film critic in theUnited States. There are, of course,a number of other intelligent andperceptive critics in this country(Roger Greenspun, Richard Schickel,and, coincidentally, Sarris's wife,Molly Haskell, immediately cometo mind) Sarris is the only critic,however, who, by the continualelaboration of his work, has elucidat-ed a critical framework—indeed, anesthetic vision—through which tosee and understand the movies. Inthat sense, Sarris is no longer onlya critic, but has also become anesthetician. His esthetics, however,are uniquely popular in basis and

Book Reviews

perception, and, as such, representthe thinking of a man who stillloves the movies. For, if there is onething that Sarris has tried to con-vince us of for over the last twenty

107

years, it is that, in the final analysis,a film is a movie—and if you can'tenjoy it as a movie, there is no pointin discussing it as a film.

—Peter Pappas

***

Kowtow)* pzczanticatap,6g %ato-cpercuincx iisigacii, 1880-1909 {Social Change And Mili-tary Intervention, 1880-1909] byGEORGE DERTILIS. Athens: 'Ex-86az tc 'EUcYcocg, 1977. 285 pp.250 drs.

Distinguishing between the mythand reality of the modern Greekexperience has become the chal-lenging crusade of a small groupof younger scholars. How is itpossible, a non-conversant outsideobserver might ask, for myths toexist about the recent history of aEuropean nation? It is rather easy:the bibliography dealing with Greekpolitics and society includes fewserious scholarly monographs. Be-cause of the many sensitive issuesand fratricidal conflicts which havedivided Greeks, most social scien-tists in Greece, for reasons of ex-pediency, have deliberately avoidedinvestigating contemporary socio-political subjects—and the contem-porary period, as defined by pre-vailing practice, can extend backinto the nineteenth century. An-other facet of this phenomenon isthat when secondary school anduniversity courses treat sensitiveissues, it is usually done only byciting chronological events, therebyshunning discussion and analysis.Greeks, nevertheless, still continueto talk passionately about the his-

torical problems which have dividedthem and plagued the nation.Journalistic and popularized ac-counts abound to cover these earlierdecades of Greek politics. Andsimplistic rightist and leftist ver-sions of events perpetuate politi-cally motivated myths and clichesto reinforce factional interests. Theonly appropriate weapons to counterthese unrealities are rigorous, de-tached historical research and legiti-mate social science methodology.

This book by George Dertilis isan important and welcome con-tribution: myths fall left and righton its pages. Dertilis's general ob-jectives are to provide accurateprofiles of the Greek economy andsociety from 1880 to 1910, to as-sociate this data with the mainpolitical currents, and then to placethe social and political role of themilitary in its appropriate context.

In his first section the authorrelies on fifteen statistical tables todispute the generally accepted con-tention that the three decades priorto 1909 witnessed the vigorousemergence of capitalism and the riseof the middle class. These figuresindicate, contrarily, that the realtransformation of the Greek econo-my came from 1910 to 1930. More-over, the role of Greek diasporacapitalists should not be equatedwith that of the small middle classwithin the country. The wealthy


elements of the diaspora did con-siderable business with Greece inthe areas of finance and commerce,but committed little money tonational development, choosing in-stead to divert most of their profitstowards investments elsewhere.This pre-1910 era is better viewedas pre-capitalist and, because ofGreece's different conditions, shouldnot be compared to the early stagesof Western Europe's economicdevelopment.

Dertilis then goes on to describethe five decades preceding the 1909revolt as an era during which classissues rarely influenced politics. Dueto the legacy from the OttomanEmpire and to the nature of land-holding, among other factors, nowidespread agrarian movement witha fixed ideology emerged in Greece.In fact, the peasantry helped theruling groups to maintain their in-fluence, with patronage-clientagenetworks dominating national poli-tics and distracting attention fromideological or class questions. Fol-lowing the establishment of Greekindependence, liberal bourgeoisinstitutions were created beforethe customary precondition ofcapitalist development would havemade imperative the abolition offeudal conditions in land owner-ship and the economy. The diasporalargely assumed the bourgeois rolefor the Greek economy, and itsinterests, as mentioned above, didnot center on industrial investment.

The last part of the book dealswith the military revolt of 1909and its commonly accepted—buterroneous—definition as a "bour-geois revolution." Dertilis maintainsthat methodological failures andtwo false suppositions account for

this classification: the assertionsthat the years from 1880 to 1909witnessed a significant rise in Greekcapitalism and the middle classand that developments after 1909naturally evolved from this bour-geois revolution (e.g., the invita-tion of Venizelos, birth of theLiberal party, rapid economicgrowth during the 1910-1930 years,and accompanying consolidation ofthe middle class's economic andpolitical strength) . Dertilis offersfive propositions to clear up thedistorted picture of events. First,the 1909 revolt of the MilitaryLeague did not intend to install orassure the domination of the middleclass and did not seek to inspire orguide this or any other class. Second,the middle class did not displayrevolutionary activity, either in-dependently or in support of the1909 movement. Third, rebellioustendencies did manifest themselvesin the decade prior to 1909, but inthe countryside and among thelower classes in urban areas. Fourth,the appearance of Venizelos andthe Liberals, as well as the revolt,were neither symptoms nor conclu-sions of this non-existent bourgeoisrevolution; they were, however,serious factors for the bourgeoistransformation of Greek societyduring the two decades after 1910.Last, this transformation occurreddespite the non-existence of abourgeois uprising and the poten-tially antibourgeois expectations ofthe urban lower classes. The re-mainder of the study details theseinterpretations and the army's rolein the events of 1909-1910.

Criticisms of this book are fewand minor. Dertilis has effectivelyused class analysis to disavow earlier

Book Reviews

109

alleged class theories on the periodunder review, but historians mayquestion some of the broader gener-alizations and the presence of gapsin factual information. This is nota book to be read by someone onlycasually interested in Greek politicsand society, as it presupposes agood knowledge of the period'sevents and prominent issues. Morefrequent references to developmentsin neigboring Balkan states wouldhave been enlightening for com-parative purposes. Also, the impacton politics and society of massemigration to the United Statesafter 1897 has not been givenadequate emphasis. As a point ofinformation it should be noted thatthe best, short coverage of impor-tant population movements is thelittle known article by V. G. Va-

laoras, "A Reconstruction of theDemographic History of ModernGreece," in The Milbank MemorialFund Quarterly.

On the whole, this is a provoca-tive, well-conceived analysis. Theuse of sociology's tools in conjunc-tion with existing historical studiesto interpret this earlier period hasbeen convincingly executed, atleast in the eyes of this reviewer—a historian who has arrived at manyof the same conclusions on the 1909revolt by means of a differentmethodology. It should be en-couraging for the future of scholar-ship on modern Greece that acade-mics in the several divisions of thesocial sciences are exchanging skillsand findings with each other. Thecollective benefits will be many.Only myths will suffer.

—S. Victor Papacosma

T 'Aelivarrij gITCOEthorti [TheAthenian Review) by THODOROSHATZIPANTAZIS and LILAMARAKA. Athens: 'Eppgig, 1977.Vol. I, 253 pp.; Vols. II & III,583 pp. 500 drs.

Modem Greek theater is a pe-culiar phenomenon. At no stage ofits history has it matured into adistinct and self-sustained form ofart. Even today it seems incrediblethat, with more than forty theatersin full operation in Athens duringany given theatrical season, there isstill so little substance in modernGreek dramatic literature. This canbest be explained if one looksclosely into the structure of Greeksociety, first in its formative years(the end of the 19th and the begin-

ning of the 20th centuries), andsecond, in its later development. Inboth theather and society a lack ofsubstance is easily recognizable.Greek theater is consciously a socialtheater because Greek culture as awhole relies heavily on social issues.Whatever theater, therefore, thereis in Greece today is a reflection ofGreek society, and shares all itspeculiarities, successes, and failures.Such a development was inevitable.When modem Greece emerged fromthe War of Independence againstthe Ottoman Empire, it was con-fronted with the task of redressingits society into more familiar gar-ments by shaking off its Levantinecharacteristics. This created a mas-sive movement, no matter if itwasn't very deeply rooted, towards


Europe and the European way oflife, which was regarded superiorto the existing one. EverythingEuropean was copied: food, dress,manners, as well as theater, whichwas the very essence of Europeanculture and Greek snobbishness.From 1800 to 1908 only 384 origi-nal Greek plays were produced inGreece—all the others were foreign.This xenomania did not allow, leastof all encourage, the existing forceswithin the Greek theater to expandand fully realize their potential;the people simply would not supportGreek plays. That form of Greektheater which managed to escapethe taboo on local productions, theAthenian review, started as anadaption of a foreign idiom on theGreek stage. By the time it devel-oped and reached its peak, it hadbecome synonymous with a risingnew class in the social structure ofthe country, the Athenian middleclass, which desired nothing morethan to be European. Its success wasphenomenal.

To assert, merely on the merit ofits immense success, that the Athe-nian review is the most representa-tive form of modern Greek theateris the same as to say that Grofe'sGrand Canyon Suite is the finestexample of American classicalmusic. Measured in terms of theimpact it had on the advancementof the Greek theater, the Athenianreview's rise to the proscenium wasdefinitely not monumental. It wasmore of a whisper, but whispers,when heard in the midst of silence,can be deafening. It is, therefore,this breath of life which the Athe-nian review offered to the Greektheater that renders it worthy ofour attention today and ensures that

its study will be a rewarding ex-perience.

The Athenian review, which tookits name from its French prototype,was at its best a satirical portrayalof the Athenian social and politicaltemperament, which was constantlychanging as new ideas were beingintroduced into it. For this, it em-ployed dialogue, music, and dance,and also, at its decline, phantasma-goric sets. It made its spectacularentrance onto the Greek stage in1894 with the production of A Bitof Everything. By that time Greecehad already declared "total bank-rupcy" and had been placed underinternational economic supervision.Soon, many similar reviews werestaged, but were unsuccessful andfinally ceased after the defeat ofGreece in the Greco-Turkish war of1897. They reappeared ten yearslater in 1907, and dominated theGreek theater until 1922, the yearof the great massacre of the Greekpeople in Asia Minor. After 1922it dropped into oblivion, despiteseveral abortive attempts to reviveit, and it was never again producedin its original form. It is not byaccident that the two disappearancesof the Athenian review from theGreek stage, one temporary, theother final, coincide with two majornational disasters. The same yearsalso mark a pause in the social ascentof the Athenian middle class. Withthe repression of that strata of so-ciety, the Athenian review lost itsvoice, purpose, and reason to exist.

Roughly from 1907 to 1921 mostmajor reviews were produced on anannual basis, each being associatedwith a particular group of writers,musicians, designers, actors, andeven theaters. Each one, in an effort

Book Reviews 111

to maintain its audience, emphasizedits strongest contributions to theform and thus established the trade-mark by which the people promptlyrecognized it. It was not uncommonfor Athenians to visit a specificshow year in and year out to see aparticular actress or hear a certainkind of music or simply enjoy moreclever social satire. The greatest ofall Athenian reviews, Panathenaia,owes its popularity to its well-balanced repertory, which suited thetastes of the average audience. Apartfrom the relative merit of its text,it also offered Marika Kotopouli,the greatest name in Greek theatricalhistory. Panathenaia's greatest rivalwas Cinema, the review most fa-vored by intellectuals. Its satirewas more abrasive, its text morearticulate, and it also featuredoriginal songs by the legendaryAttik, the country's mast importantname in the composition of popularsongs. Panorama was the first reviewto incorporate moving pictures intoits productions and, as a result,served as a forerunner of moreadvanced production techniques. Italso had an excellent corps de ballet.The last of the great annual reviewswas Parrot. It became popular asthe "Parisian Review" and wascloser to its French prototypes. Itemployed the maximum use of song,dance, and spectacle, as comparedto other productions of a genrewhich owes a lot to cabaret.

Apart from the well-establishedannual reviews, there were otherswhich appeared not so regularly,but were ultimately more valuablefor their contribution to the develop-ment of Greek consciousness. Theywere what came to be known as theprovincial or "popular" reviews

(The Broom, Something for Everybody), with their headquarters inthe suburbs of Athens. Their politi-cal satire and social critique was soaccute and passionate that on severaloccassions the police had to movein and impose censorship. Never-theless, their enormous popularitywith local audiences brought Athe-nian society to the suburbs to inter-mingle with the "people." Thatmagnetic attraction was their uniqueachievement, and foreshadowedwhat had to occur if the Greektheater was to establish its ownidentity.

The texts of the Athenian reviewwere by no means intended forposterity. They were, rather, work-ing texts, often written in the lang-uage of the newspapers by profes-sional journalists with theatricalaspirations, and they were primarilyused as prompts or sketches for theperformances. Since all texts de-pended on current events, and agreat deal of the material had to bereworked from week to week oreven from day to day as news ofnational interest was being made,there are very few definitive textsof reviews in existence today. How-ever, all of them follow more orless the same pattern. Basically, theyare divided into three distinct partsand employ some sort of unifyingfactor, usually an actor who appearsthroughout the play. Each part con-sists of a succession of "numbers,"a finale, and special songs sung byprofessional singers. The "number"was the very heart of the review. Inits broad sense it is a short scene ofdialogue and song satirizing almostanything and everything underthe sun.

Subjects for satire were, first of


all, well-known personalities andpublic figures of the city of Athenssuch as politicians, criminals,writers, and actors. Politics ap-peared quite often in the reviews.Yet most of them politicized with-out taking a definite political standor ever being specific. They spokeof a prime minister's beard, for ex-ample, but they would not criticizehis political convictions. What ismore, with a few exceptions, theAthenian review can at no point inits history boast of a clear-cut politi-cal orientation. It existed to pleaseand amuse its public, not to divideit over politics. In political mattersits satire was innocuous. Archetypalfigures such as spinsters, beggars,maids, and artists were also subjectsfor satire. The characters were drawndirectly from the sidewalks ofAthens, and became the main sourceof amusement for the audience sincethey could be caricatured on stagewithout fear of complaint. So, theinflux of gypsies in Athens, the ex-istence of beggars, or the simpli-city of the city's maids, were grosslysatirized at one time or another. Athird category prone to socialsatire was "creatures of the im-magination" or, to be more precise,impersonations of ideas or institu-tions vital to Athenian everydaylife. It was not uncommon, there-fore, for "Town Hall" or "CommonSense" or "The Railroad" to appearas vivacious young girls or commonprostitutes commenting on them-selves to the delight of the audience.Having personifications of ideas onstage can be the most direct methodof theatrical propaganda. Ideas inhuman dress were widely used bythe reviews to influence their publicon burning national issues, from

the Macedonian problem to dis-putes over the throne. Their treat-ment, was, nine times out of ten,reactionary.

Although the authors of TheAthenian Aeview devote two entirevolumes to the actual texts and arevery careful to include only keytexts in the history of the form, anexamination of them is rather dis-appointing. Despite this carefulselection of material, the readerfinds himself more interested in thefootnotes, which often offer betterinsights on what is going on thando the texts themselves. The reviewsunder examination are A Bit ofEverything of 1894, Cinema, 1908,Panathenaia, 1911 and Ksifir Palerof 1916.

In a way, A Bit of Everything,the first review to appear on theAthens stage, set the standards allsubsequent reviews were to follow.It is important only in this respectfor nothing else can recommend itto future generations. Written in anungraceful language, it accuratelyreflects the equally ungracefulAthenian middle cla ss which wasjust being incorporated, as an in-tegral part, into Greek society.Cinema, 1908 has been called thereview of the "reconstruction" sinceit is mainly concerned with thereestablishment of the middle classafter its partial eclipse in 1897 and,moreover, with the recovery of theentire nation. To accomplish this,Greece imported experts fromEurope in many fields, which cre-ated a lot of confusion among theAthenians off and on the stage.Panathenaia, 1911 is a generalsatire of Venizelos's restoration po-licies. It is also the review bestremembered for its portrayal of

Book Reviews 113

three types of Greeks: the opportu-nist parliamentarian, the man fromthe provinces who is unable to com-prehend Athenian mannerisms, andthe illiterate, self-deluded, idioticpolice officer. In the last Athenianreview to be induded in the book,Ksifir Paler (meaning nonsense),the text is no longer as importantas are dance, music, and, above all,spectacle. Impressive and expensivesets of the kind that Athenians hadnever seen before, and would neversee after, were introduced to thestage and created an atmosphere ofnouveau riche fetishism. Gods de-scended from Mount Olympus,ancient Greeks joined the moderns,allegorical figures floated aroundwith ease, and all this phantasma-goria for the glorification of theking!

There is an assumption in Greecetoday that if you have a group ofactors, a script, and a lighted stage,you also have a performance. ManyGreek theaters have opened theirdoors to the public on that assump-tion, and they have all failed piti-fully as they lacked not motivationso much as credibility—a basic factorin the process of creating art. Withthe publication of the three volumesof The Athenian Review, a histori-cal account of the form, Greektheater moves one step further intothe realm of credibility so vital forits very existence. Previous to TheAthenian Review, Greek dramatic

history was recorded either in theform of memoirs dressed up ashistories or in short and incompletestudies of specific subjects of thea-trical interest which appeared inmagazine, newspapers, or as intro-ductions to books. It is amazing howlittle has been written on themodern Greek theater in a scholarlymanner. Hatzipantazis' and Mara-ka's "history" is the first work ofsuch scope and magnitude to riseabove this limited concept of drama-tic history and open up new hori-zons for the documentation of Greektheatrical literature. It is history inall its glory, well-documented, and,above all, enjoyable not only forthe scholar, but for the averagereader who has some interest indrama. Moreover, it fills a great gapin the Greek theater since no pre-vious comprehensive account of theAthenian review has ever been seton paper with the exception ofsome cursory accounts.

The Athenian review, and, forthat matter, the Athenian middleclass it portrayed so well, leavestoday's student of dramatic historyamused, but in a different way fromthe audiences of that period whichflocked to the theaters night afternight to see themselves on the stage.The atmosphere that emanated fromthe Athens stages of the famedreviews was that of gross euphoria—and it was a euphoria at the expenseof the people.

—George Vidanavanos


Resistance, Exile and Love editedand translated by Nixos SPANIAS.New York: Pella PublishingCompany, 1977. 170 pp. $8.00cloth, $15.00 paper.

More has been done, deservedly,to expand Greek literature in theAnglophone world in the last thirtyyears than in the previous threecenturies. In Greece itself, too,more has been done in that periodin order to develop a "Greek con-sciousness," to gain a sense of pro-portion about the Greek psyche,than in all the years since Greecewas liberated from the Turks. Thatdoes not mean, of course, that thereis a genuine, comprehensive per-spective; it does not mean that aGreek zeitgeist has been satisfacto-rily defined. It means simply that—against tremendous odds—Greekwriters have been honing and chis-eling the rock underneath which thefeatures of a marvelous statue arebeginning to reveal themselves.Greece is still in need of goodcritics and good reviewers, evalu-ators who will guide the collectivetaste, values, and methods whichwill better express and assess theGreek experience.

In Resistance, Exile and Lovewe have one more volume thatembodies both the conscientiouswork done in English on behalf ofGreek literature and the literature(in this case poetry) being writtenin Greece revealing this new kindof awareness. During these postwaryears, of course, there were prosewriters such as Hatzis in Hungary,Alexandrou and Kazantzakis inFrance, Tsirkas in Egypt, Vassilikos,and many others—all working intheir own genre, and chiseling upon

the same exquisite rock. But it isin poetry that, since the war, Greecehas had a kind of renaissance. Whilepoets such as Seferis, Elytis, Ritsos,Vamalis, and Gatsos have beenamong those in the lead, dozens ofyounger poets have followed, manyof which are included in Spanias'suseful anthology.

Though the verse in the volumeis not limited to (and does not fullytreat) the subjects proclaimed inthe title, the eighteen poets andthe eighty-three poems translatedby Nikos Spanias are an accuraterepresentation of the Muse in post-war Greece. What one notices instudying the anthology is a bitter-ness, a frustration, a sardonic tone,an outrage against personal andnational betrayals, disillusionment,pain, and death. "My generation,"Klitos Kyrou writes, "partook oflife and death like consecratedbread"; "Your sunrise is alwaysstormy, Greece," exclaims the lateand talented Theodosis Athas. ForIason Depountis, "faces of massacregroaned"; and Spyros Kokkinisshouts: "How cruel these daysare . . ./ I cannot contain this bound-less bitterness."

Still, there is a heartening vitalitycoexisting with this bitterness, anunderlying love for life, a sensu-ality, as in Spanias's own poems inthe volume; a subtle harmony oflove and expectation, as in Papa-ditsas' verse; an enchantment withthe world's gifts, as in Dallas'shistorical poems. Unlike mostAmerican poetry in the last threedecades, these Greek poets dealwith themes that are somehow moresubstantial, more mature, moreworthy of poetry. Not that drivingon Highway 5 during sunset or

Book Reviews 115

speaking of one's divorce cannot bemade to contain an emotional im-mediacy, but the young Greekpoets, having collectively sufferedon a scale unknown to their Amer-

ican counterparts, dramatize issuesthat have passed through our cen-tury's "shock of recognition" in anexperiential way. As Klitos Kyrouwrites in his "Cries of the Night":

My generation was a lightingbolt whose thunderwas stifled, my generation was hunted downlike a brigand, was dragged behind barbed wire... my generation did not diein hospital beds, they shouted down the firing squads.

There is indeed conflict and anguishin the voices that shout or whisperfrom the book. "The dreams werereefs/ and the old wound erupted/like a volcano tossing up images ofgall," writes Athas. There is lesshyperbole in Yannis Dallas's "cityflaring up like a firecracker." Sen-

timentalizing does enter the stanzasof Michalis Katsaros, who imaginesthe Rosenbergs "smiling at everychild/ stretching their great humanhands even to those who killedthem," and in the poetry of TasosLivaditis, who asks the Italianguard who keeps watch over him:

when they order you to shoot me,fire—

but don't aim at my heart!Somewhere deep inside it remains your face of a child.I don't want you to wound it.

Emotionalism seems to prey on mostof these poets. If, in fact, there isa general drawback in many ofthese poems, it is the propensity(so Greek, but often detrimental to

He was a perfect man who loved people .. .all the drums dumbfounded by his dead body.

(Fotiadis)

we wept and tore down our hearts(Geranis)

People mad from despair, people dead from the routine of life .other people sanctified by their enormous sins ...people who give themselves wholeheartedly to a great hopeless passionuntil they are consumed by it.

(Livaditis)

All will tremble and palpitate till eternity . . .(Manousalcis).

poetry) for emotional overstate-ment. If the quoted lines above havenot illustrated this point already,here are some samples:

116


I am aware that it is not onlythrough litotes that intensificationand irony may be manifested inpoetry. "An elegant straining of thetruth," in Quintilian's words, mayallow for a tone of anger, a tonethat confirms the passion appro-priate to the subject. But the strain-ing of the truth in these poets, Ifeel, is not always elegant andsubtle. It is—uncomfortably, toooften—blunt overstatement whichcould be conveyed more effectivelythrough ingenious understatement.This is an instance where perceptivecritics could have been of help tothe poets. Personally, I would wishthat these poets could learn fromSeferis and Ritsos to use understate-ment which, more often than hyper-bole, creates better attenuation andimpact. Manolis Anagnostakis, in-cluded in this collection, is anotherexample of how allusions and meta-phors can be used effectively toconvey, without hyperbole, powerand irony.

Besides Anagnostakis, there arepoets in this collection who doharness their emotionalism and lettheir direct and awful encounterwith history to be "recollected intranquillity." It is not easy. Tran-quillity has not been easily availableto Greece; it is not a Greek luxury.Hyperbole or not, then, the verseof these poets informs experiencesand feelings that need to be shared;it is eloquent verse, a collectivevoice which, even when it shouts,speaks of substance.

As an anthologist, Nikos Spaniasoverrides the Edgar Guest pretense,and includes his own verse amongthat of the other seventeen poets.Though he has selected good com-pany, he holds his own. His poemsare as good as most, and betterthan some in the volume. Further-more, he has treated his companionswell by translating them faithfullyand perceptively.

—Minas Savvas

Letters

To the Editors:I must say that your magazine

is becoming more impressive withevery issue—impressive in qualityand diversity. Congratulations !

In your Winter 1979 issue, Iwas particularly attracted to thePapacosma article on the Greekpress in America, which waspacked with good information andbalanced analysis.

Inevitably, in an article dealingwith such a major subject andbased principally on secondarysources and some replies to a ques-tionnaire, there are bound to beomissions. It might be a usefulidea for your magazine to ask itsreaders to send whatever additionaldata they may possess and followup with some sort of an addendum.

For my part, let me call atten-tion to a couple of items that de-serve mention. For many years,Campana, published mostly weeklyin New York by Mr. [Costas)Athanasiades, provided a usefulantidote to the "established" Greek-American press. Despite its exces-sive polemics, it managed to ex-pose wrong-doing in high placesand to keep important issues in thelimelight. It played a particularlyimportant role during the juntayears, when the established mediaeither were outright supportive ofthe junta or at least ridiculouslywishy-washy. The fabled PaulNord was a regular contributor toCampana. Speaking of those years,please allow me to refer to the

New York anti-junta biweeklyGreek-American of Mr. PaulGrivas, which a group of us joinedin 1967, adding Eleuthera Ethnos toits title. Quite a number of issueswere run in the presses of the pres-ent Pella publisher before we ranout of money!

The New York City scene is in-complete without reference to Mr.Babis Malafouris, whose contribu-tions to the history of Greeks inAmerica, to the preservation ofdemocratic sentiments on Greek is-sues, and to keeping the author-ities in line should be recognizedby all, including those, like myself,who were wary and weary of hisexaggerations and his personal at-tacks. Malafouris's more recentnewspaper, Homogeneia, princi-pally in reaction to the inimitableAcontion (Lance) of the Knightsof St. Andrew, gave us manyenjoyable moments!

On the cultural side, one shouldalso include the "Greek Heritage"series out of Janus in Chicago.Finally, and closer to my presenthome (Columbus, Ohio), I shouldmention the biweekly Phoni ofCleveland, published by Mr. HarryPapouras since 1976.

Professor Papacosma made noreference to the support given tothe Greek-American press by theGreek government in the form ofadvertisements and otherwise. Rec-ognizing the sensitivity of the is-sue and the fact that such supportwas often proper and welcome, I


would nevertheless suggest thatsome of the roots of the tendency,especially of the Greek-languagepress, to rally behind the incumbentGreek government, including thejunta, are not too hard to find !

In another context, I would liketo raise a question on the relativescarcity of local original talent inthe Greek-American press. Thereis too much "lifting" from theAmerican and Greek newspapers,too much serialization of detectiveand sentimental novels, too muchdull reporting of local news, mostlyincantations of names and hack-neyed descriptions of happenings!

I must confess my jealousy when

I read, for example, about thetalents in the Yiddish press, in-cluding Isaac Bashevis Singer, andcan think only of very few qualityregular writers in our press duringmy time, e.g., Theano Margari,Nikos Spanias, and Athena Dallas.

Another aspect of Greek-Amer-ican ethnicity which remains evenless explored than the press forlack of adequate secondary sources(only "scripta manent" !) is theGreek-American radio and T.V.Let us hope that Professor Papa-cosma or another expert will bemotivated to turn soon to that richsubject.

Thank you for your patience.Sincerely,P. J. KOZY1USColumbus, Ohio

ERRATA

The following corrections are for the article, "The First Greek Book,"by Evro Layton, published in the winter 1979 (Vol. V, no. 4) issue ofthe Journal.

note 1, line 2. After Society, add 8delete Actual sizeafter Venice, add Nicolasline 2, This is . . . one takesnote 4, line 3, biblioteche, not biblotecheafter Venice, add Adamdelete Actual sizeafter Venice, add Adamdelete Actual sizenote 8, last line, first word, should read: stampa not tampaafter Brescia, add Thomasparagraph 3, line 8 should read: to chapter headings andexamples .. .

Paravisinus

Page 63,Page 64,Page 66,Page 67,Page 67,Page 68,Page 68,Page 69,Page 69,Page 70,Page 71,Page 76,

to grammaticalPage 77, delete Damilas and add in its place, D.Page 77, delete Actual sizePage 79, after Venice, add Aldus

Publications Received

Books

"Mt.ov TO -cfp.v.ia: staavoriiOTAV TCOCTIO1 TOO 'OSocsak '0,15.71[Worth is the Price: An Introduc-tion to the Poetry of Odysseas Elytis]by Kimon Friar. Translated by NasosVagenas. Athens: Kapoc, 1978. 93pp. np. Criticism.

rxp/Cot OptCov-cec: baoyA TCOL71:144TCOV 1962-1976 [Gray Hori-

zons: A Selection of Poetry, 1962-1976] by Anestis I. Ghanotakis.Athens: K€Epos, 1977. 55 pp. np.Poetry.

Attepo veoeXX-qvcw7ig Aoyo-caxvioccxai Eatoptiz6 [A Two Day Confer-ence of Modern Greek Literatureand History) edited by the EditorialCommittee of the Democratic As-sociation of Greek Scientists inGreat Britain. Birmingham: Dem-ocratic Association of Greek Scien-tists in Great Britain, 1978. 100 pp.np. Scholarly papers.

Disaster and Fiction: Modern GreekFiction and the Impact of the AsiaMinor Disaster of 1922 by ThomasDoulis. Berkeley, Cal.: University ofCalifornia Press, 1977. X + 313 pp.$12.75. Criticism.

Father Kosmas the Apostle of thePoor by Nomikos M. Vaporis.Brookline, Mass.: Holy Cross Or-thodox Press, 1977. 164 pp. np.Church history.

Greece in the Nineteen Forties:MGSA Symposium 1978 Abstracts.Washington, D. C.: 1978. 22 pp.np. Abstracts of Scholarly papers.

docpclaaca to0 xascrtthtog: ?CO-Xt-cmot xpatotillavot, bc-co7clast;xat tgatc crrO TXXiacc, 1924-1974 [The Security of the Regime:Political Prisoners, Internal Exile,and Class in Greece, 1924-1974)by Roussos S. Koundouros. Prologueby Aristovoulos I. Manesis. Athens:'Ex86aatc Kacrtambrq, 1978. 171pp. np. Sociology of Law.

c,..)A /IOU 6A (Dcatog Ko4ctv--4181c) [My Whole Life (SteliosKazantzidis)] by Vasilis Vasilikos.Athens: 'ExS dast G a cITTC6Val1978. 162 pp. np. Non-fiction.

Im Fadenkreuz der NATO: Er-mittlungen am Beispiel Cypern [Inthe Sights of NATO: An Examina-tion of the Cypriot Problem] byNiels Kadritzke and Wolf Wagner.Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag, 1976. 144pp. np. Political Science.

Kazantzakis: The Politics of Salva-tion by James F Lea. Foreword byHelen Kazantzakis. University,Ala.: The University of AlabamaPress, 1979. XIII & 207 pp. $13.50.Political Theory.

L' gconomiste franfais Arthimondde Regny et son role dans Phistoirefinanciere de la Grece (1831-1841): Recherches sur la periode


de la monarchie [The FrenchEconomist Arthjmond de Repayand his Role in the Financial His-tory of Greece ( 1831 -1841): Studieson the Period of the Monarchy]by Constantin A. Vacalopoulos.Thessaloniki: Institute for BalkanStudies, 1977. VIII & 266 pp. np.History.

Lemaitre et la crise financi?re dela Grece (1842-1843) [Lemaitreand the Greek Financial Crisis(1842-1843)) by Constantin A.Vacalopoulos. Thessaloniki: 1979.111 pp. np. History.

Life in the Tomb by StratisMyrivilis. Edited and translated byPeter Bien. Hanover, N. H.: Uni-versity Press of New England forDartmouth College, 1977. XIX &325 pp. $15.00. A novel.

Mnxtzvcattol fij; eorpo-cotirlcvop.tag cstiiv Toupxoxpct-c(a (IE' -

ITT ' Ald)vctg) [Mechanisms of theAgrarian Economy during theTourkokratia (XVth-XVIth Cen-turie.0)] by Spyros Asdrachas. Ath-ens: OalleAto, 1978. 300 pp. np.History.

Motpacsecc-cmdc xeCi.tsvcc [Asia MinorTexts) by Nikos E. Milioris. Ath-ens: 'IwXx6c, 1977. 246 pp. np .Non-fiction.

Modern Orthodox Saints: St. Ar-senios of Pares by ConstantineCavarnos. Belmont, Mass.: Institutefor Byzantine and Modern GreekStudies, 1978. 123 pp. np. Churchhistory.

`0 "AyysAoc Dtliolpuirc7); xatvsoaXX•rivtx6 np66X7ip..ot [Angeles

Simiriotis and the Modern GreekProblem] by Nikos E. Milioris.Athens: sIo.)Xxdc, 1976. 19 pp. np .History.

`0 cdcsevta-ctotc [The Sensualist) byMichalis A. Moiras. Athens: 1979.183 pp. np. A novel.

`0 s'Itcuctcstioto -ro IliNatcsoc [TheUnbridled Pegasus) by EugeniaPalaiologou-Petronda. Nicosia: AO-yi], 1978. 31 pp. np . Poetry.

Pegasus by John Melidonis. BoulderCreek, Cal.: Triton Press (printer),1978. 22 pp. np. Poetry.

Photo Album of the Greek Resist-ance by Costa G. Couvaras. Prefaceby L. S. Stavrianos. San Francisco:Wire Press, 1978. 139 pp. $5.95.Photography.

IIcoibpoclict [Panorama) by KostisKokorovits. Athens: Maupia-qs,1977. 126 pp. np . Non-fiction.

neptcs(aMiTot gnat TOO 'ApyOn00,o-cc-Alp [teptri yap 6t-6Atou iletxca [The Preserved Worksof Argyris Filippidis: A PartialGeography of the Book of Ethics)edited by Theodosis K. Sperantzas.Athens: 1978. 355 pp. np . Philos-ophy.

Totptxeut4to xouXtthv xal &XXct,TCOLAI_LOVCC4 [A Gallery of StuffedBirds and Other Poems] by YorgisManousakis. Athens: 0€ ix66ast;-cthy cpathy, 1978. 53 pp. np. Poetry.

To 034 ,5,ycattct [The OtherStatue] by Dimitris Doukaris. Ath-ens: K. G. Simopoulos (printer),1976. 37 pp. np. Poetry.

Publications Received

121

T6 0,7c6pLo escrocaoyix%1796-1840 (a6psporicc avi.x6o-TEC axel€csrcc EdpwTCalwv TcpoUvon)',[The Commerce of Thessaloniki,1796-1840 (According to the Un-published Reports of EuropeanConsuls)) by Konstantinos A.Vacalopoulos. Reprint from VolumeXVI of Makedonika. Thessaloniki:Society of Macedonian Studies,1976. 101 pp. np. History.

T6 itop-rpoii-co b6c cirota'cii: NE-atoc ZaliaciX7]; [Portrait of a Free-dom-Fighter: Nikos Zambelis) byVasilis Vasilikos. Athens: IRE*,1974. 114 pp. np. Non-fiction.

Thucydides: The Speeches ofPericles translated, with an intro-duction, notes, and comments byH. G. Edinger. New York: Fred-erick Ungar, 1979. VIII & 68 pp.$2.45. Classics.

Periodicals

'Arovccr*, No. 85, February 16,1979; No. 86, March 2-16, 1979.

'A6o6Xtovvi TiOnpog (also publishedin English as Cyprus Bulletin),Volume XVII, No. 1, January 6,1979; No. 2, January 13, 1979; No.3, January 20, 1979; No. 4, January27, 1979; No. 5, February 3, 1979;No. 6, February 10, 1979; No. 7,February 17, 1979; No. 8, February24, 1979; No. 9, March 3, 1979;No. 10, March 10, 1979; No. 12,March 24, 1979.

sAy-cf, No. 111, November 2, 1978;No. 112, November 18, 1978; No.113, December 2, 1978; No. 114,December 16, 1978; No. 115, De-cember 29, 1978.

'Esonspot6 AeXTio Aiip,oxpcm-xt- c °Evwcy% 'EXXi]vowvon Bps-ccotac, April 1978.

6o6ptoc, No. 95, February 1, 1979;No. 96, February 15, 1979; No. 97,March 1, 1979.

Modern Greek Society, Volume VI,No. 1, December 1978.

Newsletter of the Panhellenic Com-mittee for Solidarity with Cyprus(PESK), February 1979.

`087irrix, No. 227, December 22,1978; No. 228, December 29, 1978;No. 229, January 5, 1979; No. 230,January 12, 1979; No. 231, January19, 1979; No. 232, January 26,1979; No. 233, February 2, 1979;No. 234, February 9, 1979; No.235, February 16, 1979; No. 236,February 23, 1979; No. 237, March2, 1979; No. 238, March 9, 1979;No. 239, March 16, 1979.

crtaup6g too v6-cou, No. 2, Sep-tember 1977; No. 3, February 1978.

The Greek Orthodox TheologicalReview, Volume XXIII, No. 2,summer, 1978.

Togs, No. 37, June 1978; Nos. 38-39, July-August 1978; Nos. 40-43,September-December 1978; Nos.44-45, January-February 1979.

Index

The following index covers not only Volume V but the fourthnumber of Volume IV, which was the first issue of the Journal tobe published by Pella.

ARTICLES

"American Institutional Penetration into Greek Military and PoliticalPolicymaking Structures: June 1947-October 1949," Michael MarkAmen, Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

"Cavafis and his Translators into English," Kimon Friar, Vol. V, no. 1,spring 1978.

"Greece: Portraits and Landscapes" (photoessay), Niki Tipaldou, Vol. V,no. 2, summer 1978.

"Kazantzakis, Bergson, Lenin, and the `Russian Experiment', " N.Georgopoulos, Vol. V, no. 4, winter 1979.

"Kazantzakis's Odyssey: A Modern Rival to Homer," Morton P. Levitt,Vol. V, no. 2, summer 1978.

"Makronisos Journal," Aphrodite Mavroede, Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978(special issue).

"On the Problem of Political Clientelism in Greece in the NineteenthCentury" (Parts 1 & 2), Constantine Tsoucalas, Vol. V, nos. 1 & 2,

spring & summer 1978."Reciprocities Between a Text and Two Translations: Thucydides,

Venizelos and Kakridis," Daniel P. Tompkins, Vol. V, no. 1, spring1978.

"The 'Anomalies' in the Greek Middle East Forces, 1941-1944," HagenFleischer, Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

"The Case for a Treaty Between Greece and the United States on MutualAssistance in Connection with Illegal Payments by MultinationalCorporations," Dimitris C. Constas, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

"The First Printed Greek Book" (illustrated), Evro Layton, Vol. V, no. 4,winter 1979.

"The Greek Army in the Late Forties: Towards an Institutional Autonomy,"Nicos C. Alivizatos, Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 ( special issue).

"The Greek Labor Movement and the Bourgeois State, 1910-1920," GeorgeB. Leon, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

"The Greek Press in America," S. Victor Papacosma, Vol. V, no. 4, winter1979.

Index 123

"The Latin American Agro-Transformation from Above and Outside andits Social and Political Implications," James F. Petras, Vol. IV, no. 4,winter 1978.

"The Living Mask and the Humanist Myth: Thoughts on the Art ofNicholas Sperakis" (illustrated), Stephen Eric Bronner, Vol. V, no. 4,winter 1979.

"The 1958 Greek Elections: A Reassessment," Spyros Linardatos, Vol. V,no. 2, summer 1978.

"Yannis Ritsos and Greek Resistance Poetry," Kostas Myrsiades, Vol. V,no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

AUTHORS

Nicos C. Alivizatos, "The Greek Army in the Late Forties: Towards anInstitutional Autonomy," Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

Michael Mark Amen, "American Institutional Penetration into GreekMilitary and Political Policymaking Structures: June 1947-October1949," Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

Stephen Eric Bronner, "The Living Mask and the Humanist Myth:Thoughts on the Art of Nicholas Sperakis" (illustrated), Vol. V,no. 4, winter 1979.

Dimitris C. Constas, "The Case for a Treaty Between Greece and the UnitedStates on Mutual Assistance in Connection with Illegal Payments byMultinational Corporations," Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

Hagen Fleischer, "The 'Anomalies' in the Greek Middle East Forces,1941-1944," Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).

Kimon Friar, "Cavaf is and his Translators into English," Vol. V, no. 1,spring 1978.

N. Georgopoulos, "Kazantzakis, Bergson, Lenin, and the 'Russian Ex-periment'," Vol. V, no. 4, winter 1979.

Evro Layton, "The First Printed Greek Book" (illustrated), Vol. V, no. 4,winter 1979.

George B. Leon, "The Greek Labor Movement and the Bourgeois State,1910-1920," Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

Morton P. Levitt, "Kazantzakis's Odyssey: A Modern Rival to Homer,"Vol. V, no. 2, summer 1978.

Spyros Linardatos, "The 1958 Greek Elections: A Reassessment," Vol. V,no. 2, summer 1978.

Aphrodite Mavroede, "Makronisos Journal," Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978(special issue).

Kostas Myrsiades, "Yannis Ritsos and Greek Resistance Poetry," Vol. V,no. 3, fall 1978 (special issue).


S. Victor Papacosma, "The Greek Press in America," Vol. V, no. 4, winter1979.

James F. Petras, "The Latin American Agro-Transformation from Aboveand Outside and its Social and Political Implications," Vol. IV, no. 4,winter 1978.

Niki Tipaldou, "Greece: Portraits and Landscapes" (photoessay), Vol. V,no. 2, summer 1978.

Daniel P. Tompkins, "Reciprocities Between a Text and Two Translations:Thucydides, Venizelos and Kakridis," Vol. V, no. 1, spring 1978.

Constantine Tsoucalas, "On the Problem of Political Clientelism in Greecein the Nineteenth Century" (Parts 1 & 2) , Vol. V, nos. 1 & 2, spring &summer 1978.

POETRY AND PROSE

"Alexis Lykiard" (poetry), Alexis Lykiard, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

"George Philippou Pierides: A Selection" (prose), George PhilippouPierides, translated by Jack Gaist, Vol. V, no. 2, summer 1978.

"The Poetry of Maria Polydouri: A Selection" (poetry), Maria Polydouri,translated by Athan Anagnostopoulos and the Thursday Night Group,Vol. V, no. 1, spring 1978.

"Yannis Ritsos: A Selection from the Forties" (poetry), Yannis Ritsos,translated by Athan Anagnostopoulos, Vol. V, no. 3, fall 1978 (specialissue).

BOOK REVIEWS/ENGLISH LANGUAGE PUBLICATIONS

Beginning With 0 by Olga Broumas, MARY MOUNDROS GREENE, VOL V,no. 1, spring 1978.

By Fire and Axe: The Communist Party and the Civil War in Greece, 1944-1949 by Evangelos Averoff-Tossizza, THEODORE A. CouLaumBis,Vol. V, no. 1, spring 1978.

Foreign Interference in Greek Politics by T. A. Couloumbis, J. A.Petropulos and H. J. Psomiades, MAIUOS L. EVRIVIADES, VOL IV, no. 4,winter 1978.

Greek Women Poets, edited and translated by Eleni Fourtouni, FRANCESLEFEVRE, VOL V, no. 4, winter 1979.

I Should Have Died by Philip Deane, JIM JACOBS, VOL V, no. 2, summer1978.

Island of the Winds by Athena Dallas-Damis, GEORGE VALAMVANOS,VOL V, no. 1, spring 1978.

Index 125

Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War and the National SecurityState by Daniel Yergin, LAWRENCE S. WITTNER, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter1978.

The Military in Greek Politics: The 1909 Coup d'Etat by S. VictorPapacosma, THANOS VEREMIS, Vol. V, no. 2, summer 1978.

The Rise and Fall of the Cyprus Republic by Kyriacos C. Markides, JANosN. KRANIDIOTIS, Vol. V, no. 1, spring 1978.

BOOK REVIEWS/GREEK LANGUAGE PUBLICATIONS

Bczp6&poc, Bloc Iccd EuTcoALTela [The Life and Hard Times of Varvara)by Kostas Pavlou Panayotopoulos, GEORGE VALAMVANOS, Vol. V,no. 2, summer 1978.

'Erco),7) [Command) by Dido Sotiriou, REGINA PAGOULATOU, Vol. V,no. 4, winter 1979.

'EYtimicrri xott avarcotpotrorii: 6 xotvuncxbq p6Aoc TON) L4.7cataeutnabvpixocvcapAliv 'EXXacx. (1830-1922) [Dependence and Repro-duction: The Social Role of the Educational Apparatus in Greece(1830-1922) by Constantine Tsoucalas, PASCHALIS M. KITROMILIDES,Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978.

oi'v6acrri Taw aoscatuti&ron &vOpth7cou )tod Tb ai5v.sccytta, [The Con-vention on Human Rights and the Constitution) by Phaidon Th.Vegleris, NIKOS PATOURIS, Vol. V, no. 4, winter 1979.

`H s'Avoc.1 [The Lost Spring] by Stratis Tsirka.s, PETER PAPPAS,Vol. V, no. 2, summer 1978.

eicc-cpo at& Bouv& [Theater in the Mountains) by George Kotzioulas,GEORGE VALAMVANOS, Vol. V, no. 4, winter 1979.

Kp&soc xcd olxovolmth nat-cmil crcbv 190 odd.wrz [State and EconomicPolicy in the 19th Century) by Kostas Vergopoulos, KATERINA

GARDIKAS, VOL V, no. 4, winter 1979.KtinpoG '74: Tb aXXo Tcp6atuno vijC siktppOSttlg [Cyprus '74: The Other

Face of Aphrodite] edited by Emmanuel Ch. Kasdaglis, PETER PAPPAS,Euvgipc '.A.v-cp6m KopSonavri [Recollections of Andreas Kordopatis] by

Thanasis Valtinos, GEORGE VALAMVANOS, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter1978.

Tb 'Aypo-cm6 VITT ar0 'EX), tic oc [The Agrarian Question in Greece]by Kostas Vergopoulos, THEODORE C. KARIOTIS, Vol. IV, no. 4, winter1978.

Tb Avrc16 UM° trhe Double Book) by Dimitris Chadzis, PETER PAPPAS,Vol. IV, no. 4, winter 1978:

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