Indian society is characterIsed by a soclal

stratification bas~ci Oil cast~. Un touobabi11 tl 1s an

outcome of customs and practices carried to an extreme.

The untouchables comprising nearll 16 per oent of the total

population (l.e., eO million people according to the 1971

census) form the lowest stratum of Hindu caste soclety.

When the Constitution makers began their task

1n Ind16 on the attainment of freedom from c010n191 rule,

a ma~or goal whioh they set before themselves was to

break the structuro of social end economic disabIlities

to which a sizeable seetion ot the population ba6 been tied

dovn for centuries, through the tradit10n and praotice of

untouohability 10 B1ndu society. The ConstitutIon of

independent IndiQ, thus, abolisbed untouchabIlity and

deolared its practice an offence punishable by law (Art.l?).

Along with this legal abolition of untouohability.

constItutIonal safeguards and guaranteos were also

accorded to weaker and backward sections of the population.

Tbis pollcy of • Protective Discrimination' in favour ot the Scheduled Castes was envisaged as a step wbich would

bring about the ameliorat1on and eventual InteRrat10n of

the untouchabl.e sections ot Indian SOCiety with the rest

of the population.

• 2 •

fbe pr~sent study is an attGmpt to eB8m1ne the

working of the system of spectal reservation for the

sche6uled castes 1n politics. and to assess to what

extent the system has bean ut1l1sea and helped in

br1ngL~g about the desired change among Indiats 1

teex-untouchables" ,

£~§te anA Uotoughabil&tg

The root of the problem of untouchability lies in

the caste system. Hence, for purposes of this stut%', 1 t

1s necessary to briefly exa~e the phenomenon caste,

ana its relationship tIlth untoueha~1l1ty.

Caste is not an unambiguous term. In every day

parlance, caste 1s often used to reter to a wide variety

of meanings. Casta is sometimos used to mean the original

four-fold classification of Hindu society into Priests

(Brabm1ns), tfarriors (Kshatrtyas), Merchants (Vaishyas)

ana Serv:1tors (Shu<Jr-as), 1.e •• the casta system. At

other times, it 1s used to refer to the 1nnumerabl.e

t 3,at1s!, that exist wlth1n tho scheme of \!8.tnl!S.

8r1nlvaS2 draws a dlstinction be~geen 1BEA8 en6 caste,

and notea that to perceive the complex facts of tha caste

.11

1. "Ex-untouchables" 1s the term useli by Harold Isaacs, in his book 'ln41a' § k-Un!tpugbeh).es'. As Isaaes puts itt 'ex-untouchables' 1s on apt tarm to describe ttpoopl.e tJhose past names are no longer usable or aceept~blen - sL~ee the const1tutional abolition of untouchabUlty .. "an6 ~7ho hope in the future to need no name for themselves". SeOt Isaacs t H• 0 tttn( t@' a fx-Un~(UWha~l.i1a.'" Asia Publ1shing nouse, Bombay 1965 , p.34.

• 3 ,

system in terms of the XRQf! scheme 1s an over-simplified

view of the structure of Indian society. GhUrye3 has

arguGd that "oEM, meaning colour wos an early term which

explained the recial origin of the principal feature of

the oaste S1stem. ~ is a later term and is speelal1se8

to (Jenote 8, caste as a groUPt membership to which is

acquired by birth. Within this caste or ~, Gxist

various minor units called sub-castes, which are based on

distinctions of territory or 3ur1so1otlonal separAtenoss,

mixed orig1n, occupational distincti.on, seotGrian

differencGs, some peculiarity 1n the technique of one and

the same oecupat1onb d1astmllar1ty of custom, etc.4

Bste11le also draws a distinction botween 1a£DQ and

caste.6 Be, however t argues that ~, used to mean

caste, has much maar connotatlon.6 ~ or its regional

var1ant bas been used to refer not only to sub-castes.

F. 11 II

2. Srinlvao, M.r~ •• -Varna And Oastet , in t caste !n. ~!oc!imJM!B..mt-0t'R ~§aV:3', Asia Publishing

CU09, Bornbt\V 1962. pp.7-S.

3. Ghuryo, G.a •• ~at.e .• Qna1Rao.e....1n Io.d!ae Popular PraKssban, BOmbay (19S9 • .

4. iliA, p .34, Ghurye supports the theory of racial. origin of castes.

6. BoteUl.s, A., t £tmle, .C1Q.s~"i'I~ ,PgJ!et,t, Oxford University Press, Samba, (1~G9 t pp.45-46

6~ .Bete111e, A. o 'Race and Descent as Social Categories 1n India', tLAEDALU~, Spring (1967), V01.96. 1~o.2, p.464.

• 4 a

oastes and caste-groups but also to regional communities

as well. ieU. bas been applleCl to units based on race,

language and religion, as vell as castes. 7 ~JtWer, in

this stuag, caste bas been ueed to refer to t~. - as

a term of caste refere..'lce .. wblch eXists as loosely

ordered 8roup1n~s within the troltSWork of the UEQa

soheme. ~he use of tbe word • sub-casteta refers to the

sub-groupings among castes "l1thln the varna scheme. The

entire Dystem including both • JJ!t.!' and 'xeJ'oot is r0ferred

to as the 'Caste system. ,

There are two bread senRes in ub1ch the term

• caste' has been 4el1oe6 and applied by writers on the

subject. One view rGg9rds caste as Q universal, trans­

national, cross-cultural concept. The other 1s 0

restricted vlml of caste ae a spec1tically Indian

phenomenon. According to the latter View, caste in 1n6ia

1s unique ma1n13 bocause it ls a "composite institution,

having a eomp1ox origin in the combination of geographical

h1etorical. etlmlc, aoelal. economic, religious, and

pol.1t1oal. factors. ",bleb has been operative only 1n Indian.

-------------------------------------------------7. -tl:t~4. p.464

8. Blunt not only spOaks ot sub-castes, but also sub-sub-castes. Bluntl E A ,n., • '.the Caste System in Northern In6le' (1931), cl~ed in Ghuryeo G.S. (1969), ml. .. S!.t., p"lB3

9. [\2ajumc1ar,l D.~l •• and f.1adan, T .1'J., • An Introduction to SOCial. Arlthropol.ogy· t Asla Publishing House, Bombay (1957), p .239.

g

, 6 ,

Casto, as defined and applied specifically as 8

concept of Bindu culture, 1s seem BS a unique an6

peeuUar feature of !na1an society. Bere, caste 1s

defined as a system of sooial Drgan1satlcn found in

traditional India surviving to a large extent to the

present day. 10 cox,l1 Leacb12 anel others13 have

restricted the use of the term to the Indian phenomenon

onlY. A s such, h1ererct\V' 1s the essenCG of caste .14

AiJ J I .. 10. See Leacb, R.R., Ceste, Class and Slavery' the

TBXMomlc Pl'ob1em~1n Reuok and KniGbt (ects.), • Q§m!lQ...Q.ru1 .Bs~· t elba Foundation, LondonJ

l.l.

13.

14.

J. and A. Cburch1ll Ltd. (1967). p.9.

Cox, O.c •• 'Raoe and Caste; A Distinction·,

~~O~:'~iiO~~~~~h!r~)! CO. o Naw York 1945}, c1ted in Berremaot G.D.! .. • £ru!t.e ...and_other In,PLt1eS!' 1s.;@XQ c:m._InmlYu1-.tf., FolJt1ore Institute, el.hl, (l.9S9 •

Loach, E.B. t -Introduetion. What should ua mean by Ctlste?O 10 Leaoh (oe. ~~l '&!R§QHJ?i C~fL,1n SO.lltb In§l l\e Q.emn.eJld.BOUctrH~:~iit, Cambridge University Press, Gambl'14gs. 1959. pp.l-10.

Simpsone G.E., and Yinger, J .M., 'bg!ft1. anA F~ mnOtttkE!g,', Harper & Dros •• New York 1e63 Cited 1n aneman. a,D., (1960)oQR.G!t..

PP.12o-l.2l,·

Dumont I.,$. - .\lomg .. ,Fl!{tl'srgh1s:us,' It Goe ''.the Nature of Caste in In<l1o and ROVlet1 S9Cl·poS1.um on L. Dumont's Hcmo-H1.erarch1cus't by _dan '.r.N., ana others, amCU;1.~ao P01U1M~ScJ.ftMe_!imz1m1' Vol. V t Dec. 19715 Alao,Dumont, L. t t Bate • A~menon or SOcial Cul.ture on a.., A.speot of Indian Cul.turet , in Bouck B.'1d Kn1ght (eds.) sm.~.~ pp.28-S9.

a 6 a

Hindu Caste uystem has been characterised by a 1'1816

system of aeorlptlvG b1erarcby I) by the enetenoo of

principles of pollution and pur1tYt determination of

sooial rank by ritual. criterion and endogeml.16 in

matters of marriage. 500191 1ncqual1ty 1n 10U8 has

been structU1~od and given legitimacy bS the extreme

torm of stratification 1mposed by caste. Caste had

tor conturles determined aQd regulata6 the norms an6

patterns of behaviour of lo61v16uals as well as groups

in socioty.

Untouchability in India 19 an otf-shoot of tha

caste system. ParQllals have been drawn by some writers

between tho low status of the Unto'lchables 1n India and

thnt of the • Ete t or t Pariah' COI%l1DU.¥)ity in Japan. Md 16

tbe • Negroes' or t BlaCK-s' 10 the United States as well •

A .. • U .=1 1

& 7 I

The basis for such comparisons has essentially been

two-fol.d. On the one hand, n oomparison has been made

between the two communitles, viz., BlackS and

Untouohables, as deprived status grOUps~? with

similarities in terms of segregAtion 1n both cases in

respect of dwelling place, occupation, cultural

behaviour ex;pl'essad 1n relations among groups is

comparable. Yet, it 10 denied tllat both can be

charaoterised ss t caate' systems. In race-relAtions

and caste-ralationst though s1m1lar1t1es ere noted, the

61stinct1on is nevertholess ma1nta1ned.18 The most

str1k1ng variation rests on the fact that the In(11an

caste system 19 reflective of hierarchic status

cbaracterised ~ birth-asoription not only in respect of

untouob0,bl.es, but also of the other castes as well

in the B1n6u caste system. ________ ,_._. _____ .~~ ______ JI_. _____ ._. _____ ._11 ____________ __

17.

lB.

The notabAo stuay that follows such a pattern o£ analysis is that of Verba, J\bma<i and Bhatt •• mt.a!t.. Wherein a comparison has been made betweon the two as deprived Broups; 88 they eXist in two d1fferent ~oc!etles. The s1m11ar1tles 10 rsg.pect of both occupying lowest pos1tion on the status bierarchies in their soc1et1ast and singled out from othor groups on the basis of asarlptlva oharacteristics form the basis tor eOfl\!)9rleon 1ft th1s studv. The stu~ focuses ltself on the ways in wh10h tbese groups take part 10 the polltieal lite of their societies

- and the tg6y 1n wh1ch poUt1cal actiVity is used to deal with problems of eoole-economic deprivations.

studies by S1u3}son! G.E., and Yinger, J .M •• o (1.963>0 Qa.~., and also JOhnson, c.s., (19411,. sm..~. have cr1t1clzElt1 the comparison between llegroes and Untcucllablea based on their ldGntificatlon os eae~a groupings; GSS l3erroman (1960)0 op.c1t., pp.12o-121.

& 8 ,

On the otber hondD the striklng stmilarities

have led writers to view botb the systems 1n the Unlto6

states and in India as • caste' systems and to regord

the low status pOSit1on 10 the h1erarcl\v ecce·raea to the

nlegroes in tba tJnJ.ted States ana Untouchables in Indla

as a consequenoe ot the system of coste itself. Caste

hero is taken e9 8 cress-cultural eoncept which cuts

across geograpb1cel. boundaries. ~o Setteman~ the

value of a broader definition lias in tbe wider scope

for a comparat1ve study of sOC1al process. Thus.

brca~ defined t caste 1s a • hierarchy of endogamu 20

divisions 1n t1h1ch membershtp is haretl1 ta.r1 and permanent t •

Prompted by such a v1ew of cante 0 eemparisooa have been

made of the poa1t1on of untouchables 1n India, with

• Etat OJ' t Per1ah· in Japan, as well. ss with the t1egroes

in the United States. TbUSt Berreman pOints cut that

the essential slndlarity betuaen the Negroes-White

relatlooa 1n the United states an6 the Caste Hindu­

Untouchable relations 1n Indla lies in the fact that

the function of the rules 1n both cases 1s to maintain . the caste system with institutlonalised 1nQue11t, os its

- t • & J .. I - . 19. Berremano G.D •• Caste in India and the Unlte(1 states.,

Amerlcan Journal of scc101o§. LXVI, (,q,O), p.120 Also, Berreman, U.D. t 'Plur811sm ana Interaction - a comparative analysis of caste·, in Bouck and Knight (eels), QA.G.il.. It P .46-70 •

20. !erreman. U.D., (1919), ~.Q!t.e p.2

a 9 •

tunatmGntal feature~l Stmllarly a cross-cultural

comparison has been ccn&1cted by Orans f22 between the

• Barukumtn t 2a ... a 'Eta' or • Pariah' caste in Japan, and

the • tleg1"oes· in the Un1 ted States. Orans Wi tea that

• Barukumin' caste. are descendants or members of 8

'Parlah' or an untcuchab1e casto ~ho are stUl SOcially

and econondcally discriminated agAinst. Ltke the

untouchable • Jatavs' of Indlao (i1scr1m1natlon 1s based

on the p$ut1on notion and is olosely United w1 til their

tradit10nal occupation which is leather-working. Further.

l~ta the Blaoks 1n tho United States, they are wld~

regarded as mental~ inferior, incapable of blgh mo~al

behav1our, aggres1vG. impulsive, and lacking any nction

of san1tation or manners.24

YAtOWlbC\bll,J.U fa §2s1Q~,EeonoJd(! !2!@8!2Wti.~&

In the Indian context, untouchabl1ity is the

notion of ooste carried to 1 ts ext~eme. ~be untouchables

occupy a peculiar poolt1on 1n the Hindu social structure.

Tradit10nally e they are considered outside the Dtlt'l

seheme ana yet in aetual faet, form en 1ntegral part of

sOciety. Ideas of purity. whether occupatlona1 or

- .. 21. Berreman. O.D., (\~'O), U»JA. p.la2.

22. Orans, 14 •• (1911), 9I?.Q1t..

23. • l'arukum1r.· 1s a torm applied to the • Eta. or • Pariah­cnste in Japan, mea~ing 'People of speo1al communities •• see, Wagatsurua, 'the Pariab coate 1~Japan a Slstor" and Present self-1mage' 1n ReuCk & ifn.l.ght, OP.clt., P.ll8.

01~ana ~lart1nt op.cit., pp.lla-U7 It

, 10 a

ceremonial, "hieh are found to hnVa bsen a factor in

the1r geneSis,as form the crux of the ldea and practice

of untoucbab1l1ty. All the various definitions on

untouchabil1ty are based on the common premise that

untcucbabU1ty 1s a stigma attached to oertell1n people

~esuJ.t1ng trom their polluted status. 1'h1s stigma.

congenital accord1ng to onets caste. lasts Q lifotime ana cannot be eliminated by rite or by deed. Untouchab1l1ty

refers to the sat of practices tollo~ed by tho rest of

soc1ety to protect itself from pollution allegadlr

conveyed by the untouobables.26

~tOUChab1l1ty 1s a multi-d1mensional feature of

Indian SOciety, wh1ch rests on the pattern of bellefs

basic tc B1n6uiStll. t~ot1ons of caste and its outC01!8,

untcucbab1l1ty,ero closely 1nterwoven witb Hlndu concopts

of W£i6 and @SDA and the cycle of re-blrth. Tha H1n8.tl

. L. I' In • dJ ... . as. Various theor1es havo bean adv~oood With regard to·

tbe origin of untoachab1l1ty. The racial theory traces its beginn1ng to racial differenoe, ft1oe. S.t ~d"_ClurtrCmsaDd thm,r,Ot1i1D.! see Abmoclker, :s.,n., ntouchablesa WhO they were ana why they became so

(1948) 0 p.43. The Racial tbeory 1101.4s that the untouchables werG nan-Aryans, non-Dravidians. 'lhe other 1s the ecctAPat.1onal theory t see Ghurye, i§@t§. and glas§ lO .1rlf~1.~ (l.969>J According to this theory, the untouchabl.es WGrGlooke<J upon as a group, contact With whom was def1Unfh because they were toll.otr1ng occupations like seaveng1ng 1eather-vork, removing dead cattle trom tbe village and so on.

3 11 •

pb1lOsophical ana religiouG system rests on the ballef

that Q man 1s ordained to a l1fa and position in society

according to bis behaViour pattern in his previous birth.

SoD 10 o~aer to elevate his status in the next birth, ha

is required to strlctly fonow the roligious. ritual

observanoes which require ritua1fturlty apPl.'·opr1ate to the

otatus of the indiv1dual. It 119 in keeping witb this

bel1ef that the untouchabl-as have been bel.d by the Hintlus

tn poverty, ignorance, 6n~ dogradation by the ritually

• pure' caste H1ndus, on the gr0Wl6 that an, huwen

intercourse with this sectIon was polluting an6 against

the sanction of the religious and sacre6 texts.27

Notion of defilement, pollution ena contamination

underlie the pract10e of untoucbobW tq • The social.

d1eab1l1t1es tred1tlon~ imposed upon the untouchables

were both several and numerous. The d1sabl11tlas~ however.

vary from province to province and 1n 61ftorent parts of

the same province. ~he1r touch. shadow end even their

volca wore deemeci bg oeste B1ndus to be polluting. In

the south, O' l/jallG,y28 writes, untouchab1l1 ty implied that

-- , . 27.

28.

~he ~tqt i1ta projects adherence to the caste system aa the most sacred duty of Ute. Thus, Lord 1U'1shna 10 the 01ta says,ttbe four-fol.d d1vls1on "1~S created b,y me~ according to the opporUODment of equal.1tles and duties·. .It was believed that 'he onl1 11 ves well. and worthily who 11 ves in strict acoordance tl11tb the casts rulOJts·. Ses, John P .Joh."s • ~ a .Itt! WLMA ,i~' Bare books; Also" see • Barry. • Sources of dian 'l1~e&'t1cnt ~ Co1wnbla University Press, ~JGW York (1968). 0' ~1al1ey, 1..6.&., Intl1.fW CAUil. CllStgWU Repr1nt, (1974) V1kas Publ.loh.1ng House, Delhi (le32)

• 12 I

contact with some castes was pollut1nGt but with certain

others mere presence or prox1m1ty dafUe6 higher castes.

TbroughOuto the untouchables were danie" the use of

publiC uells, a'ld thetr ch116ren ~lerenot a6r1. ttecl to

schools attended by ~aste Hindus. All temples 'tIGre cl.ose6

to them and thea haa no access to public serv1eos,

hospitals, recreational parks ana so on. Elaborate

conditions of social segregation ~ore imposed governing

the condlt1ons of their separation from the rest of the

people. Agyappange wr1tes that 1n Karels State tbey wera

required to 11 va in a separate oolony outside the village

and to avoid upper castes being polluted, the distance at

whicb the polluting castss have to remain. were fixed Q.~d

p~escrlbed by tradition.

~be economic 61aabU1t1Gs of the untoueh!lbles

operated to preserve ritual purity by delegating polluting

tasks to the lower castes. Thus, tho various untouobnb1e:

castes 10 <1U'ferent ports of the country are tredi tiona11y

associated With unclean 30bs suoh as soavonging, bids ana

leatber working. toady-tapp1ng. field.labour and other

. , 10 r , •• J l' • •

; 13 :

menial. 30bS 10 the traditional v1llage eoonomy. 30 ThG

allocat1on of specific oocupations especially to lower

castes was reinforced by the operations of the 3a3mtm! 31

rel.atlons in the traditional v1UagG economy, which left

unchallenged any occupational mobility tor tbese castes.

Tbougb tho JaJmDD1 system assured its clients a minimum

Gubslstonco39, 1t gave to the untouohables no education

or capital but added ooc1al 41scr1m!natlon which left

tham lmpaired an~andlC8Pped.

t!CW!tlt ._aa .~t§s Recent researohes in the field of mobi11ty in the

Indlao caste system have triea to show thot the stratifi­

cation system 10 India is not a c~osed system as has been

30.

32.

. - • •

Castes traditionallY associated With soavenging are 'Domt ot U.p. ano t{est Bengal, the • Cbuhra' of Pun jab, • Bhnnal Mahtar' of Rajasthan and BoC'J3sy, t IN.nmalat ana tHar1' of ~!lgelt 'Haddi' of Orissa. 'Mala' oaste 10 A.P. and t Pe.ra1yyant in femU Nadu, portly oarrle6 on seQve!1g1IU~. The leather-working oastes were cb1efl9 the .. Cbamar' or • Chambhart t predominant 1n U.1> ., ~lbar end other Uorthorn states. In the south, t Ma61ga' and • Cbakka11yant ,gQro trad1tlona1l1 engaged in bide and l.eather-work1ng. Among the fiola.labourers, ero the t PaUays'1n the south, 'Museherst 1n !i bar and 'Sagd1' 1n West Bengal. Castes such as • Past in the south were tra41t1onally 1n the tccldy-tBPping occupation. See. ~harget gn.s;1t.. p.310-S26

see, Nason, p.. '!ad,.a...M6 CRWA ~ JJ.o!tx Md ft!!"et~ I An Introductory $Vl~' Oxford nlverslty Press, London (1967), p.l-Q9.

AlSOt Sharma, M., -the Politics ot Inequality' , University Press of Hawali, (1978>. pp.2ao-2Sl.

Ct. Berreman, G.D., gnSj0-ftDa ~t:9er.!DeqYitlJUl·t Essays on Inequality'. olkl.ore nst1tute l.r7eJt PP. 19-30.

I 14 I

trad1t1onally thought.33 The recent v1ew does not regard

caste as the sole determin1ng factor In evaluation ot 1ndividual's role an~ status in SOCiety, but that, along

with ceste, • economic' and 'power' 41mens10ns are relevant

to the understanding of Hindu soclety.34 However. it has

been maints1ned by some wrlters36 that the intermingling

between class oompositlon and caste h1erarct.y vere at best

----------------------.---_.------------------------------33. The two divergent opinions regarding mobility in the

caste slstem bas been classif1ed by Barber. B. as the traditional and modern view. The traditional view portrays caste as s system of stratification 1n which l1ttle 1f any mobility ocourred and whore there existed a one-to-one relat10nship between individual posit1on 10 tbe oaste b1er8ro~ end his position 1n other d~enslons of the social order. See, Sarber, B. 'Soc1al Mobility in B1n6u Indi8', J. Sllverberg (ed.) t~bU1t! ,itLt~e Caste S!stem.JJl IntP,{h t.outon,The Hague (1968).

34. !bid., p.22

35. Brown observes that 'ss for back as late ve~ic per1od, it 1s possible to Observe the ass1milat1on of 'a1sbys and sudrst. (see, brown, 1n Singer & Cohn ·§1r~21Y~e. tna.c~ng@ 1~ ladlen sochetl' Al~1ne Publish1ng Co., 1968~ p.3S. Slm11arly,urton Stein has descrlbe<! the

case of 8 group of Sudre Sriva1shnavas who ech1eved upward mob1lity througb relig10us roles at tbe Tlruvengadam temple and T1rupati 10 the 15th oentury. (See. B. Stein, tSoc1al Mob1l1t1 and Medieval South Hindu Sects' 1n Sllverberg, op,ott.., P.8B-89). Bailey has also argue'" that while the social status of most castes might ohange 1n their soc1o-eoonomic condit1on, that of Brahmins at the top and untouchables at the bottom 1s f1xed. (Balley, i.G., Qaat.~_aog }¢200 m1P Fron~t@l, ~~nchester Universlty Press, 1967). 1 t is also worthwhlle to note here that V.D.'Souza, p01nts out that a plausible explanation ot the observed uneven change in the variables of caste status snd occupational status of the Scheduled Castes, could be that, even though 8 particular Scheduled Caste community (he cites the instance of tMaber· 1n a MahBresbtra village he stud1ed), may have given up the traditional unclean occupations, fet, because of the1r past association with them, it inhibits to some extent the normal consequence of the change 1n theIr occupa­t10nal status. However, he argues, the tact remains that the correlatIon between SOCi84 status and soclo­eCOftOmlC oonditions holds good even In the case of SCheduled Castes. (See, V. D'Souza, 'Tbe changing status of SCheduled Castes·, FcQ!!2.I1!!s...~n~lltJ Vol.14,1962, p. 1853-54).

: 16 •

within the confines of the middle-ranking Va1shya tmd

low Su~a castes. i:he position of Brahmins at tbo top

and Untouohables at the bot tom rama1nGCl statiO and SGeU1"8.

the Untouohables continued to remain low, oppressed and

baelnmrti.

!b1s ls.however, not to say that the t:istcry of

Untouchables 1s devoid of any ett<!lmpts towards mobU1tr

and status enhancement within the caste hieraroby. HArper~6

studying the llol.eru caste in r'\vsorQ, bas observed that

the attempt by the Bolerus to enhanoe their stAtus

cons1ste4 of assuming the behaVioural pattern assoc1ats6

with the higher castes, that is. of aocept1ng pollution

taboos such as nct eating beef or not removing dead cattle,

etc. In his stu~, lsaacs37 bas shown that the

Untouohables often succGe6 in hiding their bacKward status

for a wbUe by ado;;t1ng a biaber oaste ldenti ty 1n urban

settings. Some Untouchab1es or groups of Untouchables

have adopted the be~v1our pattern or these who SGl~e as

their 'reference group' ~8 Sivertson39 bas examined the

relatIonship between the chonges in tho acoDeme structura

anci soc 1al structure which were occurring due to various

• " - • •

3G. Harper, B.B., • Social consequenee of an unsuccessful low caste Movement', in 611- ex'berg, J. en.QU.., 1968.

37. Isaacs, 11 •• (1966), !m.~.

38. Patwardhan, S.t ~g, Among I.adia! S Har1J8fj,(l; Orient Longman. l.973.

Slvertson. 1ib~~tL~terG I:~' A StUdiO," ~18l. and F£Q;t£mMt Obenge.J.D eJ1~h l.n~n V ~~~f!Sh

Gorge Allen & Knives Ltd. t London 1963 •

a 16 ,

factors It sucb as It the breakdown of the trad1 ti onal

economic relatlons between landlords 806 tenants,

increase 10 absentee lancU.orc11sl:s, and economlc

adVancement of scme segments ofthe lower coates.

~forts towards fOOb1l1t1 ant! eba'lga in the status

of tha untouchables may be class1fied as occurr1ns at

three 1<!\1s1s. First, at the incllv1duo1 leval marking

1nd1v16ual mob1l1ty and shifts 1n lndivlClual. status.

seoond. group motility attempted - sU~Oas9fUlly or

unsuccessfully - by c0rta1n low and backwArd castes

(sub-castes) • 'lh1rd. aro movements carrle6 on a SOCif.t"AL

scale, essentially on the socl0.ra11~1oue plane in the

past, and in recent tlmoat the polJ.t1eAl movement

cOlnc161ng with the nationalist struggle for inaependenee •

.Instances of lad! v1dual mobil! ty are not unkoown

among the ~w and baokward Untollehabl.es. lsaacst D 40

study provides instances of sucb individual attempts at

mobU1ty anel chango. ~he avenues for 1aM.v1Chl61 mobility

attompts are proVided by several. faotors. such as

education, pol1tiCS, shifts in occupations. mlgrations

and so on. 70 the earlier generation the e6ucntional

opportunities opened up during tho British rule, togetllsr

with t~~ patronage of Gandhi and the Congrass Party as

well. as the • SCbeouled caste Federation' started by

---------_.----------------------------------------40. Cf. Isaacs (1966) t sm..s.!t..

: 17 a

Dr. Anlbetikar, provided to many persons, a career 1n

P0l1t1cs~1 To the present genoration too, education and

politics, provide opportunities tor mobllity. ~~gratlons

from v1llage to clt1eD also affect patterns ot mob1l1t,

004 change. Perscns belonging to lewer occupational

levels migrate to cities 10 quest of better opportunities

and enhanoea status.

}~ persons from occupat1ons oueb as scavenging

and sweeping. had movod eva, from villages lnto cities as

lndustr1al. workers. thougb stU! as menlal.s, as sweepors,

common labcul'Gf9t (lock-workers, stG'Vedores Mel the l1ke.42

Finding new roots 10 oitles, attempts are made to turtbor

enbanoe their status b.1 educating the successive

generat10n and thOl'oby securing to tbem better jobs ond e

emp10yment opportunlt1es.43

Attempts at lnd1v1dua1 D)bU1ty, o'.ltllned 10 the

above parograph, though perceived end recorded in fl81ll'

0ra6a, however. h~ve not had wide-ranging impact on

the cond1tion or status of the Untouchable castes, nor in

effect, wiped out the stigma of WltCHObabU1ty. At best,

tnoy were successful to the lim1ted extent of securing

mobUlty to 1ndiv14ualS. In many of these cases.

mob1lity vas possible due to the successful concealment

or tho caste identity of these mobile men and wo~en. And,

..... - AI.

41. UJ&fI P .91.

4S. 1.l214. c p .94.

43. Cf. ~., p.69.

a 18 J

as Isaacs notes. 1n the eventuality of Q return to the

village tor short or long periods, these persons would race

s1milar taboos as the rest of the1r oommun1ty.44

~ob111ty attempts by caste groupings existed pr10r to

the cOming of the British. But the establishment of Brit1sh

rule brought 1n distinct changes 1n the soclo-eeonomie set-up'

and administration wh1cb had a d1reot bear1ng on the oaste

mobllity movements. 5rlnivas notes that prior to the

establiShment ot Drlt1sb rule 1n IndIa, paths to m&bll1ty tor caste groups, essentlal~ lay through warfare and seizure of

locel po11tical power.4S Such avenues were more orten

available to dominant oastes than others (low oastes),46

There ware, however. exceptions such 8S the one noted by

Pan1kker.47 vho gIves the instance of the medleval Pala

dynasty of Bengel which was Shudre 1n orig1n.

It 1s poss1ble to argue thst changes w1thin tho

ceste hierarohy, i.e •• mo" ement upwards as well as downwards

occur along w1th ohanges 1n the economic structure brougbt

about by the Impact of technologIcal advancement on the

eff1c1ency end modes of commun1cation and production. This

1s poss1ble beoause ohanges 1n the econom1c structure

correspond1ngll alter the posit1on of oastes or oOQupational

44.

46.

46.

47.

Ft. ~.t PP. 61-64

sr1n1vas, M.N., 'Mob1l1ty in the Caste System' in Singer and Cohn (eds)., gn.S!1.t (1968). p.189 ~., p.190

Pan1k~er. K.M., 'B1ngu ~oq~~ti at qtoss-Roada' Asia Publishing House, (Bombay), 1256, p.9. cited on 8r1nlva8, p .190 (1968) t 2B..ill,.

a 19 ,

groups vis-a-vis others, in terms of economic well-being

and social interaotion. two cases 1n point D~1 be cited

here to 1lluatrate this. 'lhe first, a case of upward

mobU1ty l.n the • claso' end • caste' hierarchy t and the

other of downward UDbl1ity.

~be first 1s the ease of the Jats. Writing about

the Jata, Hablb48 POints cut that history records the Jats

as t cattle owners and lev shudra people,49 around the

eleventb century over large aroas in the florth-wGst ragten

(The Indus Basin). By the siXteenth century they are

recorded as • peasants' and • Zam1ndars' in that area.60

This transformation ot the Jats from herdsmen to paasants,

altered tLe1r position 10 tho 'class' and 'caato' hierarchy"

anli gave to them the status ot a 'dom1nant' oasta which

they en301 even today. Habib surmises th~t this transition

came about as a result of the introduotion of the Persian

\-Ihee1o ublCh f,.ade possible eultlvptlon 1n largo, formerly

uncultivated tracts of the lndus basin, thus enabling the

Jats to swltcb over hom bG1.."1g herdsmen to cultivators

and peasants. 61

~he second case 1n po1nt is that of the weaver

community 10 South India. In the Vlja,yanagar Emp1re arad

parb~s ita aftermatb. the weavers were organised in _IF ______________ -- ---- - ... --

48.

eo. 61.

Cf. I. Hablb, The Historical Dackgroun6 of the Popular ~D~o~heistlc Movement ot the 16th-17th een­tur!es~ Seminar on Ide~~, M~diGVpl Indl~o 16-18 Nov. leaS. university of' DalJ110 Del.hi.

Albarunl t s &0.&.0., tr. sachan, 1; p.401 clte~ in HAbll- 1

!,b!,!3, P .13

~~~fi C. 1696 Cited by Habit, Lbt~9 P.13

Ibid, P~. 12-14.

, 20 I

guilds and wera fairly powertul econom1e~llr ana SOC1Q~!2 ~t witb the advent of tho Industrial

Rovolutlon in England and the compet1tlon of forolgn

text11es, the position of these Weavers consIderaBly

declined both economically and socially. ThO decline 1s

evident from the fact thAt thoy wre coc:peUed to take

up inferior occupatlons such as construction work,

8srlcultura1 labour, etc. At presont, they m'e

class 1ried as a bacltwar6 Caste. 63

The establl~ent of ~1t1sh rule 1n India,

breuQbt 1n far .. rG~ch1Dg changes 1n the scelo-economic

anel po11ticnl otrueturca. 'thuD. for the first time a

single po1.1tleol power woe establlsbed over the ent tre

sub-continent. The British brou~bt to India new

tochnol.ogy ss well as adt<ln1strstlvG and mill tary

oJ"<onlsot1otl end improved means of eomunlcetlon through

the introduction of the Railway network. These £Aetors

not only altered the tradltioDPl mob111ty p~ths but in

many cases opened up several netJ avenues. 64 f.1oraover,

62. 'lha 1mporumce of the ",saver guilds and the extent of their economio power CAn be best assessed in ter~s of the donations ~ade by them to the temples e1ther in the torm of 1and. ~oney or 9:11 other temple service. Social priv1leges accrued to them as a result ot these don~t1onst helping them to 11l'.PrOVe the 1r r 1 tual otat1.1s 10 socioty... Cf. nooaswacy" V .9

IbfLJj~r CQ!!llm!n1t!eQ o'x..lb§. .KM.qh!mu:flID I\e-aum, Circa A.iJ. 700-1700, Unpublished Dissertat1on, Ja~lahBrl.al. Mobru UnivGrsity, New Delhi (1918).

I Sl ,

r' the introduction of the British conoepts of otrlnersh1p

or land and rules of tenancy, the system of educat10n end

so on affected mobllit.y movements within and outside thG

caste system. Ahmaa65 ~ltes that the decennial censuses

introduced on a regular basis 1n India between the yGars

1867-1871, oxec:pllfy the search of caste groups for Det1

status identities. Thus, it is pOinted out, different

castes ana sometimes the same casteo ehanged their claims

bet~~on two censuses or 1n two different are(~.66

However, these census enumerations of caste undor

progresGi valy altered names 1n subsequent consuS($,do not

neees30rLly loply a refleotlon or the aotual position ot these castes 1n the socio-economic hierarchy.

-63.

54.

66.

~here 1s e good deal of evidences shewing the sh1tts to lowor occupation by tl.e t-1Qnvers since the Drlt1sh rule. 'the BackWard Comm1ssion's Report, 1970, notes that due to inadequate patronage and encouragement of the handloom industry t the trac1i tlonal weavers have bad to go into interior and impermanent oeeupa tiona like part-time agriculture labour, COllstruction uorko etc. the 1881 census, (Val..l .P .1(4) notes that among the weav1ng castes, tt.e torce of o~rcumstanees COJD9els an abdandonement of the old trade • • . the power looms of Lancashire wUl ere long drive the weavers into the fields. Al.sc Cf. 1871. 1:1adrsa Presidency Raporto Vol.r, ad. \'J .R. Cornish.

Sr1nlvas (1968), sm..ill. p.191

Ahmad, lmt1oz., 'caste t40bUity t<!ovements in NortbGrn Ind1E' , in !nd1mLEcon~C ant~ Sog1a1 .,IJi§tpry Rmzte, Vol.S, No.2, June 197 , pp.164-192.

66. ibiS, p.174 THESIS 320.954 N1648Sc

1~1:"J "~LI' 4-{ (Nl

) ..J

111111/;;1111l1li11 111111 TH726

iYl)

T~l-'2.fI

: 32 ,

# From the above elaims. it 10 evident thAt. there bas

always bean a strong and intense desire among the low

.castes to rank theosolves higher in the caste hierarchs'.

70 th1s end, apart from tho use of census, sG\'eral groups

among low castes haVG tried to raise their soc1al status by

cbanging their customs and practices akin to tbe higher

castes. This process, termed as the • O:;anSkri tlzat10n t by

Sr1n1vos57 operates within the framework ot the Hindu

Soc1ety. Many stu(l1es have utU1zed this concept ana

app11ed it to var10us sett1ngs.58 Thus, the veering of

the sacred thread by the Non 1yas in SSne.pur vUlage in

GastGrn u.p., as reported by RowerS the ul'se to move up

culturally through 1mitation of the norms of tbe h1~her

cBstes by the haves 1n Kerala t as noted by AiyyapPG.nf~ are

instances of tho adoption of the process of sanskr1tlsation

to achieve social mobility.61 _, _____ .-..... ______ . __ . __________ . -0_.------57. Grln1vBS. N.H., ios!ol-~qim~Ut Orient

Longmen. Now Delt-.1 11972J;-pp ~ 1-46.

68. Rowe, W.L., fob111ty in the 19th C, Caste System, 1n SinSel' & Cohen, !!a.QU. p.201-205

69. nOV9,. W.L., • The NG1t1 Ohauhans' 10 Silverberg (1968 >, ga.QU,., p.76

60. A13,vappan, (1966), 2D..~ •• PP. 124-126

61. Lyncb studies tho effort at sanskr1t12atlon among the • Jatavs' in Agra and also anal.ys9o the non-sanSltr1tic changes taking plaoe in Ind1a sinoe independence. seel Lynoh, Owen. t • ~t.!ruLQt...Yn.tgpgbab11j._t.Y~ , Inti an Reprint. Nat1onal. Publ.1sb1ng House II . t~ew De.lb1 (1974), p .aea .

, 23 a

~he process of eanskr1tleatlon sim1lar to

'lslam1satlon' in f>luslim Society, as could be taken to

mean not mere18 Brahmlnlsm but its reverse also.63 In

the ease of the • Lingayats' in SOutb lndla, 1 t lad to

open conflict with Brabminlsm and cutright spurn1:,g of

Brabmlnical pract1ces.64 Hence. in a very broad sense,

'sans.tU'lt12atlon· could imply • caste exaltat1on' either

by accepting and im1tating nrahm1~1sm as in the CAse of

llX)st castes,66 or by rejectl .. g Brahman1sm by deliberate

adoption of antl.Brahc~~lcal prActlces.66 Thus, low

cadis 1n their effort to enhance status by attempting to

equate soeio-economic status with ritual status demanded

-ea.

63.

66.

• b

Of. Sat1sh C. N1sral 'lnd1gen1satlon and lslamlsatlon in Ind 8, Secular Democracy, ~~nual, 1974. Another interest1ng article on the same theme 1s Ahmad Imtiez, The Ashraf and Ajlaf categories 1n Indo .. l'~sl1m Society. Fcon~C1_ln~ iol.!t1celJ<1e~, flay 1967.

Srln1vas (1962) 2!}..Q11., 9.43, bas h1fnself given tho L1ngayats' os a lead1ng examp~e of Banskrlt1zat1on end bas 10 fact pointed out that the more orthodox Llngayats 614 not eat food touched or COOked by the Brahnrl,ns. However, he has neither cleer13 defined nor emphasised this reverse process ot sanskrl t1eat1on •

Ct. thurston, 'Unghnyat·, gg..£!.t.., Vol.IV, pp.B37 ... 9C

see, Rowe, (1968) an.Q!t..t Srin1vas (1962) sm.~~~.· A1yyappen (1966) , sm..£.1..l. etc. In most cases, sana .. kr1t1sat1on meast a slavish imitation of Brahmlnlcal practioes like the wear1ng of holy thread, adoption of gotros t eto.

6rin1VQS (1962), QR.s!t.t p.43. describes the L1ngayat movement as ant1-Brahm1~lieal in tone nnd spirit. Also, Cf. ~hurston (1.976). sm..Q!t..t Vol.V.

not only social. ritual and other prlvi1cgese and ascrlbe6

mythological cbr1g1ns in their claims to brabm1nle81 status

but 10 certain cases (as tho Lingayata) cl.a1mcd • supra­

brahman1eal' status.

~rocesa of mobllity suoh as .sanekr1tlzatlon'

operate6 witt+e Hindu society. Conversion bas been

another path of escape to tho low and oppressed groups from

tho GtrangleholCl of caste h10l'arel\V ~h1ch 1s basie to

Hinduism. Re~ge of 0 more egalitarian religion bas beon

sought as a atep towards enhanoement of soeisl stetus. The

initial. large scale conversion carne at the Sr· vent of r,qOghul

rule in India when peop1e belonging to inferior status in

lll.ndu soc1.ety turned ln favour of the brotherhood of Islam.

Whether for economic reasons or with a view to elevote

social status, mass conversions d1d take place auring the

t1me.67 HowGVert by the turn of the centurYe Islam lost

its pros~t1s1nB zea1.6B Ln recent times, Christianity,

operating through its missionaries. haS attraoted large

number of parsons belonging to backward and depressed

castes (mcstlJ in south lndia). 111e work of the Chr1st1an

mlGslonarles durL~3 the famines, 10 education and social

vork among tr1bals and untouchables. have contributed to

promot1ng large scale conversions to that rel1g1on.

T,

67. Sea, M. Hablbt s essay or1ginally published 8S an IntroChlot1oD to the ElJ.lot &: Dawson series in Hi zami t K..A., '.fQ~ 'r;4 so,giotlt, 1n Emrll MoalaxM India, PPH, DeJ.h1 1972.

Ahmad, 1mt1az., (1971), op.clt. P.le3.

t aa a

Re3ectlon of lI1n6u1sm camo 1n yet another torm of

conversion by the depressed out-castes. This vas the

eonverslon into the Buddhist to1d around the middle of the

present century. Unlike the convorsions into Christianity,

the Buddhist conversion was not promoted by missionary meal

or attraction of the benefits to be haa through conversion

such as in education ood others. ~he SUddhist conversion

was a deliberate, cal.cul6te~ and planned course of action

on the part of large groups of untouchab~es WIder the

guidance and leadership of Dr. Ambed~tar. ~o Dr. An:bG~ltOr.

Buddhism offered the obvious choloe as the Wltouchables

(who later became the tJeo-BuddhiGts>, were themsa1ves

descendants of the anoient Buddbists. 69 The t Nee. Bu6~h1st'

movement. as it came to be known, was based on rational

gl~ounds. Dr. Ambed.kar regarded 8uddhism AS a rGl~g10n

based on reasont tbe prino1ples of which were not to be

£0006 in any other r011£110n. Anel, further thpt the

fundamental princ1ple of buddhism was eQusl1ty.70 Thus •

It . -It is believed that 1n ano1ent times, 1n Indln~ there ensted • Broken men' who vere Buddhists or converts to buddh1am ",hO, though ate the flesh of dead cows, did not kUl oows for meat. The Brahn:1ns at the time ate beef and also saar.!. .f1caa living ccrus. Seeing the super10rity of the Budohist religion. the Brahmins issued strictures on beef eating ana forbade slaughter anCi klUing of cows. those who ate beef were penel1sed with the stigma of pollution and boea~e untouchables. See~ Ambe61tal't J1nt.9J!~,tmblg , \tho.un ~ liM thU.Jt§c.am.Q...JmJ Ar.'Il'1 t Ifc)ok Co., Dol.t-tl (1948)

so. Lynch. c.j-' B.R. k'bedkal' I Myth a.nd Char1sma in ~~Br J.M. (~972)t op.c1t. o PP. 99-100.

See Paradkar, L.A.M., ''Ihe Rel1~lcus Quest of Ambotlkart

in ~1lkln son e T.S., end 7homas, M.M., Arnb~kat~ _@nd thi ~eq-B~~~3~, Christian Lltaroture Society, Mndrast (lm};--p;nsS.

, 26 •

despite opposition from hie political 11eutena1ts to whom

conversion woul6 result in the loss of rights to reserved

seats a:ld reserved government 30bs end serve no poll t10al

purpose,7l. Dr.. Ambedttar 1ed bia t I"'l8ha'(' followers (the .. eonmun1ty to whicb IT. Atlbe6ker himself belonged) into

tbe fold of I:.uddh1sm. Dr. Ambedkart s tdeo-i:uddhlst

teaohings also brought forth enthusiastic response from

the tJotnvs·!2 However, 9S Lynoh has dese:r~bed the

'JBtevst in Agra, wb1ch may apply equally to the Mahars

and other Boo-Buddhists, tthey are more Ambedkarites than

thay ere lluc3dlllsts' • 7~

Mobllity is an aspect of change. Chan~G of status -

sccial, economic, ritual - 1s sought through mObility

atte~ts, both individual and group or caste (sub-ceste).

So010eGconomic mobil1ty 1s the procGss by which individuals

or groups in question seek enhanced st~tllS end position in

soc:1ety. IfhG other aspect of cbango is the movE1Dent tor rei'orm Gxogenous to the group or individual inspired by

i rellg1c~9t social as well as legal and egalitarian

conslderet1orlo. The aoeto-religious reform movements 1n

the past, and the political movement 1n recent times. are

such attempts at c~~ge among Inela's ex-untouohables.

••

71.

tt •

Lee, i...elllot E., Buddhism an() Politics in f/13harashtra. in Gmith, D.E. t (ed. ),_ • §outh.,A~.tM P011t.1QS anQ ~~OD., Prlllcetcn university P1~ess. 19S61.

See 0 L.yncb It o. (1972) , ea.gU. p .100; Also Lynch,O. t (1969), 2a.~.

73. Lynch. (1&60), Op.clt., p.163.

27 •

History bas abundant 1nat~nces of stalwarts of

Hindu salnts and reformers Who rebelled against tbe

casto system and preached the philosophy ot love and

compassion tor one and all.74 Buddh1am followed by

Ja1n1am were among the earliest to re3ect religious

orthoCloXism and preach universal brotbel'hoo(i. The

Dudchist revolution amrlts a very important landmark in

tbe history of opposition to Drehm1nlsm and Vedlsm.

'l~le Uuddba bJ..msalf admitted l.ou castes and untouchables

into bis 'sangha'. 'Ibis was follat.,ed by the Bbaktl

lmvGlnont between the 14th to 16th centuries which

witnessed the adVent of lLBny religious reformers soetting

to cure il1nc:.u1sUl of its Ule. Among the 11100u saints.

the names of Ramanujat Kab1r. tlAls1das» Cha.1tanya,

NemaaGVa occur prom1nentl.y GftOng those who at pealed to

thea tollOlJers to eschew casteism and ritualism. /l.mong

the untouchables themselves. there have baen ~lell .. known

nnd greatly r~~el~ed saints like Revldas in the North,

Nandanar 10 the south, Chokemola in the \lJest, followers

of whom number ~bStRtlt18ll.y WQn today. 'Lhesa movomonts,

operating on the socia-religious plane wore, however,

essentlall9 populict outbursts which did not result in any

~st1ng or sustained movement t~1Gl'c1s the abol1 ttoD of the

practice of untouchabil1ty. All those mo- aments, though

not1eeab~e in their particular incidenoe in time a.~d

space, failed to do more then merely scratch the surface

of the problem.

74. sae, A.Q~ Jeevaratoac, 'Political lmpllcetlons of Untouchab1.U tyf (1973 ) • the author provides an acoount of tIle history ot untouohebl.es.

I as I

~he .. Poll tlSal MOV!Jment

the pol1tical movement towards the abolition ot untouchab1lity and emanoipat1on of the untouchables began

during the struggle for In~1Qn independenoe. The struggle

was a movement tor pol1 tical recogni tioD end rights. The

significance of the launob1ng ot such a struggle was the

general demand tor introduction ot democrat1c institutions

and processes in India. Ideas such as franchise and

representat10n were novel to Ind1an po11tical experiences,

prior to the twent1eth oentury. Bence, nationalist lea6ars

actlng 8S spokesman for the untouchBbles, sought to

emanc1pate the untouchables from tho yoke 0: cBste Hindu

op~re8s1on througb the medium of the democratic pOlitical

means. The initiel step 1n this direct10n was the

replacement ot the word 'untouchable' as a term of

reference by 8 more neutral and less de~eaning term. Thus,

during the entire pbaoe of nationalist struggle, the

Untouobabl.es came to be knO\ln by various carnes, ouch as the 77

'Depressed Classes.,?6 the 'Exterior castes',76 'Harljans' • -, 76.

76.

77.

II _ • F d

the 'Depressed Cl.asses· vas the off1cial Br1tish term appUed to the untouohables till the Government of India Act of 1936, when the term 'SCheduled Castes' replaced it.

The term t Exterior Castes', ortginally sug~ested by the Census Superintendent for Assam, vas adopted in tho Census P.eport of !g3l. Seo, Hutton, Q,§st@_!:.D. t~d1a, 4th ad., Oxford University Press, Bombay

963), p.192.

tHarlJans' mean1ng 'Chlldren of God' was the name given to untouchables by ~.K. Gandhi.

and the n'-iChedulad Castesn 78 which vas adopted b; tha

Constitution of India.

~he democratic awakening of the untoucbab1es, the

increasing consclouaness of their basie human rigbts

was a part of the general national den:ocratic awakening

that Wp.S takln~ place durln~ the t~t11~ht of the Dritisb

rule. This, however, d1d not occur 1n a vacuum but ~1as

the resul ~ of a da11berate effort on the part of a group

of intellectuals end passionate r:'ghters for t~Gir human

rLghts and political demands. Prominont among them were

~andb1 end Ambedl{ar. Gandhi was a caste Hindu who made

tbe aboUtion of untouehablUty a major plank of bis

8ctivlt1es. lie establisbed the 'Barijan S~lak Sangh' a9

Q major tlelfere organisation for tho 'liar1jans t operating

at an all india level. Dr. k.~eClk.ar, on the other hGnd,

uss the mont b1ghl¥ eduoated untouchable in Indla,?e

79. t ~tedulod Caste' 1s tLe nomenolature aocorded by the llr1tlsh under the Governr:.ent of India Aot of lS36 tor purposes of granting special statut~ry and other benefits. Santhanam (Aml!§t}tlm:.· s, AUaql~ (1946),p.6) dates tLe origin ot the term' SChedt:led Casta' to the Round Tabl.e Conference where Attbe6kar subm1 tting a supp1eIilentary L'temorMdum stated that "the eXisting nomenel.ature of uDepreased Classes" is objected to by members ot the l;epl'Gssed Classes w!;o have given thought to it and also by outsiders whc take interest in them. It is degrpd1ng and contemptuous ana a6van. tags may be taken of this occasion for drafting the netf co:'mt1tut1on to altar fer official ;:urposes this ex1sting noms!'lclatureu • It WAS in response to this that the nt'ntl torm "Schedulod Caste" was adopto(J.

79. It will bo simplistic to call 1 r. Ambedkar as tbe most highly educated among untouohables. i;e belongGa to the galaxa of .nd1a's best known lntellectnalG, An outatenCllug scholer and statGSR:an. He \1QS 8 mGl':ber O! tho central. Execut1ve of the Governn:ent of rn(~f.Q before ami after 1ndepsn<1e.'lce Gfld WflS the princ1pal draftsman of lnd1a t s constitution as it stands tods,v, wh1ch be pllotted 10 tho Conoti tuent Assembly os LallI trd.n ister •

• so ,

recogn1sed by many as the untouchables. chief spokesrna~.

he foundod 8 political party fer the untouchables

(though open to all mer::bers ot the soc1ety) • the

Repub110an Party', uh1cb was later replaced bl the

• Scheduled Caste Fe~erat1on'. ~e wes alDo the mmv1ng

sp1rit behind or~a!l1sat1ons such as the "Depressed

Classes League" and the (b'1 vtng force hehind schools Qna

colleges, vh.1eh ~lerG established tor tl.elr uplift. One

of Dr. A;bedkar's final aets w~s the 1nitiat1on of a

Buddhist conversion movement that attracted many of his

followers into the nuddh1at fol.d. Dcspl tG their common

ooncern, Ambedker a~d Gandhi were often at odds in

tlle1r progl-ammes for the abel1 tioD of untouchabi11 ty •

The pol1t1cal Eovement of the untouchables

(Scheduled Castes) dur1ng this time became cbannel1sed

under the leadersh1p of Gandhi (including the Indian

National Congress) 80(3 AmbeClltar. 'Ihe cemand of

Dr. Ambodkar and his supporters was not merely franchise

and right of representation accorded to avery 1ndlv1dual

which wou1d naturally acorue to the SCheduled Castes

also. but a special recognition of their historical

subjugation and subordinate status which he~dlcapped

their exercise of rights and privileges on an equal

footing with the rest. Consequent upon such (\

recognition, he demanded separate electorates for the

Scheduled Castes. Gandhi. on the other hand, opposed

I 31

such a proposal vehemently t 9S he believed that 1 twas

not through any separate electorate that integration of

untouohables in Indian sooiety could be achieved but

through Q genuine change of beart Amon~ the caste Hindus,

who ware l'esponslble for this section of the population

belne reduced to the status of • untouohables' •

~a&:L_of Ptifa~snti.al Tren~t.

the acceptance of a sche~e ot • !'ref9rent1al.

TrC!'6tment' in fpvcur of tho Scr.oduled Castes 1n education,

governn,ent jobs, And adoption of the system of reservation

of seats 1n the PBrllar~nt and titate Legislatures, marked

the culmination of the Gfforts ot the lenders of the

S~i'1edulGd C~ste r ... OV6n:Gnt. This' :;biec1al 'I'reatment Polley'

r,ave reccg!'l1tlon to the se:;areteneas of tIle SohGdule6

Castes w1th Q view to brlngisg about their intogration

w1th the rest of society. The Indian experiment of

spec1al preferential treatment tor as 191'ge e sect10n of

her populat1on as the Soheduled castes (ana the Rchadule6

Tribes), has been co~sidered 'unique'. In recent times.

however, the need and justification for such a protective

polloy in favour of the racist minor! ty .. tho • Ne:~roes' ,

has been much detatecl. 'Ille' l~egroes' are olamouring fer

such concessions in education and 1n business as would

cOCl!)ensate for tne.ir deprivation in the past. Suoh a

pollcy is better kuWll 10 the Un1ted ~tates as "! averse

D1scr1~nat1.onfl. or 1s sOlhet1mes referred to as

= 32 •

OConwsnsatory Justice"'. Both the&e terms era. however t

not value tree. '.[0 refer to the pollcy as a step of

, d1 scrlm1nat1on in reverse', is to label 1 t as

'd~scr1m1natlont and to say that having discriminated

hitbertc against the 'Blacl~s', the t Uhi t6S' shoulC "OW

be at tbG other end 0' tIle stlCl~.80 On the ether hanel,

tbe term t COfll.1 enoato1'j Justlcc' .ttl s elf'-exiil.ane tory •

.J.t forwulates the s:..tunt1"n as 0;.(3 of preference to

com~etl:3ate tor past 1nj uat~ce. ril.

In the United Utates, t he aim of those whO

called for affirmative action, '-1GS to take steps to

overoome pl'td'erential treatment of the' \-Jh1tes' and

to allow groups to compete w1th n1l others on the ba~s

of indl\ldusl merlt.82 To its syopathtsers and ardent

supporters 1n the Un! ted States, the justifioation for

special treatment ar1ses from the argument that since

the Wh1 te SOo1oty had ensloved nnd explot ted ~ the

Negroes so long, Qod enriched by so doln;, justice

dewan~e that the victims be comp9flsated. To the Blacks,

the l.ong years Qf exclusion. tazmUlatlon. poverty,

--------------------------------_ ... --.-------------80.

Bl. sa.

Ibid., V.lll

\iraan I~ • Eq:\Rllty and In\liolability'. An Approaoh to C(..mpensatory Justice1 tn hl.aokstone Bnd Heslep, (ads), ga.~.t p.195

a 33

persecution and lna6equata training have lett a

fearsome Eark.83 ln the op1nlon of Kaplan,

n • •• their history wUl ha'Vs left them so edueat1onelly, econom1cal.ly and psychol$gtcally 61sadv811tsged, thnt unless they receive special. preference, the,y a~a the vast majority of their eh116ren will be contlemnetl... to perpetual

deprivation 1n the midst of surrounding

affluonce." 84

7be policy of 'Preferential treatment' in India

and tbtilt ot • Att1rmatlve Action' in the United States

addrossso itself to two pr1ma~1 considerations * moral,

ana 1egal or consti tutlonal.

Lts 'moral' oonslderot1on re~etes to 1ts

COCI,iJatlbUity ulth basic princlt;,le of 'justicet and

• sociol utUlty·. From th1s perspect1ve, it moy be

argued J (0) th~t it runs ccntJsry to 'Equal

Prot6Ct1on' clauso which requires eUminatlon of

d1scrlmtn&t10n.B6 (b) that preferential cons1der9tlons

are justified if seen as a problem involving

'distributive justice' ;86 (0) 8dm! ttlng that injustices

-83.. lW., p.183

84. t..eplan,' Equu JustiCO in Btl Unequal World , Equality tor the Negro - t· e problem of Special Treatment 1~ f~ul M. L~d1k! (ed)~ £asftft ~d ~tr.1al§ in Lil.Jt~Md_P9un~t Gt. rAul . 001':

es ~ 1969, IJ.4B2 ff. Cited tn Green I<.! sm.~. 9. 183-184.

86. J.1lackatonOt \'.l.. 0 1\ 91ier se 1I1scrlminatlcn ana Compensatory Justice' t 1n Dleckstone and Heslep, oPe Cit., P.SO ft.

I •

do result from the occurrenCG of 'r'everse Discrimination' II

these 1nJustices can be justified 1t seen in their

historical perspective of correction of past injllstices.a7

~he legality or constitut1onality of the issue

is what distingulshes the pollcy of 'Preferentlal

treatment' 10 the Indian context from the pOlicy of

• Compensatory Justice' or 'Reverse Discrimination' in the

United states. In the United states, the issue is related

to ita lega11ty as decided by the oourts. The Un1ted

States Supreme (kurt in De Funis vs. Odegoer6,SS refleated

the d1vWs1ty of opinions regardi.:lg reverse discrimination

but fa1~ed to resolve the issue leg~lly. In its more

recent and controversial judgement in th~\l1en BAkkeBP

case, the Supreme Court's decision leaves the way open tor

tir,e balancing of both claims, wherein the oont~nued and

energetiC affirmative aotion is combined wlth attention

to other individuals with their own claims.eo

86.

87.

88.

89.

Edel.. A., 10 Blackstone and llesl.ep, (ads>, sm.Q1t. P.8t Alao 113 ff. beanobamp 1.~.t '~be Justltleatlon of Reverse w,ser1&.1nat.1OJ1' 1n iiliCkstooe and HeSlep, feds). Q£!..~ •• p.es t Ui ,gunAB Vs. (jesgeat.4', 94 S.Lt.1704 (1974) in BlacKstcne (1917), OP.clt., p.62.

''the Regents of the University of Q!!Mt9.tn.1a vs. man :b@m', June 28, lP77 in ~§e~t Sept. 26e 1977, See Also 'jJlo Atla~U,g,!.., ~ ov. 1978

90. McGeorge liundy t 'Beyond l~ktHa A Wbat Future for i.ftlrmatlve Act1on' 1n tho 'The A~:\Qn~lA', I~ov., 1978, p.73

I 36 ,

In India, on the other hand. the Constltutlon

itself guarantees speoial protection to the Schdduled

castes (and SCheduled Tribes) without prejudice to lts

non-d1scrlminatory clause$.91 Hence, questlons of

relevance and just1tiability in the Innian contoxt,

relate not to Question of legality or constitutionality,

but to 1ts effectiveness in terms of lmplemantatiCD,

results socured and objectives rGalised.

Another related aSl)eet Of tho preferent1al

treatment pollcy is 1ts fields of applicat1on. In Ind16 t

the policy is appUcable to 10 the fields of eclucatioll.

government ~obs and politics, viz., representation 1n

the Legislat1ve Assemblies in the states and Lok Babha

(the lower house) 1n the Parliament at the Centre. Inj the United States, 1t 1s in admll9s1~ ns to educational

institutions M~ 1n business tbat it has relevance.

~he preuent study 19 concernea with a disouss1on

of the system of reservation of seats for the Scheclule6

Castes in the Parliament. ~'hethar the objectivGS that

were sought to be achieved through suoh a system of

represontatlon have borne fruit or net. 1s Q matter

causing ccnoern to many with the already thrice extende~

(the third extension having been WIde recently) period

of reservation.

91. EoI' a JlX)l'e Cleta1.l.e4 anel.ysis of this aspect, sea Chapter L..L of the hesen t Study.

4 36

S!Xmz~@H of .hUsntJlJhf.:LOA SCbedUlAd gaGe~

~eop1ng 1n v1ew the historical position of tbe

Scheduled Castes end the Objectives of the constitutional

safeguards, several questions Clay be raised regarding the

successes, tallureo and limitations ot the eonstltut1onol

safeguards. What has be~sn the level of adv9ncement that

theSCbedule6 Castes have ac!l.1ovecl slnce independence in

educat1on, jobs and occupations, sooial status, political

consciousness, economdo betterment and living con61tlons?

What has been the 1mpact ot preferential legislation on

the inter-relations betveen the SCl:.e(~ulea Castes Q.'ld

~on.Scheauled Castes t Have the tenaf1ts of the Const1tu*

t10nal safeguards reached aU sections of the SShedu1e4

Castes? It nott whom haG it benef1tted 1 ~nnat has

been the extont at 1mplementation of ita various

programmes anel polio1es? What 1s the e orr elstl on

between class and caste hierarchy, do changes 1n class

b1er6ro~ effect changes in tho caste hierarchy?

L t is worthwhUe to note bere, that the Schoduled

Castos ere not locallzed communities as the Scheduled

~r1bes. Thoy are seattere6 all over Inr'!ia and in many

rospeots possess alstinet characteristios which Seplll"ato

castes and sub-castes from other castes and SUb-castes

w1th1.n the • GcheClule6' category. Any stu6y of the

scheGuletl costas must take lnto acoount f~ctors of

homogeneity and factors of d\ve~sity as vell, between

the e~s caste in d1tferent areas a~d between different

• cnstes 1n the Geme area. F~tcre contributing to homoge­

neity are bistor1Cal position. untouChabUlty (even heret

var1ations 10 respect of extent of observances of

untouChability need to be noted), similar 'lowi and

boreditory occupations anti more recentby bei.ng • scl1e6u1e6'

under the Cc:;stltutlon. Factors of d1:vers1ty are the

varied impaot and levels of educatl0~t mobility covprnents,

levels ot poUtlcal conscicusness. and urban-rurnl ta.otor.

Until .indian Independence, the 'Depressed Classes'

in ladia reoe1ved 11ttle attention from schclars And

acadGmeQ1a~s. Barring the few clasGic monogrRpho sucb as

these on tbe Cbe1mars by Br18Ss;2 on the !·1ahars by

I\oberteoo,93 end At.bedkar t s contribution to SChedul.ed

cnste 11teratureo94 little WRS dO:Je t;D tbese deprossed

and untouchabl.e castas. However t in view of the Scheduled

Caste movement tor reservetlon and representation a1ong­

s16e Indian 14at1onp~lGt struggle, and in the wake of the

aao~t1on of the poliey of spacial protection through

t Proferential TreatrJentt, there has beEln a growing

lIltereat and concern among the scholars on the (}i ftel"ent pi. -

aspects of the life end eondit1ono as also the future

of the Scheduled Caste community.

93.

94.

lU'lggs, G.W. t '?:h9.2bElnar' e P.el.1~ioDs L1fe of lndia SerleSt Calcutta ( ~aO).

hobertson, A. t 'the Mah~-it t Calcutta (l~SB).

l~bedkar D .b.R., '!.t!e~~tou~~bl~s~. _.~~ _ tb.~ ~E!!:! M~.wbJ the.L.h.QO,tl)m§.J}9.. Aleo,' t:!lmt ..... ~ru!..J!!!~ ~ h~e "ClM? to J!ntQyeqa~, Bomtay. (1926).

• 38

Recent l1teraturo on the different aspeets

relating to the SCheduled Castes have tried to answer

Gome of the questions raiseel above. 7hese studies may

be cl.ossltlt!d under the tollw1ng heads'

1)

11)

111)

General Studies;

Specific case studies (Village and Commun1ty Studies)

studies of • Special Protection Polloy·.

Studies which do not deal with any specific

aspeot or lSS110 rolating to the • Scheduled Castes' , but

co~rehens1ve1y present an over9~ pioture of the

~stor3 or present position of the Schedulod Castes are

tow one! far bet\leen. 'Ihe earliest classic work of th1s

nature is Ambe61ulT.· S study ot tho history and cri(tlns of

the untouchables.96 A more reoent and interesting study

of this nature 1s Isaacs's swdy ot IncJia t s

"ox-untouehab.1es" .96 Through e aerios of dialogues ana intervlews with n oross section of the oommunity

(SCheduled Caste os well as Don-Scheduled Caste), laaaos

presents a picture of .India's • ex-untouohables' as they

see themselves end the ways in which they relate to

others. In the COUl'G9 of his stu6ao Isaacs also locks

at the ~oaet of the resorvation policy on tho Seheduled

Castes a'ld the processes of change among these ind1viduals

and castes. Many illum1nating facts emergG from Isaacs' 9

....... .,

96. ~. (1MB).

96. Isaacs, 2R.~. (1964).

a 39 I

atu~, even in the absence of a systematic presontation

of Qoncl.us1ons. The study establishes that nomencloture

1s important to SChoduled Casta persons who objeot to

cSl'talQ names in pretcrenoe to othors. Name Changing

vas vital to those who desired to ooncoal their identity

and mingle with the rest in d1rrar~nt surroundings

t!-:ough stUl continulng to perform s1m1lar 'low' Q.t']d

menial occupat1cns as belore. It was seen that 1t was

the younger generation of educated end mobile men Who

became better educated and more mo bUe than their fathers

and entered batter 30bS.

Another 11lteHsting study 1s fliaber's ed1ted work

on the Untouohables 1n contemporary India. 97 The book

is a collection of researcbed ert1clt<S by well known

scholars and speo1G11sts 1n the field. the arttcles

range from analyses of flction to STJ601el!sed researcb

popers. !he cc.llect1on p01'traya the untcuch~blea trom

dlfferent perspectives. It studies the repercussions

or Goverotient policy within vWoge comnunltYt the

adm1nlotrat1ve ana legal problems posed by such ehangos.

and the plight of the 1ndiv1<ma! caught up in a per10d

of rap1d transition. A recurring theme 1n maqv of the

artlcl.es 1s the consequence stemming from the attempt to

improve the loot of an eeonOm1calJ.y a.~d socially depressed

minority thl'ou~h Governmont acts..on.99

---------------------- .~---- -----9'1. Mahar 0 J .M. (ed) t (1973), QR..QU. ..

98. !~, preface, p. ~11.

, 40 ~

99 Silverberg's edited volume on the social

mbUlty in the caste system 1n India lnel.udea articles

on proc(;Jsses of mob1l1ty and also attempts at roob1l1tf

by the Scheduled C&$tes. Significant by its absence,

botlsver, 10 the aspect of pOlit1cs as a factor in soclal

mobility and chango. Bnrpet't s article in the volume

deals ~th changes in tho economic ties between

untouchable worltors and high caste masters end the

attempt by the Holerus at enhanoement of stetus and

prestlga.1OC

~be importance of studying the relationship

between pol.1_tl_cs and social mob1l.19-U ..empbas!&ed-- by--- - -- --~~--- ~ --' --Dhat~.l.~_~ha author suggests t.hat the relationship

batl'1Oen social mobility and pol1t1ca is not u.'ldlrect1onal

but rec1prooel, that thore ara wbat may be eall.ea,

...... .. 99.

100.

101.

I!ti 1_ •• & • 1 E. r • I

Silverberg, J.t (cd.),(lSaS>. Qn.~.

Harper, E.B., (1968), ~.~.

thatt. A.I. • Politics and SOcial r-:ob111ty' in !nd1« in contributions to Indian SOclalogy (New SerieS), Vol.V. Dee. 1971; PP. 99-116. Also Gee Sho h, D.L., essay entitled 'Caste and Pollt1cs' which gives a detGiled analysiS of the literature in the flo1d fl Indian Oouncil of Social Science Beoearch t New Del' 1; r'1arch, 1911.

Bhatt conoludes that the democratic political

struotures and processes 1n India have created the

poSSibllity of re6ue1ng the posltlvG relationShip

between ascl'iptlve (casta stetus) and achieved (income,

eduoation and occupation) stntus. This has lnerease6

1noltJanoe of t status lncogruencet in place of the

• ote-tUG summaration t .103

(11 ) ~fke..JUirul..Ji1"&r.1 (UUue WId Qc.nmnm1tv §tuAi~)

In tr.e post indopenc.1onoe pwiod. many studios

118ve emerged which bave concerned themsolVGS with tho

procossos ot social change 1n specif1c villages or

conmuo1t1es. Thus Cchn104 bas studied the changing (

status of the ChoeBrs in ~ladhopUl' village l.n Uttar Pradesh.

IS I 1

102. k,W., PP. 100-101, tf. ~ho theoretical formulation that political struc­turos and processes also influenoe the rate and pace of mobU1 ty is shewn by Bhatt as ..

~i.tlQa l!0W~

1. Constltutlonol. and 1. Rate and type of 1egsl structures. mobi11 ty •

S. Poll t1cal processes. 2. iypG an6 nature of mobility.

103. ~c, P. 115

3. Stetus crttprla for ~b111ty.

104. Cohn, B.S •• 'The Chang~ng stAtus ot Depressed Castes' in Marriott M. t ·l~ft&g.tndla·1 University cf Cb1cago Fress, Chicago, (~9GS).

Harper106 has tr1ed to show the various attompts by

the • Bol.erus' 1n l.tysora to 1ncreasG their status and

prestige and the measuro of success that they och1eve6

1ft the prueess. Contrary to the unsuccessfUl ItOvement

of the • Holerus' t A1yyappan's study presents the success

that the soc1al. revolution among the • Iysvas' secured

for the community.10G 107

Lyneht s study of the 'Jatavo' ie a classic study

of 8 cozrmuntty in trMs1tion. The JatRvs (equ1valent to

the Chamars, 1.e., leather workers) atte~,t at mobility

and the processes of change they adopted form the basiC

concern of Lyncbts study. Fal11ng enhancement t~ougb

absorption of sanskrltlc patterns and val.ues, the Jatavs

l'esorted to other and non-SMeU{r1tlo t,odels. pc 11 tical

cc.ncess1ous bei:~g one and Cln'" ex-siGn the ether. On the

othor band, .I:'~twr..rdl!an' £) lC8 study OOr.:ral'f a the u;-obUity

prccGsaes and atte~ts by the vr.r!cus untouchable costes

1n i1aharesbtra. 'X!~e author conoluees that the strategies

adopted range ~ oepre9s~~ rovtvcllst109 to

107.

., ......

A11y 8l>pan, (1966), Q.2..s,U..

Lynch. o.~., (1~69), sa.£!t. Pat\;ardhan, J., (1973), sm.£Ur..

.• . ..

'.the depressed revlv8l.1st strategy 1s representeCi by the !'~Cs tryi~lg to revive a historical, ~ho1og1cal. J;sst, whicb they claim was OnG of bigh ritual. status, valour and g1ory. '.i:hey attempted to identify tbeir present day imago to that of tho past. ~t p .197

• 1ml tattveUO and agpeaSiVe.111

There ere many other vUleJje studies whicb have Q.

1nolude~study of untouChable caste(s), within tho breader

framework of the subjeot of study. thus, Srl~iv~sa edlte6

'ind1a's Vl11ages'~ Letol11o's ~~udy of tho changing

pattern of caste vis-a·vis class and power stratifications

in a ~an3cre Vlllage,l13 are eases in pOint. Another

interesting study of tho Ohanglns pattern amongst the

untouohable cBstes is Desai' a 114 study of untouchabill ty

in rural O~81·at.

-110.

lll.

112.

.M. . E •

lm1tatlve or ~eference gro~p DbScfvtlon strategy vas adopted tiy the Chambhars and .ohora "he absorbe6 tbo Sanskrltic values, while the nolal's exprsssed. the same movement by lndentlficat10n anc1 • Semi­passing'. a!t\, p .~97 •

';this strategy is oho.rQcte1~1st1o of the f4labars whO represent a vocal, mcb1l1se6 ~nd participating group. !lWi, p. 157

8rinivas, M.N." • ~S!ia. § _Viti3~ge§.., Asia Pub4iah1ng Houset ombaY9 {~ 6). Alse, 6rin1VASt~.N. (1.£162 ) , QU. g!t,.

113. LeteUle, A.I) 1 ~~1;e~ q!M!l. end P9t19t.' , ~tHllllgg n,a.Uerns .pt: SWUUC1l..tl.oJl.-1JLa hoJO~jL Wage. • Oxford Un! versl ty Press;-aOmbaY (1966 •

11.4. Dosa:t '-_ I.t~, 'lJntouebabUltll 10 .Rural. Qujarat t " POpUoUll" &'T6lt8Shan. Bombay (l.f76).

44 ' :

the po11cy of reservGtlons and representation

has been v1ewed With 1nterest and concern by many who

are both protagonlst1c as well as antngon1stlc to its

pr1nc1p~es anCi progrrunc.es. Yet, llttl.e haa appeared 10

prlQt which could t111 the vast lacuna 10 the field of

research but also serve os gu16ellnes for policy makers.

One of the earliest systsmatlc study of tbe •

• Speoial protection po1icy' was that of Dushkln.1l6 •

Dusbk1n 1n her serial article outl.1nes the policies and

progrwru~es of the special protection poliey in the three

fields of education, servicos and pol1t1~s and details - -- -the 8pp~lcab1l!ty of the policy to Scheduled Castes',

• to whom and why'. 'J:he major highUgbt of the paper

centres round the ccncern for ~ ("'tur~ Of~~

&ad its alternatives.

Some studies hme been conducted 6eallng with the

working of tbe system ot special reservation 1n the

states. 'lhus, (\ study cO!lducted under the auspices of

the 8hri Ram Centre for Industrial Relations and Uuman

Resources by Aggarwal and Ashraf ,116 looked into the

-----_.-------------- --------- --..-.......... Uti.

116.

Uushk1n. L. t (1) t 6peo1aJ. '11' GBtment ~ollcyt. ~onoC'ilc l-3eekly, V01.Xl.d, Oct. 1961., P.196S.66. (11) ·I!.@JIQ'!a1._~,~~§s· t_ ~onom1e \-!eakly. Vol.Xl~l, Nov. 1961 p.1695-1709J (1~1) tFutur~ 2t Sp§g1M Ttnutmsmt·, ~o:,()mie Weakl.9, Vcl..)U. .. j., Nov. 1961, P. 1729-00.

Aggarwal, p.e., end Ashraf t1. Sld(Hq.~ tlW,al1.t1-~AA._tU'l11Slftes = A U,us1i of §B§AAftur.t!l!~ o.f SCl!ed~lLQ..~stJ~a !JLtim:2en"i : Shrl Ppm CGntre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources, New Delhi, (le76).

, 45

lrqplementatlon of the pol.loy ln 1191'yon9. The authors

have sho~n througb interviews witb Q sample of 5~n

scbeduled oaste housOhold heads. leO 81gb Caste

indiv1duals and also several with Governmont orrleial~

that there 1s a general awareness among tbe SCheduled

Castes regarding the provision of spacial privileges

tor the scheduled casta communIty. 'Ih~ note that

there is a definlte preference among the responc3ents for

the continuatlon of tbe system tor a long time to oome.

Articles 1n periodIcals hsva dealt with the

different aspects of the reservation poliey. The

education pol10y hes received attention from a number

of writers. Ch1tnls117 has shawn thRt scholarships are

not optimally end eQu1teb~ used and ere crGatIn~ new

Inequalities. l'X'om1118 studies the extGnt to vhlch

educational progress can be attrlbuted to sueclel

concessions an~ whethor the scheme aimed At ensuring

equality 1s creating inequalit1es due to deficiencies.

AbmacS' s119 study of the oonsequences of protective

discr1mination outlines the need for an lnte~ratea

programme tor the dispersal of the benefits. ----_ .. " -- - - - ~---=-~

q t

1.17.

llfl.

Cbitnis, ci., 'hducation for Equality; Case of tba Schedul.od Castes', ¥Sc,Qom!e antl...fQ!l t!c~l ~Jsek1x., ~ec ial. No., 1972.

~rem1o K., 'Educational Opportunities tor Schoduled Castes a Role of Protective Discrimination in ~uallsat1ont, R&,Ofloilg ftnd l'St.letlJ&.61. \~~@kl.~, Vol. 9, i~03. 46 and6,ov. 9, 1974, p.19 -10 •

.119. Ahmad, K.. • 7ot!ords Equality: Consequences of protective 1)1, scr1m1nat1on', !go i49Jn!s t\..'ld Poll t1g@.1 ~., Vo!.Xlil~ No.2, Jan. 14, 1979, PP. 69-75.

I 46

saberwal's120 article on the reserved constituency

studies the tool of reserved constituency as a mechanism

for abridging lneque~it1es.

~he legal aspect of reservation policy has been

dealt with in the various writ:"ngs of rw~ Galanter .121

He has studied the legal implicat10ns of the policy of

'protect1ve d1scr1m1nation', and the role of the law 1n

the abol1tion of untouchability and other disabilities.

In a more recent article, Galanter122 studies the impact

of compensatory discrimination 1n polit1cal representation.

'l:hls study is based on the data collected by Hart123

pertaining to the third Lok S8bha. In this well researched

paper, Galanter analyses the costs and benef1ts of the

policy of reserved seats on which depends 1ts future,

as well as on the costs and benefits of its alternatives •

.. 120. Saberwal,S., 'The reserved Const1tuency I

Candidates and Consequences', Econogig and PolItical WeeklY, Vol.VII, No.2, Jan.B, 1972.

121. Galanter, M., 'Abolition of the Disabilit1es I Untouchability and the Law', in Mahar J .t-1. (ed.), ga.c.1t.. Also, • Equality and ProtectIve Discrimination in Wia', Rutgert s Lall Rev1§!., Vol.16, (1961), p.42-74. Also, See ~Igam, S.o., 'Equality and the Representation of Scheduled Classes in Parliament', ~he Indian Journal of Law Institute, VOl.lI (lP60), Pl~ .297-320.

122. Galantar, M., 'Coupensatory DIscrimination in Poli­tical Representations, ~om1c and Pol111sal Wee~, Vo~.X1V Nos.7 & 8, Annua No. (1979',Pp.427-464. Hart. H.C., 'Parliament and NatIon Building I England and India', in Gerhard Loewnberg (ad.), ~.ogerJl Par1.1aments I ChWge or De111ne,chicag o. JUd1.ne Atherton in Galanter (1979 , 2Jl.~., p .453.

I 47 •

One of tho consequences or the • Special

protection Polley' is tho emergence of a Scheduled Caste

eJ.lte. As haa been observed by 8aeh1&1.'1Mda,124 one of

the vital oonsequences of the various government rne9sures

in the <J1reot1o!1 of education and econor.ic amelioration

1s the emergenoe of a net-! elite among the SobGf'ul.ed

Castes, co~1s1ng essentially of the relddle cl~sses.

rho p~ocesa of po~tlc1Z8tlOD bRS shewn definite impact

cn thiS • elito' uhlcb has ver~ near13 shad its tear

arising from Bge-l.cng bondage. Though the Scheduled

caste people have almoat been left untouched by this

process, as Sachldanenda has shown, G. Shah126 has

noted that 1n the field of political participation, the

gap between SCheduled Castes end Casto Hindus is

narrouing.

An analy~ls of t~~ social backgro~~d of legtslatnrs

as decision makors has beon systemAttcally eonducte~ by

researchers abroad in order to gein ID91~ht into the

att1tu"ee and decision of those making them. laS In India.

research in ttlG field 10 receDt and few. SOme studtes

of the State Legislatures have been con6uctetJ.127 However,

124.

126.

Sacb1c3ananda" • illLtl@1.iJJm_§L1ts,'. ';thompson .Press t New Dalh1 t (.1.976).

Gbanshyem St.ah, • ~1.:.!..~..2t ;:)q,t~1~~C6tlte§ QIl~ §SOadtY:!a.dA!bea., --vora- end Co ..... ·or.lay. (1976).

Prominent studies 1n the field hA'\'e been mAde by Donald R. ti.athews, • ~ S2C!fll. l.?aetta<?llnd of fct'b~U!uU l)egis,lqn ,.mak.eu,Doubleaay, 1964. Also, Colin Mellore, • :.the ~l"l!J..sh M$~8.', Saxon nouse, 1978, • The ~arllamentAl'Y Profession' 0 UNESCO. late;, Jlat,!qnal. So..s1Sl~_SelM.c§...JO!l.tn~, Vol.Xll I. , NO.4, 1961. See Jain C.l'l.' State Legislature in india' Ath1nav publications, Delhi (1977).

a 4B

studies of Lok 5abha and In<iian PQrliament~rlens have

been scaree and lim1ted in tbeir soope. 128

The survey of Literature on the SCheduled Castes

brings to ligbt the fact that one of the serious lacunae

that still exists 1n tbe research concerning the

Scheduled Castes 1S tbe ~9_~~1~ Qf the B17stem of special

protection 1n poU't..Leal repressotatlen. The present -- ----- -- - - . .-... -----....... ..-

study attempts to bridge this gap to th.e Gxtent possible.

leaving still large scope tor research in related fields.

~ha study aims at an analysis of the work1ng of the

system of special representat10n in the Lok Sabhs ana lJhith.

an assessmont of the extent to" spec1al protot-tlon in

pol.1t1cal representation baa t!olped the amelioration of

the conditions of the SCheduled Castes. And to stu61

tho wa,s in whioh this forum haa been ut1l1sed to achieve

the desired ob3eetlve.

Ind1a t s experiment of providing constitutional

protection to oerta1n bacl«r1srd communi ties • in this

ease, the s4h.edulGd casteo • 1s novel. It 1s a1Jne6 a.t

ending exploitation and perpotuatlon of backwar~ness

.t 128.

j

t 49 •

that religious bel1lf patterns and past practices had

imposed on this community. The 1nwl"J ,ment of pol1tle9~

inst1tutions and processes, (one aspect of which forms

the ooncern of the present study) must, therefore, ba

neceGsartly directed to its tullest advantage to enable

the ult1mate ach1eve~eDt ot the said objeotlve. In tb1s

context, the pre~ent study seeks to oxamine •

(1) tbe scheme of safeguards that bDve been provided for tbe Scheduled Castes 1n the const1tut1on,

Ua> the functioning of the election mach'.nery.

viZ., parties, oonstituency, vis-a-vis reserved seat, and contest and compotition

10 e~ect1onGJ

(3) the beneficiar1es ot the reserv~tion Qnd

representation policy.

(4) the ways and extent to which the forum (vie •• the LOR sabba where 8l)ec1el

representat10n WAS prOVided). bas been

utllised by its beneficiaries to further

the 1nterests of the Seheduled Castes; end

(6) The view of the 3~heC1ulea Caste M.Ps /' regard1ng the soheduled Caste problem and

perception of their role as speoial

representatives of the Scheduled Castes.

kate CollagtloA

~be date used in tho present stu~ comes from a

number of sources. 'Ihe starting point for the study hp.s

a 60 •

been the bOOka and the articles tbat have appeared in

the ~ournnls and newspapers from time to time. these

heva provided an insight into the probloms and the

various approaches to the probl.em of tbe SCheduled Castes.

Published Government Reports have also been referred to

and used extens1 vely. these include •

1) Annual Repol-ts of the Comm1 ssioner tor

Scheduled Castes in6 SChe6uled Tr1bes.

11) Annual Repo~tG of tho Borne t~n1stry and Department of Soc1al Welfare.

111) Reports of the ElectIon Commission.

tv) Other Reports relating to the Soheduled

Castes brought out by the Planning Commission

and o~ar Government departments.

v) Reports of the Par11amentary Commlttee on Wel.fare of SChedul.ed Castes end Scheduled

~rlbes.

vi) Al.l India Reporters and S~remo Court Review.

the study is also based upon interviews t11th

SOhe~ed Oaste members of the ru.xth Lok Sabba. For

purposes of data COllection, lntervlew.~u1deB wag,~ used.

However, sinOG t he intention was not on19 to get

information, tut also form an ldos of their attitudos

and op1nions on the subJect, it was felt that 1. t would

be more hel.pful to engage the respondents in an open ..

ended eOll'\t'Grsatlon draY1ng out views at the saree time

51 •

follOtf1ng the questionnaire p~ttarn. Hence, the

l.nterv lew schedules were used more as guides than close

ended soheaules. ~ased on these interviews, simple

statistical. tables have been vOI'ked out wl'ere neceaeory.

~here are 7B M.Ps. occupying the reserved seat

for the SCheduled Castes (not 1ncl.ud1ng ono t.i.

belonging to the Scheduled Caste community electe~ to a

general seat) in the Sixth Lok Sabba. Of theso, sa r~.ps

were lnten1etied. Attempts vere made to oontact a fal

other M.Ps, but soma ~f t~~w WQTG not av~119blet and

some others gave part1al 1n~rvlews end hence could not who

be included. There was one M.P. (from Orlssa)iwas

contacted but could not be lntervie~ed due to his

1neb1l1ty to converse 1n a languoge thAt this researcher

could understand. As no interpreter coul6 be found to

conduot an 1:Jterv1ew with bim, he bAa to be (}rOi pet) from

the list of M.Ps to be lnterv1mIec1. Thus. tho figurG of

sa M.is. aot~9llY represents those whose interviews were

eompl.ateeS .loSe iabl.e 1 bel.ow shows the stetew1 sa and

partaw1Se break up Qf the scheduled caste r1el'Lbers lnteJJ-

viewed. and iable !i shows the otatawlse eneS party.w1se

break up ot non-Scheduled Caste M.Ps interviewed.

129. SOme Members spoke onl.y their regional 1an~uaae and the interview 1n such cases hoa tc be carried on with the help of an interpreter.

A.P. uum a~

oa~at

IIafI'aDa a.p. ltarrlataka Komla M.P. fi1ah1lraahtra Ori ... Ptm3ab l!~8S~

~aADil IJM\l

Utw ~a4C1flh \19S' Beng!l

4 2 1 1

4 1

• '2 • bbl. 1.1 • ,~\at .. w1~ end Far!lV188 Break-g of

.Sch.~l~~ Cytfl M.,pr:1! 1eteniewed

4 1

1

1-1 2

2 2 1 2

12 1 4 1 1

29 9 1 1 1 1 2

4 1 4 2

1 1 2

1

4 1 2

1 , , 2 5

12 1

1 52

1.11.-Party

State

A.P.

Bihar

Kgnatakn

~1.P •

Maharashtra

1\aJ8athan

iamU Haw

Uttar Pradesh

~otal.

•

, 63 I

-J aneta Cona. I CODS. AIDMK Total

1 1

1 1

1 1

1 1

1 1

2

1 1 2

1 1

... 5 2 2 1 10

. .. - •

• Along with tbese 62 Soheduled Caste l~.Ps.. 10 non­

Scheduled Caste M.Pe. were also 1ntervle'toled. Tho

1nterv1Gl19 were conduoted at the residenoes of the

respondents. This was preferred 9S it wae felt that the

atmosphere ana tbe surroundings of their place of work,

viz., the Parl1ement, and the presence of outsiders might

pro3uctlce their vlews and thereby distort the interview.

the &1rat1on of each interview lastJaroun6 two hours.

~hougb some were of less duration and some greater stretohing

to more than one session, the durat10n generally depend.ed

on two factors' tal Whether the respondent was preoise on6

11m1ted himself to the question or went on to speak

elaborately ~herever the respondent showed 8 tendency to

talk he (she) lIas allowed to do so, as 1MIc.h rich date was

gathered 1n the process ana (b) whether there 'tIere

interruptlons 1n between interviews wh1ch snapped the

interview short.

SinCG the rosearch design used included unstructured

interviews, it enabled a 010sG prob~ng of the attltud$s

ana sentiments of the respondents. It was found that some

M.Ps. were curious and eager to know the caste affiliation

of the questioner. In the course of the lntervtew~

con~ucted, questioner got the general impression that most

respondents (many of the scheduled caste I-l.Ps. 1n the

Sixth £Ok Sabha were elected to rarl1ament tor the first

ttmo) were eager and enthusiastic, thougb the more •

exPerienced M.Ps. were more mattGr.of,fact and took the

interv1ew as routinG business.

66 •

ihe 1n tel'View was managed 1n a manner to

facilitate smooth conversation. To this end, the

interview was opened by asking a few tactu91 routine

questions regarding personal exPerience An~ o.uallf1c9tlon

and then tho second section of questions followed ~lhlcb

wera substantive. Finally, the lntervlm1 concluded with

personal and intimate questions regarding fam1ly. economic

status, sub-caste, etc. Sinoe these were likely sensitive

Questions. 1t was felt th~t the respcndent would taee them

better as a C$rta1n rapport would have been established by

than.

~h1s thesis bas been dlvided into seven chapters.

The lntroductory Cbapter deals with the nature of the

probl.em of' untouchal::iUty, its relatlon9h~p with caste and

the introduct1on of the po11t1cal processes to bring about

the integration ot the Depressed.Classes. Viz., the

SCheduled Oastes. w1th the rest ot the society. The

Chapter gives en overview ot the existing literature on

Scbeduletl Castes and the relevance of the study. ! t also

outlines the bread framework of Study al.ong w1 tb the

method of Datn collection and p~an of Chapte~s.

Chapter tva deals with the genesls of the policy

of t Special Jiepresentation'. It outlines the claims a .. ,a the demands of the leaders of the political movement of

the Scheduled Castes • ...

, 66

Chapter three outlines the constitutional proVisioDS

relating to th~he<1ul.ea Castes and their lmp1icat1ons. It

deals tnth the safeguards • social, eeonoJllic, educational,

polltical and nSuperv1sol'Y" • that have been prov1doCJ for

the wlfare and up1.1ft of tho SCheduled Oastes.

Chapter four relates to the election of these

SChe&1led Caste representat1ves. 1 t analyses the nature

of the res erved eonstl tuency and the ro1e played by poll t -cal.

parties in serving Scheduled Caste interests and weltare.

It alse looks into the natux e of Sct.edUled Caste ea!1cl1dature

and the extent of competit1on in the contest for reserved

seats. The d1scussion bere is based on books, 30urnals

and reports ot the Election Commission.

Chapter five seeks to consider the questlon o Who <10

the Scheduled C~ste representatives truly represont and how

representat1ve ere they or their ccnstttuGnte. It is an

Anal.ysis or the soc1c-eccmoc:1c background of the Soheduled

caste M.Ps. In this Chapter, attGmpt has bean IDada (Wherevcr

poss1ble, subject to QvaUabll1ty of data) to compare the

position of the SCheduled Oeste M.Ps. in the Sixth 14k

sabba, with the non-sohedULed Caate M.is. 1n the Sixth Lok

Babba and the SCheduled Caste M.fs. in the pl'evlous Lok

Sabha. {\1aterial tor this Chapter 1s drawn trom the

• Who 1s Who' published by the Government ana the Lok Sabha

souvenir t and alae in t on lew (Jato ~

I 57

Chapter Six ana1yses the part1Cipation pattern

and performances of the Soheduled Caste M.1>8. in the

Lok 6abha. In this Chapter. an at tempt has elso been

made to dr~w e comparison between participatlon of

Scbeduled Caste M.1!s. 10 the previous Lok Babbs. It

focuses attent1cn on the nature of participation of

Scheduled Oaste M.Pn. on subjects relating to :)cheduled

Caste and their ~(Jlfare as well as in general issues.

It also looks into the natura of partioipation of non­

scheduled caste M.Ps. 1n matters relating to soheduled

oaste and the1r welfare. The material here 1.s 6ra\1n

trom Lok Sabha Debates and Reports ot Parliamentary

COmmi ttees.

Chapter Seven seeks to present the att~ tudes e.nd

perc~tlon of the holders of those reserved seats towards

the prob~em fneed by the Scheduled Castes, t CTv1sr6a themsol .. ~es

B.'ld theJ.r percel ved role in the amelioration ot the

co~d1t1ons of the SChedule6 Caste. The discussion in tb1s

Ohapter, the data 1s based essentially on interviews

conducted by the researcher. but some dattl drawn from the

Lok Sabha aabates hav~also been used.

The concluding Chapter prov1des a summery of

f1ndings ot the study al.ong ,n th suggestions e.n6

recomendetions for further study.