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The Place of Planners in
Tourism-Development-Planning A Case Study of San
Blas Mexico
Gonzalez De Aguinaga Ximena Maria
Gonzalez De Aguinaga X M (2014) The Place of Planners in Tourism-Development-Planning A
Case Study of San Blas Mexico (Unpublished masters thesis) University of Calgary Calgary AB
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UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
The Place of Planners in Tourism-Development-Planning
A Case Study of San Blas Mexico
by
Ximena M Gonzalez De Aguinaga
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
OF MASTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN
FACULTY OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN
CALGARY ALBERTA
APRIL 2014
copy Ximena M Gonzalez De Aguinaga
ABSTRACT
Currently Mexico relies on a neoliberal strategy for development and the
improvement of life conditions As part of this strategy the state has guided urban
planning towards the creation of tourist enclaves However the anticipated
positive effects of tourism on the residents quality of life have been called into
question Given the economic character of the spaces produced subjective
components of space and their influence on wellbeing are neglected in the states
development model To support a qualitative shift in the urban planning
framework in the context of tourism development this work proposes a thorough
identification of the features of place that existing at the site prior to tourism
development are key for any discussion of wellbeing
ii
I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
am immensely grateful to my supervisor whose knowledge patience and
optimism were key for the completion of this thesis Many thanks to my
professors in EVDS since every course I took became part of the foundations to
this thesis my special thanks go to Larissa Muller and Bev Sandalack without
whose wisdom and timely advice I may not have finished I am thankful to my
parents whose example taught me how to be a critical thinker Thanks to Dave
whose support kept me sane in the difficult months preceding the completion of
my degree And finally I am indebted to the fellow Mexicans who through their
contributions allowed CONACYT to provide me with the financial means
necessary to my invaluable experience in Canada
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstracthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipii
Acknowledgementshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiii
Table of Contentshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiv
List of Tableshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipviii
List of Figureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipix
List of Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipxii
Chapter 1
1 Introduction Planning and Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip1
11 Positionalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3
12 Purpose and objectiveshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
13 Conceptual Frameworkhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5
131 Defining Tourism - development - planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphellip7
132 Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip10
14 Methodshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip15
142 Literature and document reviewhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip17
143 Census and data collection analysishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip18
144 Spatial visualization of census data
and mapping techniqueshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
145 Key informant interviewshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
146 Simple and participant observationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
iv
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
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22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
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SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY
The Place of Planners in Tourism-Development-Planning
A Case Study of San Blas Mexico
by
Ximena M Gonzalez De Aguinaga
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN
PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE
OF MASTER OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN
FACULTY OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN
CALGARY ALBERTA
APRIL 2014
copy Ximena M Gonzalez De Aguinaga
ABSTRACT
Currently Mexico relies on a neoliberal strategy for development and the
improvement of life conditions As part of this strategy the state has guided urban
planning towards the creation of tourist enclaves However the anticipated
positive effects of tourism on the residents quality of life have been called into
question Given the economic character of the spaces produced subjective
components of space and their influence on wellbeing are neglected in the states
development model To support a qualitative shift in the urban planning
framework in the context of tourism development this work proposes a thorough
identification of the features of place that existing at the site prior to tourism
development are key for any discussion of wellbeing
ii
I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
am immensely grateful to my supervisor whose knowledge patience and
optimism were key for the completion of this thesis Many thanks to my
professors in EVDS since every course I took became part of the foundations to
this thesis my special thanks go to Larissa Muller and Bev Sandalack without
whose wisdom and timely advice I may not have finished I am thankful to my
parents whose example taught me how to be a critical thinker Thanks to Dave
whose support kept me sane in the difficult months preceding the completion of
my degree And finally I am indebted to the fellow Mexicans who through their
contributions allowed CONACYT to provide me with the financial means
necessary to my invaluable experience in Canada
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstracthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipii
Acknowledgementshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiii
Table of Contentshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiv
List of Tableshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipviii
List of Figureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipix
List of Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipxii
Chapter 1
1 Introduction Planning and Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip1
11 Positionalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3
12 Purpose and objectiveshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
13 Conceptual Frameworkhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5
131 Defining Tourism - development - planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphellip7
132 Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip10
14 Methodshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip15
142 Literature and document reviewhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip17
143 Census and data collection analysishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip18
144 Spatial visualization of census data
and mapping techniqueshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
145 Key informant interviewshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
146 Simple and participant observationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
iv
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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Politica Ambiental Nacional para el Desarrollo Sustentable de Oceanos y
Costas de Mexico Estrategias para su conservacion y uso sustentable
Mexico DF SEMARNAT
_________ 2012 Programa de Ordenamiento General del Territorio Mexico
DF SEMARNAT
Secretaria de Turismo (SECTUR) 1961 Plan Nacional de Desarrollo Turistico
Mexico SECTUR
_________ 1982 Plan Nacional de Turismo 1982-1988 Bases de formulacion
Mexico SECTUR
_________ 2013 Mision and vision statement accessed on January 6th 2013
httpsecturgobmxessectursect_9_vision_y_mision
Sen Amartya 1985 Commodities and Capabilities Amsterdam North-Holland
156
Shaw and Williams 2004 Tourism and tourism spaces Sage
Sifuentes E and Rosalva Arteaga 2010 Turismo migracion y cambio en los
mercados de trabajo agricolas Estudio de caso Costa sur de Nayarit
Revista Fuente 1 3 7-14
Smith Valene 1977 Hosts and Guests the Anthropology of Tourism University
of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia
Sorkin Michael1992 Introduction Variations on a theme park In Variations on
a theme park the new american city and the end of public space edited
by Michael Sorkin New York Hill and Wang
Torres Rebecca and Janet Momsen 2005 Planned tourism development in
Quintana Roo Mexico Engine for regional development or prescription
for inequitable growth Current Issues in Tourism 8 no 4 259-285
Tuan Yi-Fu 1977 Space and place the perspective of experience U of
Minnesota Press
Unikel Luis 1975 Politicas de desarrollo regional en Mexico Demografia y
economia 9 no 2 143-181
United Nations 2012 Accessed February 5 http
sustainabledevelopmentunorg
United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) 2012 Accessed February
1st httpdtxtq4w60xqpwcloudfrontnetsitesallfilesdocpdf
fichaaboutunwtoenmarcpdf
Universidad Autonoma de Nayarit (UAN) 2009 Propuesta de programa de
ordenamiento ecologico regional de los municipios de Bahia de Bandera
157
Compostela y San Blas Nayarit Nayarit Secretaria del Medio Ambiente-
UAN
Urry John 1990 The consumption of tourism Sociology 24 no 1 23-35
Whyte William H 1980 The social life of small urban spaces Washington
Conservation foundation
Yin Robert K 2003 Case study research Design and methods Thousand
Oaks CA Sage
Young Ruth C 1977 The structural concept of the Caribbean tourist industry A
comparative study Econ Dev Cult Change 25657-671
Ziccardi Alicia 2006 La participacion ciudadana en los procesos de planeacion
y gestion del territorio In Poliacutetica territorial en Meacutexico Hacia un Modelo
de desarrollo basado en el territorio edited by Javier Delgadillo Maciacuteas
Mexico SEDESOL-UNAM
Zukin Sharon 2005 The urban landscape In Designing cities critical readings
on urban design edited by Alexander R Cuthbert 177-188 Blackwell
publishing
158
APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
ABSTRACT
Currently Mexico relies on a neoliberal strategy for development and the
improvement of life conditions As part of this strategy the state has guided urban
planning towards the creation of tourist enclaves However the anticipated
positive effects of tourism on the residents quality of life have been called into
question Given the economic character of the spaces produced subjective
components of space and their influence on wellbeing are neglected in the states
development model To support a qualitative shift in the urban planning
framework in the context of tourism development this work proposes a thorough
identification of the features of place that existing at the site prior to tourism
development are key for any discussion of wellbeing
ii
I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
am immensely grateful to my supervisor whose knowledge patience and
optimism were key for the completion of this thesis Many thanks to my
professors in EVDS since every course I took became part of the foundations to
this thesis my special thanks go to Larissa Muller and Bev Sandalack without
whose wisdom and timely advice I may not have finished I am thankful to my
parents whose example taught me how to be a critical thinker Thanks to Dave
whose support kept me sane in the difficult months preceding the completion of
my degree And finally I am indebted to the fellow Mexicans who through their
contributions allowed CONACYT to provide me with the financial means
necessary to my invaluable experience in Canada
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstracthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipii
Acknowledgementshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiii
Table of Contentshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiv
List of Tableshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipviii
List of Figureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipix
List of Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipxii
Chapter 1
1 Introduction Planning and Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip1
11 Positionalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3
12 Purpose and objectiveshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
13 Conceptual Frameworkhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5
131 Defining Tourism - development - planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphellip7
132 Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip10
14 Methodshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip15
142 Literature and document reviewhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip17
143 Census and data collection analysishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip18
144 Spatial visualization of census data
and mapping techniqueshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
145 Key informant interviewshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
146 Simple and participant observationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
iv
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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158
APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
am immensely grateful to my supervisor whose knowledge patience and
optimism were key for the completion of this thesis Many thanks to my
professors in EVDS since every course I took became part of the foundations to
this thesis my special thanks go to Larissa Muller and Bev Sandalack without
whose wisdom and timely advice I may not have finished I am thankful to my
parents whose example taught me how to be a critical thinker Thanks to Dave
whose support kept me sane in the difficult months preceding the completion of
my degree And finally I am indebted to the fellow Mexicans who through their
contributions allowed CONACYT to provide me with the financial means
necessary to my invaluable experience in Canada
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstracthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipii
Acknowledgementshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiii
Table of Contentshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiv
List of Tableshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipviii
List of Figureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipix
List of Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipxii
Chapter 1
1 Introduction Planning and Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip1
11 Positionalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3
12 Purpose and objectiveshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
13 Conceptual Frameworkhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5
131 Defining Tourism - development - planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphellip7
132 Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip10
14 Methodshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip15
142 Literature and document reviewhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip17
143 Census and data collection analysishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip18
144 Spatial visualization of census data
and mapping techniqueshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
145 Key informant interviewshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
146 Simple and participant observationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
iv
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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158
APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstracthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipii
Acknowledgementshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiii
Table of Contentshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipiv
List of Tableshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipviii
List of Figureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipix
List of Abbreviationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellipxii
Chapter 1
1 Introduction Planning and Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip1
11 Positionalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip3
12 Purpose and objectiveshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip2
13 Conceptual Frameworkhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip5
131 Defining Tourism - development - planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphellip7
132 Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip10
14 Methodshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip15
142 Literature and document reviewhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip17
143 Census and data collection analysishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip18
144 Spatial visualization of census data
and mapping techniqueshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
145 Key informant interviewshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip19
146 Simple and participant observationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
iv
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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158
APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
15 Limitationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip22
16 Organization of the thesishelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip23
Chapter 2
2 Emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
(TDP) Paradigm in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a
Development Strategy in Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip26
22 Tourism as Developmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip32
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Processhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip38
231 A passive civil societyhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 42
24 Implications of Tourism for Urban Planninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip43
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaveshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip45
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves
The examples of Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip49
25 Conclusionhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip57
Chapter 3
3 A Critical Look at TDP
Case Study of San Blas Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip59
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip60
311 Geographical featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
312 Cultural featureshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Caboshelliphelliphelliphellip65
33 Conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip71
v
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
331 Demographic and economic realitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blashelliphelliphelliphellip82
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip103
Chapter 4
4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip106
41 Wellbeing as Placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip107
411 Spatial gaps Sociabilityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and imagehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkageshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip120
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip124
421 Perceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
422 Conceived spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip126
423 Lived Spacehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip127
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip130
Chapter 5
5 Conclusionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip133
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a
TDP strategy to support peoples quality of lifehelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 134
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
53 The Role of Planners in placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip136
54 Recommendationshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip137
55 Further Researchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip129
vi
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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158
APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-
Reference Listhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip140
Appendiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip159
vii
LIST OF TABLES
1 Alignment and origin of urban development policieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip46
2 Population employed in tertiary sector activitieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
3 Marginality indiceshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip70
4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip83
5 Tourism attractive assetshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip87
6 Lynchs performance dimensionshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip108
7 Lallis dimensions of urban-related identityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
1 FONATUR Integrally Planned Resortshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip27
2 Employment by economic sectorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip29
3 Butlers tourism life-cyclehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip36
4 Arnsteins ladder of public participationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip40
5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995helliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip50
7 Basic service provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip51
8 Spatial separation in Cancunhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip54
9 San Blas Nayarit Mexicohelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
10 Nearby citieshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip61
11 Heritage buildingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip62
12 Marinera churchhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
13 Contaduriahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip63
14 Virgen de Fatima Templehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
15 Casa Lanzagortahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
16 Garitahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
17 Aduanahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip64
18 Casa Deliuxhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
19 Piedra Blancahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip65
20 Gross GDPhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip66
21 Municipal contribution to states total gross productionhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
ix
22 Percentage of FDI in tourismhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip67
23 Employment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
24 Access to public healthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
25 Infrastructure provision in dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip68
26 Income inequality at municipal levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
27 Income inequality at state levelhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip69
28 Accumulated demographic growthhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip73
29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip74
30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip75
31 Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
32 Average number of years of school attendancehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip76
33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Townhelliphelliphellip77
34 Unemployment rateshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip78
35 Economic units in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 80
36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic unitshelliphellip 81
37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip81
38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip 82
39 Natural landscapehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip84
40 El Borrego beach in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip88
41 Plaza principalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip89
42 Ramadas at El Borrego beachhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip90
43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip91
44 No parkinghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip92
x
45 Streets with informal vendorshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip93
46 Current entryway to San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
47 FONATURs entryway proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip94
48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip96
49 Structure of governmental powerhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip97
50 Proposed residential useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip98
51 Mixed-use zoninghelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
52 Proposed touristic usehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip99
53 Key qualities of placehelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip109
54 Activities and single-use areashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip110
55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing populationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip111
56 Historical evolution of San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip112
57 Proposed land-useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip113
58 Density of hospitality businesseshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip114
59 People sitting at the plazahelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip116
60 Streets of San Blas todayhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
61 FONATURs urban design proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip117
62 FONATURs pedestrian mallhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip118
63 Old Juarez Streethelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip119
64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip121
65 FONATURs road proposalhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip122
66 Cyclists in San Blashelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip123
67 Lefebvres spatial triadhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip125
xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
Banxico ndash Central Bank of Mexico
CONANP ndash National Commission of Natural Protected Areas
CONAPO ndash National Commission of Population
COPLADEMUN ndash Municipal Commission for Development Planning
CSO ndash Civil Society Organization
DOF ndash Mexicos Official Federal Gazette
FDI ndash Foreign Direct Investment
FONATUR ndash National Fund for Tourism Development
GDP ndash Gross Domestic Product
INAH ndash National Institute of Anthropology and History
IPR ndash Integrally Planned Resort
LGEEPA ndash Law for Ecological Balance and Environmental Protection
MDP ndash Municipal Development Plan
NDP ndash National Development Plan
NPTM ndash National Plan of Territorial Management
NSDP ndash National System of Democratic Planning
PED ndash States Development Plan
PONndash Nayarit states Official Gazette
PPS ndash Project for Public Spaces
RNTC ndash Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
SECTUR ndash Secretariat of Tourism
xii
SEDESOL ndash Secretariat for Social Development
SEDUE ndash Secretariat of Urban Development and Ecology
SEMARNAT ndash Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
TDP ndash Tourism Development Planning
TTMP ndash Touristic Territorial management plan
UDP ndash Urban Development Plan
ZOFEMAT ndash Federal Coastal Zone
xiii
CHAPTER 1 Introduction Planning and Place
The role of urban planning in the context of tourism and development is
yet to be approached in a thorough manner Urban planners are fundamental
actors in the improvement of many peoples life conditions However they are
often unaware of the political and ideological context preceding their work and as
a result urban planners may unwillingly act to the detriment of disempowered
groups Thus it seems relevant for planners to practice the identification of the
ideologies and power dynamics influencing their work in each specific context
In the global south economic growth has been adopted by many
governments as the primary means for development where development is
equated with quality of life In this context tourism has emerged as a so-called
silver-bullet for economic development and governments can move forward
quickly disregarding the potential disadvantages of tourism for the local
communities for the sake of promoting economic growth Tourism development
initiatives are made tangible in the construction of tourism enclaves conferring to
urban planners the enactment of a states development policies through design
strategies with the understanding explicit or implicit that these should support
economic growth purportedly in the best interest of the host community
Based on the methodological contributions to the processes of tourism
planning of Getz (1988) and Inskeep (1988) Dredge (1999) highlights the
necessity of a broader tourism planning framework to aid urban planners in the
design of better destinations Although Dredges (1999) observations are mostly
based on the satisfaction of tourist demands and expectations she does
1
recognize the fundamental task of urban planners to balance the interests of
tourism and the host community
In response to her remarks this work is an attempt to take the tourism
planning framework beyond a simple focus on the market and tourist
preferences That is this thesis proposes a planning approach that not only
explores and evaluates the local spatial patterns but acknowledges place as an
essential component of the quality of life of the local residents Keeping in mind
that development rhetoric uses the idea of improving quality of life this thesis is a
reminder to urban planners of their ethical duty to the communities they work
with particularly in the highly contested context of Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP)
11 Positionality
This thesis represents my personal struggles and concerns as a Mexican
and as a professional interested in the influence of urban planning on peoples
quality of life Instead of just working on what I already knew how to do as a
architect and urban planner I chose to challenge my own beliefs and research
something I could not quite grasp in the beginning but that eventually became
clearer through this journey
Having already worked in urban planning projects in San Blas (Nayarit
Mexico) with connections to some of the authorities and decision-makers as
well as being a regular visitor to the town since I was a child I believed I knew
what was wrong with San Blas and how to change it Tourism was the key As I
2
began gathering academic evidence to support a tourism strategy in San Blas I
gradually started questioning our planning and design strategies in Mexico
where for decades urban planners have supported tourism as a silver bullet for
development in Mexico This document traces my path of critical discovery of the
place of planners and provides a framework for improving planning initiatives
that are linked to tourism development in Mexico and beyond
12 Purpose and Objectives
The primary focus of contemporary urban planning and urban design
research is on the identification and measurement of socio-spatial qualities that
derived from the contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are considered as
fundamental ingredients for the making of better places (Carmona 2010 Ewing
and Clemente 2013) Project Public Spaces (2001) for instance synthesizes the
qualitative principles enunciated by Jacobs Whyte and Lynch and complements
them with a series of variables resulting from the evaluation of several
successful places Here qualities related to sociability uses and activities
access and linkages and comfort and image are taken into account for the
making of better places (Project for Public Spaces 2001) However despite the
subjective approach to the characterization of these qualities the multiplicity of
meanings coexisting in place continues to be dismissed overshadowed by the
economic interests embedded in the management of space (Gunder 2010) The
case of urban planning in the context of tourism development (Tourism-
Development-Planning TDP) presents a notorious example of this situation Due
3
to their usually diverging backgrounds what may be regarded as an attractive
place by locals often differs greatly from an attractive place for a specific group
of tourists But given the influential role of the economy and attention to the
market urban planners design destinations to satisfy the perception of tourists
not locals (Carmona 2010)
Hence in order to genuinely support peoples wellbeing the overarching
goal of this thesis is to urge urban planners working in TDP to a) identify the
specific qualities of place being concealed by the dominant economic ideology
and b) to develop a methodology that acknowledging the multiplicity of places
existing at a location effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing For such matters
this work is meant to analyse the process of TDP to identify the implications of
TDP as a paradigm for the improvement of life conditions in Mexico to compare
the abstract elements identified by TDP to the subjective qualities of place
identified in the case study to determine the qualities of place neglected by TDP
and finally to recommend a methodological approach for urban planners to
improve the effectiveness of TDP in the attainment of better life conditions in
Mexico
The achievement of these objectives answers the following eight
research questions
bull What are the implications of using TDP as a paradigm for the
improvement of life conditions in Mexico
- How does a tourism destination emerge
- How is urban planning implicated
4
- How does TDP influence the omission of place
bull What are the aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively-
oriented TDP paradigm is used in the redevelopment of a host
community
- How has the Mexican government profiled San Blas for Tourismshy
Development-Planning (TDP)
- What could be the underlying causes of the omission of place
bull How can urban planners address the economic bias fostered by TDP
in the redevelopment of tourism destinations in Mexico
13 Conceptual Framework
In the 1970s research of humanistic geographers such as Yi-Fu Tuan
(1977) Edward Relph (1976) and Henri Lefebvre (1991) emphasized the
subjective dimension of space and the role of place in supporting peoples
wellbeing In spite of their theoretical contribution however contemporary urban
planning practice has come up short in the thorough understanding of the
multiple meanings that people have embedded in their place (Sorkin 1992 Arefi
1999 Hutchison 2000 Gotham 2000 Norberg-Schulz 2005 Madanipour 2005
Cuthbert 2006 2011 Anderson 2009) Gradually the purpose of the
contemporary city is increasingly seen as something to be consumed as a
commodity (Relph 1976 Gottdiener 2000 Zukin 2005 Cuthbert 2006)
Behind a democratic faccedilade contemporary urbanists (eg Andres Duany
Jan Gehl Richard Florida) regard good urban form (Lynch 1984) as the
5
aptitude of a place to provide attractive experiences to desirable social groups
ndashndashthink Floridas creative class However this approach has resulted in the
imposition of meanings that a) are assimilated by the users of a place or b) end
up displacing its less-desirable users These seem to be the outcomes of urban
planning when acting as an instrument for capital accumulation (Arefi 1999
Clarke 2005 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) rather than as means to improve
peoples life conditions
This practical weakness is even more clearly represented at tourist
enclaves in developing countries (Relph 1976 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 2000
Zukin 2005) where the values dictated by the economy tend to be dominant
(Carmona 2010) At tourist destinations urban planners create what they
consider to be good urban form based on the preferences of the target market
(Dredge 2010) often overriding the relevance of the local sense of place in the
face of a doxa of capital accumulation (Liu and Wall 2006)
Thus as urban planners can be the ultimate enablers of the
transformation of host communities into consumption goods it seems critical to
re-emphasize the role of place so that they do not neglect their influence on
peoples wellbeing challenging the rather limited definition and measurement of
quality of life in terms only related to capital accumulation
6
131 Defining TourismndashDevelopmentndashPlanning (TDP)
After its massive popularization in the first half of the 20th century
development agencies began prescribing tourism as an effective development
strategy to improve wellbeing and quality of life in developing countries
essentially due to its potential to alleviate poverty and improve the standards of
living Given the apparent relationship between economic growth and the
improvement of peoples life conditions it seemed reasonable for developing
countries to align their urban planning strategies to the requirements of the
economic system (Liu and Wall 2006)
Although in 1979 the World Bank questioned the benefits of tourism as
an effective development strategy (Hawkins and Mann 2007) the United Nations
(UN) has continued to support adequately planned sustainable tourism as a
driver of socio-economic growth and development (UNWTO 2012) in developing
countries The UN affirms that tourism is not only an important source of foreign
exchange and employment (UNWTO 2012) but it also promotes environmental
protection (United Nations 2012) In this context since the creation of Cancun in
1974 (FONATUR 1998) the Mexican government has continued to support
tourism as one of its main development strategies striving to increase the
standards of living in underdeveloped regions of the country (Chapter 2)
The social and spatial implications of tourism in host communities have
been broadly scrutinized since the 1970s as the so-called benefits of tourism
rarely materialize (Butler 1974 Cohen 1988 Clancy 1999) even when
adequately planned In order to achieve its claimed benefitsthe United Nations
7
World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) recommends the enhancement of
destinations to increase their attraction potential For that purpose Dredge
explains urban planners are entrusted with the design of the most desirable
spatial structure of tourism in order to facilitate destination region design and
development (Dredge 1999 775)
Tourism enclaves are specifically [re]designed as production centres of
leisure and experiences (Shaw and Williams 2004) Tourism-Development-
Planning (TDP) is entrusted with the creation of distinctive and simultaneously
homogeneous environments that while providing novelty and exoticism to its
visitors also accommodate recognizable amenities (Smith 1977 Arefi 1999) that
fit closely with the particular lifestyle of the target market (Shaw and Williams
2004) This obvious contradiction can create a phenomenon that MacCannell
(1973) calls staged authenticity where as illustrated by Cricks (1989) study of
luxury tourism urban improvements are represented by the allocation of
infrastructure that is little utilized by the local population (Clancy 1999)
Considering that the economic value of a destination is constantly
affected by variations in the markets preference (Butler 1974 Urry 1990
Hoffman Fainstein and Judd 2003 Clarke 2005 Miles 2010) characteristic
monuments distinctive culture and scenarios along with shopping malls
restaurants theme parks and other recreative amenities become the branding
markers that represent a specific destination (Cohen 1988 Arefi 1999 Culler
1990 Gottdiener 1994) To remain competitive in the global market these
markers have to be continuously expanded and reinvented by urban planners
8
following the demand for new experiences by consumers (Butler 1974 Dredge
1999 Miles 2010) Consequently the creation and sustenance of competitive
tourism destinations implies not only the modification of local ecosystems and
environmental features (Butler 1974) but frequently leads to the relegation of
livelihoods and existing meanings in the host community (Butler 1974 Cohen
1982 1988 Arefi 1999) as illustrated by MacCannell
[The first touristic strategy for urban design] is the inflation of
an accumulation of possessions to the level of life itself even
all of nature which is subject to mimetic reproduction and
sold (MacCannell 2000 165)
Conceived for profit tourism destinations are created by a quantitative
approach that disregards local subjective elements as these are of little concern
to the market Although Dredge (1999) describes planning as the process of
establishing a vision for an area which reflects communitys goals and
aspirations and implementing this through the identification of preferred patterns
of land use and appropriate styles of development (774) the built environment
of tourism destinations is highly influenced by the economic and commercial
forces (Carmona 2010) planned to satisfy the demands of consumers that
expect exotic but still familiar experiences (MacCannell 1973 2000)
By evaluating and managing the existing assets in terms of exchange
value (Cohen 1988) urban planners materialize the commoditization of spaces
Influenced by the dominant economic ideology (doxa) (Bourdieu 1972) urban
planners tend to overlook the local subjective dimension of their proposed
9
transformations (Harvey 1989 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2011) and by
extension to their detrimental effect on the local sense of place (Relph 1976
Tuan 1977 Bailly 1986 Entrikin 1989 Clarke 2005 Atkinson Fuller and Painter
2012) often leading to social alienation and environmental disruption (Norberg-
Schulz 2005)
Thus it appears relevant for tourism development planners to widen their
economically-laden scope by recognizing the importance of place as a pillar of
wellbeing in order to complement the efforts to mitigate the socio-spatial
implications of tourism that have historically hindered the wellbeing of residents
at host communities (Relph 1976 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991 Whitaker 1996
Atkinson Fuller and Painter 2012)
132 Place
Because the importance of space extends beyond its economic
significance (Norberg-Schulz 2005) it cannot be simplified to its abstract aspects
(Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Lefebvre 1991 Arefi 1999) In contrast to a
depersonalized conception of space humanistic geographers Relph (1976) and
Tuan (1977) defined place as a social construct related to the meanings and
experiences that root people into a location Place gives people a sense of
identity of meaning and of purpose (Relph 1976 Tuan 1977 Norberg-Schulz
2005 Madanipour 2005 Cuthbert 2006) by establishing ties with the physical
setting (Arefi 1999 183) As a result the emotional bonds that emerge through
experience give meaning to a space and generate a collective sense of
10
belonging that supports wellbeing through feelings of attachment (Halbwachs
1980 Altman and Low 1992 Gieryn 2000)
Unlike abstract space Rotenberg and McDonogh (1993) remark that
place is locally constituted at personal and collective scales In addition as it is
experienced by different people in different contexts place results from an
heterogeneous construction of meanings contested socially and physically
(Rodman 1993 Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993) This contestation becomes
more apparent Lefebvre (1979) argues when the use value produced by
peoples everyday life differs from the abstract value assigned by economic and
political practices
With specific reference to the topic at hand the neoliberal doxa
influences peoples experience of place (Gotham 2000 Carmona 2010 Miles
2010 Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2011) tending towards the extended
commoditization of the everyday life (Sen 1985 Bailly 1986 Lefebvre 1991)
Thus the influence of the economic forces can result in the detachment of people
from place (Norberg-Schulz 2005) Since place is composed of unmarketable
subjective capital (MacCannell 2002) the attempt of tourism to commercialize
place (Cohen 1988 Gottdiener 2000) threatens to generate ldquosynthetic
landscapesrdquo that contrary to the qualities of ldquoauthentic placesrdquo (Relph 1976) are
disconnected from a broader physical cultural and emotional context (Arefi
1999 183) This leads to the erosion of the social ties and local identities (Arefi
1999) that support peoples wellbeing (Heidegger 1991 Lefebvre 1991 Relph
1976 Tuan 1977)
11
Running parallel to the ideas about place of humanistic geographers
urban planners such as Jane Jacobs (1961) William Whyte (1980) and Kevin
Lynch (1984) attempted to introduce to their practice the significance of peoples
perception and experiences for the conception of an improved built environment
Lynchs (1984) Theory of Good City Form stands up as an urban analysis
framework since it is based on what he called dimensions of performance
vitality sense fit access control efficiency and justice (Lynch 1984)
However in spite of their influential role in contemporary urban planning
and urban design practices (Carmona 2010 Ewing and Clemente 2013) the
contributions of Jacobs Whyte and Lynch are limited to design principles that
are still unlikely to acknowledge the multiplicity of places that Relph (1976)
remarks collide in the built environment
Instead of being genuinely acknowledged by contemporary planning
approaches the importance of human experiences for urban planning has been
simplified to the identification of material elements thought to support a more
desirable lifestyle (Gunder 2010 Cuthbert 2006 Miles 2010) In other words the
way in which different people experience the same place is ultimately
standardized by the economic value ascribed to it (Gottdiener 2000 Miles 2010)
Consequently the perception and experience of place appears to be subject to a
doxa subtly imposed by the economic system (Harvey 1989 Dredge 2010)
rather than to an authentic sense of place (Relph 1976)
In recognition of the contradictions that promoted by the economic
hegemony make difficult the identification of the non-commodifiable elements
12
basic to the purpose of human experience Lefebvre (1991) proposes a
framework of analysis that can be used to assist planners involved in TDP in
determining these subjective elements He coined the concepts of the perceived
conceived and lived dimensions of space that help to identify underlying
subjective qualities that are so often overlooked Use of such concepts could help
redirect urban planning to the effective improvement of peoples life conditions
(Lynch 1984 Fainstein 2000) For Lefebvre space is not confined to an abstract
nor a subjective definition In The Production of Space (1991) Lefebvre
describes space as the conjunction of three coexisting dimensions the
perceived the conceived and the lived Of these dimensions only the perceived
and conceived spaces are observed by the capitalist hegemony The former are
identified by Lefebvre as the abstract components existing in the landscape and
the latter represents the use-value assigned to them by urban planners and
architects The lived space Lefebvre (1991) contends is neglected by capitalism
(Lefebvre 1991) because of its subjective nature and impossibility to transform
into a commodity Nevertheless it is in the lived dimension Relph (1976)
presumes where space acquires its economic qualities contradicting the
capitalist conception of space as an abstraction
Upon the prescribed neglect of the lived space the contemporary city
has been transformed into what MacCannell (2000) described as the repository
of the accumulation of commodities (MacCannell 2000 163) That is by giving
rational support and validity to the interpretation of space as a commodity
(Carmona 2010) urban planners have become the material executors of the
13
economic dominance (Harvey 1973 Lefebvre 1991 Gottdiener 1994)
perpetuating the status quo of capitalism (Gunder 2010) This is particularly true
in tourism
In sum planners are involved in a model of development to improve
wellbeing that uses tourism as the engine However the neoliberal underpinnings
of this approach tend to be masked by the time urban planners get involved in
the process The goal of this thesis is to expose weaknesses in the TDP model
by drawing attention to key factors of place that are missing and that could
contribute to better and more successful planning with the ultimate goal of
improving quality of life in host communities and regions
14 Methods
For the purposes of this thesis mixed methods were employed The
overarching research method is a case study approach together with primary
and secondary methods The primary and secondary methods conducted are
literature and document review official census data review analysis and spatial
visualization techniques key informant interviews and simple and participant
observation
The research design was evaluated and approved by the University of
Calgary Conjoint Faculties Research Ethics Board review committee and a
certificate of ethics approval 7134 was obtained on December 2011
14
141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
Case study is a specific form of inquiry based on the in-depth
investigation of a case where the social researcher observes a naturally
occurring situation (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Rather than to provide a
generalization by answering to how and why questions (Yin 2003) the
purpose of case studies is to provide an exploratory descriptive or explanatory
framework of an often invisible research problem (Donmoyer 2009) to illustrate
a theoretical point (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) or to foreshadow phenomena
(Flick 2007) Gerring (2004) describes case studies as usually involving a single
case (Campbell and Stanley 1963 Eckstein 1992) qualitative methods
ethnographic research of field participant-observation (Yin 2003) process tracing
(George and Bennet 2004) and the analysis of a single phenomenon
Case studies are criticized in three primary aspects generalizations
extensiveness theories and authenticity One of the critiques of this approach is
that because of the theoretical character of their findings case studies tend to
infer or make generalizations trying to facilitate the transfer of findings from one
setting to another (Hammersley and Gomm 2009) Another critique is that case
studies are not extensive enough to identify causal relations through comparative
analysis Also the nature of the theory analysed is perceived as a limitation of
case studies as theory must make sense of the case as a bounded system The
authenticity of this sort of research is also criticized since findings can be
interpreted in different ways like art and literature Hammersley and Gomm
15
(2009) explain which leads to the weakness of researchers speaking on behalf
of others
These critiques are countered by those who emphasize the benefits of
the case study approach Donmoyer (2009) identifies three advantages for
conducting case studies their accessibility seeing through the researchers
eyes and decreased defensiveness Accessibility is referred to as the opportunity
given to the research consumer to experience unique situations and contexts
otherwise impossible Case studies allow the reader to look at the world through
the researchers eyes and in the process to understand a phenomenon from a
different perspective And finally case studies appear to be helpful in the
reduction of a perceived threat by a novel situation
Since the purpose of this thesis is to provide an in-depth understanding
of the TDP paradigm in Mexico and its implications to urban planners ethics San
Blas Town in the State of Nayarit Mexico has been selected as the case study
for three primary reasons a) the historical relationship of San Blas Town with
TDP b) the apparent disconnection between the current life conditions in San
Blas Town and its economic potential and c) the recent pressure of the
government to execute the urban development and urban design plans both
products of TDP Thus the exploration and description of the context in which
TDP is being imposed in San Blas along with the description of seemingly
invisible phenomena caused by TDP are meant to answer the questions posed
in this thesis and provide a plausible explanation to be tested in further research
16
142 Literature and document review
The theoretical framework that supports the premises of this research is
sourced on a literature review In order to frame the context in which San Blas
Town is studied relevant peer-reviewed literature and governmental documents
regarding the historical emergence of the Tourism-Development-Planning
dynamics are analysed and synthesized
On the one hand literature related to development tourism and urban
planning and the relationships among the three of them are reviewed Critical
analyses of the premises that equate economic growth to bring development as
well as alternative definitions of development are reviewed to gain a more
exhaustive understanding of the underlying ideology guiding development
strategies in Mexico In order to explore the positive and negative effects of
tourism as well as to identify its gaps and contradictions a broad range of
literature is also critically examined Theoretical and methodological frameworks
guiding urban planning including the theoretical framework of place are also
reviewed and contrasted to determine the degree of influence that development
ideologies and tourism-as-development strategies have on the outcomes of
urban planning practice
On the other hand a substantial number of laws policies regulations
and by-laws of federal state and municipal levels concurring in the urban
planning process of San Blas are examined and critically analysed For instance
the background of the policies regarding development in Mexico outlined in the
National Development Plan is to be found in the Mexican Constitution The
17
regulations mandating public participation in the planning process guided by the
National System for Democratic Planning (NSDP) are transferred through and
across governments secretariats For the purposes of this thesis only the
participation policies corresponding to the Secretariat for Social Development
(SEDESOL) the Secretariat of Natural and Environmental Resources
(SEMARNAT) the Secretariat for Tourism (SECTUR) the National Fund for
Tourism (FONATUR) and the laws of Human Settlements and Civil Associations
are analysed Furthermore the descriptions evaluations and suggestions for
development carried out by the government are independently crafted by every
governmental ministry at federal state and municipal levels This situation leads
to the synthesis and consequent comparison and triangulation among the
planning documents crafted by SEDESOL SEMARNAT SECTUR FONATUR
Nayarit states government the Secretariat of Urban Development and Urban
Works of Nayarit (SOP) and San Blas Municipal government much of this
material is found in Chapter 2
143 Census data collection and analysis
Official census data comprising demographic and economic information
is used to reveal economic biases influencing governmental planning documents
Raw data collection was done online through the websites corresponding to the
National Institute of Statistics Geography and Information Technologies (INEGI)
the Labour Ministry the National Commission of Population (CONAPO) the
National Commission of Evaluation (CONEVAL) and Mexicos Central Bank
18
(Banxico) These raw data are then analysed in order to provide a demographic
and economic context to the development tourism and urban planning policies
coinciding in San Blas Town Then for the purposes of this thesis tables charts
and maps are crafted to clearly illustrate and fill in the gaps occurring among the
broad range of governmental documents in their attempt to support tourism as a
strategy for development This analysis is used to answer the questions posed in
Chapter 3
144 Spatial Visualization of Census Data and Mapping techniques
In order to further illustrate the economic inclination of the governmental
documents processed census data is mapped at urban block and census tract
scales allowing a direct comparison between the urban strategy for San Blas
that was proposed by the government and some of the characteristics
overlooked by such a strategy These original maps are produced to illustrate the
demographic and economic profiles as well as the physical location of the
proposed tourism strategies clearly identifying the shortcomings of the strategies
proposed by the government Finally mapped census data is also helpful for the
identification of demographic and economic qualities that are regarded as
components of place This material is highlighted in Chapter 4
145 Key informant interviews
Given the nature of the Mexican government the primary decision-
makers tend to be the heads of the secretariat or governmental office at federal
19
state and municipal level For the purposes of this thesis the identification of the
key informants is related to their position in the decision-making process leading
to the urban planning policies in San Blas Town
The individuals with the most influential role in TDP at state and local
scales are requested an interview as they are regarded as key informants for the
purpose of this work
- Representative of the Social Development Secretariat in Nayarit
(federal)
- Head officer of the Social Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Tourism Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Development Secretariat of Nayarit (state)
- Head officer of the Economic Development Secretariat of Nayarit
(state)
- Head officer of the Urban Development Commission of Nayarit
(state)
- Head Deputy of the economic development commission at the
Chamber of Deputies of Nayarit (statemunicipal)
- Mayor of San Blas Municipality (municipallocal)
- Head officer of the Urban Planning Commission of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
- Representative of the Tourism Development Office of San Blas
Municipality (municipallocal)
20
- President of the Association of Hotels and Motels of San Blas (civil
association municipallocal)
In order to explore the attitudes of decision-makers towards development
in San Blas an general interview guide approach is conducted with a set of
open-ended questions (Appendix A) The relevant observations stated by the
interviewees are put in writing by the interviewer in-situ In addition as a
measure to allow decision-makers to go off the official discourse their names
are not mentioned as a source of the statements instead only the office they
lead is referenced
In January and February of 2012 it was necessary to travel to Mexico
and set up interviews to be carried out in the offices of these influential
individuals These premises are located in the cities of Tepic and San Blas
Prior to each interview a letter introducing myself and explaining the purpose
of this research was sent to their offices to request an interview only those
who accepted were interviewed one person declined because of prior
commitments during the research period The interviews lasted an average of
1 hour and were not taped but the interviewees agreed to allow notes to be
taken during the interview A total of 10 interviews were carried out
Due to my perception that the interviewees had not thought critically
about the diversity of possible impacts of tourism development in the
jurisdictions under their purview their voices as decision-makers merge with
the overall TDP rhetoric in this thesis This attitude of individuals in positions of
political power is characteristic of Mexican political culture
21
146 Simple and participant observation
Patterns of uses and activities are identified by simple and participant
observation Observations are conducted through field work and Google Street
View By complementing the census data participant observation in this work
enhances the accuracy of the evaluation of place using the qualitative variables
suggested by Project for Public Spaces participant observation leads to the
visual illustration of the multiplicity of places being contested in San Blas Town
In addition simple observation is conducted in field research to gain a direct
insight on the matters being researched in San Blas and regarded by the official
documents and decision-makers as negative or positive permitting a broader
understanding of place
15 Limitations
In addition to the limitations already mentioned in the methodology
section one the constraints of this work is related to the inconsistencies of official
government and statistical records Definitions and categories change from
census to census making comparisons difficult especially in categories related
to government-supported situations such as tourism constraining the accuracy of
its examination and interpretation In addition data regarding quality of life and
human development indices were only available at municipal and state scales
that given the inequality gaps in Mexico cannot be considered accurate at a
local scale consequently these data were dismissed for this analysis
22
Another limitation is the reliability of the insights provided by the key
informants Given the political nature of their role it is possible that the responses
of the key informants were partial as they felt they had to protect their own
political interests or those of the sector or agency they were representing opting
to use the rhetoric of the official documents in their answers In one of the cases
the interviewee was unaware of the connection of his ministry to TDP Time
constraints made it difficult to corroborate and triangulate the interview data with
information from other sources such as local Civil Society Organizations (CSO)
During the time period when interviews were conducted although the leaders of
the local CSOs Alianza de la Costa Verde and Grupo Ecologico Manglar were e-
mailed phoned and visited at their facilities it was not possible to make contact
with them
It was beyond the scope of this thesis to conduct interviews with local
residents since the goal of this work was to identify policy approaches The
results of the thesis do however frame a subsequent research study of resident
attitudes
16 Organization of the thesis
The study of the evolution of San Blas Town characterizes the
implications of the current TDP approach for the making of place by urban
planners This thesis is comprised of five chapters The second chapter is a
description of the emergence of tourism as a development strategy in Mexico
Through an in-depth policy analysis the connections linking development and
23
tourism to urban planning are explained Furthermore a literature review
examining the historical results of the TDP strategies questions the effectiveness
of a quantitative approach to destination redevelopment
Widening the scope and scale of the statistical analysis executed by the
governmental TDP framework chapter three poses the questions How does a
tourism destination emerge How is urban planning implicated How does TDP
influence the omission of place A quantitative analysis of demographic and
economic profiles shows the existing contradictions between the social and
economic realms that prior to this work had remained concealed by the
governmental analyses supporting TDP In a quantitative manner the subjective
qualities of place that are being disregarded are revealed and highlighted in this
chapter
Chapter four is divided in two parts In the first part a socio-spatial
analysis compares the current spatial configuration of San Blas to the urban
plans to be implemented by the government This comparison brings into focus
the displacement of the subjective qualities of place supporting quality of life in
San Blas In the second part Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used
in discussing and articulating the causes of the gaps encountered in chapters 3
and 4 As space is not perceived conceived and lived homogeneously by its
multiple users deconstructing the qualities of place into this triad reveals some
of the points of contestation among the multiplicity of places occurring in San
Blas
24
To conclude chapter 5 synthesizes the qualities of the places contested
in San Blas leading to the recommendation of a critical approach using TDP as a
measure to improve the effectiveness of planning in the attainment of a life of
quality at Mexican destinations and beyond
25
CHAPTER 2 Emergence of the Tourism Development Planning (TDP)
Paradigm in Mexico
The overarching goals of this chapter are a) to explain why the analysis
of the TDP framework is important to urban planning and b) to illustrate how and
why TDP has resulted in a quantitative approach that comes from above The
answers to these questions are related to the relationship between ideas of
development and economic growth at a global scale the emergence of the
tourism sector in Mexico and their connection to urban planning strategies at a
local scale
To understand the nature of that relationship today and how it affects
urban planning and urban growth this chapter provides a thorough description of
the processes that led to the emergence of tourism as the quintessential
development model for certain regions of Mexico as well as why the
governments voice is heard above those of the local community when it comes
to urban planning in the context of tourism development
21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
Since the conclusion of the Mexican Revolution and with the decree of a
new constitution in 1917 the Mexican State defined economic growth as its main
goal as an effort to integrate to the capitalist world Equating economic growth to
economic development this still current constitution commissions the State to
direct the strategies of economic development in the country In this context
26
territorial planning has become the primary tool of the government to manage
more efficiently the economic assets of the country (DOF 1993)
NORTH
Loreto
Playa Espiritu CancunLos Cabos Gulf of
MexicoMexico CityRiviera Nayarit Riviera Maya
Pacific Ocean Ixtapa
Huatulco FONATURs Integrally Fig 1 FONATUR IPRs Planned Resorts
500 Km 1000 Km Source wwwfonaturgobmx
In order to become a developed country the 1917s constitution
mandates the creation of a National System for Democratic Planning
(Montemayor 1983) Integrated by representatives of all departments of
government together with stakeholders belonging to the private sector and
invited civil society groups the NSDP (DOF 1983) defines from its central
position the strategies and actions it deems necessary to increase economic
growth in Mexico However it was not until a couple of decades later in the
1930s that the first Planning Law was created in order to improve the
development planning process and ensure the coherence of state and municipal
development plans with the National Development Plan (Montemayor 1983
Gutieacuterrez 2009)
27
In the following decades despite the strength of primary sector activities
industrialization became the development strategy pursued by the Mexican
government (Garcia 2010) However the centralized process of industrialization
produced deep equality gaps among regions (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Cortez
and Delgadillo 2006 Gutieacuterrez 2009) Mexico City was increasingly the centre of
all economic activity from the federal governments main offices to industrial
development So even though these were times of great economic growth most
of benefits remained in Mexico City attracting people from rural areas and other
cities throughout Mexico a situation that prompted rapid demographic growth
rates and urban sprawl of Mexico City during the 1970s and a gradual
weakening of the primary sector (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000 Mojarro and
Beniacutetez 2006 Bazant 2010)
As regional inequalities deepened in the 1970s (Unikel 1975) and
demographic growth of Mexico City became difficult to manage efficiently the
government decided to complement the development policies based on
economic growth with social policies that would address poverty in
underdeveloped regions of the country in order to prevent more immigration to
Mexico City (Unikel 1975) One primary strategy to accomplish this objective was
the creation of development poles so the state started creating industrial towns
from scratch or by transforming formerly rural villages and agricultural lands
(Hiernaux 1983 Cortez and Delgadillo 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) The
underlying belief was that bringing urbanization and economic growth to other
regions of the country would not only benefit the local communities but also
28
increase investment (Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Cortez and Delgadillo
2006 Delgadillo and Torres 2006 Hiernaux and Torres 2006 Delgadillo 2007) It
is important to notice though that in spite of the industrialization efforts primary
sector activities remained as the main source of employment in the country until
the late 1980s (INEGI 2014)
Fig 2 Employment by economic sector
70
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Primary Sector Secondary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In order to facilitate the creation of these new development poles the
government itself built the required infrastructure providing investors with the
amenities and connectivity that made Mexico City such a competitive industrial
hub (Hiernaux 1983 Garza 1983 Hiernaux and Torres 2006) Nevertheless
since certain regions in Mexico were of difficult access ndash such as the peninsular
areas of Yucatan and Baja California ndash the industrial poles were located in
regions closer to Mexico City that were economically more feasible to connect
and provide with infrastructure such as the states of Puebla Queretaro and
Aguascalientes (Garcia and Cordoba 2006)
29
The NAFTA agreement signed in 1994 affected in great measure
Mexican labour employed in both industrial and agricultural activities boosting
Mexican tertiary sector activities which today are the strongest employment
generators and have the highest GDP share (Aguilar and Vaacutezquez 2000)
In such a context the National Development Plan corresponding to the
2007-2012 administration describes tourism benefits as its ldquohigh productivity and
well paid employmentrdquo (Gobierno de la Republica 2013 119) providing so-called
backward regions with development opportunities Tourism is seen as a
development agent since the construction of infrastructure and public services
also serves the host communities by extension ostensibly improving quality of
life for all (DOF 2004c Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013) Another presumed
advantage of tourism development is that the activities related to this sector can
be developed relatively quickly and require smaller investments than other
sectors and as it requires immediately a large number of workers of diverse
skills tourism provides cheaper and better paid sources of employment
(Gobierno de la Republica 2013)
According to FONATUR the advantages of tourism for development in
Mexico are ldquothe generation of more and better jobs foreign currency attraction
that will compensate commercial imbalances and tourisms contribution to close
inequality gaps among regionsrdquo (FONATUR 2006 6) Tourism is also regarded as
a key factor in the conservation of the nations archeological and historical
heritage along with environmental conservation ldquocontributing to the preservation
30
of the national identity and the sustainable use of natural resourcesrdquo (FONATUR
2006)
The reports and evaluation of tourism carried out by FONATUR and
SECTUR are derived from market trends and statistics (FONATUR 2006) such
as indices of hotel occupancy tourist arrivals and competitiveness levels taking
as given that these increases in market and economical trends would bring social
benefits to the host communities With economic growth identified as such a
great priority for the state and upon the persisting inequalities among regions
some analysts argue that the government has been creating development plans
and policies solely to benefit investors therefore they argue the resulting
subordination of the state to private economic concerns instead of those of the
citizens has increased the social equality gaps (Unikel 1975 Hiernaux 1978
Garza 1983 Pradilla 1995 1998 2009 Delgadillo Torres and Gazca 2001 Ruiz
2006) However FONATUR continues to claim that its tourist mega-projects
concept has proved to be efficient in the attraction of private and foreign
investment as well as in ensuring the basic objectives of social equality quality
housing and environmental protection (FONATUR 2006)
Although the names of the governmental agencies plans and
regulations change regularly Mexican developmental policies and general
objectives have not really changed for almost a century as they are still aimed
towards increasing economic growth promoting investment and creating
salaried jobs factors considered as fundamental components of development
as they provide the means for urbanization infrastructure institutional buildings
31
public services health and education (Garcia and Cordoba 2006 Pradilla 2009)
all of these are expected to improve the quality of life of the residents of a region
deemed as ldquobackwardrdquo This development is questioned by Delgadillo (2006)
and Hiernaux and Torres (2006) who argue that no matter the strategies chosen
regional inequalities have not only prevailed through the last century but
worsened Part of this failure others argue is due to the low priority given to
public participation in the vertical process of decision making (Ziccardi 2006)
More recently the extreme process and pressures of globalization have
brought new challenges to bear on this development process as regions now are
not only competing internally but globally giving the government an urge to
create more economically competitive regions planning and managing a more
opportunistic use of economic assets existing in a region One mechanism for
economic growth that has become increasingly prevalent in the development
discourse and by extension in planning is tourism
22 Tourism as Development
As previously mentioned during the late sixties and early seventies the
Mexican government created development poles as a strategy to address
regional disparities and bring economic development and prosperity to so-called
backward regions of the country (Hiernaux 1985 Clancy 1999 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007 Castro 2005 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009) Wishing to address
these circumstances and based on the economic success that Acapulco had
been experiencing since the 1940s as a renowned international tourist
32
destination the state decided to promote tourism in regions that seemingly had
no economical assets beyond their natural beauty (SECTUR 1982 Hiernaux
1985 Clancy 1999 2001 Benseny 2007) Consequently in 1963 the federal
government created the Integral Plan of Tourism Development a planning
instrument that accommodated tourism within the developmental discourse and
legitimized the construction of tourism enclaves by the government (Hiernaux
1985 Bringas 1999 Benseny 2007 Castro 2007 Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
To jump-start the process the state carried out an analysis of a variety of
regions in Mexico in order to determine if a tourism enclave would be successful
according to its existing assets (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001
FONATUR 1998 2006) Such an analysis showed that given its privileged
location on the Caribbean Cancun presented attractive natural features for high
class tourism that would compete internationally with non-Mexican Caribbean
destinations (Ayala 1993 Hiernaux 1999 FONATUR 1998 2006) Thus it came
to pass that the government carried out the master planning and construction ndashas
in all the other development polesndash a whole connectivity infrastructure network
urbanization plans and service provision for tourists and workers (Hiernaux
1985 1990 1999 Clancy 2001) all in the name of bringing the development that
had not yet arrived to the southern region of the country (Hiernaux 1985 1999
Clancy 2001 Benseny 2007 Ambrosie 2013)
The economic success of Cancun was little critiqued during the following
decades especially in light of the continued decline of the Mexican primary and
secondary sectors (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy 2001) As a result the government
33
strengthened the focus on tourism as an important economic activity that would
increase growth and development more effectively (Hiernaux 1999 Clancy
2001) The premise was that the wealth produced would trickle down to the local
people and communities an assumption that was not seriously challenged until
recently (Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 1999 Torres and Momsen 2005 Ambrosie
2013)
For the last few presidential terms of office in Mexico tourism has been
embraced as the governments primary developmental strategy and this is
clearly stated in the National Development Plan (NDP) based on the notion that
given the natural and cultural features of the country Mexico has superlative
potential for a globally competitive tourism development (SECTUR 1982
Gobierno de la Republica 2007 2013)
[T]he cultural and natural wealth in Mexico implies the
existence of broad opportunities for the development
of tourism activities hellip To make tourism a national
priority to generate investment employment and fight
poverty in the areas with competitive tourism-
attractive-assets (Gobierno de la Republica 2007
119120)
According to the governmental discourse of development plans tourism
is an effective developmental strategy because it has the potential to increase
economic growth through private and foreign investment which it was assumed
would result in an improvement in quality of life for people of the region that is it
34
was a prime vehicle for regional development Besides the spatial benefits
related to economic growth tourism allegedly helps to empower and educate
people as more jobs and entrepreneurship opportunities are made available and
with an increased competition people will need to improve their education in
order to succeed (Hiernaux 1983 Hiernaux and Rodriguez 1999)
In addition tourism is often described as environmentally friendly as it is
supposedly a clean industry not burning any sort of fuel or creating toxic wastes
as long as tourism development is adequately planned (Cohen 1978 SECTUR
1982 Clancy 2001 Hiernaux 2003) Another of the claimed traits of tourism is
that as the population makes its living mostly out of the natural assets then it will
embrace environmentally sustainable practices in order to preserve those very
assets that have allowed them to improve their quality of life (SECTUR 1961
1982 FONATUR 2006)
[T]he state policy will motivate [hellip] the protection
conservation and improvement of the [hellip] basic
elements that intervene in tourism activities and
whose continuous balance is necessary a) tourism
resources natural beauties hellip (SECTUR 1961 3)
Traditional tourist destinations have been found to be more prone to
reach a so-called decline stage (Butler 1974) in which destinations face a
declining market because they are unable to compete with newer attractions
ultimately completely losing their touristic function (Butler 1974 Bringas 1999
Benseny 2007) To avoid this the Mexican government decided that an effective
35
strategy to extend a destination life would be to carefully craft master plans in
advance providing ndashor at least planningndash the infrastructure supply facilities and
amenities that the experts foresee as required to satisfy the needs of the
incoming tourists and the resident population over the long term and thus avoid
the decay factor (Butler 1974 FONATUR 2006)
Fig 3 Butlers tourism life-cycle Source ldquoThe social implications of tourist developmentsrdquo (Butler 1974)
The government therefore not only observed that tourism was creating
economic growth and decided to increase support for this sector but also was
cognizant of the cycle of tourist centres according to research (FONATUR 2006
Benseny 2007) and was eager to take steps to mitigate the cycle and ensure
that economic growth would be sustained With all of this in mind the
government adopted tourism as a primary priority for sustained development
(Castro 2007 Benseny 2007)
From the beginning tourism as development has been in the hands of
the state and involved urban planning (Clancy 2001) Urban planning and
36
architecture have been critical to the development and implementation of tourism
projects in this context of development in Mexico This is a three-pronged model
where development is the motivating idea tourism is the vehicle and urban
planning the executor Thus to denominate this process the term Tourism-
Development-Planning has been coined in this thesis indicating clearly the
context in which urban planners might find themselves working
Since 1956 site planning and the provision of basic infrastructure of IPRs
was assigned by the state to FONATUR and there is little evidence that local
residents have ever had a say in the construction process (Clancy 2001) Lands
were expropriated and cleared by FONATUR but despite the conflicts arisen
from this top-down strategy people were relocated (Clancy 2001) Today
although it claims to be more flexible and participative (FONATUR 2006) the
state continues to control TDP through FONATUR
FONATUR describes its current planning approach as
[being] oriented towards strengthening public-private
cooperation and agreement supporting a greater
interact ion between the local and nat ional
departments (FONATUR 2006 4)
However the legitimacy of this participatory framework is questionable
since the consultation process of TDP focuses on the team work of tourism
experts governmental entities and private enterprises related to the tourism
sector (FONATUR 2006)
37
23 Peoples Role in the TDP Process
Often regarded as a consolidated democracy (Olvera 2010) it might be
expected that citizen participation would be a part of any planning process in
Mexico However as it is described in the following paragraphs when economic
interests are on the table citizen participation in Mexico remains far from what
Arnstein (1969) has called citizen control
National Development Planning is defined by the Law of Planning (DOF
1983) as
the rational and systematic management of actions
that based on the attributions of the federal
government in matters of regulation and promotion of
economic social political cultural and environmental
protection and exploitation activities has the purpose
to transform the reality of the country (DOF 1983 1)
In the planning process [being] responsible of the integral and
sustainable development of the country (DOF 1983 1) the state commissions
itself with the definition of the objectives goals strategies and priorities of
development In this so-called democratic process Mexicos Tax Collection
Agency is responsible for the coordination of
state and municipal governments as well as
consultation with social and indigenous groups and if
given the case to incorporate the recommendations
and proposals they make (DOF 1983 3)
38
In this regulatory context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011)
and Saacutenchez (2010) have identified several flaws that undermine a genuine
power of citizens in the decision-making process Still a fairly new practice in
Mexico it has been limited to indirect modes of participation (Saacutenchez 2010) On
the one hand citizens put in practice their representative democratic rights by
voting for their decision makers with the understanding that politicians and their
expert advisors are more knowledgeable and will make the best decision in the
public interest On the other hand according to the democratic planning law
citizens are considered to be participating in the government by having access to
all sorts of governmental information and data (Saacutenchez 2010) This participatory
context according to Arnsteins (1969) ladder of public participation could be
seen to have strong qualities of tokenism
In an attempt to legitimate public participation in 2005 the government of
Mexico supported the creation of Civil Society Organizations (CSO) through the
introduction of the Law of Public Participation (DOF 2005 Ziccardi 2006) These
organizations are stakeholder groups that once approved by the authorities are
entitled by the Law of Public Participation to participate among other activities
with governmental commissions in the consultation stage of the planning
process as well as in the observance of the outcomes of development plans and
programmes (Ziccardi 2006 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011)
Coordinated at the federal level by the NSDP in order to promote a more direct
public participation at the state level commissions composed of governmental
officers CSOs academic groups and universities labour unions and private
39
corporations are set up to participate of the consultation stage of all planning
processes (eg development urban development) (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010 Olvera 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011) However
instead of promoting discussion and participation among groups it has been
shown that these commissions are intended only to ldquoinform analyse propose
criticize evaluate decide and reorient the proposed governmental
actionsrdquo (Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa 2011 69) In other words the
CSOs are only able to react to government proposals without input into the
process of the formation of these projects That is they are reactive rather than
fully participatory can be considered tokenism (Arnstein 1969)
Fig 4 Arnsteins ladder of public participation Crafted by author from ldquoA ladder of citizen participationrdquo (Arnstein 1969)
40
Nevertheless even if CSOs get involved in at least the consultation and
evaluation stages there is no security that any corrective governmental actions
will be taken (Fox 2006 Saacutenchez 2010) As Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa (2011) describe the participation of civil society is limited by the fact that
ldquocitizens have a voice but not a voterdquo in the planning process
In addition the legitimacy of public participation is questioned by Fox
(2006) and Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) as the from above
process through which CSOs are constituted does not guarantee the participation
of engaged citizens that will look for the public interest Hevia Vergara-Lope and
Aacutevila Landa (2011) note that most of these organizations information is not
available to the general public making it not only difficult to evaluate the
performance of those people having a voice in the planning process but to know
their purpose as an organization
Thus the role of the civil society in development planning is reduced to
the consultation and evaluation stages Circumstances that would situate the role
of Mexican civil society between the fourth and fifth level of Arnsteins ladder of
public participation (1969) where citizens are symbolically involved in decision
making but still not having a real impact on decision making as it is probable that
the citizens involved are not really representing the public interest (Kaufman and
Purcell 1980)
In sum although the public is considered as an actor of the
development planning process the government seems relentlessly reluctant to
delegate any power since participation of citizens is not well incorporated into the
41
decision making process The government has more power as a decision-making
actor relative to the voices of other stakeholders and actors Aware of this
situation civil society has been rather inactive as people do not expect to have
an equal voice to the government (Saacutenchez 2010 Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila
Landa 2011) Due to these factors it could be expected that there would be little
citizen participation and civil society input in TDP
231 A passive civil society
Although Mexican democracy is representative (Ziccardi 2006 Saacutenchez
2010) given the novelty of social inclusion in the development planning process
after centuries of decisions made by the governmental oligarchy paternalism is
one of the major constraints to achieving the true empowerment of civil society in
Mexico (Fox 1994) That is Mexico is still living the ravages of centuries of an
authoritarian governmental structure Even though contemporary Mexican society
seems to believe in democratic values (Booth amp Seligson 1984) Reyna (1977)
asserts that ldquoparticipation is constrained by structural authoritarianismrdquo that is the
legacy of previous more authoritarian government structures (Booth and Seligson
1984) In this context Hevia Vergara-Lope and Aacutevila Landa (2011) conclude that
given the conditions in which CSOs are created and included in the planning
process it is not clear if public participation is a genuine expression of citizenship
or a simulation perpetuating the top-down approach by the government (Fox
2006) This assertion reinforces the argument made decades earlier by Booth
and Seligson that ldquothe corporatist-populist elite of Mexico may in essence delude
42
Mexicans to support for democratic values that simultaneously reinforce the
systemrdquo (Booth and Seligson 1984 120) This is the situation of structural
authoritarianism despite todays democratic principles of government
In these circumstances it is evident that development in Mexico
continues to be approached from above The role of citizen participation in
TDP is to legitimize the government mandates (Torres and Momsen 2005) Thus
It is not surprising that civil society in Mexico is still skeptical of the spaces
created by the government for participation remaining seemingly passive and
apathetic (Booth and Seligson 1984)
24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
Following the capitalist argument that economic growth will provide the
adequate circumstances for an improved quality of life by reducing poverty and
regional disparities over the medium and long term territorial planning is defined
by the Federal Law of Human Settlements (DOF 1993) as an economic tool that
will analyse the assets of an area and determine the most profitable management
and use of such assets ldquoin order to increase economic efficiencyrdquo (SEDESOL
2001 9) and to promote investment (DOF 1993) Thus the design of human
settlements is guided by economic values that are supposed to ldquoguarantee the
lifestyle desired by the Mexican peoplerdquo (SEDESOL 2001 9) As previously
mentioned the government and the authorities feel they are in a better position to
adequately make decisions in this matter rather than citizens
43
This situation leads directly to a quantitative approach to development
and by extension to a quantitative approach to city planning where the existing
features ndasheither geographic and demographicndash are measured and given an
economic purpose ignoring any features that seem to lack of any profitable
value That is commodification is the main tactic
In addition according to the discourse used by the government in the
Law of Human Settlements and the Law for Social Development quality of life is
represented physically in terms of a built environment defined by the provision of
housing supplies infrastructure public services institutional buildings and
educational and health facilities and this is complemented by social statistics in
the reduction of poverty unemployment and inequality indices (DOF 1993
2004b)
Accordingly the construction of medium-sized cities is supported in the
Law of Human Settlements to create nodes and development corridors
replacing the previous development poles as a way to homogenize physical and
economic growth in a broader region instead of a single city This approach has
the goal of increasing private investment in so-called under-utilized regions with
the assumption that such investment will result in an improvement of the quality
of life of their inhabitants
The simulated process of public participation described earlier comes
into play when the federal and state Human Settlement Law leave public
participation as an option open to the discretion of the local governments (DOF
1993) In this context facilitated by the government private economic interests
44
and the market are easily positioned as the main decision makers in the urban
realm (Pradilla 2009)
241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
Born from the economic approach to development in 1937 one of the
objectives of the Secretariat of Tourism stated by the General Law of Tourism
(DOF 2009) is to plan and support the construction of infrastructure and
institutional buildings required for the attraction and growth of investment in
touristic activities Consequently local development plans in areas considered of
touristic importance should acknowledge the tourism plans created by this
secretariat (DOF 1983 2009) The National Fund for Tourism Development
(FONATUR) is a governmental initiative whose overarching goal is to promote
tourism investment in Mexico (FONATUR 1998) Since it was created in 1956
FONATUR has been in charge of the ongoing identification of regions with
touristic potential and the consequent planning financing and construction of
tourism enclaves To evaluate the tourism potential of a site FONATUR makes a
SWOT analysis of the existing natural and cultural landscape Then based on
the preferences of the target market to ensure profitability FONATUR assesses
features such as climate comfort the proportion of sunny versus rainy days
probability of natural phenomena such as earthquakes and hurricanes and the
viability of these assets to be acquired and commodified by the fund (eg land
tenure natural protected areas) (FONATUR 2006) Finally the relative proximity
to settlements with the capacity to serve an increased demand for housing
45
services and transportation as well as to provide experienced labour are an
asset (FONATUR 2006) Once an area with potential is confirmed as worthwhile
for investment based on these criteria FONATUR coordinates the federal
(SEMARNAT and SEDESOL) state and municipal authorities with investors in
order to stimulate the process to get a project started and guarantee the
alignment of plans between the government and private sector
Upon the coordination of these agencies a Touristic Territorial
Management Plan (TTMP) is created by the federal government this document
mandates the scheme for the creation of urban development plans (DOF 2009)
Aligned to TTMPs local urban development plans regulate the economic
activities and land-uses that according to this top-down process will make the
most out of the existing resources in a sustainability context as the natural
landscape culture and authenticity are all considered as attractive tourism
resources (FONATUR 2006 DOF 2009) That is urban development plans at
locations selected by FONATUR for TDP are crafted in close observance to the
preferences of the tourism market as these give place to the master plans to be
created and executed by FONATUR
FEDDERAL
Office Document
SEMARNAT Territorial Plan of Ecological
Management
SEDESOL National Plan of Urban
Development
SECTUR Touristic Territorial Management Plan
STATE
Office Document
SOP Urban Development
Plan
Table 1 Alignment and origin of urban development policies Compiled by author from policy analysis
46
Master-planning for competitiveness
Master plans are regarded by FONATUR as ldquothe main tool to guide the
development of a touristic-urban project with a long-term visionrdquo (FONATUR
2006 72) The main purpose of FONATURs master plans is to ensure that
tourists and investors expectations of the destinations will be reached (SECTUR
2001 FONATUR 2006)
Master plans FONATUR describes are of an
integrative nature [that] requires the active participation of the
actors linked to the project federal state and municipal
authorities tourism service providers professional and
opinion leaders (FONATUR 2006 72)
As the expert in tourism matters and in order to ensure competitiveness
FONATUR has defined an urban planning and design criteria to be
accommodated by the urban development plans at a planned destination In
other words FONATUR consolidates all the planning functions The first stage of
the master plan is the expropriation of strategic lands These expropriated lands
usually belong to the federal government although some are granted to
communities in usufruct as ejido property (Bringas 1999) If any of the selected
lands happen to be occupied by human settlements optimally the residents are
relocated to areas beyond the development of tourist activities as it occurred in
Los Cabos (Rodriguez 1994)
47
The following stage consists in the definition of separate zoning and
branding schema for tourist and urban areas with the purpose of not only
distancing visitors from the chaos inherent to any city but also to provide a
feeling of being ldquocloser-to-naturerdquo and to promote ldquoenvironmental
conservationrdquo (FONATUR 2006) This differentiation of zones consists in the
land-use allocation for touristic uses such as lodging vacation housing
recreational facilities shopping malls golf courses marinas and yacht clubs in a
tourist-exclusive area separated from the more urban uses primarily illustrated
by high-density residential uses governmental offices public services and
institutional buildings In other words tourists and workers are not supposed to
use the same areas for the same purposes
The design criteria for public spaces is defined by the character
assigned by FONATUR to the host community That is architectural features
regarded as authentic and attractive are enhanced and reproduced as branding
markers by the urban design strategy homogenizing the look of the tourist area
to appeal to visitors (FONATUR 2006) According to this marketing approach to
spatial design defining the destinations concept will provide it with
ldquodistinctiveness and exclusivityrdquo supposedly guided by principles of
environmental integration and conservation (FONATUR 2006) Hence the urban
design concept ndashndashwithin the tourist-exclusive areandashndash must be ldquoaligned to the
market concept complementing the local cultural context with modern
infrastructure such as roads lined by indigenous greenery wide enough to
accommodate cars bikes and pedestrian lanesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) Once an IPR
48
is in operation FONATUR remains surveillant of the operation of the area in
order to provide more infrastructure to the host communities or create additional
urban design strategies that will adapt better to the latest tourism trends keeping
the destination profitable
All these planning strategies guiding FONATURs master plans have the
purpose of preventing tourist areas from reaching the decay stage (Butler 1974)
as FONATUR concluded that the perceived decay of Acapulco and Puerto
Vallarta was due to the spontaneous character of these places that is to say
they were not adequately planned (FONATUR 2006) It is a remarkable feature
however that despite of all of these careful planning efforts FONATUR leaves
the local government in charge of the urban zone (FONATUR 2006) with
consequences illustrated by Cancun and Los Cabos analyses
242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los
Cabos
FONATUR as one of the primary government-led promoters of tourism
development in Mexico has created so far six Integrally Planned Resorts (IPR)
Cancun-Riviera Maya (1974) Ixtapa (1975) Los Cabos (1978) Loreto (1980)
Huatulco (1987) and Nayarit (2000) In consequence it would be optimal to carry
out an analysis of these sites in order to know if tourism has in fact delivered the
expected results
FONATUR (2006) reports that Cancun and Los Cabos are according to
their criteria the most successful master planned destinations in Mexico since
49
more than 90 of the people in states where these IPRs are located are
employed in the tertiary sector (INEGI 2014)
Population Employyed in Tertiary Sector Activities
1980 1990 2000 2010
Baja California Sur 9718 9789 9912 9524
Quintana Roo 9784 9865 9907 9678
Table 2 Population employed in tertiary sector activities Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
According to state scale data GDP and FDI have been rising in these
areas during the last decades Such a situation is related by the government to
the increase of employment in tertiary sector activities which has increased by
almost 300 (INEGI 2014)
Fig 5 Accumulated FDI growth since 1990 Fig 6 Accumulated GDP growth since 1995
1990-2000 2000-2010 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Baja California Sur Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Quintana Roo
Additionally although it is not possible to infer if this is originated directly
by tourism activities basic service provision and dwelling quality have improved
considerably in both IPRs (INEGI 2014) However despite these apparently
0
100
200
300
400
0
250
500
750
1000
1250
1500
50
0
25
50
75
100
Perc
enta
ge o
f D
welli
ng
s
positive results there have been no consistent changes in overcoming what the
government (CONAPO) defines as marginality indices
Cancun and Los Cabos are not only two of the oldest planned
destinations but also the tourism enclaves that have shown an improvement in
most of the variables identified as tourism development goals (DOF 2004) This
situation has given SECTUR and FONATUR a valid argument to apply the same
model in the planning of future IPRs and tourism corridors they have met their
goals Fig 7 Basic service provision in dwellings
1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2005 1990 2000 2010
Water Sewage Electricity
Cancun
Los Cabos Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The location of FONATURs most renowned IPRs Cancun and Los
Cabos (Barbosa amp Santamaria 2006) was defined not only by their close
proximity to the United States and tourist-attractive natural assets (FONATUR
1998 2006) but also because they were considered by the government as
hinterlands of the country at the times when each of them were developed ndash
Cancun in the late 60s and Los Cabos in the early 80s As part of the definition
of their perceived remoteness population size in Cancun and Los Cabos
together before development represented less than 01 of the national
population (INEGI 2014) and both places were based on subsistence
economies (FONATUR 1998)
51
Although FONATUR (2006) reports that the locations chosen for Cancun
and Los Cabos IPRs were uninhabited there existed small human settlements
relatively close that were already serving visitors (Barbosa and Santamariacutea 2006
Benseny 2007) For instance the closest touristic communities to Cancun in the
1960s were Cozumel and Isla Mujeres a situation that was seen as an asset by
FONATUR (FONATUR 1998 2006 Barbosa and Santamaria 2006) as these
nearby communities were already receiving tourists The population there was
considered to be somewhat experienced in the tourism sector providing a
potential source of labour for the forthcoming tourism enterprises In the case of
Los Cabos there were already two near-by settlements San Jose del Cabo and
Cabo San Lucas both small communities somewhat involved with tourism
activities as this region had also become popular for sport fishing (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman 2009) However given the proximity
of the community of Cabo San Lucas to Los Cabos IPR as a strategy to ease the
tourism development process part of the population of Cabo San Lucas was
relocated to new settlements in San Jose del Cabo (Rodriguez 1994) In the
1960s both Cancun and Los Cabos presented notable accessibility and basic
infrastructure deficits (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Hoffman
2009) Cancun was better connected through a road network to the rest of the
country (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) albeit at a great
distance while Los Cabos was still lacking of such infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
and Sanchez 2002) That was the primary reason for FONATURs choice of
52
Cancun over Los Cabos as the first IPR and to hold off tourism development in
Los Cabos for two more decades (Gamez 2003 INEGI 2014)
Cancun IPR was planned by FONATUR ldquounder a criteria of privatization
of natural resources which are subject to the needs of the tourist zonerdquo based on
ldquomodern engineering and architectural practicesrdquo (FONATUR 2006) and urban
structures based on ldquothe consumption of natural spaces and landscapesrdquo were
planned to create a ldquo l ineal system of developments along the
shorelinerdquo (Calderon and Orozco 2009) where all the hotels faced the beach
(Hiernaux 1999) a pattern repeated in the Los Cabos IPR two decades later
(Lopez-Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006) This urban structure was intended to
give priority to motorized vehicles designing wide roads that were supposed to
prevent congestion but neglected pedestrians (Calderoacuten and Orozco 2009)
In terms of zoning and land use management the main spatial design
feature of these IPRs is as described by Hiernaux (1999) that planners followed
a Le Corbusierian urban model that separated work spaces from leisure space
creating a clear division between the tourist zone and the urban services zone
where the workers live (FONATUR 1998 2006 Hiernaux 1999 Bringas 1999
Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Calderon and Orozco 2009
Aldape 2010) As Aldape (2010) illustrates Cancuns urban structure is
conformed by belts parallel to the beach making the beach easily accessible
from the tourist zone but difficult from the urban zone a situation that according
to Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) was replicated in Los
Cabos In addition the geographical and topographical features of the IPRs are
53
used to enhance such a separation For example the tourist zone in Cancun is
located on Isla Cancun which is an island-like formation surrounded by water
bodes (Caribbean and Nichupte lagoon) while an urban zone is located on
mainland In the case of Los Cabos rock formations irregular topography and
the freeway maintain a separation between the tourist and urban zones (Lopez-
Lopez and Sanchez-Crispin 2006)
Tourist Zone
Urban Zone
Fig 8 Spatial separation in Cancun
Source Urban Development Plan of Benito Juarez 2011
The spatial separation between tourists and workers is justified by
FONATUR with the argument that as the local population grows the settlement
of new residential communities should not risk the ldquoadded value safety
exclusivity and landscape value of a tourism developmentrdquo (Aldape 2010 184)
that is sought by transnational tourism developers according to Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) FONATUR (2006) claims that this urban
54
configuration allows tourists to avoid the urban ldquochaosrdquo of local service areas
(FONATUR 2006) and also helps maintain the elevated land-values of tourist
areas (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
Furthermore the division between these zones includes the definition of
public and private beaches As Aldape (2010) and Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten (2006) note those beaches located at the tourist area can only
be accessed through the resorts which being private property limit beach
accessibility to those who are lodged at a resort despite the legally-established
public character of beaches in Mexico (DOF 2004)
However separations are not limited to the physical realm they are
institutionalized in governmental jurisdictions FONATUR is the entity in charge of
the master-planning infrastructure provision and maintenance at the tourist
zones while the provision of housing institutional buildings basic services and
infrastructure at the urban zones is in the charge of the local government and
SEDESOL (DOF 2004b 2009 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006
Aldape 2010)
As Cancun and Los Cabos have become more popular throughout time
demographic growth has increased at a pace that exceeds the planned
expectations (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006 Aldape 2010)
causing the well-planned tourist zones to have better infrastructure and basic
service provision than the less-well-planned sprawling surrounding areas This
situation has prevailed in newer IPRs despite FONATURs efforts to take into
account in their master-plans previous shortcomings such as fresh water
55
availability demographic features of the existing population and urbanization
costs (Rodriguez 1994)
Despite their planning similarities both tourism development projects are
targeted towards slightly different market niches Cancun was designed to appeal
to sun-and-sand tourists who could also feel attracted to aquatic activities such
as scuba diving or snorkelling at the Caribbean coral reefs and cenotes or to
cultural sites such as the nearby Mayan ruins For its part Los Cabos was
focused less towards the beach and more towards sport fishing and golf tourism
(Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) In addition a novelty at Los
Cabos IPR was the creation of mega-projects that FONATUR (2006) describes
as resort towns Unlike Cancun where a single overarching master plan defined
zoning regulations and specific land uses of the destination as a whole mega-
projects are regarded by the master plan as a single touristic land-use open to
any sub-uses within it That is the specific land-uses would be defined by the
private interests of the developer giving land owners a great deal of freedom to
manage and develop their property while also avoiding legal requirements
regarding zone for institutional buildings and public infrastructure (Lopez-Lopez
Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006)
In the case of Los Cabos the private sector has a considerably larger
influence on the configuration of the urban structure exacerbating the deficient
provision of urban services at the non-tourist zone (Lopez-Lopez Cukier and
Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten 2006) Whilst in the case of Cancun its rapid growth has
56
resulted in a poorly served urban zone and irregular settlements (Calderon and
Orozco 2009 Aldape 2010)
However with the recent acknowledgment of Cancuns expanded role as
a regional hub urban development is no longer focused exclusively on tourists
demands Current urban development plans are aiming towards urban
densification to make more efficient the distribution of goods and services at a
regional level (Aldape 2010) Almost 40 years after its settlement Cancun is now
an important regional city one of the largest cities in the Caribbean whose
economy is primarily but not entirely focused on tourism
25 Conclusion
As a questionable strategy of the government to ensure competitiveness
and economic growth urban planning at tourism destinations selected by
FONATUR as IPR is always executed by this fund This situation results in the
neglect of the local residents at two primary scales physically and institutionally
But in spite of the criticisms to the outcomes of the states top-down approach to
TDP the government still maintains that measured in their own quantitative
terms they have successfully accomplished their goal of improving living
conditions of the population in a sustainable and egalitarian manner (DOF
2004b SECTUR 2014 Gobierno de la Republica 2013) In other words
increases in GDP FDI currency exchange direct and indirect employment
higher wages higher education rates urbanization and infrastructure provision
and the conservation of environmental and historical assets at the host
57
communities (FONATUR 2006) (considering tourist and non-tourist areas as a
whole) are interpreted as equivalent to an improved quality of life
Upon such a narrow evaluative scope within the states own quantitative
terms urban planners ndashndashas the ultimate executors of TDP policiesndashndash should be
cautious and question the premises framing TDP in Mexico As will be discussed
in the next two chapters many questions are yet to be explained with regard
TDP as a successful strategy for development in Mexico
58
CHAPTER 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit
Mexico
The research question to be answered by this chapter is what aspects
of place are neglected when the quantitatively-oriented TDP paradigm is used in
the (re)development of a host community Answering this question is essential
to ascertain if prior to tourism development FONATURs master-planned
destinations in fact are lacking of the expected benefits that TDP is supposed to
bring forward for the improvement of the residents living conditions
Given the paucity of accurate information regarding the before
characteristics of the destinations planned by FONATUR San Blas town has
been selected as a case study to a) explore the thoroughness of FONATURs
framework to evaluate a potential destination and recommend TDP as a
strategy to improve the living conditions of its residents b) to situate San Blas
within FONATURs scale of desirable living conditions and c) to identify and
characterize the gaps in the prescriptions of the government to transform San
Blas into a successful tourism destination in the context of a re-
conceptualization of San Blas assets These goals are accomplished first by
comparing on the one hand the supposedly satisfactory results in terms of
GDP FDI employment wages and infrastructure realized in Cancun and Los
Cabos ndashndashregarded by FONATUR as its most successful destinationsndashndash and on
the other the current characteristics of San Blas Then in the specific context of
San Blas these variables are broken down into their quantitative and qualitative
components and compared with the policies guiding TDP in San Blas This
59
enables the identification of major inconsistencies presumably neglected by the
states TDP framework
31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
As mentioned earlier Mexicos developmental policies are driven by the
so-called benefits of economic growth based on the exploitation of natural and
cultural resources As a result tourism has become a key strategy for
development in the country It has been shown that these development
strategies have been guided by a rational-comprehensive framework that being
of a quantitative nature relies solely on the existence and potential profitability
of the existing assets As described in Chapter 2 the Mexican government has
undertaken the function of identifying and evaluating the touristic potential of
economically stagnant regions according to the market attractiveness of their
natural and cultural assets Consequently FONATUR performs quantitative
assessments of a regions natural and cultural resources in order to prescribe
the strategies that are supposed to ensure economic success
Endowed with natural and cultural features potentially attractive to
tourists as well as the necessary amount of vacant land available for tourism
development FONATUR has recently identified the coast of San Blas as suitable
for stage three of its Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor (FONATUR 2006)
60
311 Geographical features
The geographical location of San Blas has been considered strategic ever since its
settlement by the Spanish conqueror Nuntildeo Beltran de Guzman in the XVI century although it
was for commercial reasons then it is for its potential tourism attraction now San Blas is the
closest ocean beach to Mexicos second largest city Guadalajara (270 km away) to
Nayarits state capital city Tepic (70 km) as well as to two important tourist destinations of
the Pacific Coast Mazatlan 277 km to the north and Puerto Vallarta 150 km to the south
(INEGI 2014)(Appendix) As such the municipality of San Blas has been eagerly promoted
by the local and state government since 2007 to become an elite tourism destination part of
the Riviera Nayarit tourism corridor (PON 2009 2012)
However it is not only the location of San Blas that makes it attractive for tourism Fig 9 San Blas Nayarit Mexico
development Its natural wealth is also a key factor of attractiveness as specified by
FONATUR For instance the interaction among the existing physiographic conditions soils
climate and abundance of water create two scenic tropical landscapes mangrove forest and
tropical rainforest that enable this area to function as habitat for 54 protected fauna species
(CONANP 2007) Since mangroves and wetlands are scattered all over the region similar to
Cancun San Blas Town is surrounded by water and immediately adjacent to an
internationally recognized natural protected area Marismas Nacionales a 113000 hectares
association of mangrove forest wetlands rivers and streams it is the largest mangrove
forest on the Mexican Pacific Coast In close proximity adjacent to Marismas Nacionales and
east of San Blas Town exists another similar system Singayta-La Tovara-Los Negros which
has been suggested as a subject of environmental protection (CONANP 2007)
NORTH
Mexico
Nayarit
Nayarit
San Blas Municipality
San Blas Town
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
Fig 10 Nearby cities
Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
San Blas Town
Tepic
O
O
O
O
Puerto Vallarta Guadalajara
500 km 1000 km
61
paintings of an ancient prehistoric tribe known as Los Concheros 312 Cultural features
Founded in the 18th century San Blas Town contains a number of historical buildings
and cultural traits that are considered an asset by the state and municipal development plans
and urban development policies The primary function of these buildings in an economical
context is thus to attract visitors
Built in 1769 the Marinera Church (Fig 14) located on top of the Basilio hill where
San Blas Town was once settled was the first permanent building in town and it is also the
only building remaining from the old San Blas settlement Recently renovated by the National
Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH) this church is currently available for private
events
Most of the heritage buildings of San Blas Town (Fig 12) were built in the 19th
century and had a commercial purpose The Contaduria (Fig 15) building that functioned as
a warehouse during the commercial bonanza period the Aduana (Fig 19) an old customs
office that after being refurbished by INAH works as a museum and governmental offices
and the Garita (Fig 18) a former guard house located right at the harbour now being used
as the towns library Besides the old church at San Basilios hill a new church was finally
built downtown in the 19th century the Virgen de Fatima temple (Fig 16) This building is
currently closed to the public as it presents safety hazards
An area of cultural interest is the Wixarika sacred site located across the El Pozo
stream (Appendix A) This place is part of Wirikuta a traditional pilgrimage carried out by the
Huichol people from highland Jalisco state every year La Piedra Blanca (Fig 21) a sacred
hut and a cave in this area are the ritual shrines for Haramara the mother of the sea
Furthermore in the near surroundings of San Blas Town there are vestiges and rock
NORTH
El Pozo River
3 2 1
5 4 6
7
LEGEND 1Marinera Church 2Contaduria 3Virgen de Fatima
Church Pacific Ocean
4Casa Lanzagorta 5Aduana 6Casa Deliux Fig 11 Heritage buildings 7Garita 500 m 1 km Crafted by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
62
Given the touristic potential of these natural and cultural qualities the
strategy of the government of Nayarit state for San Blas is to commercialize
these assets achieving economic growth rates comparable to Cancun and Los
Cabos Consequently Nayarit states government has aligned its development
and urban planning policies to suit FONATURs requirements (PON 2010 2012
2013) the first step in the TDP process (Chapter 2)
Fig 12 Marinera Church Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 13 Contaduria Source wwwpanoramiocom
63
Fig 15 Casa Lanzagorta Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 14 Virgen de Fatima Temple Fig 16 Garita Source wwwsanblascommx Source wwwpanoramiocom
Fig 17 Aduana Source wwwpanoramiocom
64
Fig 18 Casa Deliux Source wwwsanblascommx
Fig 19 Piedra Blanca Source Ximena Gonzalez
32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
FONATUR regards TDP as the main reason of the success of Cancun
and Los Cabos Such a success is measured in terms of economic growth
foreign investment job creation and infrastructure improvements Presumably
the measurement of the conditions prior-development show the backward
conditions to be addressed with the prescriptions of TDP
The touristic boom occurred in the late 1990s in the southern coast of
the Nayarit state has originated economic growth rates comparable to those of
Cancun and Los Cabos This situation has highlighted the continued economic
stagnation of San Blas Municipality as this perceived lack of economic growth
is considered by the state and municipal government as the primary constraint
for progress in San Blas
The Mexican government affirms that by increasing economic growth
and foreign currency flows tourism has a great potential to improve peoples life
65
conditions As FDI and GDP increase it is expected by the state that the levels
of employment access to health and education as well as infrastructure
provision will also increase In addition in the face of tourism development
indices of poverty and inequality are supposed to show a positive shift
On the one hand following the national trend since 1995 GDP has
shown a continuous increase in the states of Baja California Sur Quintana Roo
and Nayarit where Los Cabos Cancun and San Blas are respectively located
Fig 20 Gross GDP
$200000000
$180000000
$160000000
$140000000
$120000000
$100000000
$80000000
$60000000
$40000000
$20000000
$0
Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic relevance of Cancun and Los Cabos at a state scale can
be observed in their contributions to their states economy In the ldquosuccessfulrdquo
cases of Cancun and Los Cabos they contribute to 5596 the former and
4483 the latter Whereas San Blas Municipality contributes only to 119
Nayarits gross production
MX
P
1995 2000 2005 2010
66
Fig 21 Municipal contribution to states total gross production
10
20
30
40
50
60
70 1998 2003 2008
0 Los Cabos Benito Juarez San Blas
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
On the other hand a strong connection between tourism development
and FDI seems to appear in the states of Baja California Sur and Quintana Roo
where more than 75 of the FDI is in the tourism sector (INEGI 2014) The
increase of FDI in Nayarit in 2005 8802 (INEGI 2014) can be related to the
execution of the strategies preceding the creation of the ldquoRiviera Nayaritrdquo
tourism corridor in 2007 Fig 22 Percentage of FDI in tourism
100
80
60
40
20
0 Baja California Sur Quintana Roo Nayarit
2000 2005 2010 2013
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
67
Nevertheless the differences of San Blas as compared to Los Cabos
and Cancun may be limited to FDI and GDP Despite the almost irrelevant
contribution of San Blas Municipality to the states production and receiving
only 122 of Nayarits FDI (SEDECO 2014) San Blas Town shows levels
similar to Cancun and Los Cabos in terms of employment access to public
health and infrastructure
Fig 23 Employment rates Fig 24 Access to public health
90
92
94
96
98
100
20
40
60
80
Po
pula
tio
n P
erc
enta
ge
0Los Cabos Cancun San Blas Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
1990 2000 2010 2000 2010
Fig 25 Infrastructure provision in dwellings
7000
7750
8500
9250
10000
Los Cabos Cancun San Blas
Water Electricity Sewage
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
68
Income inequality and marginality indices
In 2000 Mexico ranked among the 20 countries with the highest
inequality index (CONAPO 2000) San Blas Municipality has tended to remain
below the inequality levels present in the municipalities where Cancun and Los
Cabos are located (CONAPO 2000 2005 2010) However at a state scale
income inequality at Quintana Roo and Baja California Sur has improved as in
2010 these states showed lower inequality indices than Nayarit
Fig 26 Income inequality at municipal level Fig 27 Income inequality at state level
0393
0436
0479
0521
0564
0607
0650
GN
I In
dex
040
045
050
055
060
GN
I In
dex
035 1990 2000 2010
0350 1990 2000 2010
Mexico San Blas
Los Cabos Benito Juarez
Quintana Roo Baja California Nayarit
Sur
Compiled by author from CONAPO 2000-2010 data
However in terms of marginality1 all three cities have presented a rising
trend In 2005 San Blas Town and Los Cabos presented a very low marginality
level In 2010 this index rose for to a ldquolowrdquo marginality level for both cities
Whereas in 2005 Cancun had an index of marginality described as
medium (CONEVAL 2005) that rose to ldquohighrdquo in 2010 In addition although
1 This index is composed by employment income inequality access to health care education infrastructure in dwellings and dwelling occupancy (CONAPO 2010)
69
Nayarit state presents a large amount of settlements categorized as having
ldquohighrdquo and ldquovery highrdquo marginality indices the region where San Blas Town is
located comprises small villages with very low to medium marginality indices
(CONAPO 2010) Whereas Cancun and Los Cabos are surrounded by medium-
sized towns and small villages ranking from medium to very high marginality
levels (CONAPO 2010)
Marginality Index Very High
High Medium Low Very Low
Number of Settlements in Baja California Sur
61 258 85 91 104
Number of Settlements in Quintana Roo
86 340 34 20 37
Number of Settlements in Nayarit
512 442 214 122 33
Table 3 Marginality indices Compiled by author with CONAPO 2010 data
In this analysis it can be observed that despite its so-called stagnant
economy San Blas ranks parallel to Cancun and Los Cabos in matters of
employment infrastructure and public health service provision That is if
FONATURs framework intends to measure quality of life with these variables
San Blas has already met the mark Thus the so-called benefits of tourism may
not result in a significant contribution to the standards of living in San Blas In
fact given the common negative effects of tourism the situation in San Blas
may become worse Then the question arises why is San Blas negatively
depicted by the government The answer to this question can be found by
examining the towns demographic and economic profiles and contrasting them
to the conceptualizations made of San Blas by the state
70
33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
Established four centuries ago as a departure point for the misioneros
and Spanish conquerors on their journey to Las Californias (current state of
California in the United States) San Blas Town eventually became an
international commercial hub in the late 19th century However as a result of a
decline in previous activities in the region perceived as a failure the
development policies and plans guiding the economic and urban strategies for
San Blas have shifted towards tourism Since San Blas Municipality can be
shown to possess the assets identified as ideal by FONATUR to become a sun-
and-sand tourism destination the re-design and re-branding space of San Blas
Town ndashndashalong with all the shoreline settlements of the Municipalityndashndash is meant to
be defined by the development model imposed by FONATUR as it is claimed
by the government that tourism development is a guaranteed path to economic
success
In the past decade federal programs municipal and state development
plans economic development strategies as well as tourism documents with
marketing purposes refer to San Blas as a once successful town of
international relevance However the history of San Blas has been one of
several ndashndashand perhaps fortuitousndashndash ups and downs (Luna 2004) With an
unstable population subject to a variety of political economical and
environmental forces it has taken San Blas three centuries to consolidate as a
community
71
Since the 1970s the discourse of development plans and programs
created by the government have intended to bring San Blas out of the ldquosevere
crisisrdquo it has been experiencing since the late 19th century (FONATUR 2005)
Transforming San Blas Town from being considered ldquoa somnolent villagehellip
existing off fishing farming and delusory tourist traderdquo (Schultheis 1979) to
restoring its role as a dynamic international commercial hub has remained as
the unfaltering goal of the state government Governmental strategies have
focused on the recovery of the ldquoprosperous pastrdquo of San Blas through the
intensification of economic activities such as fishing aquaculture agriculture
and tourism In 2005 tourism was determined as the economic strategy that
would finally ldquorescuerdquo San Blas Town from ldquobackwardnessrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
Today San Blas Town is a regional hub of commercial activities and
public service provision However in blatant disregard of the role San Blas
currently plays at a regional scale the current plans prescribe the
transformation of San Blas into a tourism enclave as a strategy to boost
competitiveness and economic gains despite the fact that current standards of
living in San Blas are already comparable ndashndashin terms of employment and
infrastructure provisionndashndash to those in Cancun and Los Cabos
A comparison of the current demographic and economic profile of San
Blas to the planning guidelines that the federal state and municipal government
prescribe for the transformation of San Blas highlights a range of abstract and
subjective features that although concealed by the framework of TDP support
quality of life
72
331 Demographic and Economic Realities
San Blas Municipality has ranked from representing almost 6 of the
total population of Nayarit in the seventies to less than 4 in 2010 without
showing relevant changes in its demographic growth rates since 1960 (INEGI
2014) San Blas Town peak demographic growth happened in 1960 (INEGI
2014) caused by among other factors the national phenomenon of rural-to-
urban migration occurred in that period
In 1990 and 2000 population in San Blas had been predominantly
young (younger than 19) In 2010 this segment of the population represented
only 23 Although San Blas Municipality and San Blas Town have not shown a
remarkably different trend (INEGI 2014) the amount of people in economically
productive age in San Blas Town (20-59 years old) has been steadily increasing
for the last twenty years (INEGI 2014)
Fig 28 Accumulated demographic growth
500
0
167
333
-167 1920-1930 1930-1940 1940-1950 1950-1960 1960-1970 1970-1980 1980-1990 1990-2000 2000-2010
San Blas Town Nayarit Municipality
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
73
According to the Municipal Development Plan (PON 2011) the
comparative difference between the current amount of people in economically
productive age compared to those under 19 in the previous decade show the
tendency of people of that generation to leave town However this statement
cannot be proved yet with the available data
Fig 29 Demographic distribution by age groups in San Blas Town
1990
2000
2010
0 20 40 60 80 100
lt19 20-39 40-59 gt60
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although youth population has decreased by 15 in twenty years the
growth rate of the population between 20 and 59 years old has increased by
almost 10 since 1990 (INEGI 2014) This trend summed to the low
unemployment rates in the town (Fig 23) and the proportion of people with
access to public health care (Fig 24) may indicate that against the MDPs
affirmation (PON 2011) San Blas is not lacking of jobs nor access to public
health care (INEGI 2014)
Nayarit state seems to be attracting a high rate of national migration
since 2000 While only 6 of the people moved out of the state in 2010 almost
74
20 of the states total population has been born outside of Nayarit Although
Nayarit seems to attract mostly national immigrants San Blas Municipality
presents the highest proportion of residents of an international origin in Nayarit
(INEGI 2014) Closely following Nayarits migratory trends 18 of the residents
in San Blas Town immigrated from a different region in Mexico or another
country Whereas 6 of the population left the town Such a situation seems to
contradict the governmental discourse that in order to support the TDP strategy
claims tourism will revert the high emigration trend (PON 2011)
2000
2010
Immgrants Emigrants Total Population
Fig 30 Proportion of migrant population in San Blas Town
0 20 40 60 80 100
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Compared to Nayarit state the number of people in San Blas Town with
secondary and post-secondary education can be considered average however
the average number of years of school attendance is 9 in both Nayarit and San
Blas Town that is in average people only finish compulsory education (INEGI
2014) In 2010 almost 25 of the population in San Blas Town has graduated
from high school or attended university (INEGI 2014)
75
Fig 31 Educational attainment
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
2000 2010
Fig 32 Average number of years of school attendance
30
25
20
15
10
5
0 Elementary School Junior High School High School University
Nayarit San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although this data is inconclusive the governments affirmation that
emigration is a problem in San Blas Town seems to differ in this analysis In
addition the assumption that San Blas youth population are leaving the town
looking for better ldquoopportunitiesrdquo as San Blas Development Plan describes
cannot be proved or disproved with the data available
76
Economic profile
The municipality of San Blas is a region mainly rural comprised of 83
rural villages and one urban town the latter being the object of this study San
Blas Town Given its natural features in the 1970s the main economic activities
in San Blas Town were agriculture fishing and aquaculture closely followed by
commercial activities and services
As the number of visitors started to increase in the same period (INEGI
2014) a growing number of residents shifted towards tourism-related activities
the so-called hospitality industry Currently the occupied population percentage
in tertiary activities at municipal level is of almost 70 which was the same
proportion of people employed in the primary sector forty years ago (INEGI
2014) Fig 33 Economically active population by sector in San Blas Town
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
1970 1990 2000
Secondary Sector Primary Sector Tertiary Sector
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although Nayarit was a primarily agricultural state in the seventies a
dramatic shift occurred in 1990 following the national transformation from a
resource-based to a service-based economy Since 1990 the tertiary sector has
employed up to 60 of the economically active population in Nayarit state
77
(INEGI 2014) In spite of the states employment turn the primary sector in San
Blas Municipality has remained as the principal source of employment The
trend for the primary sector at the municipal level is also a contracting one
although at a lower rate at the municipal level tertiary sector activities have
also been steadily increasing since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Usually presenting a larger proportion than in the rest of Nayarit due to
the large number of people of ages between 20 and 59 the proportion of
economically active population in the municipality has doubled since 1970
(INEGI 2014) whereas San Blas Town has continued to present a higher
proportion of economically active population than Nayarit state (INEGI 2014)
In terms of employment San Blas presents unemployment rates
remarkably below Nayarit states average In 2000 San Blas Municipality and
San Blas Town showed peak low levels of unemployment by 2010
unemployment increased in San Blas Town following the state and municipal
trend (INEGI 2014) Fig 34 Unemployment rates
Nayarit
100
200
300
400
San Blas Municipality San Blas Town
0 1990 2000 2010
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
78
San Blas Town presents a different scenario in the 1970s the primary
and tertiary sectors employed together almost 80 of the population whilst the
secondary sector employed less than 20 of the economically active population
(INEGI 2014) In 2010 80 of the population of San Blas Town is employed in
only in tertiary sector activities whilst the primary sector has shrunk almost 50
since 1970 (INEGI 2014)
Even though the contributions of Nayarit state in aquaculture and fishing
activities to Mexicos economy are not representative these activities along
with agriculture are the most important at San Blas Municipality almost 20 of
Nayarits aquaculture and fishing activities take place in San Blas Municipality
However in spite of the high indices of people employed in fishing and
aquaculture activities at the municipal level in San Blas Town economic
activities have been increasingly focused towards the tertiary sector (INEGI
2014)
In Nayarit more than 60 of the economically active population is
employed in the tertiary sector 18 of these jobs are provided directly by the
hospitality industry (INEGI 2014) In San Blas Municipality tertiary sector
activities employ 4315 of the economically active population In San Blas
Town 6192 of the population work in tertiary sector activities
In this context 58 of businesses in San Blas Town belong to the
tertiary sector however only 20 of these are related to tourism activities
Given the importance of San Blas Town as a regional hub as well as the
perceived attractiveness of the beach-front the primary economic activities in
79
the town are retail and hospitality as the largest number of economic units and
highest employment rates focus in these realms
Although their number is not representative at a state level most
businesses in the municipality are related to agricultural activities closely
followed by retail and hospitality enterprises 60 of these economic units are
located in San Blas Town However San Blas Town is rather focused on
commercial activities as 40 of the total businesses in the town are related to
retail activities and 20 to hospitality even though almost 50 of the
enterprises related to fishing and aquaculture of the municipality are located in
San Blas Town (INEGI 2014) Fig 35 Economic units in San Blas Town
Agriculture farming fishing and aquaculture Retail Government related Hospitality Other
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
In average 6630 of the population working at the municipalitys
economic units are either the owners or relatives to the owners This situation is
more noticeable in retail real estate health and social welfare recreation and
cultural activities as 75 of the population employed are the owners or related
to the owners of these economic units
80
Fig 36 Proportion of owners and relatives operating economic units
90
75
60
45
30
15
0 San Blas Municipality (2010)
Retail Transportation and storage Media Real estate Professional services Waste management Health and social welfare Recreation and culture Hospitality Other services but government San Blas Municipality Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Hospitality Sector
Within the hospitality sector food and beverage establishments are the
most representative at municipal and local levels(INEGI 2014)
Fig 37 Economic units in hospitality sector in San Blas Town
25 Lodging Food and Beverage
20
15
10
5
0 1996 2001 2005 2009
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
Although only 6 of tourists in Nayarit visit San Blas Municipality San
Blas Municipality has followed the state trend and in 2010 the number of
Mexican visitors to San Blas increased by almost 40 (INEGI 2014)
81
Fig 38 Gross number of visitors to San Blas Municipality
0
20000
40000
60000
80000
100000
1995 2010
Gro
ss N
um
ber
of
Vis
ito
rs
National origin International origin
Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
The economic and demographic profiles of San Blas Town present high
levels of employment access to public health care and infrastructure provision
in dwellings similar to the conditions present in Cancun and Los Cabos despite
the broad differences in economic growth and FDI
The livelihoods of most of the people living in San Blas Town depend on
commercial and tourism activities serving the regional demand of goods and
services Although it is not conclusive the data available suggests that more
than half of the businesses are locally owned and family managed The
confirmed accuracy of this data may indicate the presence in San Blas Town of
characteristics that provide strong foundations to peoples quality of life
332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
From the federal to the local levels a number of governmental agencies
are involved in developing the recommendations directing San Blas Town
towards the national goal of economic growth When applied the spatial
configuration of San Blas Town will be subject to changes that are supposed to
82
better accommodate the actions proposed by the influencing governmental
offices Specifically governmental offices ultimately guiding the spatial
configuration of a town in Mexico are
FEDDERAL STATE MUNICIPAL
SEMARNAT CONANP SEPLAN COPLADEMUN
SEDESOL SOP
SECTUR FONATUR SEDUE
Table 4 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
All of these agencies concur with the recommendation that tourism activities are
the preferable strategy for economic growth in San Blas Municipality and San
Blas Town As a result these offices have created a number of legal documents
shaping what the future of San Blas Town ought to be
SEMARNAT
SEMARNAT is the governmental entity in charge of the regulation
management and protection of the natural landscape in Mexico This
secretariat creates regional plans that recommend the economic activities that
are supposed to be environmentally-friendly Given their federal character
these plans must be accommodated by all subsequent territorial management
plans of state and municipal scales
83
In the two territorial management plans that comprise San Blas
SEMARNAT (2006) lists and assesses the natural features of the landscape and
their vulnerability On the one hand the National Plan of Territorial Management
(NPTM) (SEMARNAT 2012) ndashas coordinated with SECTUR and FONATURndash
defines tourism activities as the most adequate use for the physiographic region
where San Blas Town is located recommending the integration of economic
clusters and corridors
4
2 1
1 Mangrove forest 3 2 Low rainforest 3 Non-irrigated agricultural land 4 Halophytic vegetation
Fig 39 Natural landscape Source INEGI 2014
On its part the Plan of Ecological Management for the Mar de Corteacutes
Region (SEMARNAT 2006) aligned with the NPTM prescribes fishing and
tourism as the most adequate uses of San Blas natural features whose
environmental vulnerability status is estimated as medium by this entity
(SEMARNAT 2006)
84
However these plans note that San Blas lacks the adequate equipment
and infrastructure to be competitive in fishing activities at a national scale As a
result tourism is identified by SEMARNAT as the most suitable productive
activity to be carried out in the region (SEMARNAT 2006 2012) Even though
infrastructure required for tourism is also judged to be substantial the results of
SEMARNATs evaluation consider the beaches immediately adjacent to San
Blas Town as being of great economical value for the tourism sector
Contributing to this would be the presence of charismatic species such as
marine turtles tropical birds and fish as well as the nearby natural protected
area of Marismas Nacionales In addition these analyses dictate the
requirement of San Blas to improve its urban structure suggesting the creation
of an urban development plan (UDP) that ldquoguarantees the construction of
housing in an urban context that provides adequate infrastructure public
services institutional buildings and legal certaintyrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012 41)
In light of the possible conflict between environmental conservation
challenges and tourism activities SEMARNAT maintains that if tourism activities
are properly planned basing their profit on the existence of environmental
assets agreements between tourism and conservation would take place
(SEMARNAT 2006) Such recommendations are meant to ldquostrengthen regional
developmentrdquo through ldquosustainable economic growthrdquo (SEMARNAT 2012) Thus
this federal government agency clearly favours tourism development putting
environmental concerns on the back burner
85
FONATUR
As described in chapter 2 FONATUR is the governmental entity
commissioned by SECTUR to ensure that tourism activities are adequately
planned and therefore competitive at a global scale The TDP strategies are
regulated at a regional scale by SECTURs Sectorial Program of Tourism and
executed by FONATUR at the local level In response to the objective of the
latest Sectorial Program of Tourism (2008) FONATUR (2006) has characterized
San Blas Town as a priority zone for TDP
In order to
make a better use of the natural and cultural
resources and their capacity to be transformed into
productive tourism products creating services and
destinations that lead to development and wellbeing
for the local residents and enterprises (DOF 2008
34)
FONATUR has evaluated the potential of the natural and cultural
qualities existing in San Blas to satisfy the demands of the target market
FONATURs study includes an analysis of the real estate market concluding
that there is enough land available to sustain the markets requirements as well
as basic infrastructure provision in San Blas Town (FONATUR 2005 2006) In
addition the presence in the region of an economically active population
somewhat familiar with the hospitality industry is also counted as an asset
(FONATUR 2005 2006)
86
The features that FONATUR (2006) describes as ldquotourism assetsrdquo in
San Blas are the following
Natural Assets Architectonic and Historical Assets
Cultural Assets
El Borrego Beach
Marina
El Pozo River
San Basilio Hill
El Vigia Hill
La Marinera Church
Nuestra Sentildeora de Fatima Church
Aduana Building
Garita Building
Plaza Principal
Lighthouse
Charming people
Cuisine
History
Religious Celebrations
Table 5 Institutional framework of urban planning in Mexico Compiled by author from policy analysis
In alignment with the criteria used by FONATUR to select its
destinations San Blas Town presents an accessible location the possibility to
adapt tourism infrastructure to the cultural and environmental context space to
create innovative recreational infrastructure and modern amenities certification
of water quality in beaches and streams and outstanding authenticity and
identity traits (FONATUR 2005 2006)
Given the confluence of these characteristics according to FONATUR
(2005) the settlements located on the shoreline of San Blas Municipality as it is
the case of San Blas Town have the potential to attract to the kind of elite
tourists that are already visiting the southern edge of the Riviera Nayarit
corridor expanding the existing touristic offer to what FONATUR has called
ldquohigh-end ecotourismrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
87
Fig 40 El Borrego Beach in San Blas Town Source Ximena Gonzalez
FONATUR regards San Blas concerns to the economic political and
social realms (FONATUR 2005) The Fund inculpates the local people for the
apparent lack of competitiveness in San Blas Town a necessary trait to succeed
as a tourism destination (FONATUR nd) A marketing analysis carried out by
FONATUR (nd) for San Blas Town identifies the local population as one of the
main constraints for tourism development Finally FONATUR (nd) condemns
the ldquopassive attituderdquo (FONATUR nd 108) of San Blas people towards tourism
characterizing the locals as having a ldquoweak tourism oriented culturerdquo (104) that
ldquolacks an envisioning of the business opportunities tourism can createrdquo (107)
This is because FONATUR believes that the host community ldquodoes not
recognize the importance of tourismrdquo (FONATUR nd 104) for development The
only significant positive feature of the local residents for tourism development
88
as perceived by FONATURs analysis is the large number of people at a
productive age who although they lack the ldquodesired skillsrdquo are potentially a
cheap source of labour (Appendix B) It is also held that this ldquoassetrdquo is being
threatened by the high rates of emigration and the lack of training required to
attract and retain the kind of high-class international visitors desired (FONATUR
nd Nayarit 2009)
Fig 41 Plaza Principal Source Ximena Gonzalez
In its urban design proposal FONATUR (2005) expresses its discontent
with the current physical state of San Blas as the town is not perceived as
being attractive to tourists For instance the town is described as ldquodirty noisy
and disorganizedrdquo as well as lacking ldquoquality amenitiesrdquo and ldquospatial
89
homogeneityrdquo features that are supposed to be key for successful tourism
development (FONATUR 2005)
In their proposal FONATURs planners also characterize local
businesses as unable to satisfy the demands of the high-class tourists that the
fund is aiming to attract in order for the tourism development model to succeed
For example due in part to the lack of formally trained staff rustic beach-front
restaurants known as ramadas are described by FONATUR (2005) and
governmental officers interviewed as dirty and having ldquoinadequate facilitiesrdquo for
food service
Fig 42 Ramadas at El Borrego Beach Source Ximena Gonzalez
90
Street food vendors are also seen as obstructions to the right of way of
cars cyclists and pedestrians as well as interfering with the appreciation of the
architectural scale and as polluting the environment with ldquofoul smells and
soundsrdquo (FONATUR 2005 Appendix B) Weekend activities at the plaza
although they are not object of negative criticism by decision makers are not
considered to be adequate in number and quality to satisfy the target markets
desires either (FONATUR 2005)
Fig 43 Street food vendors on Sinaloa Street Source Ximena Gonzalez
The heavy traffic conditions that San Blas Towns main streets calle
Juaacuterez and calle Sinaloa (Appendix C) show during the week is portrayed by
FONATUR (2005) as ldquochaoticrdquo and apparently worsened by the insufficiency of
on-street parking the affluence of cyclists and pedestrians as well as puestos
91
(street food stalls) All of these are seen as obstructing the efficient flow of
vehicles from the towns entryway to the the downtown core The
heterogeneous architectonic and urban character of San Blas consequence of
the evolution of the social realm through time is regarded as defective (2005)
since according to FONATUR (2005) the mixture of building typologies
construction period architectural styles mixed land uses and mixed-incomes is
not desirable in the areas where tourists are expected to meander as the
planners envisage homogeneous corridors created by the linkages between
downtown historical buildings the beach and the marina
Fig 44 No parking Source Ximena Gonzalez
Consequently the recommendations made by FONATUR are focused
towards the augmentation and modernization of San Blas ldquosecondary
assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2006) or tourism infrastructure such as highways harbours
lodging accommodations restaurants leisure facilities and public spaces of the
tourist zone (FONATUR 2006) The urban design guidelines created by
FONATUR (2005) urge for the beautification and gentrification of the urban area
92
of San Blas Town as a strategy to market the existing assets in a way that would attract more
visitors and investors to the region In that context FONATURs project intends to attract
tourists to not only already popular places such as the Centro historical buildings harbour
and the beach In order to widen the scope of San Blas target market FONATUR has also
suggested the creation of a number of corridors connecting these places with proposed new
attractions and leisure areas for visitors a pedestrian main square a theme park an
aquarium an ocean boulevard or malecon and two plazas along the El Pozo river
(FONATUR 2005) Such a scheme FONATUR states would provide a more effective and
efficient spatial organization of the town increasing its appeal to tourists (FONATUR 2005)
Furthermore in order to accomplish this goal FONATUR suggests the removal of street
vendors currently located in areas of tourist significance such as the main square and El
Borrego beach with the argument that their attractiveness would be impeded by the
presence of such establishments Given the current location of street vendors at the plaza
principal and surrounding areas as well as along the main roads they can be expected to be
relocated to an area off-limits for tourists (Fig 45) when the FONATUR planning begins
Ramadas previously located on the beach front would also be relocated as noted by
SECTUR in our interview unless they adapt to quality regulations not yet defined FONATUR
makes the observation that a traditional ldquoMexican lookrdquo is of great importance for visitors and
investors (FONATUR 2005 2006) Therefore in order to improve the ldquoauthentic Mexican
experiencerdquo provided to tourists (FONATUR 2005) FONATUR has created a set of urban
design guidelines to be applied in the proposed tourism corridors Such a ldquoMexican lookrdquo
would be created by the use of so-called traditional architectonic elements in all buildings
gabled tiled roofs wooden window sashes neo-classical columns cantera (carved stone)
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 45 Streets with informal vendors Informal vendors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from INEGI 2014 data
93
balconies and terraces with wrought-iron railings faroles (street lamps)
azulejos (tiles) and palapa thatched roofs In addition all buildings should be
equipped with features such as air conditioning and wireless internet as well as
accessible parking providing tourists with the comforts and amenities of a high-
class experience (FONATUR 2005)
All of this would be superimposed on the existing downtown space of
San Blas Town to be re-designed and re-tooled as a destination for tourists not
for locals
Fig 46 Current entryway to San Blas Town Source Google Street View
Fig 47 FONATURs entryway proposal Source FONATURs Urban Design Proposal (2005)
94
Nayarit State Government
Because of Nayarits natural cultural and historical features tourism is
regarded as a strategic opportunity for economic development (Nayarits
Development Plan 2011-2017) converting the Riviera Nayarit Tourism
Corridor (RNTC) into the trademark of the state San Blas regions own natural
and cultural features (see 311 and 312) have been recognized by the state
government since the 1970s as having potential to successfully develop tourism
activities However the current development plan for Nayarit state describes
San Blas as a region economically stagnant leading San Blas population to
emigrate to areas perceived as providing better work opportunities such as the
RNTC This situation is deemed by the decision-makers interviewed to the
inadequacy of past development plans as well as to the populations lack of
responsible participation in the planning process ndashndashas the locals have tended
to be difficult and stubborn opposing to the plans of the government and
create conflict (ALCOSTA 2006)ndashndash deterring private investment in San Blas in
spite of being a sun-and-sand destination being very close to the RNTC (PON
1999)
Recommended by the states Development Plan a Tourism Program is
in charge of the creation of the context-specific strategies for tourism
development For San Blas this plan (PON 2009) recommends the construction
and improvement of infrastructure for tourism a strategy that had already been
suggested in the previous development plan (PON 2006) as coordinated with
SECTUR FONATUR and SEMARNAT In fact improvement of the connectivity
95
infrastructure of San Blas Town began in 2006 with the construction of a new highway to
Tepic (see Appendix A) designed to facilitate the arrival of tourists from Tepics so-called
international airport to San Blas upon its inclusion to the RNTC in 2007 Besides the
completion of the Tepic-San Blas highway the government of Nayarit proposes the
construction of an ocean boulevard or malecon along El Borrego beach in San Blas Town
plus a bike path connecting El Borrego to Matanchen bay (Appendix B) as well as to
increase the provision of basic services However the primary strategy of the current
government of Nayarit for San Blas Municipality is two-pronged on the one hand to refurbish
the San Blas harbour in order to reactivate international commercial trade and on the other
hand to turn San Blas Town into a cruise ship destination (PON 2012)
Nayarit states government is also commissioned with the crafting of the municipal
urban development plans (UDP) that in charge of the Secretariat of Urban Development and
Public Works (SOP) are the quintessential planning instrument for the execution of the
development prescriptions dictated from above (Table 4 Fig 50)
Within such a regulatory framework the stated objective of San Blas UDP is ldquoto
manage the urban space in a manner that will promote competitiveness and economic
developmentrdquo (PON 2010) Thus this plan describes San Blas region as one primarily apt for
activities related to tourism followed by retail ranching agriculture aquaculture and fishing
The strategies proposed by this plan are to increase the amount of tourism amenities in the
region through a zoning by-law that facilitates the construction of lodging and leisure
amenities as well as the creation of urban design guidelines that would help improve and
preserve the existing areas of ldquolandscape valuerdquo The plan contemplates the ongoing
identification of strategic areas for tourism development (PON 2010)
NORTH
Fig 48 Riviera Nayarit Tourism Corridor
Source wwwrivieranayaritcom
96
Additionally this plan also foresees the necessity of increasing the
provision of housing institutional building and public services upon an increase
in the scale of touristic activities
URBAN PLANNERS
COMPLIES
Fig 49 Structure of governmental power Compiled by author based on policy analysis
In this context the zoning established by this UDP (PON 2010)
suggests three primary zoning categories housing mixed use and touristic
use Three different housing densities are determined for San Blas Town
minimum density low density and medium density (Fig 49) Minimum density is
defined by the UDP (2010) as single-dwelling land plots of between 600 and
1000 sq meters with building restrictions that only allow two-story single-
detached housing Low density housing permits single land plots of 300 to 526
sq meters with building restrictions that also allow only two-story single-
detached dwellings and finally medium density housing that prescribes single
land plots of 140 to 256 sq meters with building restrictions that allow row
houses two stories high
97
The by-law for the areas zoned as minimum and low density housing also allows
parks and recreation land uses whilst sparingly allowing mixed uses or uses related to
kindergartens and primary schools The location of minimum and low density housing in the
areas closest to the beach San Cristobal river and environmental conservation areas
clearly looks like housing zones targeting tourists and temporary residents not local workers
and their families
Mixed use area zoning is also of two different kinds one where the predominant land
uses are retail and tourism services and another one that is primarily housing combined with
institutional buildings such as elementary schools and high schools libraries churches and
dental and health services (Fig 51) Mixed use zoning is allocated along the main roads of
the town as well as around schools and recreation areas furthermore the predominantly
retail zone is located in the downtown core These areas are more likely to be occupied by
local people who permanently live in San Blas
In the case of the areas specified for touristic use in San Blas Town this plan
proposes three different densities (Fig 52) Minimum density is meant to accommodate
hotels motels lodges villas and RV parks and the number of rooms in this land use
designation cannot exceed 15 hotel rooms per hectare with a restricted building height of two
stories Furthermore the zoning by-law allows for this land use the existence of parks and
recreation areas retail establishments museums airports harbours and bus stations Low
density tourism land use accommodates the same building typology and institutional
buildings than minimum density but for this land use a greater density of up to 30 hotel
rooms per hectare is permitted and a building height restriction of 3 stories Finally medium
density tourism land use allows hotels mixed with parks and recreation areas retail schools
NORTH
El Pozo River
RESIDENTIAL ZONING
Low density residential
Medium density residential
Pacific Ocean
Fig 50 Proposed residential uses
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data 500 m 1 km
98
churches libraries museums and health services this land use allows up to 60 hotel rooms
per hectare with a building height restricted to four stories Low density tourism use is
allocated in the south west of the town close to the Marina and across El Pozo river whilst
medium density tourism zoning is spread all over town it is concentrated in the south east
end of the city right behind the medium density zoning allocated in El Borrego beach
1 2
MIXED-USE ZONING
1 Mixed -use corridors 2 Retail
NORTH
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
In conclusion Nayarit state intends to address the inadequate use of San Blas
environmental resources by increasing the volume of tourism development in the region
characterized as both under-using and over-exploiting some environmental resources (PON
2012) Supported by FONATUR the current UDP for San Blas purportedly sets the
foundations for the provision of competitive tourism services that the town has been
historically lacking (PON 2010)
TOURISTIC ZONING
Minimum density
Low density
Medium density
Marina
Malecon
Theme park
500 m 1 km
Fig 52 Proposed touristic use
Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
NORTH
Fig 51 Proposed mixed use corridors
500 m 1 km Crafted by author from PON 2010 data
99
San Blas Municipal Government
Municipalities in Mexico are in charge of the creation of a Municipal
Development Plan (MDP) that obeys the development strategies enunciated by
the federal and states government plans The Municipal Development Plan of
San Blas promotes tourism development as the ultimate strategy for the
improvement of the quality of life of its residents
Since federal and state planning documents have given an account of
the characteristics of San Blas Town ndashndashother than the environmental and
cultural featuresndashndash as lacking of the quality infrastructure and urban design
standards expected by the target market of the RNTC (PON 2008 2008a
Nayarit 1999) San Blas MDP emphasizes that private investment should be
facilitated by the government (PON 2012) as a strategy to improve the quality of
touristic infrastructure Supported by Nayarit states government San Blas
MDP promotes the implementation of FONATURs ldquoinnovative tourism modelrdquo
based on a mixture of sun-and-sand attractions with cultural and ecological
activities expected to boost employment in the region in a sustainable fashion
(PON 2012 FONATUR 2005 nd Appendix B) mitigating the emigration of
local educated young professionals
San Blas Municipal Development Plan considers 1) the promotion of
the natural landscape 2) native arts and crafts and 3) the local cuisine as part
of the Riviera Nayarit as three key components of a strategy to broaden the
current scope of visitors to San Blas and increase tourism revenues As a result
the tourism strategy proposed by the MDP would have a direct effect on San
100
Blas Town (along with the coastal towns of the municipality with tourism
potential) Since the plan maintains that in order to increase tourist
attractiveness and grow the capacity to competitively host a larger amount of
visitors San Blas Town should undergo the spatial transformations prescribed
by FONATUR The municipalitys plan thus can be seen as an uncritical
endorsement of the federal governments planned initiative
Given the low share of San Blas in Nayarits overall economic
performance the municipal government criticizes the small scale and
heterogeneity of the main economic activities of the municipality fishing
aquaculture commercial trade and tourism (PON 2012) Specifically San Blas
MDP criticizes the artisanal nature of agriculture and fishing activities since they
are based on low-impact traditional production methods as unable to compete
at larger scales A similar situation occurs with the hospitality sector described
as lacking of infrastructure and skilled labour hence unable to expand The
infrastructure of most tourism amenities is depicted as rustic or deteriorated
and businesses are run by locals who lack formal training (PON 2012) Unlike
the rest of the RNTC San Blas does not have the infrastructure necessary to
support the large-scale tourism activities that the government considers as
required to succeed at a regional scale An example of this situation is that most
of the hotels and restaurants are not considered as tourist-quality by the
Municipal Development Plan even though San Blas local cuisine is regarded
as a profitable asset
101
Furthermore the currently low rates of private investment in tertiary
sector activities are held responsible by the municipal government for the lack of
job opportunities for young professionals San Blas MDP links the small number
of post-secondary school graduates returning to San Blas Town after graduation
as the root cause of the low productivity and competitiveness rates as the
population that has tended to remain in town is primarily high-school drop outs
Thus the absence of an attractive urban setting and skilled labour the
municipal government asserts is the reason that a purportedly small number of
visitors and investors are attracted to San Blas Town decreasing the
commodification potential of the existing natural and cultural assets This
situation is therefore interpreted and described by the MDP as an economic
loss In the particular case of San Blas Town the current MDP states that ldquoas
other economic activities grow tourism is being inhibited by them more than any
other activitiesrdquo (PON 2012 21) In other words the municipal government
considers that the diminished competitiveness of agriculture fishing and
aquaculture activities are constraining a more homogeneous development of
tourism in San Blas since the MDP regards economic homogeneity as one of
the milestones for competitiveness in the tourism sector
Evidently at a municipal scale the focus of the government is also set
on planning for tourism As expressed by the decision-makers interviewed the
perceived misuse of the natural and cultural assets and precarious
infrastructure together with the current socio-spatial dynamics occurring in San
102
Blas are considered as an obstacle for development as these have prevented
San Blas Town from becoming the successful tourism destination it should be
34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
Contrary to the expectations implied by FONATURs TDP framework
the comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos with the data provided by
the government is not conclusive However the reworking of the statistics
presented in sections 32 and 33 cast a shadow of doubt on the strength of the
governments argument that TDP is a silver bullet for regional economic
development Furthermore using their own indices and measures it has been
shown that San Blas Town already meets their target expectations in terms of
employment infrastructure provision access to health services and inequality
and marginality In other words if the expected benefits of increased economic
growth and FDI are already existing in San Blas Town what is be the purpose of
executing a TDP strategy in San Blas
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism the prescriptions made by
the government make it obvious that the primary goal of the plans affecting San
Blas Town is to attract private investment in order to become ldquocompetitiverdquo and
produce the wealth it is capable of that with the objective of improving quality
of life in the region remove it from its backward state and introduce
development a rhetoric that seems to be blinding the fact that living conditions
in San Blas are better than those at successful destinations
103
Upon the decline of tertiary sector activities the plans guiding
development in San Blas have been oriented towards tourism development As
a result considering the natural and cultural features as the towns most
valuable assets the urban strategies focus on the enhancement of these
specific ldquocharismaticrdquo features while discarding a range of features that from
an economic perspective are not attractions cannot be commercialized and
could constrain tourism development For instance the ecological functions of
the natural landscape are dismissed by these plans The natural wealth of San
Blas may attract visitors but it is much more than a potential tourist attraction
Wetlands ecosystem services are ldquocritical to the development and survival of
humanityrdquo as described by CONANP (2007) Coastal wetlands help to control
floods replenish groundwater stabilize the shoreline and protect it from storms
retain sediments and nutrients purify and filter water habitat of biodiversity and
regulate weather (CONANP 2007) For its part the tropical rainforest close to
the shores of San Blas serves as a buffer ecosystem between mangrove forests
at the coastline and human settlements or agricultural plots inland (Bojorquez
2005) However the importance of these physiographic characteristics is
simplified to its great potential for touristic exploitation (PON 2010 2012) as it
becomes evident in San Blas Urban Development Plan
Moreover livelihoods in San Blas are also being overlooked as the
economic and demographic profiles do not show a natural inclination of the local
residents towards tourism Being a regional hub the population of San Blas is
more likely to work in either commercial activities related to the distribution of
104
the locally produced produce fish and seafood or in the provision of services
unavailable at the surrounding villages Given its proximity to Tepic tourism-
related activities have been growing mostly in the realms of food and beverage
but these are not as representative of San Blas livelihoods to transform the
town into a tourism enclave
Given the normative structure in Mexico and the rational-
comprehensive framework guiding all sorts of planning strategies it becomes
evident that Municipal government of San Blas has no choice but to promote the
tourism development strategies dictated from above and neither do the local
people In an economically-laden planning framework where it seems
inadmissible to have a slow economic growth when the natural landscape is an
asset that can be commodified and exploited citizens and their livelihoods are
perceived by the economic doxa as the adversary of development substituting
the interests of the people with the interests of the market
In this context the support given to tourism development by the
governmental discourse creates the impression of being a rhetorical tool to gain
citizen consent as this discourse depicts tourism as an unquestionable strategy
for the improvement of quality of life dismissing a number of aspects embedded
in place that outlined and described in the following chapter are strong
contributors to the wellbeing of San Blas residents
105
CHAPTER 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
As addressed in Chapter 1 place is the result of peoples interactions
(Gaffin 1996) a conjugation of numerous tangible and subjective factors By
commodifying tangible assets and reducing local populations (and tourists too)
to demographic and economic statistics and indicators the TDP paradigm leaves
some factors out of the equation deeming them unimportant to development and
wellbeing by default
Resulting from the synthesis of the comparison of San Blas to Cancun
and Los Cabos and from the identification of the disconnects between San Blas
demographic and economic profile and the governmental policies framing TDP in
Chapter 3 important quantitative contestations between the planning documents
from above and the livelihoods of San Blas people are identified In this chapter
with the purpose of acknowledging the subjective aspects of place contested by
the TDP framework the research questions addressed are a) what are the
aspects of place neglected when the quantitatively oriented TDP paradigm is
used in the redevelopment of a host community and b) why is it important for
planners to identify the causes of these contestations
To answer these questions the two goals of the first part of the chapter
are a) to define the qualitative aspects that as read in place are disregarded by
the TDP approach and b) to propose this process as a milestone for a planning
framework that effectively reinforces peoples wellbeing by acknowledging the
multiplicity of places existing at a location
106
This analysis is based on a synthesis of concepts adapted from Lynchs
theory of good city form (1984) and Fred Kents placemaking framework (PPS
2014) The second part of this chapter draws from Lefebvres spatial triad to
characterize the nature of the contestations of place between the locals and the
authorities That is Lefebvres theory of the production of space is used and
articulated to identify whose places are contested by a TDP approach These
concepts may help urban planners to look beyond economic growth arguments
and adopt more complex design strategies that will enhance peoples quality of
life in any host community Since urban planners are key participants in TDP this
is an important consideration
41 Wellbeing as Place
As shown in the preceding chapters the developmental discourse is a
primary means employed by elite groups to transgress the places ownedmade
by the locals San Blas Town is judged by the outside interests and depicted by
t h e i r d i s c o u r s e a s u n a t t r a c t i v e u n d e s i r a b l e a n d
underdeveloped (FONATUR 2005 nd PON 2012) As a result upon the
successful replacement of subjective qualities in the local sense of place (ie
meaning attachment identity belonging) with a doxa based on economic values
the production of spaces that undermine the place of non-privileged groups is
more likely to occur (Gieryn 2000) negatively affecting the main stated goal of
development quality of life (Chapter 2) Bailly (1986) argues that wellbeing can
be measured by the public preferences and attachment of people to their
107
physical and socio-economic environments (Bailly 1986) Gieryn suggests the
identification of the spatial representation of social relations and hierarchies as
frequently those who control space are the ones with power (Gieryn 2000)
As mentioned in Chapter 1 Lynch (1984) outlined the qualities of space
that support a good life vitality sense fit access efficiency and justice
Providing a scope of key qualities Project for Public Spaces (PPS) complements
Lynchs framework including uses and activities sociability access and linkages
and comfort and image In addition based on phenomenological approaches to
place two of the five dimensions Lalli (1991) comprising identity can be
incorporated into this analysis continuity and familiarity
Lynchs Performance Dimensions (1984)
Vitality Spatial form supports vital functions of people
Sense
Degree to which a settlement can be clearly perceived and mentally differentiated and structured in time and space by its residents The match between environment peoples sensory and mental capabilities and central constructs
Fit Form and capacity of spaces to match the pattern and quantity of actions that people customarily engage in including future actions
Access Ability to reach other persons activities resources services information or places including the quantity and diversity of the elements which can be reached
Control Degree to the use and access to spaces and activities ant their creation repair modification and management are controlled by those who use work or reside in them
Table 6 Lynchs Performance Dimensions Compiled by author from Theory of a Good City Form
(Lynch 1984)
108
Lallis Dimensions of Urban-Related Identity (1992)
Evaluation Comparison between the present town and others and the towns perceived uniqueness and special character by its residents
Continuity Significance of the built environment fo the sense of subjective temporal continuity Hypothesized connection between peoples own biography and the town the symbolization of personal experiences
Attachment General sense of being at home in the town It is the belongingness or rootedness to a place
Familiarity Effects of the daily experiences in the town Results of the actions undertaken in the urban environment It is an expression of a successful cognitive orientation
Commitment Perceived significance of the town for personal future the commitment to want to stay This is of central importance for the stability of self-concept
Table 7 Lallis Dimensions of Urban-related Identity Compiled by author from Urban-related identity theory
measurement and empirical findings (Lalli 1992)
Fig 53 Key qualities of place Source wwwppsorg
109
411 Spatial gaps Sociability
Sociability comprises characteristics related to spatial vitality fit and familiarity It is
identified by qualities related to the number of people and their age and gender street life
people walking and sitting and daytime and evening use
The area of application of the urban design project proposed by FONATUR is
conformed by four corridors entrance-downtown downtown-beach downtown-marina and
the riverbanks of El Pozo river (Fig 55 Appendix G) This strategy ignores the unattractive
activities taking place in these areas planning for the replacement and displacement of these
activities with [theme] parks and pedestrian malls
The fact that downtown is the hub for the main activities of the town is only
acknowledged by FONATURs planners in terms of being a constraint for tourism
development The policies prescribed for the tourist area by FONATUR and the municipal
government intend to reduce the unattractive traffic caused by the high population density
and commercial activities taking place downtown These strategies include new zoning
which would require the relocation of institutional buildings and mixed use areas currently
allowing a higher population density living and working in the area (Fig 54 and 55)
Another outstanding feature of the downtown core is the presence of informal food
vendors on the primary roads Informal food vendors tend to gravitate to areas where people
spontaneously gather as for example nearby schools recreational areas and governmental
buildings (Fig 41 Fig 54 Appendix D) Although food stalls (puestos) provide an important
service to the community and are arguably an identity feature of the Mexican culture they
are perceived by some as a symbol of backwardness (Dougherty and Escobar 2013)
However in order to ease the vehicular flow and improve attractiveness the planning Fig 54 Activities and single use areas Compiled by author from INEGI 2014 data
110
document indicates that informal vendors are meant to be relocated outside the tourist
attractive area as vehicular flows is highly regarded in successful destinations FONATUR
(2005) notes Such perceived disadvantages are of greatest importance for the authorities
than the vibrancy puestos add to the streets or their relevance to the local economy as
economic growth is supposed to generate vibrant public spaces through more suitable
establishments
Another concern of FONATUR is the large number of abandoned dwellings Due to
the high migration rates in the Municipality and the physical state of the constructions
FONATUR assumes most unoccupied dwellings are abandoned However due to their
location in the proximity to El Borrego beach and the coincidence of both the integration of
San Blas into the Mar de Corteacutes tourism project and an increment in the number of
abandoned dwellings in 2005 (Appendix E) it can be inferred that these seemingly
abandoned dwellings are in fact seasonal dwellings (INEGI 2014) Therefore upon the
possibility of tourism development it would be reasonable for urban development policies to
address an even larger occurrence of unoccupied dwellings but this is not considered in the
urban development policies
The inconsistencies found by this analysis suggest that FONATURs planners are
only concerned with the perception of tourists as they foresee that given the physical and
demographic characteristics of San Blas visitors would not feel comfortable in the areas
where the tourism-attractive assets are located In other words FONATUR anticipates that in
its current state high-class tourists would feel as outsiders in San Blas Town
Fig 55 Touristic land-uses proposed and existing population
Compiled by author from INEGI (2014) San Blas UDP (2010) and FONATURs Urban Design proposal
(2005) data
111
412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
Uses and activities comprise characteristics primarily related to vitality fit access
continuity and familiarity These can be analysed by qualities related to the presence of local
businesses land-use patterns pedestrian and cyclist use and perceived distance to key
locations
In San Blas Town most of the existing land uses have occurred spontaneously
arranged in accordance with the towns livelihoods and the natural environment fishing
activities governmental offices retail food and beverage and lodging facilities (Fig 54
Appendix F) The oldest areas of San Blas Town are the ones with the highest population
density also where retail food and beverage and fishing enterprises thrive (Fig 56) But the
two main documents conceiving and planning San Blas future seem to overlook these
features (Map 12)
For instance perceived as a tourism asset San Blas oldest areas are expected to
accommodate tourist corridors providing seasonal housing lodging leisure and
entertainment amenities to visitors (Fig 57) The urban design project proposed by
FONATUR contemplates mainly the downtown core as this is the area considered to have
the most tourist attractive potential within the town But FONATUR ignores the fact that
downtown also is the area of the town already with the highest population density where
most of the local businesses and services are located where employment rates are the
highest and also where mobility rates are the lowest
FONATURs proposed corridors (Fig 55) are expected to allocate landmarks and
more adequate land-uses retail leisure and entertainment hospitality services and
500 m 1 km
NORTH
DATE OF SETTLEMENT
XVIII Century
XIX Century
1900-1970
1970-2005
2005
2011
Pacific Ocean
El Pozo River
Fig 56 Historical evolution of San Blas Town Compiled by author from FONATURs Urban Design proposal (2005) San Blas UDP 2005 and 2010 data
112
seasonal housing (Chapter 3) However although the Fund recognizes that there will be
problems with spontaneous urban development as a caveat to tourism (FONATUR 2005) it
leaves the task of planning of the local areas to the municipal government It has done this
in every other master-planned destination in Mexico (FONATUR 2006) Such urban
development is thus considered to be an externality and is not factored into the planning by
FONATUR nor their quality of life criteria
In response Nayarit states authorities have accommodated the suggestions of
FONATUR to San Blas UDP (Fig 57) In this reactive planning document the zoning
proposed is spatially disconnected from the social reality of the town
Fishing enterprises are one of the most representative economic activities of San
Blas (Chapter 3) but their present location is perceived to be a constraint for tourism
(FONATUR 2005) (Appendix F) Although this areas have evolved along with its inhabitants
over time the goal of the spatial strategies to increase tourist attractiveness will be
superimposed on this and the attractiveness of the riverbanks of El Pozo river a junction
point between the natural cultural and historical landscapes of San Blas Town will no longer
be seen as misused As a result the fishing venues used for storage and commercialization
of fish and seafood located along El Pozo riverbanks will be displaced by residential and
touristic land-uses (Fig 57) incompatible with fishing activities (UDP 2010)
Another negative effect relates to the relevance of existing traditional zoning and
land-use allocation schemes The local pattern of plot subdivision for inheritance amongst
family members through time resulted in spontaneous mixed-use and mixed-income areas
where the local families have traditionally lived and worked for at least a century TDP
disregards these traditional schemes opting for land-use changes meant to increase the Fig 57 Proposed land-uses
Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
113
attractiveness and economic value of the areas privileged by tourism As mentioned this
becomes yet another factor in the displacement of the population towards less consolidated
areas of the city (Appendix H) These newer neighbourhoods are home to young mostly
uneducated families that also present the highest mobility and unemployment rates in town
(Appendices I J and K)
Finally the strategy conceived for the ultimate tourist attractive asset of San Blas
Town the beach front prescribes a land use incompatible with the activities already taking
place The urban development plan accommodates a touristic land use suitable for hotel and
lodging facilities as well as seasonal housing for tourists even though this area has been
occupied by ramadas for the last five decades (Fig 58) Although San Blas cuisine is
described by the development plan as a profitable asset the most popular food
establishments among visitors and locals located on El Borrego beach since the seventies
are dismissed by the UDP Ramadas (Fig 42) are described by the authorities as ldquonot
achieving a restaurant categoryrdquo because of their allegedly inadequate infrastructure and
amateur management characteristics not suitable to provide what FONATUR would regard
as a competitive food service to visitors (FONATUR nd 2005 Appendix B) In fact in terms
of zoning and land-use it is important to note that the ramadas are settled on federal lands
with concessions granted by the federal government consequently they are legally
constrained from building permanent structures and infrastructure (DOF 1991) As a result of
such policy it is in fact not possible for these businesses to improve their facilities At the
same time the zone immediately adjacent to the ramada settlement has been allocated by
the UDP to a use corresponding to lodging establishments
Fig 58 Density of hospitality businesses Compiled by author from San Blas UDP 2010 data
114
Since the location of ramadas is perceived by the decision makers interviewed as
a constraint for attracting investment the measure foreseen by Nayarits
government is thus the forced removal and relocation of ramadas to an area of
less relevance for high-end tourism Ramadas currently interfere with the direct
access to El Borrego beach from the proposed hotel zone a feature promoted by
the Mexican government in order to attract higher investments to beach
destinations (FONATUR 2006) Therein lies the justification to remove this
activity and those who earn their living from it
These recommendations that separate the tourists place from the
locals are the foundations of the design guidelines being prescribed by
FONATUR since the creation of Cancun Displacement and segregation of the
local people and their livelihoods have been the spatial strategies of the
government to ldquoimproverdquo the visitors experience in a destination (Chapter 2)
where the conception of space perceives the existing geographical cultural and
historical features of a place as economic assets dismissing the subjective
meaning of these elements for the locals by conceiving staged spaces meant to
be ephemerally owned by the visitors
115
413 Spatial gaps Comfort and image
Comfort and image comprise characteristics related to sense continuity
and familiarity They are evaluated by qualities mainly related to the number of
people walking and sitting greenery and historical elements
Fig 59 People sitting at the plaza Source Ximena Gonzalez
Since the main objective of FONATURs (2005) urban design proposal is
to increase revenue it rejects the stylistic features customary of the local
architecture as they are not deemed to match the potential visitors expectations
of authentic Mexican architecture The disconnect between the foreign
imaginary of Mexico and the vernacular architecture of San Blas Town is
regarded by FONATUR (2005) as one more cause of underdevelopment in San
Blas
116
Fig 60 Streets of San Blas today Source Google Street View
The existing mixture of old and new buildings spontaneous additions
and renovations is described by FONATUR (2005) as an ldquounattractiverdquo feature of
the town (Fig 60) Consequently FONATUR has proposed the refurbishment
and improvement of the faccedilades within the proposed tourism corridors (Fig 61
and Fig 62)
Fig 61 FONATURs urban design proposal SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
117
Fig 62 FONATURs pedestrian mall SourceFONATUR s urban design proposal 2005
The goal intended by the architectonical transformation of these
corridors is to provide visitors with the cultural symbols and branding markers
that meet their expectations of a more authentic character (Amerlinck 2008
Gonzalez 2010) In this vein FONATUR proposes Estilo Vallarta architecture
within the tourism corridors Also known as Estilo California or Estilo Hacienda
the recommended style is a re-make of the Mission architecture used by the
Spanish friars settled in the missions of Las Californias (today California state) in
the late XVIII century (Gonzalez 2010) This emerged in the 1960s when upon
the touristic success of Puerto Vallarta Mexican architect Guillermo Wulff re-took
elements of Mission architecture complemented them with Mexican highland
architecture features and created the Estilo Vallarta This style then became an
architectural symbol of Mexican culture in the foreign imaginary (Gonzalez 2010)
Neither Mission Architecture nor Estilo Vallarta style pertain to San Blas Town
118
given that the only building originally constructed during the Spanish
Renaissance period was the Marinera Church whereas the rest of the heritage
buildings (Chapter 3) belong to the Spanish Revival period of the late 19th and
20th centuries
Fig 63 Old Juarez street Source Laboratorio Herrera
Mission architecture cannot be regarded as being representative of San
Blas identity Vernacular architecture of western Mexico was instead the
predominant architectonic style of San Blas Town until the seventies (PON 1977)
But already in the 1970s most vernacular buildings were demolished or
renovated to prepare San Blas for a touristic boom that following the success of
Puerto Vallarta was being expected by Nayarits authorities (PON 1977 Luna
2004) Consequently the unattractive blend of architectonic styles existing in
San Blas shows clearly the social nature of the process that has been producing
119
and transforming space throughout time in response to local and outside
influences
The implementation of FONATURs architectonic recommendations
would create a landscape familiar to tourist imagination but foreign to the local
dwellers removing the traces belonging to Sanblasences from their
surroundings replacing their traces with staged spaces that would match with the
branding assigned to Riviera Nayarit and designed for outsiders
414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
Access and linkages comprises characteristics related to access fit and
familiarity It is assessed by qualities related to modes of transportation
pedestrian and cyclist use parking usage patterns and distance to key locations
As a strategy supposed to increase the attractiveness of the streets
surrounding the plaza principal FONATUR suggests the transformation of these
streets into a pedestrian mall (Fig 62) as well as the construction of a new
boulevard that would direct visitors straight to the beach front (Fig 65) avoiding
the so-called chaos presently perceived by planners as occurring downtown
With this strategy FONATURs planners are also ignoring that today most of the
locals walk or use their bikes as the primary mode of transportation (Fig 64 and
66)
120
Fig 64 Walking and cycling ratios in San Blas Town Compiled by author
121
The governmental spatial practice in Mexico is based on the conception of spaces as
they are perceived by elite groups guided by economic values and concealed by the
discourse employed by the authorities and policy documents (Chapter 2) However this top-
down conception of space does not correspond with the places of less regarded groups
already in the space As shown previously in San Blas Town the discursive rejection of the
local sense of place materializes through spatial transformations (eg modernization
development gentrification) as these have become the foundations of the spaces
conceived by the authorities The interests of the market are indicated as being tightly tied to
so-called quality of life and this is used as a justification for the displacement and
replacement of the meanings and interpretations embedded in the spaces lived by the locals
Due to the economistic TDP framework adopted by the Mexican state (Chapter 2)
the weight of the most subjective components of quality of life such as locality rootedness
and sense of place (Chapter 1) as evidenced through aspects of sociability sense fit and
access are overlooked This situation underpins the definition of quality of life in Mexico to
the commercialization of the abstract elements contained in space that are considered
profitable in this case the exploitation of ldquotourism attractive assetsrdquo (FONATUR 2005)
In a contradictory manner however the value of certain select qualitative
components is recognized by the spatial discourse when the goal is to appeal to the market
(Dredge and Jenkins 2003 FONATUR 2006) in other words they are perceived to have
commercial or market value Sense of place is thus regarded when it belongs to a more
lucrative imaginary Shown earlier the spatial preferences of the desired audience are then
Fig 65 FONATURs road proposal Compiled by author from FONATURs urban design proposal data
122
appealed to through the appropriation and enhancement of certain spatial
elements as for example those interpreted by the visitors as traits of identity and
authenticity (Dredge and Jenkins 2003) As already noted in Chapter 2 there is
no local voice in these decisions
Fig 66 Cyclists in San Blas Source Ximena Gonzalez
The aspects of place neglected by the quantitatively-oriented TDP
paradigm are the subjective values and meanings attached to San Blas Town by
its residents Evidence of these are the vibrancy of the streets the sociability of
the downtown core the high numbers of pedestrians and cyclists all over San
Blas Town and the prominence of local businesses Despite the fact that these
occur in circumstances that may not be ideal in terms of infrastructure they do
contribute to the residents wellbeing This argument is supported by the
observations made by Atkinson et al (2012) where the resistance of the locals to
the imposition of tourism and the radical transformation of their livelihoods
indicates the existence a strong sense of place
123
42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
Lefebvres three-way analytical tool promises to elucidate the causes of
the gaps between place as conceptualized and commodified in the TDP process
and place as designed lived and reproduced locally Lefebvre introduced his
theory of the production of space to prove that
the producers of space have always acted in
accordance with a representation while the users
passively experienced whatever was imposed upon
them inasmuch as it was more or less thoroughly
inserted into or justified by their representational
space (Lefebvre 1991 43-44)
This theory can be compared to the Mexican case as the government
supported by a rational-comprehensive framework only identifies commodifiable
tangible assets as valuable while citizens (in this case the residents of San Blas
Town) are supposed to subordinate their sense of place to the preferences of the
market legitimizing the mandates of the state and the economic doxa The role
of urban planners according to this interpretation of Lefebvres triad becomes
the executors of the impositions of the government through TDP
By deconstructing space into its perceived lived and conceived
dimensions it becomes more evident how the TDP approach taken by the
Mexican government leads urban planners to neglect many qualitative aspects of
the local livelihoods especially those that are difficult to commodify for the
tourism market With the top-down approach of TDP it is to be expected that the
124
goals objectives priorities values aesthetics and prime movers of the project
would neither coincide with nor accommodate those of the pre-existing
population of the target site As mentioned previous master-planned sites have
been evacuated of pre-existing populations to clear the assets for
commercialization and consumption by tourists Public participation a tool for
reaching some degree of consensus has been described as tokenist at best
Therefore analysts of place would predict a conflict in conceptions of place
which given the relations of power at play may result in the erosion of local
identities through a disorienting readjustment of a local sense of place
Fig 67 Lefebvres spatial triad Compiled by author from Lefebvres The Production of Space (1991)
125
421 Perceived space
The tangible assets identified by the rational-comprehensive model as
tourism attractive (Chapters 2 and 3) belong to Lefebvres perceived space as
it is comprised of the particular locations and spatial sets characteristic of each
social formation (Lefebvre 1991 33) The perceived space of San Blas is thus
conformed by the features described in Chapter 3 its natural landscape (311)
and its demographic and economic profile (331) It is important to mention that
unlike environmental features demographic and economic data have not yet
been approached from a spatial perspective by the analyses and plans carried
out by the government This situation reinforces the idea sustained by Lefebvre
(1991) that space is taken as a background context where spatial importance
only accrues to the lands features as if the spatial distribution of people and
their activities in a space was reducible to the representation of data through
charts and graphics
422 Conceived space
The conceived space is the dimension in which decision makers and
experts (eg government authorities urban planners and architects) interpret the
perceived space through the lens of the lived space That is the perceived
economic value of the elements contained in space determining their best uses
is a result of the lived space In the case of San Blas FONATURs urban
planning proposal is based on the objectivity of the tangible elements of the
perceived space and their economic value as planners imagine how an
126
improved version of San Blas would look However disregarding the subjectivity
inherent to the lived space that bestowed such an economic interpretation on the
first place the urban policies crafted by planners in a top-down fashion are
focused on the re-creation of a space that would be more appealing to tourists
than to locals this justified by the rhetorical premise that economic growth will
restore any of the material inconveniences caused by their displacement (eg
housing infrastructure provision)
423 Lived space
Space as directly lived through its associated images
and symbols and hence the spaces of inhabitants
and users hellip This is the dominated ndashndash and hence
passively experienced ndashndash space which the imagination
seeks to change and appropriate It overlays physical
space making symbolic use of its objects [These
spaces] tend towards more or less cohesive systems
of non-verbal symbols and signs (Lefebvre 1991 39)
Lefebvres lived space can be defined as the realm of subjectivity and
experience that is of place In San Blas it is evident that the place of the local
residents is being neglected Instead it is the lived space of elite groups who
have been leading decision-makers and planners (Gieryn 2000) into the
conception of segregative plans for the future of San Blas Town
127
The lived space of FONATURs planners can be described as one
perceiving the natural features of San Blas as attractive but still regarding them
as underused Influenced by the economic discourse from above (Fig 49) the
lived space of the urban planners and local authorities is where the identification
of San Blas as backwards dirty and chaotic originates Finally it is the lived
space of the elite groups which benefited with tourism investment will get to
improve their standards of living (Appendix H) In such a multiplicity of lived
spaces Lefebvre asserts [they] interpenetrate one another andor superimpose
themselves upon one another (Lefebvre 1991 87) In other words for Lefebvre
there is not one true lived space and thus is the origin of the contestations over
the control of space (Gieryn 2000)
In sum the identification of the lived conceived and perceived
dimensions of space and their dynamics allows the articulation of the
experiential origin of both the links and disconnects occurring among the
governmental discourse of development tourism and urban planning As
described in Chapter 3 the natural landscape of San Blas and its population is
given neither by the authorities nor by urban planners any value beyond one of
an economic nature as it is evident in the federal state and municipal plans
Authorities and decision makers in the conceived dimension of space are
subject to a capitalist ideology imposed from above that can only accept
quantitative measurements or in other words that which is not commodifiable
seems irrelevant if seen at all In this context by dismissingconcealing all traces
128
of subjectivity urban planners and decision-makers have conceived a
supposedly abstract space Ideology however exists in the lived space
Overarching upon the conceived and the perceived dimensions the lived
space influences both the perception and conception of space that is the
experiencing of place Nevertheless given their multiplicity places that are
perceived as unattractive dirty and chaotic for one group of people are at
the same time vibrant active walkable convenient accessible and welcoming
for another
The confluence of several interpretations of space within a geographical
location is thus another subjective element overlooked by the prescriptions
created by decision makers The ways in which space is lived and perceived in
San Blas Town are interpreted by the dominant class as backward and
underdeveloped in spite of the existence of spaces that appear to be
accessible comfortable vibrant and sociable qualities that the competing
framework of placemaking regards as essential
The multiplicity of places and subjective meanings must be
acknowledged by urban planning practitioners for two primary reasons a) to
prevent the imposition of foreign values and interpretations on someone elses
place and b) to create inclusive places that promote the genuine attainment of
peoples wellbeing As noted by Gieryn (2000) urban planning practice is always
contested by the interests of powerful groups (eg political economic) and the
perceptions and attributions by ordinary people that experience place In the
middle of contestation the role of urban planners is to act as mediators but in
129
order to mediate effectively they must recognize the actors left behind by any
planning strategy
43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
It has become evident in this chapter that the Mexican states strategy
not only overlooks notable pre-existing social and spatial dynamics taking place
in San Blas Town as noted in Chapter 3 but also significant issues that will be
created such as displacement segregation and placelessness That is the
subjective value of place for the population already present in the areas that the
UDPs strategy intends to transform is not being considered The population
settled in the areas of San Blas Town that contain the so-called tourist attractive
assets outlined in Chapter 3 would be the most affected by the implementation of
a tourism strategy The sense of place in these areas revealed by the confluence
and number of activities of the people living working and playing at the Centro
Histoacuterico El Borrego beach and the zones linking them is being displaced by
the touristic land uses imposed by the government (FONATUR 2005 UDP 2010)
Furthermore confirming the lack of concern for the local population the strategy
to increase infrastructure provision at the areas where these people would be
relocated is to be carried out over the long term (6+ years) whilst the strategies
concerning tourism development are scheduled within an immediate timeframe
(UDP 2010) This situation represents a major policy gap
130
As a result it can be expected that irregular settlements would proliferate
in the proximity of better served areas as has already occurred in other
settlements within the Riviera Nayarit (Benavides 2010 Sifuentes et al 2010) as
well as in the so-called successful destinations Los Cabos and Cancun (Bringas
1999 Brenner and Aguilar 2002 Lopez-Lopez Cukier and Saacutenchez-Crispiacuten
2006) Over time this situation would compromise the conservation of the
remaining geographical features that are considered a tourism attractive asset
hindering quality of life of San Blas Towns residents
Neither are tourism development policies concerned with the decay of
local enterprises as a result of mass tourism development Decision makers have
underestimated the relevance of local businesses as these are perceived as
unable to satisfy the demands of elite tourists required to fulfill the yearning for
economic growth Instead rhetoric is focused on the increase of foreign
investment and formal employment top priorities of the National Development
Plan 2012-2018
Culture and identity are outlined by the governmental discourse as static
almost symbolic features whose only rational use is that of capital gain The
cultural heritage of the people living in San Blas Town is not dealt with by the
development policies as a dynamic process that is reflected in the everyday life
practices This situation becomes obvious when the strategies conceived by the
authorities (Chapter 3) suggest the commodification of only select traits
pertaining to the local culture and identity only of those that seem to be
appropiable and of economic value This situation results in the displacement of
131
the features less appealing to the market that support the locals wellbeing as
documented in section 41
Lefebvres theory helps to segregate and articulate the nature of these
contestations as it becomes obvious that the spatial reinvention of San Blas
Town is being conceived by a single interpretation of place (as seen in section
42) an interpretation ruled by the interests of those who will benefit the most of
tourism development For them a successful attainment of the economic
development strategies would imply then the transformation of the livelihoods of
the local people of their identities and their places through the displacement and
replacement of what discourse approaches as being undesirable features As a
result the lived spaces of the locals would shift towards the acceptance of a
landscape based on capitalist values that would deny the intrinsic value of
culture and identity would replace Sanblasences sense of belonging with
placelessness (Relph 1976) leaving them hoping for the quality of life they were
promised by tourism ignoring that they once had it
132
CHAPTER 5 Conclusions
Bound to placerdquo (Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) peoples wellbeing
is directly influenced by the subjective meanings attached to place safety social
proximity identity belonging (Norberg-Shultz 1976 Sen 1985 Bailly 1986
Atkinson Painter and Fuller 2012) These meanings are defined by the
assemblage of the material cultural emotional and social dimensions and
therefore subject to contestation (Gieryn 2000 Atkinson Painter and Fuller
2012) The discourse of TDP in Mexico appears to be silencing matters of
possible conflict whereas it emphasizes the benefits of economic growth By
supporting and executing the transformation of San Blas into a high-end tourism
destination urban planners are directly contributing to the displacement of the
local sense of place and the effect this will have on the quality of life of San Blas
residents
Despite the questionable benefits of tourism as a strategy for
development and the fact that life conditions existing in San Blas can be
comparable to those existing in successful destinations the federal state and
municipal governments have insisted in the implementation of tourism Limiting
citizen participation to a tokenist level FONATURs planners have disregarded
non-commodifiable features that represented in the built environment reveal the
satisfactory degree of quality of life enjoyed by Sanblasences
Economic growth is the silver bullet of capitalist approaches to
development As a result the subjective dimension of wellbeing is silenced by the
economic strategies Lefebvres theory of the production of space attributes this
133
omission to the capitalist hegemony since it neglects the value of intangible
assets as a strategy of self-perpetuation Thus given the neoliberal character of
the Mexican state it can be expected that the results of TDP are an attempt to
commercialize the tangible elements of the natural landscape and built
environment in San Blas ignoring the subjective value of these for the locals and
their relevance for peoples wellbeing
Given the key role of urban planners as the executors of the
governmental policies for development and their materialization this is an appeal
for urban planners to acknowledge the multiplicity of places coexisting at a
location enabling them to identify the existing contestations that might be
deliberately excluding certain groups or interests from the planning process
51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support
peoples quality of life
As discussed in Chapter 4 the multiplicity of meanings embedded in
place is not easily seen either by its authoritiesusers nor planners Meanings
are intangible and seem to have been neglected by the quantitative nature of
TDP in Mexico since commoditization is not supposed to be multidimensional In
other words by dismissing the lived spaces the complications inherent to the
subjective nature of place are avoided with a rational-comprehensive framework
In this context a methodological framework for urban planners to
anticipate the effects of TDP on the place of the host community can be a
practical resource Meant to facilitate the identification of key components of
134
place jeopardized by the proposed urban strategies this framework comprises
three primary steps
1) Spatial representation of census data as well as of the TDP
strategies As observed in Chapter 4 this analysis would provide planners with
a more accurate description of the demographic and economic profiles specific
to an area uncovering social patterns that may otherwise go unnoticed
2) Identification in space of key components of place Depending on the
data made available in the previous step different characteristics can be
observed in this stage A basic analysis would include features related to
sociability variety of uses and activities comfort and image and access and
connectivity In order to increase its accuracy the analysis of place can be
expanded theoretically and methodologically borrowing frameworks from
different planning approaches when possible
3) Comparison of place and policy The overlapping of the spatial
components of place and the TDP strategies is likely to highlight not only the
existing contradictions and gaps between them but also the core components
of place and consequently of peoples quality of life
To genuinely contribute to social development urban planners must pay
attention to the symbols and meanings embedded in a particular place As
evidenced in the analysis of San Blas FONATURs planners continue to be
unaware of the traces of wellbeing that are represented and enacted on the built
environment
135
52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
Described in Chapter 2 and 3 in spite the strong support of the state to
TDP as a means to improve peoples quality of life the evidence provided by the
official data is inconclusive First using the parameters the government
recommends it has not been possible to rigourously evaluate if tourism has
delivered the claimed benefits in Cancun and Los Cabos And second some of
the data that is available is incomplete as plenty of things can be inferred from
such ambiguous data
Urban planners have the ethical duty to be critical of these strategies
given the magnitude of TDPs influence on peoples wellbeing However urban
planners in Mexico continue to be subject to structural constraints that on the
one hand have limited their role to that of executors of the states policy and on
the other hand the rhetoric of this structure has kept planners from
understanding space as something more than a context or an economic asset
Such a situation not only hinders the contribution of urban planners to the
genuine improvement of life conditions but also implies their collaboration in the
reinforcement of the status quo of the elite groups in control of space
53 The role of planners in place
Rather than just managing the landscape to increase profit as implied by
the Mexican regulatory framework of TDP urban planners play a seminal role in
the design of an environment able to support the wellbeing of its dwellers matter
that goes beyond the transformation of the landscape into a consumption good
136
Acknowledging the many places coexisting at a location it is the
planners role to act as an interpreter of the variety of meanings of a place across
social groups That is urban planners are not anymore solely the executor of the
states commands but planners are now obliged to critically analyse the urban
policies in place to identify the meanings of a place for its users and to use
these meanings in the proposal of integrated designs that more effectively
support peoples quality of life
54 Recommendations
The situations identified by this thesis lead towards recommendations not
only for planners but also for the government and the communities were TDP is
being implemented For the government in order to continue supporting tourism
as a feasible strategy for development it is critical to evaluate thoroughly the
outcomes of TDP at the successful destinations Also making available
complete and consistent data sets would provide researchers with the tools
necessary to carry out an accurate evaluation of TDP and confirm if Cancun and
Los Cabos are in fact ldquosuccessfulrdquo beyond economic terms
For the communities they need to acknowledge their power get
organized and transform bottom-up the so-called public participation process in
TDP
And finally one recommendation for TDP planners is to stimulate
grassroots organizations and raise community awareness This has the potential
to provide planners with more and better information about the place they are
137
planning for In addition taking a critical approach to the current planning
regulations would be helpful for planners to incorporate apparently disparate
approaches and methods to complement their proposal Acknowledging these
may in fact contribute to more effective planning approaches hopefully resulting
in improved wellbeing for the communities involved in TDP
55 Further Research
As an attempt to confirm that the qualities identified as the physical
representations of the subjective values supporting quality of life for the people of
San Blas it would be necessary to conduct further research with an approach
looking for the input from the local level unveiling the possibility of finding
alternative representations of quality of life in places that may be misunderstood
by urban planners and decision makers unaware of the local symbols and their
meanings What does San Blas mean to Sanblasences How does the negative
depiction of the town affect the meaning of San Blas to the locals What is the
process involved in the changing of the meaning of San Blas to a tourist
destination even for locals Answers to these questions would complement the
findings of this thesis and provide clues to better planning strategies more
specific to San Blas
In recognition of the multiplicity and locality of place it can be deemed
necessary to suggest a shift in the methodological approach of TDP since
investigating place necessarily deals with the tacit and unconscious
understandings that perceptions of space invoke (OToole and Were 2008)
138
Within an experiential context OToole and Were (2008) suggest that space can
also be interpreted as part of the research methods and not the unit of analysis
that is understanding space as a language that tells the story of the socio-
cultural conditions in which it was created (De Certeau 1984)
As an attempt to illuminate the behavioural and experiential structures
residing in peoples lifeworlds (Seamon 1984) a place-based approach to TDP
(Aravot 2002) ndashsuch as the design frameworks suggested by Christopher
Alexander Steven Hall and Peter Zumthorndash has the potential to aid planners to
gain an understanding of the specific context before drawing conclusions based
on physical evidence (OToole and Were 2008) or distorted interpretations of
physical evidence as observed in the case of San Blas Town It would be best for
planners to feel confident that the TDP paradigm in which they are participating
does result as it promises in improved quality of life for the residents of
economically-disadvantaged towns and regions in Mexico and beyond
139
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APPENDICES
Appendix A San Blas Municipalityhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip160
Appendix B Sample questions for interview
to governmental officershelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip161
Appendix C Main roads in San Blas Townhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip162
Appendix DSymbiosis of informal food
stalls and current land useshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip163
Appendix E Seasonal dwellingshelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip164
Appendix F Location of fishing related enterpriseshelliphelliphelliphelliphellip165
Appendix G Tourist corridorhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip166
Appendix H Tourist land-uses and inaccessible roads location167
Appendix I Migration Emigration and immigrationhelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip168
Appendix J Educational attainmenthelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphelliphellip169
Appendix K Population younger than 14 years oldhelliphelliphelliphelliphellip170
159
Appendix A
San Blas Municipality
160
Appendix B
Sample Questions for Interview to Governmental Officers
1How would you describe San Blas
2What are the assets existing in San Blas
3What do you think San Blas is missing Why
4From your Secretariat perspective what kind of future development do you foresee in
San Blas area
5What kind of activities are feasible for San Blas
6How do you think tourism will affect such development
7How do you envision a more developed San Blas Why
8What are the measures being taken in order to accomplish a more developed San
Blas
9How long will it take
10How are tourism related policies addressing development in San Blas
11What kind of tourism
12What are the obstacles you see for the successful implementation of such policies
13Why are these obstacles
14How to overcome them
15What is your opinion about ramada businesses on the beach what is their role in the
development process
16What are the adverse effects that tourism development might bring to the local
population
17 Any mitigation measures
161
Appendix C
Main Roads in San Blas Town
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
162
Appendix D
Symbiosis of Informal food stalls and Existing Land-uses
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
163
Appendix E
Seasonal Dwellings
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
164
Appendix F
Location of Fishing-related Establishments
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
165
Appendix G
Tourist Corridor
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 data
166
Appendix H
Touristic Land-uses and Inaccessible Road Location
Compiled by author with FONATUR 2005 and INEGI 2014 data
167
Appendix I
Migration Emigration and Immigration
Lower Immigration rates Higher
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data1 km 2 km
Lower Immigration rates Higher
1 km 2 km
NORTH
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
168
Appendix J
Educational Attainment
NORTH
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Primary education
Compulsory education
Secondary education
Post-secondary education
Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
500 m 1 km
169
Appendix K
Population younger than 14 years old
NORTH
500 m 1 km Compiled by author with INEGI 2014 data
170
- Title Page
- Abstract
- Acknowledgements
- Table of Contents
-
- Chapter 1 Introduction Planning and Place
-
- 11 Positionality
- 12 Purpose and Objectives
- 13 Conceptual Framework
-
- 131 Defining Tourism-Development-Planning
- 132 Place
-
- 14 Methods
-
- 141 Case Study San Blas Nayarit Mexico
- 142 Literature and document review
- 143 Census data collection and analysis
- 144 Spatial visualization of census data and mapping techniques
- 145 Key informant interviews
- 146 Simple and participant observation
-
- 15 Limitations
- 16 Organization of the thesis
-
- Chapter 2 Emergence of the TDP Paradigm in Mexico
-
- 21 Historical Evolution of Tourism as a Development Strategy in Mexico
- 22 Tourism as Development
- 23 Peoples role in the TDP Process
-
- 231 A passive civil society
-
- 24 Implications of Tourism Development for Urban Planning
-
- 241 Urban planning process for tourist enclaves
- 242 Urban model of tourism enclaves The examples of Cancun and Los Cabos
-
- 25 Conclusion
-
- Chapter 3 A Critical Look at TDP Case Study of San Blas Nayarit Mexico
-
- 31 Perceived Usability of San Blas Features
-
- 311 Geographical features
- 312 Cultural features
-
- 32 Comparison of San Blas to Cancun and Los Cabos
- 33 Conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 331 Demographic and Economic realities
- 332 Institutional re-conceptualizations of San Blas
-
- 34 Tourism Whose Silver Bullet
-
- Chapter 4 Discussion Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- 41 Wellbeing as Place
-
- 411 Spatial gaps Sociability
- 412 Spatial gaps Uses and activities
- 413 Spatial gaps Comfort and Image
- 414 Spatial gaps Access and linkages
-
- 42 The Production of Space Lefebvres Spatial Triad
-
- 421 Perceived space
- 422 Conceived space
- 423 Lived space
-
- 43 Socio-spatial Implications of TDP
-
- Chapter 5 Conclusions
-
- 51 Framework to evaluate the potential of a TDP strategy to support peoples quality of life
- 52 Structural Weaknesses of TDP
- 53 The role of planners in place
- 54 Recommendations
- 55 Further Research
-
- List of Tables
- List of Figures
- List of Abbreviations
- Reference List
- Appendices
-
- Appendix A
- Appendix B
- Appendix C
- Appendix D
- Appendix F
- Appendix E
- Appendix G
- Appendix H
- Appendix I
- Appendix J
- Appendix K
-