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Tafter Journal scritto da Narcisa Paredes-Canilao il 30 luglio 2014 The Panagbenga: Ethico-Political Issues, Contestations, and Recommendations on the Cultural Sustainability of a Festival Introduction The Panagbenga is a four-week cultural festival celebrated annually in February since 1995, in the popular tourist destination of Baguio City, Philippines. Through the years, the festival has been a working coordination between the City Government, private sectors, and the Baguio Flower Festival Foundation, Inc. (BFFFI). Based on its recent enactments, the festival’s mandated objective has become more coherent, which is “to promote the city’s culture, unity among its people, tourism and economic industries and [to showcase] Baguio as a City of Flowers” (AO No. 008-S. 2014). The integration of environmental concerns, are indicated in some specific environmental policies and the designation of an environment/technical committee as one of the support committees.  Examined literature, and documents plus oral interviews for the study, commonly trace the origins of Panagbenga to a Baguio direly needing to reclaim a sense of place, to reaffirm solidarity among its people, and, to prove it has risen anew as a worthy tourist destination, all after its devastation by a 7.7 magnitude earthquake (on the Richter Scale), in 1990. Many of its tourist attractions, hotels, schools, government buildings, and art centers were either leveled to the ground or structurally damaged, and many lives perished, turning the city into a veritable ghost town. Baguio’s status as a Northern hub of government, commerce, culture, and tourism was adversely affected.  Baguio’s history of development from a pre-colonial settlement of Ibaloi families (Bagamaspad and Hamada-Pawid, 1985), into a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural city, consists of several milestones (see also, Fry, 1983; Reed, 1999; Scott, 1974, 1981; Tolentino, 2007). First, its original Ibaloi settlers, were among the seven major ethno-linguistic groups and indigenous peoples, generically called the Igorots, inhabiting the region across the Gran Cordillera Central, who resisted subjugation by the Spanish Empire, for three centuries (Scott, 1974: 2). Only between the 1820s to 1899, were they colonized, due to the Spanish missionary zeal and more mundane pursuit of gold. Second, under American colonization, Baguio became a convenient point of entry for the American gold rush, and was developed into a well-designed and planned colonial hill station. It was declared as the Philippines’ Summer Capital in 1903. Third, Baguio recovered from the ravages of WWII to become “one of the most highly urbanized areas in northern Luzon” in the 1960s, and now, in the earthquake aftermath, it has transformed into a “modern metropolis bursting at the seams” (Tolentino 2007:6).  Tafter Journal - All Rights Reserved | Pagina 1 di 11

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The Panagbenga: Ethico-Political Issues, Contestations, andRecommendations on the Cultural Sustainability of a Festival

IntroductionThe Panagbenga is a four-week cultural festival celebrated annually in February since 1995, in thepopular tourist destination of Baguio City, Philippines. Through the years, the festival has been a workingcoordination between the City Government, private sectors, and the Baguio Flower Festival Foundation,Inc. (BFFFI). Based on its recent enactments, the festival’s mandated objective has become morecoherent, which is “to promote the city’s culture, unity among its people, tourism and economic industriesand [to showcase] Baguio as a City of Flowers” (AO No. 008-S. 2014). The integration of environmentalconcerns, are indicated in some specific environmental policies and the designation of anenvironment/technical committee as one of the support committees. Examined literature, and documents plus oral interviews for the study, commonly trace the origins of Panagbenga to a Baguio direly needing to reclaim a sense of place, to reaffirm solidarity among itspeople, and, to prove it has risen anew as a worthy tourist destination, all after its devastation by a 7.7magnitude earthquake (on the Richter Scale), in 1990. Many of its tourist attractions, hotels, schools,government buildings, and art centers were either leveled to the ground or structurally damaged, andmany lives perished, turning the city into a veritable ghost town. Baguio’s status as a Northern hub ofgovernment, commerce, culture, and tourism was adversely affected. Baguio’s history of development from a pre-colonial settlement of Ibaloi families (Bagamaspad andHamada-Pawid, 1985), into a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural city, consists of several milestones (see also,Fry, 1983; Reed, 1999; Scott, 1974, 1981; Tolentino, 2007). First, its original Ibaloi settlers, were amongthe seven major ethno-linguistic groups and indigenous peoples, generically called the Igorots, inhabitingthe region across the Gran Cordillera Central, who resisted subjugation by the Spanish Empire, for threecenturies (Scott, 1974: 2). Only between the 1820s to 1899, were they colonized, due to the Spanishmissionary zeal and more mundane pursuit of gold. Second, under American colonization, Baguio becamea convenient point of entry for the American gold rush, and was developed into a well-designed andplanned colonial hill station. It was declared as the Philippines’ Summer Capital in 1903. Third, Baguiorecovered from the ravages of WWII to become “one of the most highly urbanized areas in northernLuzon” in the 1960s, and now, in the earthquake aftermath, it has transformed into a “modern metropolisbursting at the seams” (Tolentino 2007:6). 

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Entry of a local computer college to the Panagbenga Float Parade, the most awaited event consisting of aparade of floats showcasing the best of local and imported flowers. Taken in February 2010 byCharmaine Liberato. Baguio has many perennial attractions. It has a naturally temperate weather that turns really cold fromDecember to early March. Abundant here are pine trees and pine-scented air, earning for Baguio theappellation, “City of Pines” (Reed, 1999). It has parks, notably Burnham Park named after the greatChicago architect, Daniel H. Burnham, who designed it, and the comprehensive city plan, and Wright Parkwhere tourists enjoy horseback-riding. The city market and satellite markets offer many varieties oftemperate or indigenous vegetables, fruits, flowers, rice (notably the native kintoman and ballatinaw), allsupplied by farmers from nearby Benguet towns. Baguio is home to artists (native and non-nativeCordillerans), who gravitate around avant-garde centers for aesthetes, such as the Tam-awan, VOCAS(Victor Oteyza Community Arts Space), and the BenCab Museum. Examined written sources and interviews of management, residents, business entrepreneurs, volunteers,tourists, and other stakeholders to the festival agree that initially Panagbenga was a celebration, andenhancement of all the above-mentioned historical, socio-cultural, economic, and environmental assets ofBaguio. But the festival has not been spared observations and comments doubting its sustainability. Jumping off from issues and contestations on the sustainability of Panagbenga, this descriptive-normativestudy argues for an ethics of sustainable cultural festivals, with focus on the difficult concept of sustainingculture. Difficult, because if sustainable development is defined as “development that meets the needs ofthe present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (TheBrundtland Report,in Adams, 2009/1990), what then are the cultural needs of the present and those of thefuture? Can culture be sustained without falling into the functionalist and humanist essentialisms of cultureas noted by Parodi (2011)? The study’s main question of how cultural festivals become virtual and actualspaces for cultural sustainability is its original contribution. “Cultural sustainability” or how cultures aredynamically engaged is posited upon the more realistic concepts of cultural complexity and fluidity. 

The free-for-all painting event, another much awaited segment of the Panagbenga festival. Picture taken inFebruary 2014. 19 Years of Panagbenga: From Cultural Festival to Festivalization?

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Getz (2010) defines festivals as “themed, public celebrations” of “community values, ideologies, identity,and continuity” and are occasions where “cultural elements are displayed which can educate an observerabout the host culture and community” (2). In effect Getz considers all festivals as cultural festivals. Thesame is true for Presbury and Edwards (2010) who defined festivals as “generally cultural celebrations” for“community pride, cohesion, fun, and relaxation,” in the form of “carnivals, religious events, parades orheritage commemorations,” and are educational opportunities where people learn about arts and crafts,music, drama, sports, and culture (5). Panagbenga started off as a well-meaning cultural festival. The festival was initially attended only byBaguio residents, but as years passed it turned into a big spectacular attraction. People would flock fromdifferent places (Philippines and abroad) to join the celebration, making it the most visited festival inNorthern Philippines. Panagbenga ranks seventh among the top ten festivals in the Philippines http://www.thetoptens.com/festivals-philippines/panagbenga-festival-492839.asp . Panagbenga has become a way of promoting tourism through economic means, inadvertently resulting inuneven distribution of benefits and costs. In a word, Panagbenga has succumbed to “festivalization”, atrend worldwide, which is the “over-commodification of festivals exploited by tourism and place marketers”(Getz, 2010: 5). Generally, tourism and other developmental changes, have often led to the widening,rather than closing in of gaps or disparities between elites and non-elites. The reality that benefits as wellas costs of development have been distributed unevenly against poorer countries, women, and indigenousculture-bearers has spurred development ethics, an inter-disciplinary field integrating philosophy, thesocial sciences, and economics. Development ethics is the reflexive examination, weighing andprioritization of value choices behind development (Crocker, 2008; Gasper, 2004; Schumacher,1989/1973). Management, funding and audience strategiesThe first Baguio Flower Festival was launched in February 1996, or five years after the earthquake. It wasa long-drawn idea proposed by Atty. Damaso Bangaoet, of the Camp John Hay Development Corporation(formerly an American airbase in Baguio). The timing in February was strategically chosen, because it isthe coldest time of the year, it boosts tourism during the lull moments, between the peak seasons ofChristmas (December-January) and summer (particularly, the Holy Week). In 1997, per suggestion of Baguio archivist/curator Ike Picpican, the festival was renamed Panagbenga, aKankana-ey word of Malayo-Polynesian origin, for “season of blooming”. Thus Panagbenga not onlyconjured the blossoming or coming to life again, of a stricken city, but also the dozens of flower varietiesproduced by big flower farms and small backyard plots (spread in 7 hectares) employing about 5,000contract flower growers in Baguio and nearby Benguet municipalities (Gentolaza, 1999). From a nine-dayevent in 1996, it has evolved into a month-long celebration. The major events and minor events vary fromyear to year, but proven crowd-drawers are: the Grand Street Dancing Parade, Flower Float Parade,Market Encounter to include a Landscaping contest, Session Road in Bloom, Fluvial Parade, and theGrand Fireworks Display. Minor events include pony boys’ day, variety shows, concerts, golf tournamentsand other sporting events. The city’s different Barangays regularly compete thru their own landscapedgardens, and business establishments are encouraged to compete by sprucing up their facades withflowers and greens. For the past fourteen years, the BFFFI in partnership with government and private sectors havestrategized ways and means of attracting bigger crowds. As a result, Panagbenga has drawn 1.6 millionpeople a year, on average (personal interview of Vangie Payno, Chief of Staff, BFFFI).

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Entry to the Float Parade, a float of the Philippine National Police. Notice the policeman and thepolicewoman wearing their police uniforms, but as the lower part of their costume, traditional G-string(worn by the policeman) and the traditional hand-woven wrap-around skirt (worn by the policewoman).Taken in February 2010 by Charmaine Liberato.

 Every year, organizers introduce innovations to draw local and foreign tourists. In 2002, sporting eventssuch as the horse race participated in by pony boys from Wright Park, golf tournament, bodybuildingcontest and marathon. Since 2007, movie celebrities graced the float parade. In 2010, Shakespeare’s Camelot was staged at Burnham Lake. Since 2011, the festival shifted its organizing theme, from flowersto families. This was supported by a vision of families bonding together, as the main audience. Funding for Panagbenga, a thorny issue, has been sourced from the City Government (latest is PhP4million), and solicited from donor corporations which buy ‘space’ in specific festival activities.  Most ofthese support (cash or in kind) are used for prizes given to winners of different competitions, foodsponsorships for volunteers, and materials for activities. Panagbenga operates with the help of over 3000volunteers from civic organizations and local schools. In general, corporate sponsorship has proven to be the most efficient and effective way to secure Panagbenga’s economic sustainability. This, however, has given way to observations that the festival hasbecome more commercialized over the years, evidenced by corporations who view sponsorship as aleverage to promote their products. Despite such observations, the festival management maintains itsadministrative independence from corporate sponsors (personal interview of Benedicto Alhambra, CityTourism Officer). Perceptions on the environmental and socio-economic sustainability of PanagbengaLike other festivals catering to tourism worldwide, Panagbenga is at a point where it must address issuesrelated to sustainability. First, on its environmental sustainability, the problem of waste managementissuing from its commercialization, though addressed by management thru “Zero Waste Drive” or adoptionof green policies (the 19th festival theme was “Inspiring the Community for a Greener Tomorrow”), has notbeen mitigated. The garbage collected throughout the 2014 festival still amounted to a 20-25 percentincrease in Baguio’s “usual” daily collection of 175 tons of garbage (Agreda, 2014b). Second, on its socio-economic sustainability, interviewed business owners, residents, and touristsexpressed ambivalent reactions, ranging from positive to negative, to simple nonchalance. For some(hotel owners, taxi operators, and those with businesses located in the central district, e.g., BurnhamPark, City Market), the festival rakes in higher incomes. But for businesses and small stall-owners in the

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outskirts, it is “business as usual”. And then, there is the clamor for more transparency and accountabilityon earnings, and expenditures, by BFFFI. The City Tourism Officer shared that in terms of social capital,Panagbenga encourages teamwork, raises the standards for establishments as they all vie for thepatronage of tourists, and encourages the public servants to be more courteous. But a number of touristsexpressed dismay over thick crowds, heavy traffic, missing children, and petty crimes like pick pocketing,despite the increased police visibility. Quite alarming, a growing alienation is felt by residents, who have mastered the art of escaping the noiseand the crowd, by simply staying at home or going out to nearby beaches. Local residents, who offeredtheir assessments of the festival’s impact on their well-being over the last two decades, clearlydistinguished between the ‘before’ (roughly, its first five years) and ‘now’ (the last decade) of Panagbenga.Overall, the Panagbenga before was deemed more attuned to their needs and desires as members of the‘Baguio community.’ This included their need and desire to meet and bond with other local residents in aspace conducive to socializing, to patronize products of local artisans and watch local musicians perform,all in a setting that respects the environment.  Baguio residents expressed a nostalgia for the “Panagbenga before”, in as much as it promoted community, solidarity, and a sense of place. In short, itused to be “their festival”, in contrast to the “Panagbenga now” which has become insensitive to the localcommunity and the people’s need to socialize and celebrate the local arts. 

Entries to the Landscaping Contest. Taken in February 2010 by Charmaine Liberato. Issues and contestations on Panagbenga’s cultural sustainabilityIn the 19th Panagbenga of 2014, a festival augured as a genuine Ibaloi festival was born, with its majorevents taking place in the weekends of February. The First Ibaloi Festival was organized by Onjon niIvadoy (Union of Ibaloys), a 3,000-strong association of Ibaloys, launched in 2010 (Fong, 2014). Havingbeen the first settlers of Baguio the Ibaloi are the most vocal objectors to the way cultural  Panagbenga has misrepresented , and marginalized indigenous culture. An official statement deploring thecommercialization of indigenous cultures in festivals such as Panagbenga was part of the ICERD ShadowReport (to the UN Committee on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination) in 2009, to wit: Another area that is of concern is the commercialization of indigenous culture through the conduct offestivals and the failure to respect culturally significant sites, primarily in the context of the promotion oftourism in indigenous communities. Rituals, many of which are sacred and solemn in the culture ofIndigenous Peoples, are being performed in these festivals without regard to their sacredness. Some ofthe festivals where Indigenous Peoples have raised concerns over the abuse of their rituals and thecommercialization of their traditional songs and dances include the Lang-ay Festival in MountainProvince, the Adivay Festival in Benguet and the Panagbenga festival in Baguio City (86-87).

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 In addition, interviews and write-ups complain that Panagbenga now has somehow reneged on its promiseas a cultural festival, leading to the issue of the festival’s cultural sustainability.  What is an authenticcultural representation? What constitutes the “bastardization of culture” as one cultural expert from theNational Commission on Culture and the Arts, has noted on one occasion? Inextricably tied to thesequestions, given that Baguio has become multi-cultural and multi-ethnic is:  whose culture, whosetradition? Sustaining Culture in Cultural Festivals The concept of cultural sustainabilityThe demand that local cultures become incorporated in development agenda whereby so far, a uniformtemplate for development conceived in the developed world has been imposed unilaterally on thedeveloping or less developed, has issued from the clamor for equity in the distribution of benefits as wellas costs of development. The avoidance of ethnocentrism and respect for local cultural integrity, are thetwin preconditions of endogenous and sustainable development.  For Gasper (2004), the big challengeposed by cultural differences to development, emanate from the importance of human diversity, thecentrality of values aside from individual consumption, and, various views on the meaningful and culturedlife. Gasper proposes ways of how to factor in culture in development without essentializing other culturesor without causing undue harm and humiliation to their bearers.  Crocker (2008) also suggests principleson how to resolve local disputes about equitable cultural representation, through the vigilant practice andobservation of deliberative democracy. Alan Badiou’s  Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil (2001) advocates respect for the particularas embodiment and guarantee of the universal.  His ethics revolves around fidelity to truth which can onlybe pursued through choice (truth poses itself as a real contrast to untruth), distance from power (truth isnever successfully pursued under the compulsion of force or power), and exception (pursuing truth isgoing against sedimented custom, and the spontaneous movement of time).  The path to truth, is thustumultuous, and the ultimate ethical command is fidelity to truth, against all odds: “Keep going!”, or“Continue!” I. Parker (2005:14-16) draws from Badiou’s 2001 work in his cautionary measures for conducting radicalqualitative research in communities.  With Parker’s permission, these words of caution can also serve asmethodological guidelines for cultural policy, with slight changes in the wording: a) avoid starting withuniversal assumptions about a people’s culture; b) be aware how we might tend to treat the people of acertain culture as the same as us, or like us; c) respect for particularity is the route to transformation; d) letus not rush to resolve the points of impossibility in cultures, as they may reveal particular realities  inpeople’s situations; and, e) cultures are not homogeneous. With these guidelines in mind, an eclectic sifting from related literature of what might constitute theconcept yields the following provisional elements of cultural sustainability: First, it is recognition and tolerance of cultural diversity, and effectively integrating it with biologicaldiversity, in the term, biocultural diversity (Roosi and Poole, 2011 ). Recognition and tolerance of linguisticand cultural diversity best exemplified in indigenous communities is one of the principal values of the UNMillennium Declaration (Kates, et al., 2005).  Kopfmüller (2011) adds to a better understanding of  the linkbetween biology and culture, in calling attention to nature’s cultural functions, that are played out in“sensory, contemplative, or aesthetic experiences” of nature.  Furthermore, nature is a place of recovery.Even its scarcity promotes the development of human care to protect it. Second, it is allowing individualsand communities ethico-political spaces to reflect, contest, negotiate , and re-figure culture and cultural

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markers as necessary (Parodi 2011; Slater 1999). Third, realization that cultural impossibilities are routesto transformation (Slater 1999). Cultural sustainability is thus not about the permanent maintenance of a collective, such that culturesgrowing unsustainably will be at risk of extinction (Parodi, 2011).  Neither can culture, nor cultural markersbe preserved, because they are at best to be reflected upon, shaped, and modified. This requires politicaldeliberation by stakeholders on what would be viable, and workable. 

An entry to the Panagbenga Street Parade, the top attarction of the festival. Taken in February 2010 byCharmaine Liberato. Negotiating cultural sustainability in festivals Presbury and Edwards (2010) assert that socio-cultural and heritage protection is one of the threemotivations of festivals (the other two being, infrastructure/economic development, and ecologicalprotection).  They are more emphatic and articulate in identifying the motivations, principles, measures,and indicators of culturally sustainable festivals. Culturally sustainable festivals promote not only thecontinuity of resources, but also “the continuity of culture, and the balances within culture, social creativityand freedom” (5).  Their version of biocultural sustainability is protection and maintenance of the natural,built, and heritage resources of the planet. They likewise extol the virtues of diversity, tolerance andcommitment which are the ingredients of ethical festivals.  Local distinctiveness is expressed throughpromotion of local products and services unique to the place. Festivals should promote everything local,such as local music, arts, crafts, including sense of place, which refers to attachment to temporal-spatialsettings, habitats, architecture, parks, zoos, public squares, interior and exterior spaces (see also Derrett,2003).  Presbury and Edwards contextualize sustainable festivals under the more general concern forsustainable tourism, which entails meeting “the needs of present tourists and host regions while protectingand enhancing opportunity for the future” , as stated in the declaration of the World Tourism Orgnization in1995 (in Presbury and Edwards, 2010). Historically, indigenous feasts and celebration in the Cordillera played an important role in defining andreinforcing the identity of indigenous groups. A care for sustainability may be located in the wayindigenous Igorot rituals and feasts were not only fine-tuned with natural cycles of the season, but withproductive and reproductive work, and giving respect to deities. Some of these celebrations, such as the“feasts of merit complex” (Russell, 2007), were means of resource redistribution alongside politicalfunctions of gaining prestige, and political power (Russell, 2007; Bagamaspad and Hamada-Pawid 1985). However, when these feasts are presented for tourists’ consumption in the form of festivals, they can takeon different, even contradictory, goals and values, as Russell (1989) found with the 1978 Grand Cañao inBaguio City.  The Grand Cañao was organized by the local government and private sector to showcase

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indigenous cultures and promote tourism, but it was never repeated after problems related to theauthenticity of the ritual performed and the divisiveness it caused between ethnic groups (Russell, 1989).Russell  concluded:  when rituals are presented in tourist contexts, organizers will face the difficulty ofpresenting “a traditional rendering of what is a very flexible religious and ritual complex in a contemporarysetting that is far from traditional” (260).  The Panagbenga of today is no different.  From its roots as acommunity-ran platform for diverse indigenous Cordillera cultures, the festival has grown into adeliberately consumerist affair that banks on the festivalization of these cultures. Conclusion and Recommendations The recommendations from festival management and stakeholders can be incorporated in the planning,and evaluation of the Panagbenga.  They can be categorized in terms of increasing communityparticipation and installing pro-environment and pro-people criteria for all festival activities. Firstly, basedon the interviews, both management and local residents agree that there needs to be more meaningfulparticipation of community members in the planning and staging of Panagbenga. Residents wish to recallthe sense they felt that Panagbenga was ‘a festival for Baguio by Baguio’, and highlight what Baguio, forthem, is truly known for: a thriving culture and arts scene and a deeply environmentally conscious people.On the other hand, management wants better community participation in and ownership of festivalactivities, along with sustained incomes for businesses and sponsors. So, how can interests be balanced? One possibility is by conducting a multi-stakeholder forum where allsectors concerned can deliberate on the future of Panagbenga following the ethics of ‘deliberativeparticipation’, as David Crocker (2008) elaborates. This process requires a skilled facilitator, collectivelychosen by stakeholders, who can draw out the needs and desires of each sector and propose solutions toidentified areas of disagreement or conflict – the assumption being that all sectors are willing to deliberateon an equal footing and come up with decisions that are amenable to the collective well-being. Secondly, a common recommendation from management and local stakeholders is for a ‘green criteria’ tobe developed and applied to all Panagbenga activities. For example, during Session Road in Bloom,priority stalls could be pre-assigned to local artisans and cultural collectives to showcase their wares inprime spots of Session Road. In terms of traffic management – a major concern of local residents andvisitors – steps must be taken to strongly encourage tourists to use public transportation or walk to placesof interest. This could mean, as one resident suggested, leaving their vehicles at their hotels or indesignated secure parking lots while ensuring availability of public shuttles, as well as the cleanliness ofsidewalks. Concomitant to this, the entire festival could be diffused away from the city center to the othermore scenic parts of the city by staging different activities in different venues. This would allow businessesin all areas of Baguio to benefit from the inflow of tourists. 

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flowers, or the pony boys themselves dressed in historically significant regalia (here they are simulatingmedieval knights).Taken in February 2010 by Charmaine Liberato. Overall, however, within management, a shift must occur against measuring the success of Panagbenga based on quantitative indicators like the number of tourists, number of participants, and total revenuegenerated. Qualitative indicators must likewise be used to determine whether or not, and to what extent, Panagbenga contributed to the collective well-being of the Baguio community. This could be measured bythe quality of participation of community members in all stages of the festival. Beyond the month-longfestival, there is a pressing need to invest in the ongoing maintenance of public parks like Burnham Park,Botanical Garden, Mines View Park, Wright Park, and in the greening of the cityscape in general. In conclusion, the challenge to align Panagbenga with the principles of sustainability is of urgency, as wasshown in the study. But it becomes significant and may be accomplished only when festival managementand stakeholders agree on a vision for their cultural community and the festival’s place in it. Ultimately,there might be a need to re-value Panagbenga as a cultural festival that reflects and demonstrates theBaguio community’s cultures, and sense of place.  The launching of the First Ibaloy Festival in February2014, as a subplot to Panagbenga’s 19th year creates optimism.  It demonstrates how stakeholders andculture bearers can negotiate and agree not necessarily on timeless and eternal truths, but on whatthemes and aspects of culture to showcase and reconfigure dynamically for the year. List of ReferencesAdams, W.M. (2009[1990]), Green Development: Environment and Sustainability in a Developing World,London & New York: RoutledgeBadiou, A. (2001), Ethics: An Essay on the Understanding of Evil, P. Hallward, trans., London: VersoBagamaspad, A. and Hamada-Pawid, Z. (1985), A People’s History of Benguet Province, Baguio City:Baguio Printing and Publishing CoCrocker, D. (2008), Ethics of Development: Agency, Capability and Deliberative Democracy, CambridgeUniversity PressDerrett, R (2003), “Making sense of how festivals demonstrate a community’s sense of place,” EventManagement 8: 49-58Fong, J. (2014), “Notes on the first Ibaloi festival,” Ti Similla: Official Newsletter of the Academic Staff ofUP Baguio, March 2014: 6-7Fry, H. (1983), A History of the Mountain Province, Quezon City: New Day PublishersGasper, D. (2004), The Ethics of Development: From Economism to Human Development, EdinburghUniversity PressGetz, D. (2010), “The nature and scope of festival studies,” International Journal of Event ManagementResearch, 5 (1): 1-47Kates, R., Parris, T., and Laiserowitz, A. (2005), “What is sustainable development?: Goals, Indicators,Values, and Practice,” Environment : Science and Policy for Sustainable Development, (47)3: 8-21Kopfmüller, J. (2011), “From the cultural dimension of sustainable development to the culture ofsustainable development,” in:  O. Parodi, et al., (eds.), Sustainable Development – Relationships toCulture, Knowledge, and Ethics, Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific PublishingParker, I. (2005), Qualitative Psychology: Introducing Radical Research, Berkshire, U.K., and New York,:Open University PressParodi, O. (2011), “Three steps towards a culture of sustainability,” in:  O. Parodi, et al., (eds.), SustainableDevelopment – Relationships to Culture, Knowledge, and Ethics, Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific PublishingParodi, O, Ayestaran, I., and Banse, G. (eds.) (2011), Sustainable Development – Relationships toCulture, Knowledge, and Ethics, Karlsruhe: KIT Scientific Publishing

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program committees, assigning persons to lead the committees and enumerating the activities therefor. Issued 28 January 2014.

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