The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XLV, 1736 by Various

7/23/2019 The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XLV, 1736 by Various

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Title: The Philippine Islands,

1493-1898, Volume XLV, 1736

Explorations by early navig-

ators, descriptions of theislands and their

peoples, their history and records

of

the catholic missions,

as related in contemporaneous books

and manuscripts, show-

ing the political, economic, commer-

cial

and religious condi-

tions of those islands from their

earliest relations

with European nations to the close

ofthe nineteenth century

Author: Various

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

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James Alexander Robertson

Release Date: October 17, 2015

[EBook #50245]

Language: English

*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG

EBOOK PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, VOLUME XLV

***

Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and

the Online DistributedProofreading Team at ht-

tp://www.pgdp.net/ for Project

Gutenberg.

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Original Title Page.

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The PhilippineIslands,

14931898

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Explorations by

early navigators,

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descriptions of theislands and their

peoples, their

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history and re-cords of the cath-

olic missions, as

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related in contem-poraneous books

and manuscripts,

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showing the polit-ical, economic,

commercial and

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religious condi-tions of those is-

lands from their

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earliest relationswith European na-

tions to the close

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of the nineteenthcentury,

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Volume XLV,1736

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Edited and annotated by

Emma Helen Blairand James Alexan-

der Robertson withhistorical introduction

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and additional notes by

Edward GaylordBourne.

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The Arthur H. Clark Com-

pany

Cleveland, OhioMCMVI

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CONTENTS OF VOLUMEXLV

Preface 11Document of 1736

Commerce of the Philippineswith Nueva Espaa,16401736 (concluded). Anto-

nio lvarez de Abreu; Madrid,1736. [FromExtracto his-torial.] 29

Bibliographical Data 89

Appendix: Education in the Philippines

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Letter from the ecclesiasticalcabildo to Felipe III. Juan deBivero, and others; Manila,

July 12, 1601 97The college of San Jos. Intwo parts. IFrancisco Colin,S.J.; Madrid, 1663. [From hisLabor evangelica.] IISum-

mary of history, compiledfrom various sources 101The college and university ofSanto Toms. In three parts.

IBaltasar de Santa Cruz,O.P.; Zaragoza, 1693. [FromhisHistoria.] IICrlos III;El Pardo, March 7, 1785.IIIEvarista Fernandez Arias,

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O.P., Manila, July 2, 1885141Royal college of San Felipe de

Austria. In two parts.ICasimiro Diaz, O.S.A.;Valladolid, 1890. [From hisConquistas (written in the firsthalf of the eighteenth cen-

tury).] IISummary of his-tory, from notes in Pastellssedition of ColinsLaborevanglica, Barcelona, 1904

170Secular priests in the Philip-pines. Felipe Pardo, O.P.;[Manila], June 6, 1680182

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Royal decree concerning nat-ive schools. Crlos II; Madrid,June 20, 1686 184

College-seminary of SanFelipe. In two parts. IFelipeV; Madrid, March 3, 1710.IIJuan de la Concepcin,Sampaloc, 17881792. [From

hisHistoria general.] 187College of San Juan de Letran.Vicente Salazar, O.P.; Manila,1742. [From hisHistoria.]

208Law regulating marriages ofstudents. Crlos IV; Aranjuez,June 11, 1792 218Royal decree ordering theteaching of Spanish in native

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schools. Crlos IV; Madrid,December 22, 1792 221Conciliar seminaries. In two

parts. IGovernor RafaelMara de Aguilar y Ponce deLeon; Manila, March 26,1803. IIModern conditions;excerpts from various sources

223Nautical school. In two parts.IChacon; Madrid, May 9,1839. IIHistory; from vari-

ous sources 240Boys singing school. [FromArchipilago filipino, Wash-ington, 1900.] 244

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Public instruction. Sinibaldode Mas, Madrid, 1843. [FromhisInforme.] 246

Educational institutions andconditions. J. Mallat; Paris,1846. [From hisLes Philip-pines.] 263Privileges granted to stu-

dents.Arrazola; Madrid,December 2, 1847 279Superior school of painting,sculpture, and engraving.

Compiled from varioussources 282Ateneo municipal. Compiledfrom various sources 284Educational suggestions. Vi-cente Barrantes; Madrid, 1870.

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[FromApuntes interesantes.]286

Public instruction. Jos

Montero y Vidal; Madrid,1886. [From hisArchipilagofilipino.] 296Girls schools in Manila andthe provinces. Compiled from

various sources 304School of agriculture. Com-piled from various sources315

Government reorganization ofeducation in the university ofSanto Toms. Dr. E. MonteroRios, and others; Madrid,October 29, 1890 319

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Table of Contents

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLV 5ILLUSTRATIONS 9

PREFACE 11EXTRACTO HISTORIAL 27COMMERCE OF THEPHILIPPINES WITH NUEVAESPAA

29

IX. PERIOD IX 29

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X. PERIOD X 61BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA 89

APPENDIX: EDUCATION IN THEPHILIPPINES

93

LETTER FROM THEECCLESIASTICAL CABILDO TOFELIPE III

97

THE COLLEGE OF SAN JOS 101

I. COLLEGE AND SEMINARYOF SAN JOSEPH

101

II. SUMMARY OF HISTORY 111THE COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY

OF SANTO TOMAS

141

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I. ERECTION INTO AUNIVERSITY

141

II. ROYAL DECREE GRANTINGTITLE OF ROYAL TO THECOLLEGE OF SANCTOTOMAS

150

III. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT 152ROYAL COLLEGE OF SAN FELIPE

DE AUSTRIA

170

I. FOUNDATION ANDSUPPRESSION

170

II. SUMMARY OF HISTORY 173

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SECULAR PRIESTS IN THEPHILIPPINES

182

ROYAL DECREE CONCERNINGNATIVE SCHOOLS

184

COLLEGE-SEMINARY OF SANFELIPE

187

I. I 187II. II 192

COLLEGE OF SAN JUAN DELETRAN

208

LAW REGULATING MARRIAGESOF STUDENTS

218

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ROYAL DECREE ORDERING THETEACHING OF SPANISH INNATIVE SCHOOLS

221

CONCILIAR SEMINARIES 223SUPERIOR DECREE INREGARD TO THE THREE PERCENT DISCOUNT FROM THESTIPENDS OF THE PARISH

PRIESTS FOR THE SUPPORTOF SEMINARIES

223

II. MODERN CONDITIONS 230NAUTICAL SCHOOL 240

I. I 240

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II. II 240BOYS SINGING SCHOOL 244PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 246

UNIVERSITY OF SANTOTOMS 249

COLLEGE OF SAN JOSE 250COLLEGE OF SAN JUAN DELETRAN

251

CHARITY SCHOOL [ESCUELAPIA] OF MANILA

252

NAVAL ACADEMY 253COMMERCIAL SCHOOL 254

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SCHOOL OF SANTAPOTENCIANA

254

SCHOOL OF SANTA ISABEL 257BEATERIO OF SANTACATALINA DE SENA

258

BEATERIO OF SANSEBASTIAN DE CALUMPANG

259

BEATERIO OF SAN IGNACIO 260

BEATERIO OF SANTA ROSA 260BEATERIO OF PASIG 261

EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONSAND CONDITIONS

263

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PRIVILEGES GRANTED TOSTUDENTS

279

SUPERIOR SCHOOL OFPAINTING, SCULPTURE, ANDENGRAVING

282

ATENEO MUNICIPAL 284EDUCATIONAL SUGGESTIONS 286

SUPERIOR INSTRUCTION 286

SCHOOLS OF PRIMARYLETTERS

291

PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 296STATISTICS CONCERNING

PRIMARY INSTRUCTION

299

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PRIMARY INSTRUCTION 300INSTRUCTION 300SECONDARY EDUCATION 301

SUPERIOR EDUCATION 301GIRLS SCHOOLS IN MANILAAND THE PROVINCES

304

SCHOOL OF AGRICULTURE 315GOVERNMENTREORGANIZATION OFEDUCATION IN THE UNIVERSITYOF SANTO TOMAS

319

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ILLUSTRATIONSView of port of Tacloban, in the islandof Leyte; from photograph procured in

Madrid 33Chart of the stockfarm of Bin be-longing to the college of Santo Toms,of Manila, 1745; photographic facsim-ile from original manuscript by the

land-surveyor, Francisco Alegre, inArchivo general de Indias, Sevilla 143Autograph signature of Juan de la Con-cepcin, et al.; photographic facsimile 193

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from original MS. in Archivo generalde Indias, SevillaA Ceb coal mine; from photograph

procured in Madrid 225

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PREFACEThe text proper of the present volume is entirelycommercial. In the conclusion of theExtracto

historial, is seen the continuance, between themerchants of Spain and the colonies, of thestruggle for commercial supremacy. Demandsand counter-demands emanate from the mer-chants of Cadiz and Manila respectively; and

economic questions of great moment are treatedbunglingly. The jealousy, envy, and distrust ofthe Cadiz merchants sees in the increasingprosperity of the Manila trade, especially that in

Chinese silks, only their own ruin. The Manila

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merchants, on the other hand, who have the bestof the controversy, quite properly object to an

exchange of the silk trade for the exclusive rightin the spice trade. The laws of supply and de-mand seem to be quite left out of consideration.The appendix is an attempt to show the influ-ences and factors making for education in the

Philippines during the Spanish rgime, and thevarious educational institutions in the ar-chipelago. In it one will see that, while appar-ently there has been great activity, results have

been meager and superficial.

At the close of the preceding volume, we saw intheExtracto historialthe Manila plan for regu-lating the commerce between the Philippines and

Nueva Espaa, and its adoption (1726) by the

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Spanish government for a limited period. Threeyears later (July, 1729) Cadiz protests against

this concession, complaining of the abuses prac-ticed in the Manila-Acapulco trade, and of theinjury done to Spanish commerce by the import-ation of Chinese silks into Nueva Espaa. Inconsequence of this, an investigation is ordered

in Acapulco and Mexico, from which it appearsthat the amount of Manilas commerce is rapidlyincreasing; the viceroy therefore advises thehome government to restrict it, as being injurious

to the commercial interests not only of themother-country but of Nueva Espaa, especiallyin the matter of Chinese silks. Meanwhile, he no-tifies Manila that the galleon of 1734 must beladen in accordance with the old scheme, the five

years term having expired. At this, Manila

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enters a vigorous protest, and demands that thepermission of 1726 be continued to the islands.

After much discussion pro and con, a royal de-cree is issued (April 8, 1734) to regulate thatcommerce; the viceroys order is revoked, theamount of trade permitted to Manila is increased,but otherwise the decrees of 1702, 1712, and

1724 shall be in force (with some minorchanges). In the following year, Cadiz againcomplains of the Manila-Acapulco trade, andproposes that Chinese silks be excluded from

itoffering, by way of compensation, to sur-render to Manila the exclusive right to the spicetrade in the American colonies. The royal fiscaldisapproves this, for various practical reasons,and recommends that the whole matter be dis-

cussed at a conference in Mexico, attended by

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delegates from Manila and Cadiz. The Maniladeputies place before the Council another long

memorial (dated March 30, 1735), refuting thearguments and denying the charges made byCadiz; the latters offer of the spice trade inNueva Espaa is regarded as useless and in everyway unsatisfactory. Cadiz answers these objec-

tions (June 1, 1735), and urges the court to cutoff the trade of Manila in Chinese silks, addu-cing many arguments therefor. Again the fiscalrefuses to endorse the policy of Cadiz; and the

Council call (November 16, 1735) for a sum-mary report of the entire controversy, with thedocuments concerned therein, preparatory totheir final review and decision.

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The educational appendix, which occupies mostof this volume, opens with a petition from the

Manila ecclesiastical cabildo, to the effect thatno religious order be allowed to establish a uni-versity in Manila (as has been petitioned), assuch a procedure would be prejudicial to the sec-ular clergy, by reason of the fact that the reli-

gious would hold all the chairs in such institu-tion. The petition also recommends that all eccle-siastical posts be given indiscriminately to mem-bers of all the orders until there are sufficient

secular priests to hold them.

The second document, consisting of two parts,relates to the college of San Jos. The first part isthe account by Colin in hisLabor evangelica,

and is a brief history of the institution from its

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foundation until 1663; the second is a compila-tion from various sources. The efforts of the Je-

suits for a college are first realized through theJesuit visitor, Diego Garcia, who is well assistedby Pedro Chirino. Luis Gomez, the first rector,secures the necessary civil and ecclesiastical per-missions, in 1601. The college opens with thir-

teen fellowships, which are given to the sons ofinfluential citizens, a number soon increased totwenty. Rules and regulations are made forteachers and scholarships. As early as 1596,

Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa has left direc-tions in his will, in case either of his minordaughters dies, for the endowment of a collegeunder the care of the Jesuits. One of his daugh-ters dying, the will becomes operative, and in

consequence, the second establishment of the

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college takes place February 28, 1610, the act offoundation being given. The Jesuits have some

trouble in getting the funds decreed by the will,but are finally successful. In 1647, the collegeobtains the favorable decision as to right of seni-ority in its contest with the Dominican institutionof Santo Toms. The second part of this docu-

ment traces (mainly by reference to and citationfrom original documents), the history of the col-lege of San Jos from its foundation to thepresent time, necessarily mentioning much

touched upon by Colin. The royal decree of May3, 1722, granting the title of Royal to the col-lege is given entire. The various fellowships inthe college are enumerated. The expulsion of theJesuits in 1768 has a direct bearing on the col-

lege, which is at first confiscated by the

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government, but later restored to the archbishopwho lays claim to it. The latter converts it into an

ecclesiastical seminary, thus depriving its stu-dents of their rights; but the king disapproves ofsuch action, and the college is restored to itsformer status and given into the charge of thecathedral officials. Its later management does not

prove efficient, and the college finally falls underthe supervision of the Dominican university. Inthe decade between 1860 and 1870, the plans ofmaking a professional school of it are discussed,

and in 1875 faculties of medicine and pharmacyare established there. The Moret decrees of 1870secularize the institution, but the attempt is suc-cessfully blocked by the religious orders. SinceAmerican occupation of the islands, the question

of the status of the college has been discussed

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before the government, and the case is stillunsettled.

The next document, consisting of three parts,treats of the Dominican college and university ofSanto Toms. The first part is the account as giv-en by Santa Cruz, and treats especially of the

erection of the college into a university. Afterunsuccessful efforts made by the Dominicanswith Pope Urban VII in 1643 and 1644 to obtainthe pontifical permission for this step, it is at

length obtained from Pope Innocent X in 1645.In 1648, the Audiencia and the archbishop givetheir consent to the erection. Rules and regula-tions are made by the rector of the new uni-versity, Fray Martin Real de la Cruz, in imitation

of those of the university of Mexico. The second

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part of this document is the royal decree ofMarch 7, 1785, granting the title of Royal to

the institution, on condition that it never petitionaid from the royal treasury. The third part is anaccount of the university by Fray EvaristaFernandez Arias, O.P., which was read at theopening of the university in 1885. He traces

briefly the history of the foundation and growthof the college and university. Pope Paul V grantsauthority to it to confer degrees to its graduatesfor ten years, a permission that is later pro-

longed. The brief of Innocent X erecting the col-lege into a university in 1645 is later extended byClement XII in 1734. The first regulations of theuniversity are revised in 1785, when the facultiesof law and theology are extended (the depart-

ments of jurisprudence and canon law having

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been established early in the eighteenth century).These laws are the ones still in force in 1885 ex-

cept in so far as they have been modified by laterlaws. It becomes necessary to abolish the schoolof medicine and the chairs of mathematics anddrawing. In 1836, the chair of Spanish law is cre-ated. Between the years 1837 and 1867 the ques-

tion of reorganization is discussed. In 1870, theuniversity is secularized as the university of thePhilippines by the Moret decree, but the decreeis soon repealed. The college of San Jos is

placed definitely under the control of the uni-versity, and becomes its medical and pharma-ceutical department. In 1876, a notarial course isopened, and in 1880, courses in medicine, phar-macy, and midwifery are opened. Since this date

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the college has had complete courses in superiorand secondary education.

The next document is one of unusual interest be-cause it is the earliest attempt to form an exclus-ively royal and governmental educational institu-tion in the Philippinesthe royal college of San

Felipe de Austria, founded by Governor Se-bastin Hurtado de Corcuera. The first part ofthis document, which consists of two parts, is anextract from DiazsHistoria. Corcuera assigns

the sum of 4,000 pesos annually from the royaltreasury for the support of the twenty fellowshipscreated, those preferences being designed for thebest Spanish youth of Manila. The new institu-tion is given into the charge of the Jesuits. The

college is, however, suppressed at the close of

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Corcueras government, as it is disapproved bythe king, the decree of suppression being inexor-

ably executed by Fajardo. The Jesuits are com-pelled to repay the 12,000 pesos that have beenpaid them for the support of the college for thethree years of its existence. A later royal college,called also San Felipe, is created by order of

Felipe V. The second part of the present docu-ment is condensed from notes in Pastellss edi-tion ofLabor evanglica, and is a brief sketch ofthe founding, duration, and suppression of the in-

stitution founded by Corcuera. The latter foundsit at the instance of the secular cabildo of Manila,and the charge of it is given to the Jesuits, al-though the Dominicans offer to dispense with the4,000 pesos granted it from the royal treasury.

Twenty fellowships and six places for Pampango

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servants are created by the act of foundation,December 23, 1640. The 4,000 pesos are met

from Sangley licenses. An abstract of the rules ofthe new institution, thirty-three in all, is given.They cover the scholastic, moral, and religiouslife of the pupils. Corcueras letter of August 8,1641, reporting the foundation and asking certain

favors, is answered by the royal decree of sup-pression, which is entrusted to the new governor,Fajardo. The 12,000 pesos, which the Jesuits areordered to pay, is repaid them (if they have paid

it) by a royal decree of March 17, 1647, and theincident of the short-lived college is closed.

The following documentthe summary of a let-ter from the famous Archbishop Pardois the

answer to a royal decree ordering the education

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of natives for the priesthood. He states the ineffi-ciency of the natives for that pursuit, and the ne-

cessity of sending religious from Spain. It is fol-lowed by a royal decree of June 20, 1686, direct-ing the strict observance of the laws for nativeschools and the study of Spanish in the Spanishcolonies.

The college-seminary of San Clemente, or SanFelipe, as it was called later, forms the subject ofthe next document, which consists of two parts.

The first is a royal decree of March 3, 1710, inwhich the king disapproves of the methods em-ployed in the founding of the seminary which hehad ordered Governor Zabalburu to found with 8seminarists. Instead of following orders, the gov-

ernor allows the archbishop and the patriarch

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Tournon to establish the institution, which isthrown open to foreigners, and has over eighty

instead of eight seminarists. This disobedienceoccasions the removal and transfer of Archbish-op Camacho, and the foreigners are ordered to beexpelled, and only sixteen Spanish subjects areto be allowed in the seminary as boarders, in ad-

dition to the eight seminarists. The second partof the document is from the Recollect historian,Juan de la Concepcin. Governor Cruzat y Gon-gora, in answer to a royal decree recommending

the establishment of a seminary, declares such tobe unnecessary. Its foundation is, however,ordered, and is finally consummated, but theconditions of the actual founding, which was en-trusted to the governor, are altered by the neglect

of the latter and the intrusion of Tournon and the

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archbishop who work in concert. The king, hear-ing of the turn affairs have taken, not through

direct communication, but through the papalnuncio, orders the refounding of the institutionalong the lines indicated by him, and the name ischanged to San Felipe. The formal founding ofthe latter is left by the governor to Archbishop

Francisco de la Cuesta, who draws up new rules,but at the same time deprives the king of theprivate patronage, usurping it for himself, al-though it is a lay creation.

In the following document, the college of SanJuan de Letran is discussed. It is founded in 1640by Juan Geronimo Guerrero, for the purpose ofaiding and teaching poor orphan boys. Many

alms are given for the work by charitable

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persons, and Corcuera grants some in the kingsname, and an encomienda in the Parin is given

it. At the same time, a Dominican lay-brother un-dertakes the care of poor orphan boys in the port-ers lodge of the Manila convent. As Guerreroages, finding it impossible to look after hisorphan boys, he entrusts them to the care of the

Dominican lay-brother, who has by this timeformed a congregation under the name of SanPedro y San Pablo. The consolidation is knownfor some time by the latter name, although the

transfer is made under the name of the Collegeof San Juan de Letran, which is later definitelyadopted. Rules for the college are made by Se-bastian de Oquendo, prior of the Manila convent,which are revised later by the provincial chapter.

After being housed for some years in the lower

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part of the convent, the college is moved into ahouse opposite the same; but that house being

destroyed by the earthquake of 1645, a woodenbuilding is erected outside the walls near the Par-in. In 1669, finding their quarters uncomfort-able, as the students are compelled to go to theuniversity for their studies, the college is again

moved inside the walled city. Priestly, military,and other professions are recruited from thisinstitution.

A royal decree of June 11, 1792 requires the per-mission of the royal representative, and of thosein authority at the institutions of learning, for allstudents, men and women, attending any such in-stitution subject to the royal patronage and pro-

tection, before the contraction of marriage.

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Another decree of December 22, 1792, directsthe governor to observe the previous decrees

concerning the teaching of Spanish in schools forthe natives. Nothing but Spanish is to be spokenin the convents.

Conciliar seminaries are treated in a document of

two parts. The first part is a decree of March 26,1803, in regard to the three per cent discountwhich is ordered to be made from the salary ofall parish priests for the maintenance of conciliar

seminaries. A decree of July 30, 1802 is enclosedtherein, which orders such collection, notwith-standing the objections raised by the parishpriests; and the payment must be made inmoney. Special provisions are made in regard to

the seminary of Nueva Segovia. The second part

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consists of extracts from various sources. Thefirst two of the extracts relate to the five Roman

Catholic conciliar seminaries, and give theirstatus since 1862. The third extract is the provi-sion made by the Aglipay or independent churchof the Philippines for seminaries for the educa-tion of priests, and the plan for the studies to be

carried on therein.

The Nautical school of Manila is also treated intwo parts, the first being a decree of May 9,

1839, approving the new regulations for the pi-lots school of July 20, 1837; and the second ex-tracts from various sources giving a brief historyof this institution which is established first in1820 by the Consulate of Commerce, and later

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taken under control of the government. Thisschool is now maintained by the Americans.

The boys soprano school is an interesting insti-tution founded by Archbishop Rodriguez in 1742for the purpose of furnishing boy singers to thecathedral. The education, which is chiefly music-

al, embraces training in both vocal and instru-mental music, although on account of theirtender age the boys are, as a general rule, de-barred from using wind instruments. High merit

is obtained by these boys.Public instruction in the Philippines is discussedby Mas in the following document. He declaresthat the education of the Philippines is in a better

state proportionally than it is in Spain. There are

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schools in each village, attendance at which iscompulsory, except at seeding and harvest times.

Expenses are met from the communal funds.Women also share in the education. The bookscommonly used are those of devotion. Besidescommunal and private schools there are alsopublic institutions in Manila. Brief histories and

descriptions are given of the following institu-tions: university of Santo Toms; college of SanJos; college of San Juan de Letran; the charityschool founded in 1817 by distinguished cit-

izens; the nautical academy; the commercialschool founded in 1840; seminary of SantaPotenciana, which was founded by a royal decreeof 1589; Santa Isabel, founded by the confratern-ity of Misericordia, in 1632; beaterio of Santa

Catalina de Sena, founded in 1696; beaterio de

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San Sebastian de Calumpang, founded in 1719;beaterio de San Ignacio, founded in 1699; beat-

erio de Santa Rosa, founded in 1750; and thebeaterio de Psig, or Santa Rita, founded in1740.

This is followed by Mallats account, which uses

Mas largely as authority. Mallat praises the ad-vanced state of education in the Philippines, anddwells at considerable length on their culture inpoesy and music, and their allied branches of art;

and gives in general a recast of the conditions ofthe educational influences in the archipelago.

A superior order of December 2, 1847, legalizesin Spain degrees taken in the educational institu-

tions of the colonies, and vice versa; and

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professions authorized in one country may bepracticed in the other, on sufficient proof. A

short document on the academy of painting,sculpture, and engraving, compiled from varioussources, follows. This academy was founded in1849 by the Sociedad Econmica de Amigos delPas, and reorganized in 1892. Another docu-

ment, also compiled from various sources, treatsof the Ateneo municipal, which is an outgrowthof the old Escuela pa, which was given into thecontrol of the Jesuits upon their return to the

Philippines in 1859. The latter school receives itspresent name in 1865. Its expenses are defrayedby the community of Manila.

A document taken fromApuntes interesantes as-

serts that the university has many enemies, not

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because the Dominicans are in control of it, butbecause they believe the study of law unadvis-

able therein. Such a view is anti-liberal. Thewriter believes that the Filipinos would give bet-ter results in medicine and surgery, and the ad-visability of a medical school could be sustained,but that medicine and even pharmacy which are

both sorely needed in the islands could be estab-lished in the university. Foreign professorsshould be allowed to enter. Superstitions, abuses,and ignorance abound in regard to medicine and

pharmacy among the natives. Drugs are allowedto be sold by peddlers, and adulterations are fre-quent. Parish priests are called in to act as physi-cians but often only after the native doctor, whoworks mainly with charms, has been unable to

combat the ailment of his patient. But for all his

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inefficiency, the natives prefer their mediquilloto the priest. Many reforms are needed. The nav-

al school, the author declares, is poorly organ-ized and directed. The graduates aspire only tofine berths and are not content to accept what isreally within their powers. The school couldprofitably be reorganized into a school for train-

ing pilots exclusively for the coasting trade.Primary instruction, so far as the government isconcerned, is in an incipient state. Spanish istaught only in Manila and some of the suburbs;

but there are schools for boys in the native dia-lects, and some as well for girls. The governmentsalaries are not sufficient and priests and offi-cials find it necessary to determine means forbuildings, etc., and salaries are even paid from

the church funds. There is no suitable director

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for primary education, but in reading, writing,and religion, the children are more advanced

than those of Spain. The government has tried toimprove the instruction in the Spanish language,and has succeeded somewhat. The writer advisesthe government to introduce all the improve-ments possible, and to extend the normal school,

which has but slight results at present. Teachersare needed, also.

Montero y Vidal inArchipilago filipino, gives a

recast of educational conditions in 1886. Heshows that public instruction is somewhat wide-spread, but that it is lacking in efficiency. Hegives some statistics, but they are inadequate,owing to the inefficiency of the public officials.

The native lawyers are poor and they sow

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discord against Spain. He strongly recommendsindustrial education.

The following document on girls schools inManila and the provinces contains much of in-terest. This account, taken from the Dominicanreport of 1887, describes and gives a list of the

schools of Santa Isabel, Santa Rosa, SantaCatalina, and La Concordia, or school of the Im-maculate Conception. In these schools primaryand secondary education are given. An account

is also given of the school of San Jos of Jarowhich was opened first in Ilolo in 1872, butclosed in 1877 for lack of funds, and was soonthereafter restablished in Jaro through the inter-mediation of the bishop. The convent of San Ig-

nacio, founded in 1669, is directed by the Jesuits,

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but after their expulsion is taken charge of by theprovisor of the archbishop. It has had a school

since 1883. Various other institutions where in-struction is given to girls are mentioned.

The school of agriculture, both under Spanishand American dominion, is discussed in the next

document. First established in 1889 by the Span-ish government for theoretical and practical in-struction, the school has not had great success.Various agricultural stations are established in

various provinces by the government to supple-ment the work of the school. Since American oc-cupation the work has been taken up, and appro-priations made for the building of a school in therich agricultural island of Negros.

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The last document of this volume, a state discus-sion (1890) as to the reorganization of education

in the university of Santo Toms (signed amongothers by the famous Maura) suggests the argu-ments advanced by both the civil and ecclesiast-ical governments in the Philippines. The ques-tions under discussion are: 1. Whether the min-

istry has a right to reorganize education in theuniversity without considering the religious or-der of the Dominicans. 2. Whether the universitymay offer legal opposition, and by what means.

The conclusions reached are: 1. The ministrycannot apply the funds and properties of the uni-versity of private origin to any institution that itorganizes; and hence cannot reorganize educa-tion in the university. 2. Should the ministry do

so, then the university may take legal means to

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oppose such determination, the best method be-ing through the ordinary court of common law.

This is a highly interesting document, in view ofthe vital legal educational questions touchedupon, some of which may have application in thepresent San Jos college case. The educationalappendix will be concluded in VOL. XLVI.

THEEDITORS

October, 1906.

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EXTRACTO HISTORIALCommerce of the Philippines withNueva Espaa, 16401736 (concluded).By Antonio lvarez de Abreu; Madrid,1736.

SOURCE: Concluded from VOL. XLIV, q.v.

TRANSLATION: See VOL. XLIV.


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COMMERCE OF THEPHILIPPINES WITHNUEVA ESPAA

(Concluded)


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PERIOD IX

[Here] is set forth what occurred in regard to

the commerce of Philipinas from the year 1730until that of 1733, in consequence of the practiceof the ordinance of the year 1726, with occasionof the complaint made by the merchants of

Andalucia.

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128162. [In July, 1729, the consulate and mer-chants of Cadiz sent to the king a memorialprotesting against the favor recently granted toManila, which the latter was abusing to such anextent as to endanger the very existence of theSpanish commerce with Nueva Espaa. So muchChinese silk had been sent by Manila to Acap-ulco that Cadiz had determined to send in this

years trading-fleet no Spanish fabrics; but this

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would result in the destruction of its commerceand of its manufactures. Cadiz claims thatManila carries away from Nueva Espaa three tofour millions of pesos annually, a sum whichfalls into the hands of foreigners and infidels;and asks that the permission given to Manila forthe export of Chinese silks be revoked. The kingthereupon ordered the viceroy of Mexico to see

on foot a thorough investigation of the Manila

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commerce, its actual character and extent, itsprofits, and other particulars, which is done. Theyear 1731 was selected for this investigation; thesales at Acapulco were unusually profitable thatyear, as all kinds of fabrics were then scarce inNueva Espaa, and the Chinese goods were ad-vanced 25 per cent over their usual prices. Theofficials found that the total sales from that

years cargo amounted to 2,096,874 pesos

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(making the average value of each pieza of lad-ing more than 500 pesos); deducting from thisthe royal duties, 229,547 pesos (including thecontribution of 20,000 pesos made by the ship-pers), the amount of returns for the citizens ofManila was 1,877,327 pesos. This amount wouldprobably be equaled in subsequent voyages ofthe galleon (even if the sales at Acapulco were

not so profitable), so long as the present

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permission continued; for the 500 half-chests ofChinese fabrics made an enormous amount, andof great value. The amount of silver embarkedthat year for Filipinas was as follows: 1,691,465pesos, as proceeds of the merchandise sold at thefair that year [this being the previously-men-tioned amount, with the royal duties deductedfrom it]; 566,828, in sums remaining from the

previous year; and 175,828, on the account of his

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Majesty for the royal situado and other specialsituados of those islands, and for the pay of thecrew of the galleon. Investigation being madeof the past years of this commerce, the castellanof Acapulco replied, that from the year 1692 un-til that of 1702 the Philipinos had been able tolade their ships with goods to the value of250,000 pesos, the returns for which were

500,000 pesos, without assigning a definite

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number of piezasin which time they paid forall kinds of duties 75,000 pesos, which was equi-valent to thirty per cent on the cargo and fifteenper cent on the returns. That in the year 1702their permission had been increased to 300,000pesos of capital [invested], and 600,000 of re-turns, with the obligation of paying for the ship-ment of the latter a charge of two per cent. This

had been punctiliously observed until the year

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1717, when other quantities [of merchandise]had been shipped outside of the permittedamount, for the causes and reasons which wouldappear from the acts drawn up on account of thisproceeding; and for what was thus shipped out-side the permission duties had been paid at fourper cent (which amounted to 365,000 pesos), andadding to this the six per cent of alcavala,1 the

duties were ten per cent, which was collected.

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That this regulation had been in vogue up to theyear 1720, in which the Marqus de Valero hadallowed to the Philipinos the lump payment of100,000 pesos which before had been refusedthem, including in this amount all the dues whichthey must pay [to the royal treasury], and permit-ting to them, as before, the shipment of the600,000 pesos of returns; and that, although this

amount only was what they ought to embark in

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virtue of the permission, they carried other fundsalso (and not a few)the reason being that manypersons were resolving at that time to becomecitizens of the islands, and, as consequently theirwealth must be conveyed thither, the papers hadbeen given to them for doing so, in virtue ofwhich they embarked their funds, paying onthem ten per cent. That for the last ten years

many sums of money had gone to Philipinas

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outside of the permitted amount, on various war-rants, for which orders had been previously giv-en, regarding which the bureau of accounts couldsupply information; but, as in this matter the of-ficials acted independently of the castellan, hehad been unable to take cognizance of thosetransactions. The royal officials of Acap-ulcowho, with the castellan, were at that time

in the City of Mexicoadvised the viceroy not

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to make any change in the permission for thenext annual galleon; and gave as their opinionthat, comparing the shipments of merchandise,returns therefrom, and duties paid to the treasury,by Manila in the last forty years, if in those is-lands there had not been an increase of theircommerce, at least it had not declined.2 The offi-cials regarded the present amount of trade gran-

ted to Manila as far in excess of what it had

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before (on which earlier amount the islands hadbeen able to support themselves), and the greatwithdrawal of money from Nueva Espaa as in-jurious to the commerce of both that country andEspaa; and they advised that the permission bereduced to 2,750 piezas of Philippine productsand ordinary fabrics, and 250 half-chests ofChinese fabrics. If this were done, Manila would

still have a million pesos of returns, even after

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deducting all the duties and imposts, whichwould surely be enough, since before they hadmaintained themselves with 600,000 pesos annu-ally. As it was, the royal revenue was much im-paired, since the duties paid by Manila now didnot include certain ad valorem duties imposedunder the old arrangement. At the command ofthe viceroy, the bureau of accounts of Mexico

furnished him a summary of all the remittances

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of money from Nueva Espaa to Manila duringthe years 172331 inclusive; this report showedthat in each year more than the amount of thepermission had been conveyedsometimesstated as arrearages from previous shipments,sometimes as allowed by special permit from theviceroy. The yearly situado was stated as being250,000 pesos, the amount actually sent being

such balance of this sum as remained to the

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credit of Manila in the treasury of Mexico, whichvaried yearly from 73,000 to 93,000 pesos. Thegalleon of 1731 had carried the following cargo:2,767 bales, 477 chests (of Chinese silks), 554bags of cinnamon, 147 cakes of wax, 51 cases ofporcelain, 296 arrobas of storax, 1,977 arrob-as of pepper; besides this, and outside of the per-mission, four half-bales and nineteen chests were

sent by the religious orders in

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ManilaDominicans, Franciscans, Augustini-ans, and Hospitallers of St. John of Godfor theclothing of the religious in their hospices in theCity of Mexico; and by the governor, Marqusde Torre-Campo, 45 piezas for (purchasing?)furniture.]

View of port of Tacloban, in the island of Leyte

View of port of Tacloban, in the island of Leyte

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[From photograph procured in Madrid]

163185. [The viceroy, Marqus de Casa-Fuerte,wrote to one of the royal Council, Don JosephPatio (November 1, 1731), giving his opinion inregard to the regulation of the Philippine com-merce. Estimating roughly the returns from theannual Manila galleon at 2,000,000 pesos whenbefore the sum of 600,000 only was allowed, he

regards the present permission as injurious to the

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commerce of Espaa and to the commercial in-terests of Nueva Espaa as well; for three vesselscome from Philipinas to one trading-fleet fromEspaa, and, by carrying out of the country somesix millions of pesos, they render the disposal ofthe merchandise brought on the fleets difficult,besides handing over the treasures of the Spanishdomain to infidels. He advocates the reduction of

the permission to such amount as will produce

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not more than 1,000,000 pesos of returns forManila; and thinks that there is foundation forthe remonstrances of the Spanish merchants, al-though they have exaggerated the amount of themoney sent to Manila and the damage to theirown trade therefrom. That damage arises almostentirely from the Chinese silks and ribbons sentto Acapulco, which at the fair in that year (1731)

were sold for the estimated amount of a million

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pesos; he therefore recommends that Manila bestrictly prohibited from shipping to Acapulcoany silk, of any kind or quality whatsoever, ex-cept raw, twisted, and floss silk, hose, and whitesayasayas; and that the value and amount of allthe goods sent thither be judiciously regulated,so that prices may be kept within bounds. Thisresult also depends considerably on the fact that

in Mexico large quantities of cotton are raised,

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from which are made various fabrics; and in thebishopric of La Puebla the elephant stuffs (whichare a sort of Rouen cloth, but made from cotton,which serves for the shirts of very poor people,and for the linings of garments, like the thin hol-lands), which form a considerable part of thecargo of the ship from Philipinas, are so well im-itated that they would and do check a rise in the

prices of the cotton goods from China. In this

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City [of Mexico] all the raw silk which comesfrom Philipinas (a sufficient amount, so that thefleets [from Espaa] do not bring it) is workedup, and in this industry many poor persons areemployed, thus obtaining a suitable means oflivelihood; and the fabrics which are made bythem are consumed in this kingdom only. Withthese restrictions and precautions, the viceroy

would recommend that the regulations of 1726

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continue. He would also remit the payment nowmade by the citizens of 20,000 pesos annually tothe treasury; but this loss, and that in the customsduties from the lack of the Chinese silks, wouldbe recompensed by the better sales which wouldthus be afforded to the Spanish silk goods. InJanuary, 1732, the viceroy consulted his fiscal,who thought that the Manila trade should be re-

stricted, say to a million pesos of investments,

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and prohibiting the Chinese silks; that this wouldbenefit the Spanish traders, and would also se-cure the opening of Peru to trade with NuevaEspaa. In the following month, the viceroycalled together a junta of auditors and other ex-perienced persons to discuss this subject; theyfavored Manila, and advised that no definite ac-tion be taken as yet. The viceroy, hearing that

from Mexico and other cities more than

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1,500,000 pesos in silver was being sent toAcapulco, presumably intended for Filipinas, feltthe necessity of taking measures to prevent thedespatch of too much merchandise from Manilain the future galleons, since the five years termallowed to that city would expire in 1733. Hetherefore referred to the junta the questionwhether he should write to Manila that the galle-

on of 1734 must come with a cargo in

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accordance with the former plan of 300,000pesos investment and 600,000 for returns; andwhether he should enforce the decree of 1720 byprohibiting that galleon from carrying anyChinese silks. The junta decided both these ques-tions in the affirmative, advising the viceroy tonotify Manila accordinglythese regulations tobe made, provided that the king meanwhile did

not give new orders. The viceroy therefore sent

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despatches to Don Fernando Valds Tamn, thegovernor of Filipinas, and to the city of Manila,to that effect (March 20 and 25, 1732);3 and onApril 3 following sent a report of all these pro-ceedings to Don Joseph Patio. He recommendsthat Manila be allowed only 3,000 piezas in all,of which only 100 chests be permitted for thefiner grades of cotton goods, entirely prohibiting

the silk goods from China, except those

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mentioned in his letter of November 1 preceding;that besides the 3,000 piezas, the citizens be al-lowed to send wax and porcelain at their pleas-ure, as these are commodities of little value, andneeded by Nueva Espaa; that any smuggledsilks be publicly burned, and very rigorous pen-alties imposed on transgressors; that more rigor-ous inspection of the lading be made at Manila,

to prevent any contraband goods being sent, not

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only in the shipments of traders, but in the chestsof passengers, officers, and others on the galle-ons; that suspected packages be opened at Acap-ulco; that the returns sent back to Manila be inno case allowed to exceed a million of pesos;and that the contribution of 20,000 pesos be re-mitted to the Manila shippers.]

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186188. [The viceroys letter was referred tothe royal Council; the deputies from Filipi-nasat that time, Lorenzo de Rugama y Palacio,and Miguel Fernandez Munillathereuponasked for all the documents belonging to theCouncil which bore upon this subject; the Coun-cil consented (March 26, 1733) to do so, with thereservation of certain documents, and the depu-

ties then drew up a long memorial protesting

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against the proposed restrictions on theircommerce.]

189190. [This memorial may be reduced tofive points: In the first it is proved that, for thepreservation of the islands, and the propagationof the Catholic faith in them and in the adjoiningregions, their commerce with Nueva Espaa is

necessary. In the second, it is declared that for

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the above result it is necessary that the com-merce be carried on and allowed with a capitalcorresponding to the returns of 1,200,000 pesosevery year. In the third, it is made plain that re-turns to that amount are impossible, if the trafficin the silken fabrics and goods from China, andtheir transportation, are prohibited to the mer-chants of Manila. In the fourth, it is demon-

strated that no value should be attached to the

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exaggerated statement that damages will ensue tothe commerce of Espaa if that of Manila be al-lowed to embark and convey silk fabrics toAcapulco. In the fifth, it is explained how desir-able is the continuation of the last regulation ofthe commerce, granted to the islands in the year1726; and the advantages which result from thatordinance, notwithstanding the representations

made by the viceroy. This memorial presents a

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brief rsum of the various royal orders and de-crees and the principal events connected with theManila-Acapulco commerce during its history,from 1587 to 1726; another, of the investigationsmade by the viceroy of Mexico regarding thegalleon of 1731; and another, of the proceedingsof the junta which he called together for discus-sion of the measures to be taken regarding the

galleon of 1734. Then the above five points are

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consideredseriatim, and at considerablelengthmainly by restating and enforcing thearguments formerly employed, rather than by ad-ducing new ones. In section i, the king is re-minded that the islands serve as a safeguard anddefense to Nueva Espaa, and have kept the for-eigners, infidels, and pagans of the East fromgetting a foothold therein by way of the Pacific

coast; and it closes thus: Thus, Sire, if this

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commerce ceasesthe only foundation on whichrests the maintenance of these islandstheSpaniards will abandon them; without their pro-tection, the [religious] ministers will be perse-cuted to the utmost; the works of piety and char-ity in which the holy house of La Misericordiaand the other foundations in Manila distributeenormous sums will cease; the religious orders

will be reduced to uselessness; those villages

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will be desolated, by which your Majesty willlose many vassals; the foreigners and infidels ad-joining those countries will make themselvesmasters of the islands; and (which is most causefor grief), when the fortunate advancement ofour religion which has been secured there ceases,those who had embraced the faith will go to seektheir living in the lands of the pagans, with evid-

ent risk of relapsing into the errors which they

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had detested. These dangers are worthy of theprofound consideration of your Majesty, andcannot be averted if the commerce of Philipinaswith Nueva Espaa fails. In section ii, the depu-ties protest against the returns of 1731 beingmade the standard for the regular value of thiscommerce, as the gains of that years Acapulcofair were phenomenally large. They declare that

in order to maintain themselves they need not

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less than 1,200,000 pesos annually, especially asthe number of citizens in Manila is now largerthan in former yearsin view of which, theamount for which they ask is very moderate, be-ing even less in proportion than it was then. Thefollowing statements of population are interest-ing: in 163637, the number of Spaniards inManila was 230; in 1702, there were 400; and in

1722, 882, a number which has since increased

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[this memorial being prepared in 1733]. WhatManila asks will barely allow to each inhabitant,on the average, an investment of 800 pesos,which is hardly enough for a decent mode of liv-ing. What encouragement does this give to Span-iards to settle in such a country, and how canthey thus better their fortunes? The opinions ofvarious high officials (including viceroys of

Mexico) are cited in support of this claim. Not

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only the Spaniards who are citizens of Manilaare to be considered in this question, but the twomillions of Christian natives who depend on theSpanish power, not to mention the 1,500 ecclesi-astics who are occupied in maintaining the Cath-olic faith in the islands. In section iii, it is arguedthat the people of Filipinas must be allowed thetrade in Chinese silks in order to secure any

profit from their commerce. Manila claims that

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the restrictions imposed by the decree of 1720were procured by the efforts of Cadiz, withoutthe consent of the people of Filipinas, to whomthose restrictions brought much distress; that theAcapulco trade was granted to them in the firstplace in order to attract Spaniards as colonists, inorder that intercourse with them might be themeans of entrance and extension for the Catholic

faith among pagans and infidels; that Espaa

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produces hardly enough silk goods for its ownconsumption, and imports much from foreigncountries, so that there is no just reason for pro-hibiting this trade to Filipinas. Since what theSangleys chiefly trade in is the silken fabrics andribbons, if the shipment of these goods to NuevaEspaa is forbidden that is the same as prohibit-ing intercourse with the Sangleys, because the

consumption of the said silks and ribbons is very

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small, or not any, in Philipinas. The customsduties and alcavalas on the silk trade at Manilaamount to some 40,000 pesos a year, whichwould be lost to the royal treasury by the failureof that trade; it will also have no means withwhich to buy the rice produced by the Indians.No profit can be made on the linens and othercommon fabrics prescribed in the decree of

1720, as they are of little esteem in Nueva

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enforced) the buyers there regard the cargo ascomposed mainly of these goods, and thevenders are not able to practice the maxim ofconcealing the [amount of the] merchandise, inorder to secure the highest price for it, its abund-ance, which lowers the price, not being known.The sayasayas and hose, the only form of silkfabrics permitted to Manila, are productive of but

little profit; and even that would be entirely lost

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if they were shipped in large enough quantities tocomplete the amount of investment allowed toManila, for the prices in Nueva Espaa wouldthus be greatly lowered. Even if this were not so,one voyage of the galleon would so fully providethe warehouses of Mexico that no more would beneeded for the next three or four years, whichwould ruin Manilas market for these goods. It is

impossible that of these bulky goods any

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adequate quantity could be shipped within thenumber of piezas at present allotted to the cit-izens of Manila, which, indeed, is all that theirone galleon can carry. Manila claims that theviceroy had no right to give the order regardingthe galleon of 1734, and that both he and thejunta rashly assumed that the prosperous Acap-ulco fair of 1731 was the standard by which to

judge the results of that commercewhen in

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reality that was an accidental and unusual suc-cess; nor did the royal officials of Acapulco pro-pose that the trade in Chinese silks should beprohibited to Manila, but only that the number of4,000 piezas allowed it should be reduced. Sec-tion iv refutes the arguments brought forward byAndalusia against the trade in Chinese silks asinjuring Spanish trade and manufactures, declar-

ing them to be exaggerations and

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misrepresentations of the real facts. It has veryrecently been made evident by that very com-merce [of Cadiz] that the fabrics of Espaa arenot able to supply those provinces [of America],by the fact that in the company which, with thename of Philipinas, has been established in thecity of Cadiz, by royal decree of March 29, inthis present year of 1733, among the articles and

agreements which have been set down therein is

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one providing that in each ship of those which(without limitation) may be allowed to them fortheir traffic the silken fabrics from China may befreighted, to the extent of fifty toneladas, a littlemore or less; and, bringing those goods to thesekingdoms [of Espaa], they may sell themthereinnot for consumption here, for this isprohibited; but that they may export those goods

to foreign countries and to America, where they

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may be sold and consumed. From this it is evid-ent, in spite of the complaints which the com-merce of Cadiz has so often repeated on thispointwhile the merchants of Manila have nev-er consented to this company, rather, alwaysprotesting and speaking against it, and whenwhat may be offered to them is found by experi-ence to be prejudicial to the preservation and

maintenance of those islandsthat the silk

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goods which are made in Espaa are of so smallamount that they cannot supply America, nor canthose of China injure the consumption and satis-factory disposal of the Spanish goods.4 Manilaclaims that this new company will draw from theSpanish empire a much greater quantity of silverfor the benefit of infidels than Manila can spendin buying the goods which have been sent thence

to Acapulco; and that Cadiz has no room for

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complaints against the other commerce, since itsown merchants are interested in this com-panyand all without the weighty motiveswhich led to the concession of the Philippinecommerce, the propagation of the Catholic faith,the preservation of the Spanish power in EasternAsia, and the advancement of the Christian reli-gion there. The establishment of this Royal

Company of Philipinas, in which traders of

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Cadiz have shares, shows plainly that all theircomplaints against the injuries to Spanish com-merce from the Manila silk-trade were merely apretext for their securing the slender profitswhich that trade yielded to the islands. Thetrading-fleets and galleons which are sent outfrom Cadiz every two years are laden mainlywith products made by foreign nationsEnglish,

Dutch, Genoese, Venetians, and othersand this

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traffic alienates from the Spanish crown eachyear more than eight millions of pesos; and evengreater drain of money results from the trafficwhich those foreign nations carry on in the Indi-as.5 Much more money is taken out of NuevaEspaa by the Spanish trading-fleets, ladenmainly with articles produced by foreigners andshipped thither by the merchants of Cadiz, than

by the Manila galleon which carries thither

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goods bought from the Chinese. In the formercase, the money is used to injure and harass theSpanish power; in the second, it goes to theChinese, who are able neither to invade Spanishterritory nor to aid the enemies of the crown.These foreign trading nations, moreover, carry toChina and other countries of Eastern Asia morethan four millions of pesos of Mexican and Per-

uvian coinage, which they spend there for the

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purchase of silks and other commodities, in or-der to introduce these goods into the Indias,either illicitly or through the agency of thetraders of Cadiz. In the junta convened by theviceroy of Mexico in February, 1732, one of theleading arguments for continuing the increasedpermission to Manila was, that the returns ofsilver produced by the fabrics of foreign manu-

facture which the aforesaid [traders of Cadiz]

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send in fleets and galleons to the Indias were intens of millions, which from the ports of Espaapass to foreign dominions, and from these to theinfidels of the Orient. The aforesaid Companyof Philipinas has obtained permission that ineach ship sent out by its members (the number ofvessels not being limited) they may convey, be-sides the goods, the amount of 500 pesos fuertes

in silver moneymore or less, according to the

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needs of their businessto be invested in Ori-ental goods, with freedom to change for gold anysurplus that may be left of that capital.6 This per-mission leads to the drain of much silver fromthe country, opens the door for great frauds, andis manifestly unfair to Manila if the latter is to bedeprived of its China trade. As for the ruin of thesilk industry in Espaa, the city of Sevilla itself

openly confessed (in a memorial dated April 24,

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1696) that the ruin of its looms and the deteriora-tion of its commerce arose from the single causeof the manufactures which the French, English,and Dutch had, since the middle of the past cen-tury, introduced into their dominions, and fromthe lack of assiduous industry in the natives ofthese [kingdoms of Espaa]; and that for thisreason those peoples carried to their own coun-

tries our wools, in order to return them in the

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shape of cloths and other goods, which their in-dustry was able to manufacture from thosewools. The same thing occurs with the silkswhich (as we are experiencing) they are introdu-cing into these kingdoms, [made] from the [raw]silk which they obtain here; and they sell in theOrient various stuffs and fabrics, with whichusually the people of rank in these kingdoms are

clothed; and such people in the Indias wear the

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goods which the merchants of Espaa convey infleets and galleonsas may be known by thebooks of the customs duties, in which appears allthe above, and the increased amount of silkenfabrics which the foreigners are introducingthrough the port of Cadiz, and others that openon the Mediterranean Sea. Cadiz is remindedthat its commerce penetrates into Peru, Buenos

Ayres, Honduras, and other regions which are

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forbidden to Manila; that it has no more success-ful fairs in Peru than in Nueva Espaa (indeed,obtaining even larger profits in the latter coun-try); notwithstanding the alleged ruinous com-petition of Manila; and that the contraband tradecarried on in the Western Indias by the foreignindustrial nations causes far more damage toCadiz than does the small amount of trade al-

lowed to Manila. Cadiz has made no complaint

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against the shipment by Manila of stuffs from In-dia and spices, doubtless because the prohibitionof these would injure the trade of the English7

and the Dutch, from whom Manila buys thosegoods, and whom Cadiz favors and tries to en-rich at the expense of the Philippine vassals ofthe crown, regardless of the injurious effects ofsuch procedure on the propagation of the faith

and the welfare of the former heathen who have

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been converted to it in the East. Manila assertsthat the necessity of buying Chinese goods forthe maintenance of the islands, and the increas-ing competition of the European nations inEastern markets, have so raised the prices ofthose goods that Manila no longer can obtain thelarge profits which they formerly brought inNueva Espaa, but must now sell them at a very

moderate advance over their cost (including of

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course therein transportation, duties, etc.). Theprompt despatch of the Manila galleon fromAcapulco has been caused mainly by the neces-sity of its sailing at certain times to secure favor-able winds and weather; but this haste has beenan injury to the Manila shippers, for it hindersthem from selling their goods at a higher value,so they often dispose of them, for this reason, at

the prices that the Mexicans are willing to pay

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for them, and at other times leave them for saleon commission [en encomienda], with the dangerof losing them, and with the evident arrearagewhich is caused to the shippers by the lack of themoney [which should have been received] fromtheir sale, for use in their investments in the fol-lowing galleon. The memorial concludes withsection v, in which Manila urges, in view of all

the foregoing, that the permission of 1726 be

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continued to the islands, and consequently, thatthe recent orders of the viceroy of Nueva Espaaregarding the lading of the next galleon be re-voked. These orders were at least premature, asthe shipments from Manila under the new per-mission did not begin until 1730, so that thegalleon of 1734 was entitled to a cargo of thesort allowed therein; moreover, the viceroy acted

against the advice of the junta which he had

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convened to discuss this question. Manila claimsthat in 1732 the galleon did not carry back to theislands even what they needed for their mainten-ance, the returns from its cargo (although thatcontained the 4,000 piezas of permission)amounting to only 1,100,000 pesos; and in thepresent year of 1733 the returns will be hardlyone-half of what the shippers received, on the

average, in the years preceding the new

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permissionthe Acapulco fair being a poor onethis year, on account of the large cargoes broughtby the fleet from Cadiz, and the large amount offabrics brought by the English ship. Manilaneeds 1,200,000 pesos annually, at the least; andin order to secure that amount needs the exten-sion of trade permitted in 1726. The returns of1731, as has been proved, cannot be taken as the

measure of its value, especially when allowance

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is made for the possibility of storms, shipwreck,or other disaster to the galleon. Manila also asksthat if the returns should fall below 1,200,000pesos, its annual contribution of 20,000 pesos tothe royal treasury be dispensed with. The king isreminded of the great services which the peopleof Filipinas have always rendered to the crown,in opposing the encroachments of the Dutch and

others against the Spanish power in the East, in

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defending the natives of the islands against theMoro pirates, in contributions for building royalships and for meeting other pressing needs of theroyal treasury, and always freely offering theirlives and their property for the defense or aid ofthe crownto say nothing of their devotion tothe observance and extension of the Catholicfaith, their support of missionaries, and their zeal

in converting the heathen. Manila asks for the

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extension in perpetuity of the permission of1726, with various minor concessions; if this benot granted, then it is asked for another fiveyears, with the proviso that no change be made atthe instance of Andalusia only, or without oppor-tunity being given to Manila to express itswishes and set forth its needs.]

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191192. [This memorial was sent by the Coun-cil to the fiscal; his reply was handed in onNovember 10, 1733. He thinks that the islandsneed indispensably the traffic to Nueva Espaa,including the Chinese silks, notwithstanding theremonstrances of the viceroy of that country; andthat the prohibition made by the latter ought tobe raised. Moreover, he finds that the royal treas-

ury is the gainer by the new arrangement: the

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duties up to 1702 amounted to 74,000 pesos, andfrom that time to 1729, to 100,000 pesos; but in1730 (the first year in which goods were shippedunder the permission of 1726) the duties, includ-ing the 20,000 pesos of contribution, were202,754 pesos, and in the following year 229,552pesos. He would not make a positive regulationregarding the Manila-Acapulco trade until the

five-years term is completed; but he makes the

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following recommendations: that the commercebe free in all kinds of goods, not excluding theChinese silks and ribbons, but that the lading ofthe galleon be restricted to 3,600 piezas, ofwhich 400 may be in those silk goods and otherswhich do not allow the use of the press; and thatthe duties on all packages be the same as thosespecified in the decree of 1726, and that Manila

be freed from the contribution of 20,000 pesos.

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He also recommends that Manila be allowed tosend wax in cakes of eighteen (instead of twelve)arrobas net; and that his proposed arrangementbe put in force for five years, in order to test itspracticabilityor, if the king so prefer, that thedecree of 1726 be extended for another term offive years.]

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193197. [In this place is presented the informat-ory report of the royal accountant at Mexico tothe viceroy in 1730, because it is frequently citedin this controversy; but it is concerned mainlywith the size of the packages on the Manilagalleon.8 It appears that these were measured bythe vara de Ribera,9 instead of the Castilian vara,the former being longer than the Castilian, by

four dedos and part of another; but allowance

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was afterward made for this difference. Ardila,the accountant, also recommended to the viceroythe enlargement of Manilas permission to1,200,000 pesos of returns, and the reopening ofthe commerce between Nueva Espaa and Peru.The royal Council discussed the fiscals replyand other documents, and advised the king(December 19, 1733) to order the viceroy to re-

call his obnoxious orders relative to the galleons

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of 1734 and succeeding years, and to regulate thecargoes by the decrees in force from 1712 to1720excluding absolutely the regulation ofthe permission by piezas, and commanding thatthis be made in future strictly by invoices andsworn declarations. The ministers did not agreeon the question of the amount of returns to bepermitted to Manila, five being of opinion that

no change should be made in the allowance of

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300,000 pesos of investment and 600,000 of re-turns, and the five others advocating an increaseto 500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos respectively.(The names of the first five are: Don Manuel deSylva, the Marqus de Almodobar, Don Antoniode Sopea, Don Fernando Verdes Montenegro,and Don Francisco Antonio de Aguirre; of thelast five, Don Diego de Zuiga, the Marqus de

Montemayor, Don Matheo Ibaez de Mendoza,

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Don Antonio Alvarez de Abreu, and Don Josephde Valdiviesso. Abreu was the compiler of theExtracto.) The reasons for each of these opinionsare given in detail.]

198200. [When this opinion was ready to besent to the king, letters arrived from the governorand Audiencia of Filipinas, remonstrating against

the orders of the viceroy regarding the galleon of

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1734. At the same time, the Manila deputies atMadrid presented another memorial to the Coun-cil, which accordingly held a new conferenceover this matter. On December 23 (after havingconsulted the fiscal), they reported to the kingtheir opinion, which they said had not beenchanged by the aforesaid despatches. The kingapproved of their advice in regard to recalling

the viceroys orders, and in regard to the

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controverted point of the amount which shouldbe allowed to Manila, he approved the opinion ofZuiga and his associates, that of the increase to500,000 and 1,000,000 pesos. The letters fromthe governor and Audiencia ask that the cargoesbe estimated by piezas, and propose 300 or 400chests of Chinese silk goods, instead of the 500formerly asked; the memorial of the deputies

urges that the sales for the first three of the five

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years had averaged only 1,350,000 pesos, andthe succeeding ones could not exceed 1,200,000pesos, which latter sum was necessary for thepreservation of the islands.]

201212. [On February 23, 1734, the Maniladeputies presented a new memorial, under eightheads, making various minor requests in regard

to the new regulation for the commerce, some of

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which were granted, and some refused. On April8, a royal decree was issued making such regula-tion;10 after briefly reviewing the various pro-ceedings and documents which had appearedsince the decree of 1726, command is given thatthe viceroys orders be revoked, and the com-merce continued in accordance with the decreesof 1702, 1712, and 1724prohibiting the valu-

ation on the basis of piezas, and prescribing that

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this be accomplished by invoices and sworn de-clarations; and increasing the amount of the tradepermitted to Manila to 500,000 pesos of invest-ment and 1,000,000 of returns. As for duties,they shall be paid as commanded in the decree of1702 (which fixed 100,000 pesos as the amountto be paid at Acapulco for the round trip of thegalleon),pro rata therewith on the increase from

300,000 to 500,000 pesos; but this shall be

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XLV, 1736 by Various

Documents

Transcript of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume XLV, 1736 by Various