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‘The Lucky Ones’? Overseas born Tongan youth in Tongan high schools.

Professor Helen Lee Department of Social Inquiry

School of Humanities and Social Sciences La Trobe University, Australia

2015

Report on research funded by the Australian Research Council and approved

by Tonga’s Ministry of Education and Training.

Poster drawn by student participants in this project

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Acknowledgements

The project was funded by an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant (2012-4). Ethics approval to conduct the research was granted by the La Trobe University Human Ethics Committee and permission to carry out the research in Tonga was given by the then Minister for Education, Women’s Affairs and Culture, Dr ‘Ana Taufe’ulungaki. I appreciate the support of Dr Taufe’ulungaki and the then Director of Education, Mrs Emeli Pouvalu for the project. I am grateful to the principals of each of the six high schools, who gave permission for the research to be conducted with students in their schools: Beulah College, Liahona High School, Queen Sālote College, Tonga High School, Tupou College and Tupou High School. The principals facilitated the project by providing rooms for the discussion sessions to take place and by allowing the students participating in those sessions to use their cameras within the school grounds; they also allowed the surveys to be conducted during class time with other students. Without the excellent work of researchers Ebonie Fifita and Rebecca Tauali’i the project would not have succeeded; they developed an extraordinary rapport with the students and helped them feel comfortable during the discussion sessions. The students who volunteered to participate in the discussion sessions deserve special appreciation for their willingness to give up their time and to open up about their experiences. I’m also grateful to the many students who filled in the anonymous surveys and wrote such interesting responses. In accordance with the ethics requirements for the project, names of individual students have been replaced by pseudonyms to protect their identities and no identifying information has been included in this report. My appreciation also to Hainoame Fulivai, who has conducted interviews for this project in Australia and New Zealand with adults who experienced time in Tonga after growing up overseas and those who had sent their own children to Tonga. These interviews are not analysed in this report, however they revealed the same themes as emerged from the research conducted in Tonga with both overseas born and Tongan born students. Thanks also to Meliame Tauali’i Fifita who set up the project’s Facebook page and helped get the research underway.

Author bio-note Helen Lee is Professor of Anthropology in the Department of Social Inquiry in the School of Humanities and Social Sciences at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia. Since the 1980s her research has focused on the people of Tonga, both in their home islands in the South Pacific and in the diaspora, particularly in Australia. Helen’s doctoral research on Tongan childhood was published in 1996 as Becoming Tongan: an ethnography of childhood (Helen Morton, University of Hawaii Press). She has published widely on migration and transnationalism, with a particular focus on the children of migrants, including Tongans overseas: between two shores (2003, UHP); Ties the homeland: second generation transnationalism (2008, Cambridge Scholars Publishing); and Migration and transnationalism: Pacific perspectives, co-edited with Steve Tupai Francis (2009, ANU Press). For further details see: http://www.latrobe.edu.au/humanities/about/staff/profile?uname=H2Lee h.lee@latrobe.edu.au

© Helen Lee, 2015

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Table of Contents

1. Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ 4

2. Key Research Aims .............................................................................................................................. 5

3. Summary of recommendations .......................................................................................................... 5

4. Research Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 5

4.1 Talanoa sessions ........................................................................................................................... 5

4.2 Photography .................................................................................................................................. 6

4.3 Posters........................................................................................................................................... 6

4.4 High school survey ........................................................................................................................ 6

4.5 Additional data .............................................................................................................................. 6

4.6 Negative attitudes towards the students ..................................................................................... 6

5. The overseas born Tongan students ................................................................................................... 7

6. Research findings in detail .................................................................................................................. 7

6.1 Reasons for being in Tonga ........................................................................................................... 7

6.2 Family in Tonga ............................................................................................................................. 8

6.3 Problems the students encountered ............................................................................................ 8

6.4 The positive aspects of their experience .................................................................................... 11

6.5 The students’ recommendations ................................................................................................ 12

7. Results of the class survey: Tongan born students’ views of the overseas born students............... 13

8. Discussion .......................................................................................................................................... 15

9. Recommendations in detail .............................................................................................................. 17

References ........................................................................................................................................ 18

APPENDIX ONE ...................................................................................................................................... 19

The broader literature on second generation children and youth going to their parents’ homelands

to attend school. ............................................................................................................................... 19

APPENDIX TWO ..................................................................................................................................... 24

Surveys distributed in classes in five of the participating high schools ............................................ 24

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‘The Lucky Ones’? Overseas born Tongan youth in Tongan high schools.

1. Introduction This project investigated the experiences of students in Tongan high schools who have spent most of their childhoods living outside Tonga, as the children of Tongan migrants. They are referred to in this report as ‘overseas born’ students to distinguish them from students who were born and raised in Tonga. Many of these overseas born students are sent by their parents to attend school in Tonga because of concerns about their behaviour; spending time in Tonga is seen as a way to ‘straighten them up’ and help them ‘learn the culture’. My previous research showed this practice to be highly contentious within Tongan migrant communities and in the homeland (Lee 2003). The original aim of the project was, therefore, to focus on those children who had been sent to Tonga as a form of punishment. However the project revealed that there are also overseas born youth who choose to go to school in Tonga for a period of time, usually to experience the life their parents had in Tonga and as part of their search for cultural identity. Others go to Tonga with one or both of their parents, as part of a temporary or permanent return to the parents’ homeland and there are various other reasons the overseas born students are in Tonga. The research discussed in this report therefore deals with overseas born Tongans who are spending time in Tongan high schools for any reason and explores their diverse experiences. The aim of the project was to obtain the perspectives of all those involved, particularly those of the young people themselves, but also Tongan born students in the high schools, the teachers, and other key stakeholders concerned with youth in Tonga. Through innovative participatory research methods this project aimed to seek students’ views and record their experiences. This report sets out how the data was obtained, the key findings and some recommendations for ensuring overseas born Tongan students have positive experiences during their time in Tonga and to enable schools to best deal with these students. As there are only small numbers of these students in most high schools in Tonga, they tend to be given little attention within the education system, and are absent from government youth policy (e.g. Ministry of Training, Employment, Youth and Sports 2007). As this report shows, these students have particular needs that could easily be addressed in ways that would also benefit local students and the schools. The title of the report comes from an observation made by an adult male leader of a Tongan civil society organisation, who said in relation to migrants’ children: ‘The few lucky ones are the ones whose parents cared enough to send them here. The unlucky ones don’t come to Tonga’. While my research showed there are problems and challenges experienced by these students, this report concludes that many of them are indeed ‘lucky’ to have the opportunity to spend time in Tonga. For some, it can be a truly transformative experience that enables them to feel pride in their Tongan identity and a stronger sense of belonging and connection with their family and their ancestral homeland.

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2. Key Research Aims The key aims of the project were as follows:

To conduct research into the practice of Tongan migrants’ children attending school in Tonga, in order to understand the impact on the children, their families overseas and in Tonga, and on Tongan society.

To compare the experiences of youth forced to spend time in Tonga with those who choose to return to attend school, particularly in relation to their constructions of cultural identity and sense of belonging.

To give particular emphasis to the views and experiences of the young people themselves through providing them with opportunities to be actively engaged in the research process.

To locate this practice within the broader transnational practices of Tongan migrant communities.

3. Summary of recommendations 1. Induction sessions before and after arrival in Tonga 2. Support from school counsellors for both students and the families caring for them 3. Facilitate regular contact with family and friends in the home country 4. Information sessions for Tongan born students 5. Information sharing across all high schools 6. Inter-school support group for overseas born students 7. Explore the possibility of a structured program to bring youth to Tonga 8. Schools and the Ministry of Education and Training to maintain detailed records on overseas

born students 9. Youth policy planning to include overseas born students 10. Address violence within and between schools

4. Research Methodology In term three of 2013, six high schools on Tongatapu participated in the research: Beulah College, Liahona High School, Queen Sālote College, Tonga High School, Tupou College and Tupou High School. Small groups of students (28 in total) from each school who had grown up outside Tonga agreed to participate in the project, which involved discussion sessions of approximately two hours each that were held weekly over a period of four weeks at each school. The students met in groups with two Tongan female researchers, Rebecca Tauali’i and Ebonie Fifita. Both of the researchers had spent time overseas and in Tonga when they were growing up which helped them develop a close rapport with the students.

4.1 Talanoa sessions

Each week the students discussed an aspect of their experience of being in Tonga and attending high school, including their arrival in Tonga, their experiences at school and outside school, and their thoughts about going back overseas and their future ties to Tonga. The model used for these discussion sessions is the talanoa methodology, which has been described by Timote Vaioleti as “a personal encounter where people story their issues, their realities and aspirations” with no rigid framework for the discussion (2006, 21). This methodology has been widely used in Pacific research and is particularly effective for working with youth. The students were guided through unstructured discussions of their experiences in Tonga by Rebecca and Ebonie, who had general themes for each week but allowed the students to direct the conversation to issues that concerned them – as well as engaging in a lot of joking and chat that helped them feel at ease. The talanoa method proved very

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successful – as did providing the students with drinks and snacks during the sessions! – and the students were relaxed and comfortable talking about their experiences. All said they enjoyed participating in the discussions.

4.2 Photography

At the first discussion session the students were each given a small digital camera and invited to take photographs of their daily lives. Each week they brought their cameras to the discussion session and their photographs were downloaded onto the project laptop then each student worked individually with one of the researchers to describe their photographs. The photographs taken by the students provided insights into their daily experiences and friendships in Tonga. The students were given the cameras to keep after the project concluded, as well as USB sticks with copies of all their photographs.

4.3 Posters

During the final discussion session the groups of students were asked to work collaboratively on a series of posters aimed at their peers, their teachers and their families, with messages about how they felt their experiences in Tonga could have been improved. The students used the opportunity to convey some of the feelings they had about how they are perceived in Tonga and to give some ideas about how their experiences could be improved. Their messages on the posters have been included in the discussion below and de-identified images of the posters can be found in this report.

4.4 High school survey

In addition to the small group discussions a detailed survey was conducted with high school students in five of the schools. The surveys were completed by 129 Tongan born students and 10 overseas born Tongan students (5 non-Tongan students also completed the surveys but their responses are not included in this report). These surveys were anonymous and students were invited to give their views on Tongan students from overseas going to Tonga to attend high school or, for those who grew up overseas, to provide information about their experiences. The results of that survey are included in this report: the surveys for the overseas born respondents are included in the main discussion and those for Tongan born students are discussed separately.

4.5 Additional data

The broader project also included interviews with a range of Tongan adults including migrant parents who had sent their adolescent children to Tonga to attend school; adults who had spent time in Tonga in their youth; and Tongan community leaders both in Tonga and in the diaspora. The adults had very divergent views about overseas born Tongan youth attending high school in Tonga, particularly the issue of parents sending their children against their will because of concerns about their behaviour. This data has not been included in this report, which focuses on the experiences and opinions of the students themselves, both overseas born and Tongan born.

4.6 Negative attitudes towards the students

However, it should be noted that even amongst adults who saw benefits in overseas born youth attending Tongan high schools, there is a widespread belief that these young people are ‘potential trouble’ and are bringing negative influences to Tongan born youth. They are even in some ways seen as similar to the deportees who have increased in numbers in recent years and who are generally regarded as a problem for Tongan society (Pereira 2011). It is problematic that overseas born youth are perceived in this way and, as the discussion below indicates, this negative attitude

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can make their time in Tonga difficult and challenging. It is therefore even more important to hear their own voices and gain a better understanding of their experiences, in order to consider what could be done to ensure such students gain as much as possible from their time in Tonga.

5. The overseas born Tongan students Most of the 28 overseas born students who participated in the school discussion sessions were from the three main migration destinations - Australia, New Zealand and the US, but four had spent time living in Fiji and one in Samoa. Only four of the students had Tongan citizenship. The students were aged between 11 and 19 at time of the discussion sessions, so there were participants in all year levels in the schools. However, they had arrived in Tonga aged between 8 and 16 so some had been in Tonga for several years, while 15 had been there for a year or less. Twelve of the 28 students were unsure how long they would be staying in Tonga and the others varied from a year to several years, with 8 expecting to be there until they finished high school. Half of the students are boarding and the others are day students. The group included 18 females and 10 males. This gender disparity is due to the willingness of students to volunteer to participate in the research and does not necessarily reflect the gender balance of overseas students as a whole. The actual number of these students in Tongan high schools is unknown so there also are no statistics on gender, place of origin, age at arrival, etc (see Recommendations). Within the group of participants most were the children of migrants (or the ‘second generation’) but two were ‘third generation’ as their parents were born overseas. Six of the students had one parent who was not Tongan (Fijian, Samoan, Papua New Guinean, pakeha New Zealander). Ten of the students had never visited Tonga before arriving to go to school; of the others, 14 had visited for short holidays or had only been to Tonga when they were very young. Only four had either visited frequently or stayed for a more than a few weeks and were therefore already familiar with life in Tonga. Of the 10 overseas born Tongan students who completed the anonymous class survey, there were 8 males and 2 females. Five were born in New Zealand, 3 in the USA and 2 in Australia. They were aged 15-18 and in all cases both parents were Tongan (one had a father who was half Tongan, half Anglo-Australian). They had spent most of their lives outside Tonga, arriving in Tonga aged between 9 and 16. These surveys provided some useful additional data from overseas born students and helped to balance the gender ratio of the research participants.

6. Research findings in detail The following outlines the reasons for overseas born students being in Tonga and the kinds of family situation they are in while there. It then describes the most common problems the students experience and looks at the more positive aspects of their time in Tonga. To protect their identities, when specific youth are quoted, only their gender and age is provided, for example: (male, 16).

6.1 Reasons for being in Tonga

Overseas born youth go to school in Tonga with varying degrees of choice on a spectrum from being sent against their will to actively choosing to go. Those who are sent with little or no choice are not necessarily in trouble overseas, although that is often the case; sometimes parents are worried they might get into trouble if they are not removed from bad influences and in other cases it is more a matter of wanting to consolidate family connections or due to loyalty to a particular school. Learning

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the Tongan way (anga fakatonga) is the overarching reasoning behind many of the students going to Tonga. One boy commented that he was there ‘to learn the hard life and the Tongan tradition and know how to pray, know how to work, know how to cook’ (male, 16).Those who are in Tonga with their parents are usually there because the parents have decided for one reason or another to return, or because one parent has been deported and the rest of the family moved to Tonga in order to stay together. In these case the parents may be experiencing problems of adjustment themselves which can also impact on their children.

6.2 Family in Tonga

While some students are in Tonga with one or both of their parents, others were taken to Tonga by parents and left there to attend school while others have travelled to Tonga alone or with one or more siblings. Those who have siblings with them seem to find the experience easier as they have their support and companionship, although in some cases the siblings attended different schools. Some of the youth have been raised overseas by relatives while their parents remained in Tonga so it may be the first time they have lived with their parents for any length of time. Students who live with relatives other than their parents in Tonga have varied experiences. One of the boys in the discussion groups lived with 12 other boys, some unrelated to him, in a house with his uncle and aunt; more often the youth live with grandparents or other relatives, some of whom they may not have met before arriving in Tonga to attend school. Some of the students spoke positively of their experiences in the village where they are living, in which they have many relatives and develop a strong sense of belonging. Others said they knew no other people in the village and spent most of their time outside school at home rather than socialising with other young people.

6.3 Problems the students encountered

Language Language was one of the most crucial issues for the students. Most spoke little or no Tongan language when they arrived to begin school and only 2 of the 28 said they arrived able to speak fluently. Those who had poor language skills were the target of other students’ criticism and mocking (see below). The students were noticeably happier at schools at which English was the language in all classes and in student interactions (although they pointed out that other students still tend to speak Tongan when teachers are not present). However, unless the relatives they lived with spoke English at home the students at the English speaking schools still encountered language problems. They all agreed that Tongan classes for the overseas-born students would be very helpful.

Behavioural expectations The students repeatedly asserted that for the most part the behavioural expectations associated with Tongan culture are not explained to them. Those who were able to get these explanations from family members adapted more quickly and felt more comfortable in Tonga. There seems to be a widespread assumption that the overseas born youth will already be familiar with Tongan culture but in fact they have not had the immersion in anga fakatonga that is experienced by children born and raised in Tonga. The students are often too embarrassed to admit their lack of knowledge. One student commented: ‘I think they think we know, but we don’t’ (female, 16) to which one of the others added with a laugh: ‘We don’t tell them that we don’t know’ (female, 15). The students in the discussion groups agreed it would be helpful to get more explicit information about general behavioural expectations. They enjoyed the formal teaching of Tongan culture they received in the schools but this was focused on specific topics such as kava, funerals, etc., rather than the broader knowledge they needed such as core Tongan values and how these are appropriately expressed in behaviour.

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The gender differences in behavioural expectations came as a shock to some students. If they had not grown up in a household that observed Tongan gender norms, they had to quickly learn a range of expectations that were sometime confusing to them. Both girls and boys had to learn the expectations surrounding faka’apa’apa (respect) although these were often not explained to them so they had to learn by their mistakes. Girls had to learn to dress modestly, braid their hair for school, to do a lot of unfamiliar household chores, remain close to home and not walk around on their own. They were confronted by the contrast in the amount of freedom given to boys compared to girls. Boys often found it a shock to be expected to do a great deal of hard physical labour both at home and at school, although this often came to be source of pride and achievement for them as they grew stronger and expanded their skills.

‘Sharing’ Many of the students reported experiencing problems with the Tongan culture of ‘sharing’ which, for them, effectively meant that other students at school, and relatives at home, could help themselves to their possessions without returning them. Some also experienced considerable pressure from peers to hand over any money or goods they received from relatives overseas, who they often relied on to supply them with new clothes, stationary and a range of other goods they needed. This pressure on them to ‘share’ arises largely from perceptions of the overseas students as wealthy relative to their Tongan peers. One of the comments on the students’ posters was: ‘people expect us to be so rich and expect us to have everything’. This can even lead to bullying and intimidation as other students make demands on them to hand over money, food and possessions. It also led the overseas born students to mistrust ‘friendship’ as they felt it was only a means to access their belongings.

Lack of understanding of the overseas born students The students strongly desired to be accepted as Tongan and not treated ‘like foreigners’ yet they also wanted some understanding of their position as overseas born Tongans. They wanted other Tongans to acknowledge they couldn’t be expected to know everything. They felt no allowance was made for their lack of knowledge of Tongan culture and language. One message on a poster reads: ‘understand that I’m new. Treat me nicely. Get to know me b4 you judge me’. Another wrote: ‘WE GOT NAMES! – not piskoa – not palangi – not outsider- not taahine angakovi. I’m nice! YOU JUST DON’T UNDERSTAND!!’ In the discussion sessions one girl said ‘It is kind of hard though, because people, like Tongan people, they don’t really understand what you have been through’ (female, 16).

Gossip and mocking Many of the students, particularly the girls, were distressed by people talking behind their backs, or even more overtly speaking against them in Tongan and assuming they did not understand. It was striking that even students who had been in Tonga for several years still found themselves being treated as ‘outsiders’ – or, more specifically, as pālangi – and found themselves the target of gossip and mocking. They were also likely to be accused of being ‘high headed’ when they spoke in English, so some said they had learned only to use it in certain ‘safe’ contexts.

School experiences Schools in Tonga are different in many ways from those overseas so the students had to adjust to a very unfamiliar school environment. In addition, many reported being under significant pressure from their parents to do well at school and they were feeling stressed about managing their schoolwork with the expectations on them at home and at school to do other work. The students complained about having to do so much physical work around the school including cleaning, cutting grass, working in the school plantation etc.

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The overseas students also learn quickly that they are expected to be intensely loyal to their school and prepared to defend it against rival schools. Some take this to heart and become passionately loyal to their school – one girl commented on her Facebook page that her ‘blood ran blue’ in reference to QSC’s blue tunic. Those who don’t develop a sense of loyalty to their schools seem more likely to feel alienated and homesick.

Violence From teachers The aspect of Tongan schooling that students find most difficult to deal with is the harsh physical punishment administered by many teachers. Some of them are not expecting it, as they have not experienced it in their schools overseas. One girl exclaimed: ‘The hitting! They are allowed to hit here!’ (female, 13). Students from some of the schools told stories of frightening incidents of being physically punished at school, often in front of the class or even the whole school. One girl complained: ‘I got bruised, I couldn’t get up for two days; I still got the marks!’ (female, 15). Sometimes they were even punished for not understanding teachers’ instructions in Tongan, when their language skills were still poor. In some schools prefects also administer punishments, in addition to demanding the other students obey their orders or even bow to them as a sign of respect. Some parents accept that their children will be hit at school but others do not agree with teachers and prefects administering physical punishment, with some even threatening to bring in the police or take legal action against the school. One of the students even expressed concern that she could get ‘a hiding’ for taking part in this research and talking openly about her experiences, which makes it even more important that the students’ identities are protected in this report. From peers The overseas born youth, particularly the boys, also experience the violence that occurs as part of the intense inter-school rivalry. Some get involved in the violence as a way of fitting in with their peers, but may then be blamed for causing the problems by bringing bad behaviour learned overseas. The most extreme example within the discussion groups of inter-school violence was a boy who needed surgery after being attacked on a bus by boys from a rival school. He was new to Tonga at the time and did not speak Tongan, so was unaware of the danger of being alone on the bus with the other students. However, he later became involved in the inter-school violence himself, apparently as a means of fitting in with his peers, and when he told the story of his attack on the bus he laughed about it as if to downplay its significance. Learning to laugh about violence is one of the lessons the overseas youth learn as part of a wider process of learning to manage their emotions in ways appropriate to Tongan expectations. It becomes part of their acceptance and mastery of ‘the hard life’ in Tonga. At home That ‘hard life’ includes the violence they may experience at home, and it comes as a shock to some of the overseas born students that relatives other than their parents feel free to administer physical punishment, particularly aunts and grandmothers. Youth sent to Tonga because of ‘bad’ behaviour are perceived as in need of ‘straightening out’ which can involve the imposition of strict discipline by family members responsible for them. This discipline both at home and at school led one of the boys to comment that Tonga is ‘like a detention ground’ (male, 14). The inter-school rivalry can spill over into the students’ home lives; one of them was living with relatives in a village in which most of the youth attended a rival school and he described their hostility and the danger of them attacking him.

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Physical environment There are other aspects of life in Tonga that students find hard, particularly the challenging conditions of everyday life. In the boarding schools, in particular, amenities are very basic and students may have to cope with cold showers, poor quality food served in inadequate amounts and other aspects of daily life that contrast with the relative comfort they are used to overseas. There are often similar conditions in the students’ homes in Tonga, although of course this varies with the family’s socioeconomic situation. In relation to both boarding school and home life they complained of the lack of privacy and personal space, which they had come to value in their lives overseas. Many of the students also complained about things like the heat, ‘the dirt’ and the ‘bugs’ of Tonga; especially mosquitos and fleas which often left them with infected bites and the resulting scars.

Access to consumer goods and technology Another aspect of life in Tonga the students found difficult was the lack of access to the food and consumer goods they were used to overseas and the sheer expense of the goods that were available. Some of them also lacked access to a mobile phone or the internet, or had only limited access, so were unable to stay in close touch with family and friends overseas.

Lack of support One of the reasons many of the students felt it was important for them to be able to maintain contact with people ‘back home’ was the lack of support available to them in Tonga. The lack of counsellors at most of the schools meant that students had no one to approach if they were experiencing problems. Students tended not to trust their teachers, who were mainly seen as disciplinarians, although a few mentioned particular teachers as supportive. Outside school many students felt similarly unsupported and did not have adults or others they could confide in or turn to with problems. As mentioned, some of them said they stayed at home, or even in their rooms, when not at school, and remained isolated from other youth. The students seemed to have learned not to speak up about their problems and instead to laugh about them. They may fear that if people see they are upset they will then tease or mock them; they also learn to repress negative feelings and cope with ‘the hard life’ without complaint. In the wider community, the deep lack of trust most students expressed in the police meant they did not see them as an option for seeking support, suggesting that students experiencing serious problems such as domestic violence would not seek help.

6.4 The positive aspects of their experience

Despite all the problems and challenges they encountered, many of the students spoke very positively about their time in Tonga. They particularly liked being able to get to know their extended family, particularly their grandparents, and for the most part they enjoyed experiencing the Tongan lifestyle. They spoke with pride of learning aspects of Tongan culture and mastering the language and many of them had developed a strong loyalty and attachment to the school they attended. Learning ‘the hard life’ is also seen positively despite all the complaints about hard physical work, environmental challenges, poor quality food at boarding school, and so on. Learning the hard life seems to become a badge of honour, a matter of pride for the students, many of whom come to realise that in contrast their lives overseas were ‘easy’. The come to appreciate their family and life outside Tonga and the bonds they develop with people in Tonga. For some, there are aspects of life in Tonga they regard more positively than life ‘in muli’. The students’ views of Tonga are obviously highly subjective, and students vary in what they like and don’t like about being in Tonga. The boarding students had a quite different experiences than day students; students in Tonga with their parents found it very different to those who had been sent away from their immediate families, and so on.

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For all their differences, many of the students agreed they had been changed by being in Tonga. For many it was about a change to a ‘better attitude’ – a term that was used repeatedly as a sign of their transformation. Learning respect was also crucial and all the students spoke about its importance. One girl said: ‘If I go back to New Zealand right now – I go back with so much respect’ (female, 13). For others it was about what they learned: ‘I just gave it a shot and then I ended up liking it here cause I got to learn more about the Tongan culture and tradition and I got to learn more about my background and I got to experience a lot of things here and especially the schooling’ (female, 15). Some said it changed their sense of themselves: one exclaimed ‘I am who I am today because of Tonga!’ (female, 16). Another student described the transformation many of them experienced: ‘And I was like, oh my gosh I just wish I could go back – I hate Tonga. But then now, kind of living through it, I guess it is who I am; being here has made me who I am’ (female, 16)

6.5 The students’ recommendations

Many of the students had positive experiences in Tonga but often this came after a period of considerable struggle and difficulty. Not surprisingly, the students had many ideas for improving the experience of going to Tonga. Many of their recommendations focused on the need to have more fun and more social activities rather than focusing so intensely on schooling, so they suggested activities such as:

Camps

Class trips such as to swim at the beach

Encouraging students’ talents through dance classes, talent shows, a glee club, singing and fashion competitions, and so on.

Entertainment such as discos and movies

A wider range of sports such as volleyball, badminton, dodgeball

Having activities for boarding students such a board games, outdoor games

Being able to interact with other schools and join in with their activities

Having teachers join in with activities

Socialising with other schools Some students also recommended activities to help them learn more about life in Tonga:

Having a tour of the school on arrival, ‘so you know what to do and how the school works’

Cultural classes: Tongan dances, language, ‘heritage and tradition’, movies on Tonga

Group walks around different areas to learn about Tonga

Debates on topics concerning youth

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7. Results of the class survey: Tongan born students’ views of the

overseas born students As stated above, surveys were conducted in five of the participating high schools (Queen Sālote College was not included). The survey can be found at the end of this report in Appendix Two. Of the students who anonymously completed the surveys during class time there were 129 Tongan born, 10 overseas born Tongan and 5 non-Tongan students. The discussion that follows draws on the data from the 129 Tongan born respondents and reveals how students in the participating high schools regard the overseas born students. The Tongan born respondents were aged between 14 and 20. Most of them had never left Tonga, but 40 (31%) had spent time overseas as they were growing up, mostly only weeks or months and predominantly in New Zealand or Australia. Ten (7.7%) of the respondents had one parent who was not Tongan, so the majority of them had been born in Tonga to Tongan parents and had spent all of their lives in Tonga.

7.1 The benefits of overseas born students attending Tongan schools Benefits for the students Overall the Tongan born students were remarkably positive about the overseas born students and expressed strong views about the benefits of them attending school in Tonga. When asked why they thought Tongan students from overseas were attending their school, 93.9% of response were positive and said those students were there to learn Tongan culture, lifestyle and language, spend time with their family, and benefit in a range of other ways, including finding their identity as Tongans. Only 6.1% of responses were negative, stating that the students were there because of their bad behaviour or because their parents forced them to be there. Similarly, when asked if they thought it was good for Tongans from overseas to go to school in Tonga 93% of responses were positive. The students listed a wide range of reasons but again the most common was learning Tongan culture and language (51.5% of responses). As one student put it, ‘it’s good for them to come to our school and learn the ways of their ancestors and the way of a true Tongan’ (male, 17 years old). The students also said they thought it was good for the Tongan born students to learn from the overseas born and that the latter benefitted from the better life in Tonga, including stricter discipline. Only 5.7% of responses indicated that it was bad for the overseas born to spend time in Tonga, claiming they brought ‘the wrong attitudes’ and damaged Tongan culture or, in three responses, because ‘it is better overseas’.

Benefits for the schools

A question that asked the students if they thought it was good for Tongan schools to have students from overseas also had an overwhelmingly positive response. Although a few were unsure, 83.3% of responses agreed it was good for schools. Of the total responses, 32.5% stated that there was mutual benefit for schools and the overseas born students. Many respondents mentioned students in Tonga learning English and more generally learning from the students who had grown up overseas. As one student observed, the overseas born students ‘will learn good and positive things from students who were here in Tonga and for the students here in Tonga to learn from them’ (Female, 18). Only 11% of responses were negative, raising the kinds of problems discussed below.

Benefits for Tonga There were also largely positive responses to the question ‘is it good or bad for Tonga as a country to have Tongan youth from overseas coming here?’ Some responses (8.6%) indicated there was both good and bad and some were more directly negative (16.32%) but 75.2% claimed it was good for Tonga, with many mentioning the long term benefits of migrants’ children learning Tongan culture

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and language. Students made comments about the youth wanting ‘to help our country’ (male, 19), or positively influencing Tongans living overseas: ‘They would come and learn our culture, they will get to live in Tonga, and they will be proud to be a Tongan in promoting it when they will go back’ (Female, 18). One of the overseas born students who completed a survey was an 18 year old female who had been in Tonga since she was 10, having spent her childhood in the United States. She observed in relation to overseas students spending time in Tonga: ‘this is a way for Tonga to give back to its community and a great way to help preserve our culture because what these students learn, they take back with them and teach their communities back home.’ Encouraging ongoing connections with Tonga is important for many reasons, not least the need to ensure that the children of migrants (and subsequent generations) contribute remittances to Tonga, which are so vital to support the country’s economy. My previous research (e.g. Lee 2009) has shown that only a small percentage of the children of migrants currently remit at the same level as their parents’ generation. Positive experiences of time spent in Tonga could encourage a greater flow of remittances from the second and later generations of Tongans overseas.

7.2 Should migrant parents send their children to Tonga? The students were fairly evenly divided on the question of whether parents should send their children to Tonga even if they didn’t want to go. Those who agreed (48.8%) mainly reiterated the importance of learning culture and language, and improving the overseas born students’ behaviour. Only five of those respondents stated that it wasn’t up to the children to decide. In contrast, of the 49.6% who said parents should not force their children to go to Tonga, 17 of the responses mentioned children’s rights to choose. The remainder of the negative responses pointed out the implications of forcing children, including their bad influence on children in Tonga but also expressing concern for the impact on the children themselves. Only 2 (1.6%) responses stated that it would depend on the circumstances whether parents should send children against their will.

7.3 Problems experienced or created by overseas born students Despite their positive attitude towards overseas born youth attending high school in Tonga, 80.8% of responses from Tongan born students identified problems this created either for those students or for other Tongans. The responses pointing out problems for the students (42.4% of total responses) identified issues such as language and cultural difficulties as well as problems adapting to life in Tonga, away from home. For those who saw problems for Tonga (37.7% of total responses) the negative influences of the overseas born youth were the main concern, broadly expressed as teaching young Tongans ‘bad behaviour’. One respondent commented: ’when students are here in Tonga they influenced the Tongan born children with what they wear, how they talk and act etc.’ (Female, 18). Only 19.2% of responses said there were no problems associated with the overseas born students. A question that asked if students from overseas cause any problems for schools also received largely negative responses, with 53% claiming they caused a range of problems, including skipping classes, breaking school rules, fighting, drinking alcohol and smoking, bringing mobile phones to school, being disrespectful and so on. Only 33.3% of responses indicated the students do not cause any problems, while 13.7% indicated that it depended on factors such as how well the overseas born students responded to being in Tonga.

7.4 Differing experiences Although 38% of responses claimed the experience of going to Tonga from overseas would be no different for boys or girls (and one said it would depend on the individual), 60.8% said it would be

15

different and those who elaborated mostly said it would be harder for girls. The reasons included girls missing their parents and having more restricted lives in Tonga than boys. The students were also asked about differences for young people with one parent who is not Tongan; 67.3% of responses indicated it would be harder for them, mostly assuming it would mean they know less of Tongan culture and would find it more difficult to adapt. Similarly, 88.8% of responses to a question asking about young people who had never been to Tonga before (including those whose parents were both Tongan) indicated that they would find it more difficult. Most responses assumed that such young people would not know Tongan culture and language and would struggle to cope in Tonga. Another survey question specifically asked about young people who didn’t speak Tongan before they went to Tonga and, not surprisingly, 78% of responses stated they would find it more difficult. In the set of questions exploring different experiences, the final question was: ‘Would it be different for those who go into the early years of high school in Tonga compared to those who go into the later years?’ The majority of responses (62%) claimed it was advantageous to go into the early years of high school; the most common responses were that younger students would adapt to Tonga life more easily and learn the language more quickly, whereas older students were more set in their ‘overseas ways’ and would have learned more ‘bad behaviour’. However, some expressed concern that younger students would be more prone to homesickness or bullying by other students. Only 12.4% said it wouldn’t make any difference when students began high school in Tonga.

7.5 Improving the experience The surveys asked respondents to identify ways to make going to Tonga a better experience for overseas born youth. In the wide range of responses the most common were about teaching them Tongan culture and language and helping them be more familiar with life in Tonga (32.8%). There were also general comments about making the experience ‘comfortable’, including the need for school counsellors and family members to give them advice and support (24.8%). Some also mentioned the importance of teachers and other students not mocking, bullying or hitting them (21.1%). These responses covered the same issues the students in the discussion groups identified, particularly their need for more explicit teaching of cultural expectations and Tongan language and their negative experiences as discussed above.

8. Discussion It became clear in the school discussion sessions that it can take a long time for the overseas born students to be accepted in Tonga. Some never feel fully welcomed by other students and continue to feel they are being treated as outsiders even after several years. The ambivalent attitudes towards the students mean that they are regarded as potentially causing trouble, sometimes leading adults who have dealings with them, such as teachers and relatives, to be particularly strict with them. These attitudes extend to their Tongan born peers, some of whom are distinctly unfriendly and unwelcoming to the overseas born youth. The students’ accounts showed that feeling welcomed and included, and having opportunities to learn Tongan culture and language, were far more effective at changing young people’s ‘attitudes’ and strengthening their cultural identity than experiences of strict discipline, being labelled as pālangi and assumed to bring ‘bad influences. Some of the students from overseas do not settle into school or life in Tonga and as a result go back overseas earlier than planned. They may constantly run away from school, or even become ill from their distress at being in this unfamiliar environment away from their families. One boy admitted he had become involved in the inter-school violence in the hope of getting deported back to the

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country in which he’d grown up, as he was so unhappy in Tonga. He said: ‘I hope I get deported. I’ll go back one way or another’ (male, 16). The students’ backgrounds shape their experiences to some extent; for example, the students from Fiji were more used to ‘Pacific’ culture than those who had grown up away from other Pacific Islanders. Those from families who had maintained Tongan culture in the diaspora and/or had visited Tonga frequently during the students’ childhoods also found it easier to adjust as they knew what to expect. The students’ experiences are also shaped by factors such as the school they attend (English speaking schools make the adjustment easier) and the family they live with while in Tonga. Interestingly, the reasons they were in Tonga did not seem to have a significant effect. Those who had been forced to go tended to take longer to settle in but overall they had remarkably similar experiences to students who had chosen to be there. Overall, it was the students who had little knowledge of Tongan language and culture and had not visited Tonga before who really struggled to cope. The overseas born students obviously cannot be protected from all of the challenges they will face. Indeed, the students themselves understood that they had to deal with challenges, particularly what they glossed as ‘the hard life’ in Tonga, in order to get the most out of their experience. However, there are ways that experience could be enhanced, to ensure the students feel accepted, develop a sense of belonging and loyalty to Tonga, and return overseas with strong connections to a culture they now claim as their own. The potential for these positive outcomes make it worth investigating how to ensure these young Tongans have the best possible experiences. The following recommendations emerge from the research findings and most are simple, manageable changes that could be made to improve the experiences of the students as well as help the schools they attend and their families to better manage the presence of overseas born youth in Tonga. In the long term this could also help Tonga as a country by ensuring the transnational connections between Tongans overseas and the homeland are maintained by the younger generations.

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9. Recommendations in detail 1. Overseas born youth who will be going to school in Tonga should be given information

before they go about what to expect and how to behave; this could easily be incorporated into church youth group activities and/or provided through a dedicated website. Once the youth arrive in Tonga they should be given a thorough induction to the school they will attend and be made to feel welcome.

2. Each student should have an initial session with a counsellor to establish their situation: why

they are in Tonga, the household they are living in, their previous contact with Tonga, their knowledge of Tongan language and culture and so on. Individualised support plans can then be put in place to ensure they get the most of their time in Tonga. Families caring for the overseas born students should also be given opportunities to get support, as it can be difficult caring for these young people who may be experiencing problems adjusting to life in Tonga.

3. Students’ contact with family and friends overseas should be facilitated by giving them more

access to the internet, particularly those at boarding schools who have very limited access to home computers or internet cafes. It is important to them to be able to keep in touch easily with family and friends as it helps them to feel supported and alleviates their fears about going back home and finding everything changed.

4. Annual information sessions for the Tongan born students to encourage them to welcome

and support the overseas born students. These sessions could be used to actively discourage behaviour such as mocking, gossip and bullying and to increase understanding of the challenges the students are facing.

5. Schools should share information about any successful (or unsuccessful) initiatives

developed to support the overseas born students.

6. An inter-school support group for overseas born youth should be established so they can make connections beyond their own school.

a. Through the inter-school support group, tours could be organised to familiarise the students with the island on which they are living (for most this will be Tongatapu).

b. The group could also be given some Tongan language training, as the students are often at a very different level of language skills than the Tongan born students.

c. The group could have a dedicated Facebook site that enables them to stay in contact during and after their time in Tonga, to offer support and advice and share their experiences.

7. It would be worth exploring the possibility of a more structured program of school

attendance for overseas born youth, in which youth groups across the diaspora could participate. This would encourage youth to spend some time in Tonga, and formalise the process of preparing them for their school experience and supporting them while they are there. A structured program would also help promote the experience in a positive way and reduce the perception that going to Tonga is a form of punishment for youth experiencing problems overseas.

8. Schools should keep records of the number of overseas born students and submit these annually to the Ministry of Education and Training so statistics can be collated. This should include information about students’ ages, home country, reasons for being in Tonga, living situation in Tonga, length of stay, etc.

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9. The Tongan government and civil society organisations should increase their awareness of

the overseas born students and assist in providing them with support. These students also should be considered in the development of any youth policies as they need particular kinds of support and services.

10. Violence within schools, in the form of physical punishment administered by teachers and, in some cases, prefects, needs to be addressed. Although this practice is no longer sanctioned by the government it clearly persists so measures need to be taken to monitor schools and impose penalties where it occurs. The issue of violence between schools in the form of inter-school rivalry already has been the subject of a report by the Tonga Secondary School Principals Association (2008). Many of the recommendations in the report have not been implemented and there has been escalating violence in recent years so clearly this problem remains. Addressing these issues of violence within and between schools will have a positive impact not only on the overseas born youth but all students in Tongan high schools.

References

Lee, H. (2003) Tongans overseas: between two shores. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Lee H (2011) Rethinking transnationalism through the second generation. The Australian Journal of

Anthropology, 22 (3), 295-313. Ministry of Training, Employment, Youth and Sports (2007) The Tonga National Youth Strategy 2007-

2012. Nuku’alofa, Government of Tonga. Pereira N (2011) Return[ed] to Paradise: The deportation experience in Samoa and Tonga. MOST-2

Policy Paper 21. Paris: UNESCO. Tonga Secondary School Principals Association (2008) The bear and the lion: a legacy of violence.

Report of the Taskforce for the Elimination of Violence Between Secondary Schools in Tonga. Vaioleti T. (2006) Talanoa research methodology: a developing position on Pacific research. Waikato

Journal of Education 12: 21-34.

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APPENDIX ONE

The broader literature on second generation children and youth going to their

parents’ homelands.

There has been very little research conducted into the practice of overseas born youth returning to their parents’ homelands for Tongan or other Pacific migrant populations. In the 1980s Cluny Macpherson briefly observed for Samoans in New Zealand that it was common for parents to send or take children to Samoa for periods of time, and that ‘many adolescents reported a sense of alienation that surprised and hurt them’ (1985, 250). This sense of alienation is a common theme in the literature on other migrant groups for which there have been relevant studies. The literature on return migration shows that even adults returning to a country in which they were born and raised can have problems readjusting and may be regarded as ‘outsiders’ (Gmelch 1980, Arowolo 2000). This was the case for Tongan return migrants in a 2001 study (Maron and Connell 2008), who faced difficulties such as being regarded as pālangi (white) and therefore not fully accepted (see also Small 1997). Overseas born Tongans who go to Tonga also report being derisively called pālangi (Lee 2009), including those sent to spend time in a Tongan high school, as has been shown in this report. My own previous research includes a small study in Tonga in 2006, in which a group of 15 boys boarding at Tupou College expressed similar feelings of alienation (Lee 2009). The boys tried to make the best of their situation, focusing on the benefits of getting to know their relatives and Tongan culture while also acknowledging the hardships they were enduring in their new environment. I have also discussed the practice of overseas born children and youth spending time in Tonga within a broader study of the Tongan diaspora (e.g. Lee 2003). The only other study of overseas born Tongan youth going to Tonga was conducted by Adrian Schoone for his Master of Arts thesis and focused on youth considered ‘at risk’ in New Zealand (Schoone 2008, 2010). Schoone’s focus was on the experiences of youth going to live with relatives in Tonga, drawing on the experiences of seven of these ‘at risk’ young people. He includes a brief discussion of these students’ experiences at Tongan schools and his findings are much the same as those for the students in my own research. In the broader field of migration studies, not enough attention has been given either to children or to return migration, so children who return to their ‘home’ country are ‘doubly invisible migrants’ (Hatfield 2010, 243). Even less attention has been paid to children who return alone to their parents’ home country, either by choice or force. However, in many migrant populations, including Tongans, children are sent to the homeland for a range of reasons: to be cared for while young so parents can work and avoid formal childcare; because parents are worried about their children’s undocumented status; or due to parents’ concerns about social problems in the host country or their own children’s behaviour. The few studies that focus on children being sent involuntarily – what Orellana et al (2001, 588) refer to ‘transnational disciplining’– all conclude that it can create significant problems for both those being sent and for their caretakers. Most of the existing research focuses on Latin American and South American migrants in the US. Celia Menjivar (2002) found that Guatamalan immigrants in Los Angeles sent their children ‘home’ when concerned about their involvement with gangs and crime. She reports that the children saw their move as ‘punishment’ and were unhappy, having difficulty communicating and did not understand cultural expectations of them. They were living in a ‘vastly different milieu living with people they could hardly recognise as family’ (Menjivar 2002, 545). Sending children ‘home’ in this way can have negative consequences for the home country. For example, youth being sent to Belize have ‘transnationalised’ the Los Angeles gangs they belong to and are negatively influencing young

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people raised in Belize, particularly those with absentee migrant parents (Matthei and Smith 1998, 284). It can also place strain on schools when students have poor language skills and are used to a different education system. In Mexico, some students benefit from exposure to the language and culture of their parents’ homeland while others remain ‘between cultures’ and their education suffers (Zuniga and Hamann 2009, online). Caribbean migrants in the US often send children to the homeland because they see it as a better place, with less violence, crime and other social problems, or to influence their cultural identity, but the overarching reason is usually concern with the child’s behaviour. Dominican migrants’ decision to send children ‘home’ is ‘often against the child’s will’ (Guarnizo 1997, 301). There are usually negative consequences, including the impact of the family separation and the increased economic burden of sending money to support the children. There is also strain on kin ties, as ‘fewer and fewer relatives have been willing to accept the considerable burden of caring for returned children and adolescents because of their difficult behavior’ (Guarnizo 1997, 301). In his study of migration from Mali to the Republic of Congo, Bruce Whitehouse (2009) shows that many migrant parents send young children to Mali to be raised by kin, or send their children for school holidays. He suggests that because child fostering is so common in West Africa the separation of children from parents does not have some of the negative impacts reported in other cultural contexts. Similarly, Ernestina Tetteh (2008) claims fosterage is common and valued in Ghana, including the practice of ‘posted children’: babies and young children who are sent to Ghana by migrant parents so the parents can work and avoid the cost of formal childcare.1 Tetteh found that young children sent to live with relatives in Ghana while their parents worked accepted this ‘as a lifetime opportunity for them to make it in future’ (2008: 5). Positive perceptions of fostering (as is the case for Tonga) may make it easier for such children to adjust to separation from migrant parents. Children’s acceptance of their situation can also be influenced by the reasons for the separation. When sending children to the homeland is motivated by their parent’s desire to achieve social and economic mobility for the family, children may perceive the short term pain of separation as being worth the long term gains:

…of critical importance to the adjustment process is how the child makes meaning of the situation of separation from parents and other loved ones. If the child is well prepared for the separation, and if the separation is framed as temporary and necessary, undertaken for the good of the family, the separation will be much more manageable than if the child feels abandoned (Suarez-Orozco, Todorova and Louie 2002: 640).

When children are sent to the parents’ homeland because of concerns about their behaviour the focus is primarily on the outcome for them as individuals rather than the benefit to other family members. This may be even more difficult to cope with than a sense of abandonment, since the child is likely to perceive the separation as his or her own fault and the move as a form of punishment. Even those who choose to spend time in the homeland are pursuing an individual identity journey rather than seeking to benefit their family, so they may feel less able to ask for support during their adjustment to the unfamiliar environment.

1 I have described the ‘brown paper parcel babies’ in the Tongan case; infants sent from the

diaspora to be cared for in Tonga (Lee 2003, 58). No study has been done of these children although Kerry James has described them as ‘a bond of love and living confirmations of kinship’ while also expressing concern about the strain on families in Tonga (1991).

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In recent years the emerging literature on the ‘return’ of the adult children of migrants reveals that they find the adjustment very challenging. Italians born and raised in Switzerland who move to Italy often find it difficult and feel ‘trapped in a place which they once hoped would be their home, but in which they feel like strangers’ (Wessendorf 2007,1097). Similar experiences are reported for the adult children of migrants from Greece (Christou and King 2006; Panagakos 2004), the Caribbean (Conway and Potter 2007, 20; Potter and Phillips 2009) and the Pacific (Connell 1990; Macpherson and Macpherson 2009). Two edited volumes on this topic of ‘return’ migration of second and later generations (Conway and Potter 2009; Tsuda 2009a) provide a range of other case studies that also describe the difficulties this movement can involve. These adults returning to their parents’ homeland can be marginalised as ‘cultural foreigners’ who ‘lack the linguistic and cultural competence necessary for acceptance as co-ethnics in their ancestral homelands’ (Tsuda 2009b, 327). Given that these studies all involve adults moving voluntarily, it seems highly likely that it would be even more challenging for adolescents, particularly those who have little or no say in the deciding whether to go to school in Tonga. For Tonga, although there has been little research on the children of migrants spending time in Tonga, there has been some work on the experiences of deportees (Pereira 2011). They have experienced a range of significant problems in adjusting to life in Tonga and are still regarded with ambivalence by most other Tongans. As has been mentioned in this report, the children of migrants attending schools in Tonga are often categorised with the deportees, which increases the negative attitudes towards them and can affect their experience of life in Tonga.

Summary The international literature discussed above reveals some significant issues that informed the research conducted for this report. Young people separated from their immediate families by their movement to the home country can suffer emotionally and develop behavioural problems and poor school performance. This is particularly so for adolescents, especially when they are not part of the decision making process. Their relationships with their parents and caretakers may be strained; indeed, the transnational ties between these adults can become similarly strained. For youth sent away against their will the decision to move them is likely to be perceived as punishment although parents may have multiple motives that include protecting their children from negative influences and a desire for them to be exposed to the language and culture of the homeland. ‘Home’ can therefore become a space of both discipline and ‘culture’, where young people may be marginalised and treated as outsiders, even regarded as bringing negative influences. This international literature focuses primarily on the problems young people experience when they spend time in their parents’ homelands. My own research has revealed very similar problems experienced by Tongan youth who spend time in Tongan high schools, however it has also revealed that more positive outcomes are also possible. In particular, the experience has been shown to strengthen young people’s cultural identity, increase their cultural and linguistic knowledge, and establish life-long ties to Tonga.

References Arowolo O (2000) Return migration and the problem of reintegration. International Migration 38(5):

59-80.

Christou A and King R (2006) Migrants encounter migrants in the city: The changing context of 'home' for second-generation Greek-American return migrants. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 30(4): 816-835.

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Connell J, ed. (1990) Migration and development in the South Pacific. Pacific Research Monograph No. 24. Canberra: The Australian National University.

Conway D and Potter R (2007) Caribbean transnational return migrants as agents of change. Geography Compass 1(1):25-45.

Conway D and Potter R (eds) (2009) Return migration of the next generations: 21st century transnational mobility. England, Surrey: Ashgate.

Gmelch G (1980) Return migration. Annual Review of Anthropology 9: 135-159.

Guarnizo L (1997) The emergence of a transnational social formation and the mirage of return migration among Dominican transmigrants. Identities 4(2): 281-322.

Hatfield M (2010) Children moving 'home'? Everyday experiences of return migration in highly skilled households. Childhood 17: 243-256.

James K (1991) Migration and remittances: a Tongan village perspective. Pacific Viewpoint 32: 1-23.

Lee, H (2003) Tongans overseas: between two shores. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press.

Lee H (2009) The ambivalence of return: second-generation Tongan returnees. In: Potter D and Potter R (eds) Return of the Next Generations: 21st Century Transnational Mobility. Aldershot: Ashgate, 41-58.

Macpherson C (1985) Public and private views of home: will Western Samoan migrants return? Pacific Viewpoint 26: 242-262.

Macpherson C and Macpherson L (2009) It was not quite what I had expected: some Samoan returnees' experiences of Samoa. In: Conway D and Potter R (eds) Return migration of the next generations: 21st century transnational mobility. England, Surrey: Ashgate.

Maron N and Connell J (2008) Back to Nukunuku: employment, identity and return migration in Tonga. Asia Pacific Viewpoint 49: 168-184.

Menjivar C (2002) Living in two worlds? Guatemalan-origin children in the United States and emerging transnationalism. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 28(3): 531-555.Miller

Matthei, Linda and David Smith (1998) Belizean ‘Boyz ‘n the ‘Hood’? Garifuna labor migration and transnational identity. In Smith M and Guarnizo L (eds) Transnationalism from below. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, pp. 270-290.

Orellana M, Thorne, B, Chee, A, Lam, W (2001) Transnational childhoods: the participation of children in processes of family migration. Social Problems 48(4): 572-591.

Panagakos A (2004) Recycled odyssey: Creating transnational families in the Greek diaspora. Global Networks 4(3): 299-311.

Pereira N (2011) Return[ed] to Paradise: the deportation experience in Samoa and Tonga. MOST-2 Policy Paper 21. Paris: UNESCO.

Potter R and Phillips J (2009) Bajan-Brit second-generation migrants: ‘…Where am I supposed to be – in mid-air?!’ In Conway D and Potter R (eds) Return migration of the next generations: 21st century transnational mobility. Surrey: Ashgate, 79-99.

Schoone A (2008) Re-scripting life: the experiences of New Zealand-born Tongan 'youth-at-risk' sent to Tonga. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, Development Studies, University of Auckland.

Schoone A. (2010) Re-scripting life: New Zealand-born Tongan 'youth-at-risk' narratives of return migration. MAI Review: 1-11.

Small C. (1997) Voyages: from Tongan villages to American suburbs, Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

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Suarez-Orozco C, Todorova, I and Louie J (2002) Making up for lost time: the experience of separation and reunification among immigrant families. Family Process 41(4): 625-643.

Tetteh E (2008) 'My parents are "burghers"': a study of international labour migration and families in Ghana. Unpublished Master of Arts thesis, University of Tromso, Tromso.

Tsuda T (2009a) Diasporic homecomings: ethnic return migration in comparative perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

Tsuda T (2009b) Conclusion: diasporic homecomings and ambivalent encounters with the ethnic homeland. In: Tsuda T (ed) Diasporic homecomings: ethnic return migration in comparative perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 325-350.

Wessendorf S (2007) 'Roots migrants': transnationalism and 'return' among second-generation Italians in Switizerland. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33(7): 1083-1102.

Whitehouse B (2009) Transnational childrearing and the preservation of transnational identity in Brazzaville, Congo. Global Networks 9(1): 82-99.

Zúniga V and Hamann, E (2009) Sojourners in Mexico with U.S. school experience: a new taxonomy for transnational students. Comparative Education Review 53(3): online.

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APPENDIX TWO

Surveys distributed in classes in five of the participating high schools

OVERSEAS BORN TONGAN YOUTH IN TONGAN HIGH SCHOOLS – RESEARCH PROJECT

You are invited to complete this survey about Tongans who live overseas and go to high school for a

while in Tonga. You do not need to give your name and you will not be identified in any reports or

publications from this research.

This survey is part of a research project that is led by Professor Helen Lee of La Trobe University in

Melbourne, Australia. Your answers will be used to understand more about the experiences of

Tonga youth who have grown up overseas and go to high school in Tonga.

Please write your answers clearly.

Your age: …………………………….

Gender: ……………………………………….

Year level at school: ………………………………

Country where you were born: ……………………………………………..

Country of citizenship: ……………………………………………….

Country where your mother was born: …………………………………………

Is your mother Tongan? (yes or no): …………………………….

If your mother is not Tonga what is her ethnic ancestry? ……………………………………………

Country where your father was born: ………………………………………….

Is your father Tongan? (yes or no): …………………………….

If your father is not Tonga what is his ethnic ancestry? ……………………………………………

Have you spent all your life in Tonga? (yes or no) …………………………..

If you answered no – where else you have lived? Please list where you have lived and how old you

were when you lived there:

Country How old you were when you went there How long you stayed there

……………………….. ……………………………………….. ……………………………………

……………………….. ……………………………………….. ……………………………………

……………………….. ……………………………………….. ……………………………………

PLEASE TURN OVER!

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IF YOU HAVE SPENT MOST OF YOUR LIFE IN TONGA PLEASE ANSWER THESE QUESTONS – IF NOT

PLEASE TURN THE PAGE

If your answers don’t fit in the spaces you can write on the back of the page.

Please give reasons for your answers (not just ‘yes’ or ‘no’!)

1. Why do you think Tongan students from overseas come to your school?

2. Do you think it’s good for Tongans from overseas to go to school in Tonga?

3. Do you think parents should send their children to Tonga even if they don’t want to go?

4. Do you know of any problems these students have while they are at school in Tonga?

5. What do you think the schools or families in Tonga could be doing to make going to Tonga a

better experience for students who have grown up overseas?

6. Do you think coming to Tonga to school from overseas would be different for boys than it is for

girls?

a. Would it be different for young people with one parent who is not Tongan?

b. Would it be different for young people who have never been to Tonga before?

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c. Would it be different for young people who don’t speak Tongan?

d. Would it be different for those who go into the early years of high school in Tonga compared

to those who go into the later years of high school?

7. Do you think having students from overseas is a good thing for schools?

8. Do you think having students from overseas causes any problems for schools?

9. Is it good or bad for Tonga as a country to have Tongan youth from overseas coming here?

10. Are there problems with youth in general, in Tonga?

THANK YOU!

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IF YOU HAVE LIVED MOST OF YOUR LIVE OVERSEAS PLEASE ANSWER THESE QUESTIONS.

If your answers don’t fit in the spaces you can write on the back of the page.

Please give reasons for your answers (not just ‘yes’ or ‘no’!)

1. When you were growing up were your friends mostly Tongan?

2. Did you learn to speak Tongan as a child?

3. How often did you visit Tonga when you were growing up?

4. Why are you at school in Tonga?

5. Did you have a choice about coming to Tonga?

6. Do you think parents should send their kids to Tonga even if they don’t want to go?

7. Have any of your brothers or sisters gone to school in Tonga?

8. How old were you when you came to Tonga and what year was that?

9. How long will you stay?

10. How did you feel when you came to Tonga?

11. What was it like when you started at this school?

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12. What do you like about the school?

13. What do you NOT like about the school?

14. Have you made new friends since coming to Tonga?

15. Are you involved in any activities like sport or other things outside class time?

16. Which relatives do you live with when you are not at school?

17. How do you feel about living with these relatives?

18. Do you feel like you have learned more Tongan language and culture since you got to

Tonga?

19. What do you think about Tonga after your time here?

20. Are you homesick?

21. How often do you have contact with your family at home?

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22. How often do you have contact with your friends at home?

23. Does anyone send you money or gifts?

24. Do they ask you to send them anything?

25. Do you have a mobile phone?

26. Do you have easy access to a computer with internet?

27. What are you looking forward to when you go back home?

28. Is there anything you are worried about when you think of going back home?

29. Do you think you’ll keep in touch with anyone in Tonga when you go home?

30. Do you think your experiences in Tonga will have any long term effect on your life?

31. Would you like to stay and live in Tonga?

32. Do you think you will encourage your own children to go to Tonga?

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33. Would you send them to Tonga even if they didn’t want to go?

34. Do you think the schools or families in Tonga should be doing anything differently to make

going to Tonga a better experience for students who have grown up overseas?

35. Do you think coming to Tonga to school from overseas is different for boys than it is for

girls? (Please explain your answers to this and the questions below)

e. Is it different for young people with one parent who is not Tongan?

f. Is it different for young people who have never been to Tonga before?

g. Is it different for young people who don’t speak Tongan?

h. Is it different for those who go into the early years of high school in Tonga compared

to those who go into the later years of high school?

36. Anything else you want to say about your experience of coming to Tonga?

THANK YOU!!