My Favorite

National Socialist If someone were to ask me who my favorite

National Socialist is, I would have to say that

among Hitler’s top staff during the Third Reich

Paul Joseph Goebbels (29 October 1897 – 1

May 1945) is the one. He was arguably the

most loyal to Hitler. Dr Goebbels (he earned a

Ph.D. from Heidelberg University in 1921) was

born in Rheydt, an industrial town south of

Mönchengladbach near Düsseldorf. At first he

worked as a journalist and later a bank clerk at

the Dresdner Bank in Köln and caller on the

stock exchange. He also wrote several novels

and plays, among them the novel, Michael, two

verse plays, and quantities of romantic poetry.

Dr Goebbels came into contact with the

NSDAP in 1923 during the French occupation

of the Ruhr and became a member in 1924. He

was appointed Gauleiter (regional party leader)

of Berlin and it was in this position that he first

put his propaganda skills to full use, combating

the Marxist parties in the area. By 1928 he had

risen in the party ranks to become one of its

most prominent members. Dr Goebbels married

in 1931 to Magda Quandt, with whom he had

continued on page 4

Dr. Joseph Goebbels

January 2016 (127) Number 109/187 Founded 1975

The New Order

2

Autocracy

Autarky means self-sufficiency in the areas

of raw materials and food as well as an ade-

quate basis in terms of population size, technol-

ogy and science, in order to secure a folk’s

preservation and development.

Autarky is hence the prerequisite for the sov-

ereignty of a state, nation or empire. It requires

sufficient living space for its realization.

In the present minus world of the competing

imperialism of the super powers, of exploita-

tive interest servitude of capitalism, of the aspi-

ration for world domination by Zionism and

Free Masonry and other dogmatic-ideological

systems of compulsion, there are still only a

handful of sovereign states. Germany lost its

sovereignty in 1944 (Year of the Fuehrer

1956).

In contrast to this, National Socialism views

itself as an anti-imperialist liberation move-

ment, which wants to and will win and return

freedom to the Aryan race and its folks. For

this, it requires a policy of the National Social-

ist world movement which organizes the Aryan

living space so that the White folks can live

and develop independently from the capitalist

world economy and from any alien influence –

be it intellectual, political, economic, military

or cultural – and become self-sufficient.

The New Front hence supports on all levels

of the folkish life of the Germans a policy that

enables greater self-sufficiency, but remains

aware that a total self-sufficiency of the Ger-

man folk in its native settlement region is not

possible – a realization that already in the party

program of the National Socialist German

Workers’ Part led to the demand for sufficient

living space.

The New Front wants to achieve the goal of

self-sufficiency through the creation of the

Fourth Reich as self-sufficient large region or-

der.

Peasantry

The peasantry is the purest and most original

form of the worker – hence of that life bearing

that National Socialism demands from all folk

comrades and expects from each, amidst utili-

zation of all his abilities and talents, to perform

work at his post for his folk’s preservation and

development.

Not only indirectly, like all other strata of a

folk community, rather very directly does the

peasant do this, who feeds his folk with his

work and thereby creates the prerequisite for

any folkish life.

Hence National Socialism sees in the peas-

antry an important fundament of his view of

life and world, of its political program and of

the future National Socialist folk state.

The striving for a new Fourth Reich and for

sufficient living space also serves autarky in

the area of food, which should allow the peas-

ant to nourish the folk from his own strength.

Autarky in the area of food belongs to the as-

pired freedom of a nation and its national econ-

omy.

In order to enable the German peasantry to

full its task internally as well, the effort for ex-

ternal autarky is joined by the effort for an in-

ternal land reform adapted to national needs.

Hence the National Socialist German Workers’

Party demands in the agrarian point 17 of its

Lexicon

Part 8

This Lexicon is translated from the Lexikon

der Neuen Front, written in the mid-1980’s,

by Michael Kühnen. Kühnen was the leader

of the legal arm of the NSDAP/AO from the

late 1970’s until his death in 1991. These are

his personal views. They do not necessarily

reflect official NSDAP/AO positions.

continued on page 4

Project Sumte consists of a series of mailings to the inhabitants of carefully se-

lected cities in various countries that have been especially hard hit by the non-

White invasion.

The German town of Sumte, population 100, is being overrun by 750 invaders!

Our mailing to its inhabitants was sent on November 9, 2015.

The Swedish town of Tärnsjö suffers from the same kind of infestation. Our mail-

ing to its inhabitants was sent on November 28, 2015.

Volunteers and/or cooperating organizations are needed to identify suitable target

towns around the world, compile the mailing addresses, and decide the best ap-

proach.

Note: Depending on various factors, a specific mailing can be either open NS or

not open NS.

Contact us for details!

Project Sumte

Left: German leaflet. Middle: “Universal” leaflet. Right: Swedish leaflet.

3

4

party program, above all, a land reform that

preserves as viable a healthy peasantry as the

fundament of a folk community living accord-

ing to its kind and nature.

six children. After the Party gained power in

1933, he was appointed propaganda minister.

When peaceful means failed to prevent the mal-

treatment of ethnic-Germans he supported the

Führer's decision to finally use force against

Poland. When the allied powers started WWII,

Dr. Goebbels did everything in his power to

prepare the German people for this unfortunate

military conflict. In addition to his work as the

nation's chief propagandist, during the war Dr

Goebbels took on ever greater organizational

Lexicon

continued on page 5

and policy-making responsibilities, playing an

increasingly important role in keeping the na-

tion's industrial and social machinery function-

ing.

In contrast with Heinrich Himmler, who near

the end of the war attempted to negotiate a truce

with the allied powers behind Hitler’s back and

ended up stripped of his rank and medals, Dr

Goebbels remained loyally in the Führerbunker

with Hitler in Berlin to the very end. Following

the Führer's suicide he was the second person to

serve as the Third Reich's Chancellor, if only

for a day. Dr Goebbels and his wife, Mag-

da took their lives together with those of their

six young children—four girls and two boys.

Mrs. Goebbels had concluded and remarked to

her husband that a world without Hitler and the

Third Reich would not be worth living in. She

My Favorite National Socialist

5

We published eight books in Italian in November. These are our first books in Italian, our

tenth language. The other languages are English, German, French, Spanish, Swedish, Es-

tonian, Finnish, Ukrainian, and Bulgarian. Several more books in additional languages

are in preparation. More volunteer translators are always welcome!

made the most difficult decision a mother

would ever have to make.

Between 1923 and 1945 Dr. Goebbels pro-

duced a considerable quantity of documents on

a daily basis, including notes and dictated mate-

rial in both typed and handwritten formats.

From the Kaiserhof to the Reich Chancellery by

Dr Goebbels was published in Germany in 1933

and republished in 1938 in England as My Part

in Germany's Struggle. This was in diary form

and presented the day to day activities of a Na-

tional Socialist activist caught up in the mo-

ment. These diaries do not depict the monster

desired by Jewish Democracy but rather portray

a genuine patriot during times of political up-

heaval. Even so, the diaries have nevertheless

been used as a cunning tool by the enemies of

German National Socialism with Marxist bio-

graphical commentary defaming this hero of the

Reich.

A recent biography of Goebbels by Peter

Longerich, professor of modern German history

at Royal Holloway, University of London, was

published in Germany in 2010 by Random

House. This book drew extensively from Dr.

Goebbels’ diaries. As a result, the family of

Joseph Goebbels sued Random House for royal-

ties. The lawyer representing the Goebbels es-

My Favorite National Socialist

continued on page 6

6

One afternoon while I was sitting at the Duty

Officer’s desk in Rockwell Hall in Chicago, I

heard a knock at the door. Much to my surprise

there was a tour guide standing there with about

a dozen people with their jaws hanging in

amazement, because they had never thought that

they would be seeing something like Rockwell

Hall or a Nazi Stormtrooper answering the door

in full dress uniform. So when the tour guide

asked me if it was alright if they came in, I said

sure, come right in. As they walked into the

meeting area, I handed each of them some Na-

tional Socialist literature and answered ques-

tions such as “Are you a REAL Nazi?” and

“Did the German Nazis gas Jews?”

Toward the end of the line there was this little

Jew dressed in a flowered shirt with some puke-

green plaid trousers, white belt, and shoes. As

he looked at me, I gave him the “evil eye” that

my comrade Max had taught me. The Jew

walked past me and mumbled something about

the Holocaust. I replied, “Yeah, it never hap-

pened!” Then the Jew started telling the rest of

the people that we are murderers.

By this time one of our officers came into the

meeting area. There were a few of us around

that day making White Power t-shirts in the

back room. Well, this Jew started howling about

the “holocaust”. As I turned around my superior

officer grabbed the Jew by the back of the collar

and by the belt and threw him out the door onto

71st street. The rest of the tour walked out after

him while I held open the door telling them to

be sure to attend the Friday night meeting.

Fun Under the Swastika

Part 7

tate was Cordula Schacht, whose father,

Hjalmar Schacht, was Hitler's minister of eco-

nomics.

Random House had initially agreed to pay one

percent of the net retail price to Goebbels’ es-

tate, but later retracted. Their lawyer, Rainer

Dresen, was quoted in the Guardian newspaper

saying that the dispute is not about the money

but about morals. “We are convinced that no

money should go to a war criminal,” he stated.

According to Dresden, others did pay for the

use of Goebbels’ diaries, but he added “We're

the first publishing house who has avoided that

- and have been sued.”

Dresen suggested to Schacht that royalties

could be paid if she agreed to donate them to a

Holocaust charity, but she rejected the idea in-

sisting that the money must go to Goebbels’

family.

The Goebbels family won. A Munich district

court ruled against the publisher. Dresen then

spoke of his shock at the court’s verdict, de-

scribing it as a sad day for Germany. He noted

the irony of the court’s setting in Munich,

where Hitler and the Nazis rose to prominence.

Dresen said: “You have a strange feeling.

You’re crossing those buildings, buildings

where … Hitler was … on the balcony. That of

course is not a legal thing. It’s a moral issue.”

He added that the insensitivity of the verdict

was an extension of the defense used by Nazi

war criminals – that they were just following

orders. He added: “They have no feeling for

the meaning above the legal questions … I was

shocked by the [court’s] lack of historical inter-

est… They took the easy road.” This way, he

observed, they “can go on ignoring the funda-

mental question: should money go to the estate

of a war criminal?”

Dresen said the court was not interested in the

moral question even “for one second.” He de-

scribed the verdict as elegant but without moral-

ity.

The publisher, Random House, now intends to

appeal to the German supreme court. It remains

to be seen whether justice will prevail, or

whether, when it comes to Nazis, the law does

not apply. Stay tuned.

Vicenç Espaillat

My Favorite National Socialist

7

Hitler’s National Socialist had to take the

chance to perhaps already back then

through its simple existence trigger a fight

against folk and Reich, which England first

launched in 1939. Given the choice, the

Führer could in no case allow Germany to

sink in inner chaos simply in order to es-

cape a possible foreign conflict. The Füh-

rer again chose the card of courage. If

the English had back then already know

how strong the will and how great the

courage of this man are, they would have

certainly in February 1933 attacked the

then unarmed Reich without even the

slightest excuse. Accustomed however to

no government remaining in power in par-

liamentarian Germany for more than a year

or in the belief that Germany was already

too run down economically to ever recover

again, they missed the moment, which Hit-

ler cleverly and determined used. They

only recognized the “Hitler danger”

when he had grown too big for them. Perhaps we back then also profited, be-

cause the Führer is so German that in his

essence he can only be understand by very

few foreigners, especially the British.

Somebody else did correctly recognize

him, the Georgian poet Grigol Robakidse,

when he writes in his recent publication

“Adolf Hitler as seen by a foreign poet”:

“Adolf Hitler acts with a seriousness that

produces the feeling that he is not afraid:

as if he sees the uncanny. Yes, one is sure:

it conquers it. He turns to the folk, devout-

ly determined and full of courage, and he

no longer recognizes the border between

the two: He has in himself the pulse of his

country.”

Uncanny. The word falls here. For an

average person it is uncanny to ponder how

many opportunities for our annihilation the

enemy has let slip past until he can no

longer annihilate us, and that he struck in

final desperation when it was already too

late: his weapons only strike himself.

Even more uncanny is the thought that at

each step Adolf Hitler probably recog-

nized the two possibilities, and nonethe-

less with armed hand again and again

wrestled the sword from the opponent, so

long until he himself carried one, indeed

sharper and stronger.

Today as we are conscious of our power

and greatness, today as we realize that the

enemy has lost the game, we can only now

roughly measure what was necessary to

withdraw from the League of Nations, to

introduce mandatory military service, to

occupy the Rhineland, to bring home Aus-

tria and the Sudetenland, and to place Bo-

hemia and Moravia under the Reich’s pro-

tection. These were all opportunities that

would have provided a cheap excuse – alt-

hough indeed never a valid reason – for the

desired war. And the enemy wasted hour

after hour while Germany’s army, air force

and navy grew, while in the west the im-

penetrable west wall emerged, while pawn

after pawn was broken off from the

planned wall of encirclement around Ger-

many. That means: in these years the fu-

ture of Reich and folk stood on the knife’s

continued on page 8

The Führer’s Courage

The Führer’s Example in Hours of Greatest Distress

An Example of Faith and Confidence for the Entire Folk

8

edge more than once, no different than the

movement’s fate often did in the time of

struggle, and the Führer’s courage and con-

fidence turned things to the good.

In that we realize that, we become master

over any despair that in this world always

likes to befall souls when it is necessary to

withstand adversity.

Adolf Hitler confirmed his own, never

yielding daring when he declared in his

proclamation to the German folk at the out-

break of the war:

“What we possess today is totally in-

significant, decisive is only one thing: that

Germany triumphs!

What we today lose, is without signifi-

cance, but it is important that our folk re-

sists its attacker and thus wins its future!”

Invincible Faith in Germany

After his iron will has compelled Bene-

sch to relinquish the Sudeten German re-

gions, the Führer travelled to the liberated

cities and villages in October 1930, greeted

by a storm of jubilation from the thankful,

liberated, breathing easy populace. In one

of the smallest towns of the now German

again Bohemian Forest, on whose market

square Adolf Hitler greeted the residents

with moving words as folk comrades of the

Greater German Reich, he stressed, in seri-

ous reflection on the previous struggle, that

this memorable hour was only possible,

because Germany had been armed for

the final step and “determined, if neces-

sary, to also take it”. We still clearly re-

member the days full of European tension,

when the hate-filled and inferior system in

Prague, fully supported by all democratic

sympathy, tried to physically and morally

annihilate hundreds of thousands of Ger-

man families. But then te Reich stood

armed at the borders of this irrational state,

and it would have struck in just hours,

like it was forced to strike against Poland a

year later.

Let us never forget it, for that is the most

binding and obligating force of our new

German folk concept: Adolf Hitler was

willing, if necessary, with the participation

of the entire German folk, to pout an end to

the rape of Germans before the gates of the

Reich.

That was how it was in September 1938,

that was how it was in spring 1938 when

the Führer was compelled to tell the pro-

tector of all enemies of the German folk,

Schuschnigg, that hour could come when

the Reich could no longer look on…

More than once the young National So-

cialist Germany stood with arms ready,

when it executed a command of the honor

and the national life right. Those were al-

ways hours when one could not know

whether or not Germany’s old enemy

might force us into a fight for life and

death.

By all of these historic gains the possibil-

ity of losses also had to be reckoned with.

Only non-historic thinking people could

wish to even demand that one should forgo

apparently small successes, if it might have

to throw all life on the scale for them in an

emergency. This thinking is false. That is

the kind of thinking the external enemies

and the inner subversive elements wanted

to indoctrinate into the German folk after

Versailles. Naturally: the Ger\man folk

was supposed to forget how to ever again

take a risk, so that it would easier to tear

apart piece by piece.

Three examples clearly confirm this:

First, the Polish revolt in Upper Silesia,

which could only succeed, because the

weak November Reich as an entrety7 did

not dare to defend its possessions with

tooth and claw.

Second, the theft of the Memelland,

which occurred in the middle of full peace.

continued on page 9

The Führer’s Courage

9

Third, France’s occupation of the Ruhr

region, which was officially opposed by a

“passive resistance” doomed to failure.

The Führer has taken an unmistakable

stand to precisely this last case in “Mein

Kampf” and proven that passive resistance,

if at all, can only make sense if it is backed

up by the ruthless determination for a

desperate, active resistance as well, if

necessary.

Politics that risks nothing, also gains

nothing.

In those days when official Germany

failed, the National Socialist freedom

movement grew on the exact opposite mor-

al foundations.

Without the threat of an armed interven-

tion by the Reich, Austria and the Sudeten-

land would have never found their way

back to Greater Germany.

Today we also have clarity about the so-

called “peace politics of Munich”, what it

looked like to Chamberlain. England could

back then no way afford a war and wanted

to gain time, but only after it had through

war threats tried to break the determina-

tion of the Reich.

The peaceful victory of Munich was only

won after human soul on earth doubted that

Hitler would win the German folk’s rights,

one way or another, and if not by other

means, then with sharp German weapons.

Nobody who experienced it will ever for-

get the hour when the Führer held the deci-

sive settling of accounts with Benesch in

the Berlin Sportpalast on September 26,

1938, determined to the last, radiantly filed

down to the last thought by the great task

and clearly willing not to yield one square

meter of German folk soil or one more

drop of German blood – even if it meant

war. The many thousands in the hall real-

ized that, whose utterances and shouts,

whose movement and affirming nods

surged as if in a boiling cauldron. A man

stood here for honor. It could have de-

manded any sacrifice from him. And the

folk stood with him. Only through this was

the peaceful solution won. Without the will

for risk the former Czech state would still

be an mobilization area for the western

powers and the Reich and perhaps its ruin-

ation.

And Austria? Schuschnigg, too, only

stepped down when he had to realize his

stay longer would have made the Reich’s

intervention unavoidable, and that the no

longer avoidable victory of National So-

cialism, if not otherwise, would have been

covered achieved by the hard weapon.

Here, too, the willingness for risk won

peace.

In both cases the international press

mumbled: Hitler is bluffing.

continued on page 10

The Führer’s Courage

Adolf Hitler was a true hero in more ways

than one. He was decorated for bravery in

the trenches of World War One and then

took up the even more daunting task of sav-

ing and rebuilding Germany.

10

Only the soulless calculator will weight

profit and lose in the life of nations materi-

ally. We see in all gains from the Führer’s

victories the singular courage, the faith and

the strength of responsibility which Provi-

dence has bestowed on him.

From step to step of his, the dimensions

of power, battleground and opponents has

indeed shifted. The struggle of a few men

became the struggle of the party, that of the

party became Germany’s struggle – the

same and unchanged, as if arisen from the

deepest reasons of the secrets of life, re-

mained however Adolf Hitler’s character.

“And I you do not risk your life.”

We Germans have Adolf Hitler, what can

challenge us?

We have followed how often the Führer

has triumphed over far superior forces,

how he always holds out to the last conse-

quence with his iron will, how he, unbro-

ken by every defeat, immediately starts a

new assault and still defeats the enemy, we

have above all knowledge that the Führer

is invincible in faith in the right of the Ger-

man cause. Man for man he has overpow-

ered his political opponents and move by

move knocked out the hostile forces.

How foolhardy was it by Germany’s

war opponents to chose precisely this

man as a counterpart!

The Strongest Heart

Humanity has now more than ever a right

to seek the lots that fate still bears hidden

in its womb. We no longer ask: what will

come tomorrow? We no longer think in

short time spans, for we feel the arrival of

a new era that will be established through

Adolf Hitler.

The smaller a person’s heart, the more

fearful his questioning of fate will be in

these times.

“I enter this struggle with a strong heart.”

So stated Adolf Hitler at the outbreak of

war.

The strong heart is an example for all

Germans.

With the weapon of confidence, the

march into the future gathers in Germany.

It is the folk comrade’s ambition to person-

ally also document this bearing in great

and small matters. Unconditionally sworn

to the one goal, concentrated for utmost

determination all of our thoughts revolve

around just this one thing: Victory, victo-

ry, victory!

Naturally, the daily life continues on its

course, and with it the aggravations and

clouds will not be missing, which as shad-

ows belong to the light of life. None of us

deceives himself that aside from the fate of

the community each individual folk com-

rade can experience hardship and suffering

as well as good fortune and joy.

But because Adolf Hitler leads us, we

know that the life of the folk and its fate

are more important than our personal con-

cerns, which he will master as faster as we

bravely meet them. The great teaching

from Adolf Hitler’s life: “Courage accom-

plishes miracles” offers a wealth of obli-

gating example for each, from lad to old-

ster. We have presented only a few of

them in order to gain the measure by which

a great time wants to be judged and lived

by men who want to be worthy of it.

As a proud possession the German folk

receives from the time of its decisive strug-

gle for all the future the example of Adolf

Hitler. We cannot have a stronger weapon.

May the cold calculator only weigh the

forces he sees, the weapons and gold bars

and riches. Riches can flow away, gold

can devalue, weapons can break – invin-

cible remains only the strongest heart.

And Germany has that. For Germany

has the Führer.

The Führer’s Courage

11

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