THE LIVING WAGE MEDIA PLANthe event. • Create props and backdrops for the event. • Op-ed comes...

Your resources are limited and your task is huge. Create your media plan beforeyou launch your campaign. Conceive the plan at the same time you prepare yourorganizing or electoral campaign plan. Above all, do not wait until the last

minute to decide to crank out a press release or call a reporter. You will most likelyfind yourself very frustrated. Plan for your media! This will make you proactive insteadof simply reactive.

A word about reality-based media plans: Do not set yourself up for failure.Create a media plan that you and your staff can actually complete. Think big and actambitiously, but do not overextend yourself. Doing media can be labor intensive.

It’s About Campaign Planning SynergyConnect the plan to your organizing, lobbying, public education, outreach,

litigation or other campaign plans. In other words, the media plan should supportyour organizing and other campaign efforts, not the other way around. At the sametime, do not view your media work as simply an add-on to get around to aftercompleting everything else. Gather your top organizers and campaign or economicjustice movement people and work collaboratively with them to craft and get buy-infor your media plan.

The central theme of this living wage media “best practices” guidebook isthe importance of strategically planning your media. For too long our side ofthe battle has ignored the media, conducted media actions halfheartedly andat the last minute, or been in a constantly reactive mode—thus letting ouropponents frame the issue and move the message while we scramble to playcatch-up. Sometimes even when we do the best job we can, we still do not getthe coverage we deserve. No matter what, we must still plan our media.

THE LIVING WAGE MEDIA PLAN

PLANNING YOUR MEDIA: A CHECKLISTThe key components of a successful, basic media plan are:

1. Frame the issue. In the process, identify your news. Remember, the bestmedia plans will not be successful unless you have real news to make.

2. Define messages. Write your “talking points.”

3. Target the audience.

4. Train spokesperson(s) to be on message.

5. Produce your “deliverables”: press kits, media advisories, press releases, factsheets, “sign on” letters of support, informational report and other handouts.

6. Target reporters and media outlets. Create or augment your media database.

7. Disseminate your media advisory.

8. Pitch reporters to cover the story.

9. Conduct media briefings for key reporters.

10. Stage media events.

11. Place opinion editorials.

12. Book your spokespersons on radio and TV shows.

13. Submit letters to the editor.

14. Track coverage and respond to reporters.

Steps No. 1 to 6 of the media plan are whatyou do before you even call a reporter or stagea media event. Once you do these, it is time tounleash the other components of your mediaplan.

Steps No. 7 to 14 are the most labor-intensivepieces of the media plan; they should bedelegated accordingly. However, there shouldalways be one person who oversees theexecution of the plan and is the main contactfor the media. Pitching reporters (Step No. 8)is critical and involves intensive phone workand “schmoozing.” How many of these stepscan you realistically do? Aim for at least thefirst 10, more if you have the resources. If youare particularly ambitious, consider adding afew extra components such as producing radioactualities (actual radio news “clips” producedby your side but that sound like news reports)and submitting public service announcements.

b

Winning Wages Media Kit 121

(cont.)

Winning Wages Media Kit122

CAMPAIGN STRATEGIES PART 6

Your Media Plan TimelineA top-notch media plan will contain a timeline and

benchmarks to help you implement the plan. For example, aplan for rolling out a living wage law might look somethinglike the following: (counting back from Week 1, which is theannouncement of the campaign)

WEEK 12 (or beyond)

• Draft and research report on living wage laws; plan onreleasing it one week before campaign launched.

• Begin collecting database of reporters, editors, and mediaoutlets in your area and statewide

WEEK 11

• Finish reporter database and make sure all their contactinformation is complete.

• Start to select and train spokespersons• If advertising and billboard are involved, create and book

it now, if not earlier.

WEEK 9

• Begin to prepare media “deliverables” such as press kitsand fact sheets.

WEEK 8

• Prepare website and begin to load information, includingan online press room (not open for business yet, however).

WEEK 6

• Finish training of spokespersons, production of press kitsand other deliverables.

• Get any permits needed for rallies.

WEEK 4

• Schedule media briefings and editorial board sessions.

WEEK 3

• Write and pitch op-eds.

WEEK 2

• Send out media advisories for roll-out event.• Book on talk shows and call-in radio or TV shows.• Report is finished and embargoed copies released.

Consider releasing the report at a separate event, ormaking it available to select reporters a week aheadto set up your big kick-off event. This gives you morebang for the media buck.

WEEK 1

• Make pitch calls: reminder calls to reporters to attendthe event.

• Create props and backdrops for the event.• Op-ed comes out.• Prepare letters to the editors for drop the day after

the event.

THE DAY BEFORE

• Make final pitch and friendly reminder calls.• Dress rehearsal for media event with key speakers.• Last minute changes to media materials and press kits.• Website, if you have one, opens for business.

THE BIG DAY

• Stage the event.• Schmooze reporters.• Courier press kit and make follow-up calls to no-shows.• Spin your newsmakers; get them to do follow-up radio,

TV, and print interviews as needed.• Provide special attention to key reporters (major daily

newspaper for example).

THE DAY AFTER

• Make sure letters to the editor are sent in.• Handle follow-up coverage tracking and response; correct

any factual accuracies now or challenge any bias. Thankreporters for “fair and balanced coverage” (you hope).

• Rest, then plan your next event and next phase of yourmedia strategy!

The Living Wage Media Plan, cont.

1 Create a comprehensive media plan well inadvance of the campaign kickoff, including press

events, feature story ideas, op-eds, radio and TV talkshows, editorial meetings, and letters to the editor.

2 Develop media materials early, including acampaign overview, worker profiles, industry profiles,

endorsers, etc., so you don't have to scramble once thecampaign begins.

3 Meet with key reporters early on to explainyour campaign and inoculate them against

opposition arguments.

4 Provide in-depth training for your community andworker spokespeople, including instructions on how

to answer opposition charges.

5 Anticipate worst-case scenarios—particularlylast-minute dirty tricks by the opposition—and have

a plan ready to go.

6 Recruit spokespeople representing all facets ofthe community—clergy, workers, elected officials,

educators and youth leaders, economists, businesspeople,social service representatives, celebrities. They can lendyour campaign the broadest appeal possible.

7 If the budget allows, conduct polling to help shapethe campaign message and identify the most effective

categories of spokespeople.

8 Make every effort to have reporters spendsignificant time with workers and their families,

including visits to their homes, in order to put a personalface on media coverage.

9 Cultivate an influential, sympathetic columnistand feed him or her stories as the campaign unfolds.

10 Develop a clear, well-designed Website withcampaign fact sheets, workers stories, press

articles, and other materials, and publicize it to the media.

TOP TEN LIST FOR A MEDIA CAMPAIGNBy Danny Feingold, Communications Director, Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE)



Planning Your Living Wage Press

CASE STUDY

Overview, Goals and Components

This living wage media plan is designedto convey a simple, compelling messageto the public, business and lawmakersthrough media actions, feature stories,op-eds and editorials.

• Our media message is crafted to bereasonable in order to achieve maximumappeal.

• To sustain coverage, we should employa variety of actions, escalate the intensityof those actions, and call on high-profilepublic figures for selected events.

• Dynamic, articulate spokespeople, bothEnglish- and Spanish-speaking, will becrucial to our campaign. These shouldinclude workers, clergy, community mem-bers, elected officials, businesspeople andother respected public figures.

• Fact sheets supporting our case andendorsements from a range of publicfigures will also help us strengthen ourcredibility. We should be prepared toprovide reporters with detailed informationon wages and benefits, corporate revenuesand profits (where appropriate), andwritten profiles of several workers.

Timeline

• Neighbor-to-Neighbor signature drive:February-June

• Spokesperson Trainings: August

• September 22: Campaign kick-off

• Late September: Launch of groundcampaign

Frame

We want media coverage to focus on theissues of working poverty, business wealth,taxpayer subsidies to big businesses, andcommunity control of local politics.

Discipline Message

• Short version:Protect low-wage workers and uphold

our community’s values of fairness andjustice. Vote yes on the living wage.

• Long version:Problem: Santa Monica’s luxury hotels

are trying to repeal our new living wagelaw. These are the same corporations thatspent a million dollars two years ago on thedeceptive anti-living wage initiative, MeasureKK, which four out of five Santa Monicavoters rejected.

Solution: The workers who clean thehotel rooms, sweep the floors and wash thedishes deserve to earn enough so they don’thave to rely on charity or government assis-tance. Santa Monica’s living wage law willhelp these workers while ensuring a vibranteconomy for our city.

Action: Protect low-wage workers anduphold our community’s values of fairnessand justice. Vote yes on the living wage.

Identify Spokespeople

• Community• Clergy• Workers• Business• Educators• Elected Officials• Celebrities• Advocacy groups• Health Advocates• Social Service Agencies• Economists• Lawyers

Conduct Media Training

Workers, union reps, clergy, communityleaders and elected officials will participatein a training by the SPIN project on messageand presentation.

By Danny Feingold, Communications Director, Los Angeles Alliance for a New Economy (LAANE)

This media plan outline by LAANE offers an example of how to construct your personal-ized plan using the model suggested in this kit. It is beneficial to strategize and brainstormearly on in your campaign to capture all the possibilities even if all the events do not actuallyhappen. Although this campaign ultimately was not successful in turning back the lies anddistortions of the opposition, LAANE put living wage on the media map in a way never seenbefore. Many hotels and other businesses ultimately extended living wages to workersthanks in part to the PR pressure generated by media activities.

(cont.)


Produce Materials/Media Deliverables

• Summary of living wage law• One-pager on SMART (our side’s

campaign group)• Worker poverty fact sheet• Corporate wealth fact sheet• Campaign finance fact sheet• Opposition campaign team fact sheet• Public Investment fact sheet• Endorser list• Background on living wage movement• Press clips

Spokesperson PreparationMaterials (Internal):

• Q&A• Message and talking points• Opposition research

Stage Media Events(and Other Message Outreach)

• Labor in Pulpit Interfaith Event:August 29, 31, September 1

• September 12 vigil/housekeeper event• Campaign kickoff : September 22

Peter, Paul and MaryOther spokesperson (workers/politicos/clergy/celebrities, et al)

• Economist letter release to media:October

• Clergy vigils: Monthly vigilsJune—October

• Letter from bishop to churches:October

• Women’s leaders event: October• Educators press conference: October

Create and Pitch Other StoryIdeas/Hooks

• Opposition campaign finance• National significance of Santa Monica

ordinance

• How taxpayer investment built theCoastal Zone

• Personal stories of low-wage workers• Ethnic/community media outreach

Identify and Prioritize MediaOutlets for Key Feature Stories

(* indicates priority)

Print (including community, ethnicand religious media)

• L.A. Times*• La Opinion*• Business Journal*• L.A. Weekly* (incl. women’s angle)• City News Service*• Los Angeles Magazine*• Mirror*• Argonaut*• Daily Press*• Santa Monica Sun• Bay Week• Corsair• Tidings• Episcopal News• Jewish Journal• Argonaut• National: BNA, AP, New York Times*,

Washington Post, Chicago Tribune,Boston Globe, SF Chronicle,Sacramento Bee, USA Today,Guardian/Observer, Business Week,Newsweek, Time

Radio• KPCC*• KCRW*• KFWB• KNX• KFI• Metro Networks• KLAC• National: NPR, Pacifica

TV• Adelphia*• KCET*

• City TV*• Channel 34 (Spanish-language)• Channel 52 (Spanish-language)• “Vista L.A.” (Channel 7)• “Today in L.A.” (Channel 4)

Internet• surfsantamonica.com*• oceanparkgazette.com • Salon.com• Slate.com

Write and Pitch Op-Eds to:

• NY Times (ideally nationalize, outlineforces against)

• La Opinion• Business Journal• Santa Monica Mirror• surfsantamonica• Daily Press• Corsair• Santa Monica Sun• Tidings• Episcopal News• Jewish Journal• AlterNet• tompaine.com

Try to get Editorials from:

• NY Times• La Opinion• Santa Monica Mirror• Tidings• Episcopal News

Pitch Columns to:

• LA Times: Steve Lopez. Patt Morrison,Matt Miller, Bob Scheer, AriannaHuffington

• LA Weekly: Harold Meyerson• The Nation: Jim Hightower• Life and Times: Pat Morrison• surfsantamonica.com: Frank Gruber

(cont.)

Planning Your Living Wage Press, cont.

PART 6 CAMPAIGN STRATEGIES


Pitch Radio/TV Talk Shows:

• KPCC’s “Talk of the City”• KCRW’s “Which Way L.A.”• Michael Jackson—Lyle Gregory• Adelphia’s “Week in Review”• Channel 4’s “Today in L.A.”• KPFK’s labor and legal shows

Book Paid Media

• Newspaper ads

Write and Submit Lettersto the Editor

A regular stream of letters shouldbe generated in response to articles onthe living wage campaign. This couldbest be undertaken by SMART committeevolunteers.

Get into Newsletters

Identify allies and others and placepiece in their newsletters.

Consider E-Mail Campaign

A so-called virtual campaign can beused to reach large numbers of votersat no cost. Voters would be sent e-mailsurging them to support the living wage.These e-mails would be short and mightinclude an endorser list. The key is to havean extensive e-mail list, and to urge recipi-ents to forward the e-mail to their lists.

Gather News Clips

Print, radio and TV coverage ofthe campaign should be collected andcompiled immediately for availabilityto the press, as well as the website andthe ground campaign.

Planning Your Livng Wage Press, cont.



By the time this guidebook comes out,the Sacramento Living Wage Campaignstands poised to culminate a three-yearcoalition campaign with a victory at theSacramento City Council. That means, ifeverything goes well, businesses gettingmajor service contracts or financial assis-tance from the city will be covered by thenew living wage standard. That will deliverto scores of workers and their families inthe California capital a living wage of $10an hour plus benefits or $12.84 if benefitsare not provided.

While it hasn’t always been pretty, wehope our experience offers lessons to othersabout staying flexible, evolving the messageand frame, and staying on course.

The Local Paper Hates Us,and Other Challenges

In the thick of the battle, it became clearthe Sacramento Bee—the most importantsingle media outlet in Sacramento, was onlygoing to hurt our cause. A key editorialboard member and columnist for the Beecame out obnoxiously against the proposal,

and made the issue personal fast. Thisperson, considered a liberal on most issues,bought every anti-living wage argument forsale. Plus, he seemedto have it out for ourbill’s main sponsor.And, to top it all off,he hated unions witha passion.

The result? Astinging anti-livingwage editorial andtwo nasty columns attacking the proposaland its proponents, despite a strong andlargely positive two-hour editorial boardmeeting with us and the sponsor.

Arguing vehemently that our proposalwould not help the working poor because“most low wage workers don’t live inpoverty,” he went on to claim that, “inreality, living wage ordinances aren’t abouthelping the poor. They are about helpingunions…The City Council tonight has achoice between helping unions and reallyhelping the working poor. Which side willit be on?”

To make matters worse, even the Bee’sdaily coverage was dominated by the activi-

ties (or “shenanigans” as we called them)of the city staff that were stalling our measure—and the Chamber of Commerce’s “alterna-tive proposal”—while underreporting theactual events of our campaign.

Back at City Hall, certain political andbusiness leaders were fearful the living wage

measure would “put Sacramento at a com-petitive disadvantage.” There is tremendousconcern in the area around sprawl, growth,regional inequities, tax distribution, therecession and other factors that make localpolitical and business leaders anxious.Although the assertion that living wage isa “handicap” for Sacramento was neverborne out with facts locally or, for thatmatter, nationally in other cities with similarconcerns, that frame continued to resonateand cause problems.

We needed a different kind of communi-cations strategy. A strategy that played toour local strengths while taking into consid-eration our unique challenges.

A Sense That We Are Never Going Away:IN SACRAMENTO, A LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGN OVERCOMES

OBSTACLES, INCLUDING HOSTILE LOCAL MEDIA

By Brian Kettenring, Association of Community Organizers for Reform Now! (ACORN)

CASE STUDY

We needed a different kind of communications

strategy. A strategy that played to our local

strengths while taking into consideration our

unique challenges.

Consider this a saga of living wage perseverance, or how a campaign has survivedstall tactics, end runs, self-admitted political stumbles, a budget crisis and recession,and an openly hostile local media outlet.

(cont.)



Background & Strategy

The Sacramento Living WageCampaign was founded in the fall of 1999by a set of progressive activists, ACORN,the Sacramento Central Labor Council,and a number of key organizing unionsin the Sacramento Valley. Though the

campaign has come to comprise morethan 100 organizations, at its center hasbeen a steering committee of the six orseven most active organizations. The steeringcommittee eventually drafted a proposedSacramento Living Wage Ordinance.

The coalition chose a comprehensivestrategy of using direct action, publiceducation, communications, and traditionaland grassroots lobbying to coalesce enoughpolitical muscle to compel the City Councilto adopt the proposed living wage.Moreover, the campaign was organized intothree major phases: from the fall of 1999through November 2000 was the “private,”coalition- and base-building phase.

Then, in November 2000, the coalitionorganized a 350-person Forum on Povertyand Economic Justice that launched thepublic mobilization phase of the campaign,leading into the third phase, lobbyingfor passage. That third phase began inMay 2001 with a 500-person Rally for aLiving Wage.

Communications strategy really cameinto play in the second and third phases,when outreach and PR helped get this issueon the radar screen of the city. A pitchedbattle ensued with the city manager andChamber of Commerce once we started togo public in a significant way. Various stalltactics, calls for “more studies,” and other

roadblocks kept the measure moving slowly—but surely—through the local government.

Our coalition then went into what couldbe the final phase of the campaign: negotia-tion (overseen by the mayor and one swingcouncilmember). Assuming the livingwage ordinance negotiated between thecampaign, the Chamber, and the mayor

is acceptable tothe coalition,Sacramento shouldsoon join the morethan 100 cities thathave already passeda living wage.Looking back overthe past four or five

years it is hard to believe we finally got tothis point.

But how did communications figureinto the success of this protracted socialjustice struggle?

The Communications Strategy

The coalition had several advantagesgoing into the campaign that it soughtto exploit:

• At the time, more than 80 living wageordinances were already on the booksand there was no sign that the skies overthese various cities had fallen.

• The coalition represented adiverse set of constituencieswhereas the opposition wasnarrowly situated in the businesscommunity.

• The City Council was majoritydemocratic, though the mayorand city manager were hostile to labor(the latter was also hostile towardACORN).

• The gap between rich and poor continuedto be a prominent social and policy concern.

Given these natural advantages, the livingwage campaign sought to communicatebased upon its strengths while minimizing

its weaknesses. The following communica-tions messaging evolved in the course of thecampaign:

• Everyday workers are suffering anddeserve a living wage.

• The people of Sacramento want the livingwage and the opposition is narrow andnot in synch.

• The overwhelming body of evidence inCalifornia and nationally is that livingwage policies work.

• Companies that take taxpayer dollars andpay poverty wages are the problem.

• Given the highly integrated/competitivenature of the economy in the Sacramentoregion, the coalition has a regionalistapproach that fits local economic conditions.

The Communications Showdown

At the height of the battle in late-2002/early-2003, the coalition was movingaggressively forward despite constantcounterpunching by the biased city staffand a decidedly right-wing Chamber ofCommerce. For more than two years thecoalition had organized meetings, actions,lobby visits and so forth. The living wagewas finally scheduled for its first officialhearing before Council. Time to turn upthe heat.

In the weeks before the hearing we gen-erated hundreds of postcards and phonecalls through door-to-door canvassing intargeted Council districts. Two days beforethe hearing, we held a press conferencewhere more than 20 local elected officialsnot on the City Council endorsed our pro-posal. This included four out of five mem-bers of an adjacent City Council, plus the

While the Chamber of Commerce was lobbying

against us behind the scenes, we were every-

where, seeking to create a communications and

policy onslaught to win the uphill final battle.

Two days before the hearing, we helda press conference where more than20 local elected officials not on theCity Council endorsed our proposal.

A Sense That We Are Never Going Away, cont.

(cont.)



powerful state senator and assemblymanrepresenting Sacramento. The day of thehearing, we turned out more than 200 unionmembers, ACORN members and other pro-gressives to the Council meeting in a strongshow of support rich in photo-op potential.By the way, the Chamber of Commerce, ouropposition, had at most 10 persons present.

In the weeks leading up to the vote, wepaid for 2000 signs to be placed all over

downtown and key neighborhoods, reading:“Sacramento Needs a Living Wage.” Whilethe Chamber of Commerce was lobbyingagainst us behind the scenes, we wereeverywhere, seeking to create a communica-tions and policy onslaught to win the uphillfinal battle.

Overcoming Obstacles

When it became clear the city hallstaff was doing a hatchet job to our policyproposal, we turned up the heat on thepolicy front. All along we were not gettingsupport from the local paper, which insteadwas editorializing against us. We realized weneeded to go around the paper. We neededto anticipate and refute our opposition whiletaking our message directly to Sacramentoneighborhoods and communities affectedby the law.

The campaign went directly to opinionleaders and to the public. We made extensiveuse of email, websites, phone calls, doorknocking, and other direct tactics. We usedsmaller community outlets like newslettersand alternative press to communicate. Forexample, we solicited more favorable coveragefrom the Sacramento News & Review, thefree weekly. We called and met with various

opinion leaders and elected officials whoheld sway with the City Council. These activi-ties were on top of the aggressive policy andmass communications strategies detailedbelow. Our strategy was five-fold.

(1) First, we engaged Nick Brunick ofthe Chicago-based Business and ProfessionalPeople for the Public Interest, a respectedpublic interest law and policy center thathad worked successfully with ACORN and

allies on living wageissues in Chicago.With strategic guidancefrom ACORN, Brunickprepared a 30-pagereport detailing theeconomic benefits ofa living wage, which

the coalition released in a timely fashion aspart of a press conference. This report wasammunition for our cause and corroboratedour frame, while putting the opposition onthe defense.

(2) Next, we prepared an aggressivecritique of the report prepared by city staffand by a consultant they had hired to studythe issue, which, of course, was filled withbiased data, omissions and misleading“analysis.” We backed our critique up withstrong testimony from two economists andthe director of ACORN’s Living WageResource Center at the City Council hearing.

(3) We then prepared and released aletter from more than 30 respected econo-mists from around the country endorsingour policy proposal as economically sound.

(4) We commissioned a poll, andreleased it at a press conference, thatshowed overwhelming local support forthe living wage.

(5) Finally, we placed a web advertise-ment on Rough & Tumble (rtumble.com),the state’s politico website of record. Again,the messaging of our communications wasthat the living wage is good policy and thatthe people want it.

A Unique Progressive OrganizingOpportunity

We spun one policy objection into anadvantage. There is tremendous concern inSacramento about sprawl, growth, regionalinequities, tax distribution, and so forth.The region is changing, and it is fractured.Many city leaders, even progressives,expressed concern about “puttingSacramento at a competitive” disadvantage.The fear was that a living wage would turncompanies off from investing in the region.

Though this argument has never borneout academically elsewhere, it continued toresonate and cause problems in Sacramento.Ultimately, we embraced the problem as anopportunity to build power and to organizeacross progressive movement lines.

We linked the smart growth movementwith that for economic justice by taking ourcase to responsible growth advocates andmaking the connections clear. When weapproached the local environmental networkand the Sierra Club, they understood imme-diately that our living wage strategy could betaken as part of a larger vision. They sharedthe vision of creating a high-wage, high-roadregional economy where growth is createdby investing in workers, not by drivingdown wages.

When economic development subsidiesare not tied to any job quality standards,they lead only to a race to the bottombetween the cities and the suburbs, and mayin fact contribute to sprawl and regionalinequity as the higher-income suburbscompete with cities for jobs. Such bankruptpolicies are also a drain on scarce publicresources that might otherwise be devoted toimprovements in education and job training,infrastructure and efficient public trans-portation. Smart-growth advocates alsounderstood that low-wage, non-union firmsare also more likely to be unaccountableto local concerns—or, worse, habitualviolators of safety, health and environmentalstandards.

Suddenly, we could see the inevitable on

By tweaking our frame and evolving our

messages to new target audiences we would

build alliances with environmentalists who are

important to progressive politics in the suburbs.




(cont.)

the horizon: if we could win a living wagein Sacramento, and then leverage thatmomentum to win in neighboring workingclass or liberal jurisdictions, we couldeventually win five to ten living wageordinances in the region—thus creatingpossibly the first truly conscious regionalliving wage strategy in the U.S.

Moreover, by tweaking our frameand evolving our messages to new targetaudiences we would build alliances withenvironmentalists, who are important to

progressive politics in the suburbs.We could even ally with the City ofSacramento, which after passing a livingwage, has a self-interest in leveraging itsneighbors to follow suit. In our policycommunications we have acted the roleof regional leaders, and in expectingSacramento to blaze the path, expectother area jurisdictions to follow suit.

The End Is In Sight!

Regardless of how our campaign winsa Sacramento Living Wage Ordinance forworking families, we have already accom-plished a number of key objectives:

• Building direct power for low-and moderate-income Sacramentans,especially through key communityorganizations (like ACORN), laborunions (like SEIU, HERE, and ILWU),and progressive forces in general;

• Changing the terms of debate aboutwages and wealth in the Sacramentovalley, and;

• Laying the groundwork for thenation’s first conscious “regionalequity/smart growth” approach to theliving wage issue.

All told, we were able to level the play-ing field and continue to create the sensethat we were never going away, that themovement would grow until Sacramentoand our fast-growing region have a livingwage.

Regardless of when our campaignwins a Sacramento Living WageOrdinance for working families, wehave already accomplished a numberof key objectives:




“Old Town” Alexandria drawsthousands of tourists to strollthe colonial-era district.

Meanwhile, parking lot attendants likeMussie Habetezion tend the visitors’ carsin the city-owned lot. He, like many of hisco-workers, left Eritrea and landed a $7an hour job in Alexandria. After working afull shift at the parking lot, Habetezionscrambled to an eight-hour overnight shiftat 7-Eleven and worked at a pharmacy onweekends.Thousands of otherlow-wage workers inthe area sharedMussie’s plight.

In 1997, afeisty communityorganization calledthe Tenants’ andWorkers’ Support Committee (TWSC)launched a campaign for a living wageordinance. The predominantly Latino andAfrican-American group provided a base,and hired a campaign director and organizer.

A Strategic Plan To Get UsStarted

First we developed a strategic campaignplan that focused not only on passing theliving wage law but on building a movement.Our long-term goal: build a permanentlabor-religious-community coalition for

workers’ rights. Our short-term goal:pass a living wage ordinance requiring citycontractors to pay at least $8.65 an hour.On a big wall chart we wrote up a campaigntimeline, a rough outline of the next threeyears that folded in all the various tacticsand strategies. Right from the beginningour plan integrated communicationswith mobilization, coalition-building,and research.

Next, we spent nine months quietlybuildingstrength“underground”before makingheadlines. Webuilt a broadcoalition ofunions, religiouscongregations,

and community groups, deliberately underthe radar screen of elected officials, themedia, and the Chamber of Commerce.

A Labor Day march kicked off ourpublic campaign and scored us some ofour first significant press. A series of ralliesgrew larger and more militant. We jammedcouncil members’ offices with dozens of“delegations,” flooded them with hundredsof postcards, delivered thousands ofpetition signatures, and rang their phonesoff the hook.

Meanwhile, the Chamber of Commercecampaigned against the living wage proposal.

The State Attorney General’s office declaredit would be illegal for a city to pass a livingwage ordinance!

Despite the opposition’s best efforts,three years of organizing paid off on June17, 2000. City Council voted 6-0 to passour living wage ordinance, the first inVirginia. It covers an estimated $4 millionworth of contracts, and adds about$400,000 to workers’ incomes each year.

Janitors, landscapers, security guardsand other city contract workers now earn$10.89 an hour. Old Town parking lotattendant Mussie Habetezion was able toquit his third job. He and other workersshare stories of being able to spend moretime with their families, of catching up onbills, and even of helping to pay for adaughter’s college education.

Doing Our Homework BeforeLaunching Our Media

From the beginning of the campaignwe studied our local media industry. Wewanted to understand how it worked fromthe inside out. We observed it carefully andregularly, noticing what got covered andtrying to figure out why. We got to knoweach outlet’s formats, such as the dailynewspaper’s weekly religion page, or thebiweekly political talk-shows on localcable-TV. We became familiar withreporters’ beats and opinion page editors’

Anatomy of a Winning Campaign:MOVING THE MESSAGE IN VIRGINIA

by Gyula Nagy, former director of the Alexandria Living Wage Campaign; Alexandria Tenants’ and Workers’ Rights Committee

CASE STUDY

Right from the beginning our planintegrated communications withmobilization, coalition-building,and research.

(cont.)




politics. We tracked the key media in ourmarket, especially print, since radio andTV tend to follow newspapers’ leads. Wemethodically read and clipped one dailymetropolitan newspaper, one daily localcity paper, one weekly city paper, fourregional Spanish-language papers, oneweekly African-American paper, and oneweekly business journal.

We learned atmedia trainings,including thoseoffered by the SPINProject, that storiesthat were dramatic,controversial, had acalendar hook, orlocalized a nationalissue stood a greater chance of gettingpicked up. By following our local pressrigorously, we understood what was“newsworthy” to our local reportersand editors.

Media, Organizing andthe Message

In our campaign office, we laid out ourfour-month work-plan on a giant butcher-paper chart. A timeline ran across the top,and we plotted the mobilization, coalition-building, research, and communicationstasks on parallel tracks beneath. Thisinsured that everything worked in synch.We used media as a power tactic: to raisethe political costs to councilmembersopposing us, and reward those in favor.

Developing our message was the foun-dation of our communications plan. Ourmessage had a three-part structure: problem,solution, call to action (see A Model forYour Message, in Part Four). Within thatframework we constructed the messagethat we needed for Alexandria’s particulardemographic and political context.

We took into consideration the economicreality: among the 128,000 people livinghere, 20 percent of households hadincomes over $100,000. Yet one out five

kids lived in poverty. So, we emphasized the following mes-

sage: “The Alexandria City Council is givingour taxpayer dollars to companies thatbring poverty-level jobs to our community.We should require these companies to payemployees a living wage. It makes econom-ic sense, it’s fair, and would increase thequality and workmanship of services to

residents. Urge the Mayor and City Councilmembers to pass a living wage ordinancenow.” That was our general public message.

Targeting and Discipliningthe Message

To mobilize specific constituencies,we retained the underlying structure andintent of the message and changed only theframing of the problem and the solution.

So, to a religious congregation we said:“Poverty-wage jobs violate the humanity ofworkers, our neighbors. A living wageordinance would insure that city contrac-tors pay their workers enough to raise afamily in dignity. Please sign the petition,and join the rally on Saturday.”

To union members we said:“Companies undermining your wages andbenefits are being subsidized by taxpayerdollars. A living wage ordinance wouldlift the wage floor, helping all workers.Please sign the petition, and join the rallyon Saturday.”

We rigorously maintained this consistencyof message in all of our presentations andmaterials: every speech at rallies, everydelegation to a City Council member,every leaflet, every letter to the editor,every church bulletin article, every op-ed

We learned at media trainings, including thoseoffered by the SPIN Project, that stories that weredramatic, controversial, had a calendar hook, orlocalized a national issue stood a greater chanceof getting picked up.

TOP FIVE TIPS FOR OURMEDIA CAMPAIGN

by Gyula Nagy, former director of theAlexandria Living Wage Campaign; Alexandria Tenants’ and Workers’Rights Committee

1. Develop a strategic campaign plan, incor-porating media right from the beginning,and stick to it.

2. Develop a message. Repeat it always andeverywhere.

3. Draw on the experience of living wageorganizers from around the country. Callthem up.

4. Remember: reporters are workers. Theeasier you make their job, the more likelyyour message will be projected. Developrelationships with them and be a resourcefor them.

5. Role play, role-play, role-play: coachingand training of spokespersons and script-ing out of events is key.

b

(cont.)

Anatomy of a Winning Campaign, cont.


repeated the same message. This directeda steady, powerful stream of pressureon each Council member. Imaginebeing an elected official and facing thissteadily growing clamor from all differentsegments of your constituency, monthafter month.

Nuts and Bolts of Moving theMessage

We created a communications com-mittee to do all of the behind-the-scenesmedia work. The committee includedseveral rank-and file volunteers and twoorganizers.

A Latino activist pastor—bilingual,charismatic and very politically savvy—acted as our official spokesperson. Heprojected our message at our actions andmost interviews.

Spokesperson training was importantto us. The other “voice” of the campaignwas working-class community residents,clergy and lay people, and union leaders.Although we did not put them throughformal speakers’ training workshops, wedid do communications training with themin ad-hoc sessions, an organizer one-on-one with a speaker. We set the politicalcontext, made sure the speaker under-stood the audience, honed in on themessage (problem, solution, call toaction), and then did role-plays.

The nitty-gritty media work was alllaunched from one solid base: a compre-hensive media list. We developed a low-tech, but very effective, index-card system:we made up one card for each newspaper,TV station, and radio station. We noted therelevant reporters and editors, phonenumbers, fax numbers, street addresses,deadlines, and publication/broadcastschedules. Whenever we organized amedia hit (a rally, prayer vigil, etc.), westarted from these cards, and kept trackon the cards whether our event got cov-ered or not.

Reaching Out to Reporters

As we rolled out the campaign, wedeveloped relations with reporters. Webuilt formal, professional relationshipswith as many as we could find. Reporterscame to trust us. We were dependable—when we promised a research report oran interview with a worker, we made ithappen ASAP. We were honest, and verypersistent.

We recognized that reporters are work-ers. Often, the easier we made their job,the more likely our issue would be cov-ered. This meant having the details inorder, like a sheet with short bios of allthe speakers at a rally, a press release thatread like a news article, with quotes fromour leaders, or getting our lawyer on athree-way call to the reporter for a last-minute legal briefing before deadline. Ourjob was to orchestrate and deliver every-thing they needed to create a good story:background on the issue, action briefing,snappy quotes, catchy images, and a dra-matic action. Doing this made it a lot morelikely our message would get projectedclearly, correctly, and powerfully.

One unforeseen factor was the highturn-over rate among reporters and eveneditors. It meant starting from scratcheach time, but we took it as an opportunityto educate them on the history of the cam-paign, orient them to the issues and play-ers and establish ourselves as a crediblesource of news.

Staging Events and Making thePitch

The actions of our campaign demon-strated power and imposed pressure onour targets: the seven city council mem-bers. We used the media to amplify thepower of our street actions by projectingour message. To stage these as “mediaevents” we put ourselves in reporters’shoes (print, radio and TV): Why coverthis event? What makes it newsworthy?

Planning the media work for eachaction was guided by our strategic plan:working from the date of the event, wefigured out precisely what tasks neededto be done, day by day, and then markedeach task on our work calendar.

We followed this general schedule:About five to seven days before the action,we faxed out a media advisory to reportersat newspapers and planning editors at TVand radio stations. Next day, we followedup with phone calls, calling persistentlyuntil we spoke with them live. After makingsure they weren’t on deadline, we verybriefly “pitched” the story: highlightingwhat’s newsworthy about our upcomingaction. For example we would say, “We’rehaving a prayer vigil on December 10,Human Rights Day. Clergy from differentreligions are going to pray for the city topass a living wage.” Or, “We’re celebratingMartin Luther King Day by marching onCity Hall. We’re going to present a giantpetition.“ We ask if they’re interested incovering the story. The day before theaction we called them again to remind them.

The Action and the Photo Op

The organizer is directing a pieceof living political theater, making sureeverything stays on course as much aspossible—from long before the crowdarrives until long after they’ve all left.

So, first thing in the morning we calledTV and radio assignment editors andpitched them (these are the people whodispatch crews for the day).

Everyone who was speaking publiclywas adequately prepped beforehand,even professional talkers like clergy andunion presidents. Their speeches were onmessage based on talking points we gavethem, and the organizer role-played withthem an interview with a reporter.

Press packets were made up: folderswith background articles, press releases,an event agenda, speakers’ bios, a basicleaflet, and an outline of our proposed


(cont.)





ordinance. And although reporters for theSpanish media spoke English, packetswere prepared with all the materials inSpanish—including the press release—so they could easily quote directly.

We designated two “media liaisons”for each action, an English-speaker anda Spanish-speaker, usually one volunteeractivist and one staff organizer, trainingthem with role-plays beforehand. Thesewere not spokespeople. Instead their rolewas to rove around the action on the look-out for reporters, welcome them, signthem in, give them a press-packet, orientthem, and most importantly, connect thesereporters with the appropriate person forone-on-one interviews.

We quickly anticipated reporters’needs. Newspaper reporter needed back-ground information on the legal issues?

Spanish-language TV needed a Latinoworker to testify? Media liaisons wadethrough the crowd, find the appropriatespokesperson and connected them withthe reporter.

The action rolled: the prayer vigilproceeded, the march kicked off, therally began in City Hall. All the piecescame together.

Follow-Up is Critical

But when the action was over, themedia work was still not done.Immediately after the event we madefollow-up calls to all the reporters whoshowed up: did they need anything elseto complete the story?

This is where we connected them toleaders for last-minute quotes, faxed overbackground articles, or provided them

with the statistics they needed before dead-line. Then we called newspaper and radioreporters who didn’t show up. Not toberate them, but to give them anotheropportunity to cover the story.

Again, we lined up everything for themto be able to generate a good story: werushed over a press packet and photostaken by the photographer we hired, andarranged speakers ready to be interviewed.We generated lots of stories this way, bothin print and on radio, from reporters whodidn’t show up to actions.

Additional Tactics:Beyond the News Features

We found that newspapers, radio andtelevision all offered additional ways ofprojecting our message to our audiences

besides just the regular coveragein articles. Print has editorials,op-eds, and letters to theeditor, each of which requireda specific tack.

• Letter to the Editor.We used letters to the editorsparingly. A small business

owner, a taxpayer, a prominent African-American pastor, a homeless advocateand others weighed in every few months,in succinct three-paragraph letters, craftedin consultation with organizers. Themessage, as always: problem, solution,call to action.

• OpinionEditorials.We solicited spacefrom the opinionpage editor only atkey junctures. Weused the opportuni-ty to flesh out ourcore message, laying out the problem ingreater detail, explaining the solution of aliving wage ordinance and calling urgentlyon city council members to the pass theordinance, now. The signers were strategi-

cally chosen to show the breadth andprominence of our support.

• Editorials. We sought these out avidly,but with a great deal of tact. An editorialdemonstrates to elected officials that thecrisis we identified is real and must beresolved. To win favorable editorials, wemet face-to-face with opinion page editors.We organized delegations of five or sixstrategically selected people: diverse,articulate and very conversant with theissues. Each person presented a specificelement of the case for a living wage.For example, a low-wage worker and clergy-person presented the problem. A lawyerand president of the NAACP explained thedetails of how such ordinances work inpractice. A community activist respondedto the opposition’s arguments. Our teammet together an hour before the meetingto patiently role-play an entire meeting(especially to temper the rhetoric andapproach of activists accustomed toconfrontation). We won a series of high-profile editorials from the weekly paper,but got lambasted by our daily paper. Evenso, we maintained very cordial relationswith that editor, who granted us space foran op-ed out of a sense of fairness.

• Radio and television talk shows.For us, talk-shows offered an additionalway to generate coverage beyond theregular news departments. We foundlocal cable-access TV and local Spanish-language radio to be accessible venues.

We avoided the right-wing talk-shows. Wepitched the other hosts directly, and laterin the campaign were invited by them,unsolicited. Again, key spokespeople weresent and prepped with extensive one-on-one role-plays with an organizer, as ususal.

Everyone who is speaking publicly hasbeen adequately prepped beforehand,even professional talkers like clergyand union presidents.


(cont.)

Doing the media work built power, developedleaders, expanded organizational capacity andstrengthened relationships.

Rolling On

We learned a lot during this campaign.We learned from media trainings, frommanuals, from organizers around countrywho we called up out of the blue, and whogenerously shared their insights with us. Wetook it all, tweaked it for own local context,and put it into practice. And so we learnedfrom doing the work.

Doing the media work built power,developed leaders, expanded organizationalcapacity and strengthened relationships. Thishas benefited several campaigns in NorthernVirginia, including the TWSC’s organizingamong child-care workers, local unions’strikes and organizing drives, and the LivingWage Coalition’s expansion into neighboringArlington County. The message of justice forworkers is being broadcast loud and clear.

See press clippings from the AlexandriaLiving Wage Campaign, in this part ofthe kit.


GETTING COVERAGE BETWEEN THE BIG ACTIONSby Gyula Nagy, former director of the AlexandriaLiving Wage Campaign; Alexandria Tenants’ andWorkers’ Rights Committee

How to continue getting your message in between the headline-seizing mass actions?

We found “media opportunities” to be an effective tool. Alsocalled “news availability,” we created these opportunities forreporters to get deep background on the issue, on their ownschedule. They resulted in more feature-type coverage insteadof the hard-news coverage usually given scheduled actions.

For example, we pitched several reporters the idea of meetingone-on-one with an affected worker to reveal the profoundhuman interest stories behind the abstract legal arguments,budget numbers, and statistics. We extended an open-endedinvitation to reporters (not the usual time-specific single eventlike a rally), and eventually, one-by one the journalists accept-ed at their convenience. An organizer prepped the worker withrole-plays, arranged the meeting, and accompanied the workerthrough the process. Set up properly, a workers’ saga cangenerate a profound story and transmit a powerful impact.

Right before Christmas, for example, Maria’s story hit theAlexandria Journal’s front page. A full-time hotel worker, sheworked her second job in city hall. This contract janitor emptiedthe mayor’s own trash can! And earned $6/hour with no benefits.

We generated coverage of her story and others through this“soft news profile” pitching strategy.

A profile of a parking lot attendant waiting to receive theliving wage also scored us a hit. Creating “media opportunities”for reporters to get the story proved to be an indispensablecomplement to the coverage we garnered via actions.

b




SAMPLE PRESS CLIPPINGS These clips indicate how the Alexandria Living WageCampaign scored coverage in Spanish-language media, thushelping frame the issue for Latino workers and residents.




These clips indicate how the Alexandria Living Wage Campaign scored coverage inSpanish-language media, thus helping frame the issue for Latino workers and residents.

SAMPLE PRESS CLIPPINGS


By Nathan Newman, Amanda Cooper, and Paul Sonn, Brennan Center for Justice at New York University

In many campaigns, opponents will try to argue that the proposedordinance is “illegal” or the costs of litigation make passing it “unwise.”They will threaten the city with a lawsuit to try and discourage peoplefrom passing the law. If this issue arises, emphasize that more than 100cities and counties have passed living wage laws and almost nonehave faced litigation.

THE LAW & THE HEADLINES: DEALING WITH LEGAL ISSUES IN THE PRESS

Nonetheless, in order to identify in advance anypotential legal issues—and especially if you areexploring a campaign for a broader city-wide

minimum wage ordinance covering all employers, anexciting new trend in the living wage movement—it isworth consulting a lawyer at the start of your campaign.

Inoculation Strategy: Consult a Lawyer at the Beginning

Even though in most states there is no question thatcities and counties may pass living wage ordinances coveringbusinesses receiving contracts or financial assistance, it isworth consulting a lawyer as your coalition sits down todraft your ordinance.

Legal powers about how to provide for the enforce-ment of ordinances or how to cover certain entities likeairports or housing authorities can vary from state tostate. And if your state is one of the few that have enactedstate “preemption” laws that limit the power of localitiesto adopt wage ordinances, it’s important to get an assess-

ment of whether (like SouthCarolina and Utah) theyban all local living wagelaws or (like Oregon andFlorida) just local minimumwage laws.

Finally, if your coalitionis considering a broadercitywide minimum wageordinance, a pre-campaignlegal assessment of thescope of city powers underyour state’s legal systemis the first step. These more

ambitious ordinances are succeeding in various jurisdic-tions, but they will inevitably raise more legal issues andinvite litigation from opposing interests.

So before launching such a campaign, the first step is

to talk with supportive lawyers to get advice on whether,in your state, cities have the power to enact a broadcitywide minimum wage law; guidance on how best todraft the legislation; and commitments for pro bono legalsupport even before the campaign begins. Since the drafting,“intent” and legislative history of a law can matter incourt, this allows you to plan the campaign in a way thatcreates the strongest case if you do end up in litigation.The fact that legalcounsel commits tothe campaign upfront will help givewavering allies orlegislators confidencethat the law is infact legal. And it willassuage worries thatthe city or countywill be on its own indealing with litigation.

Dealing With Opposition LegalArguments

In many campaigns, opponents will try to arguethat the proposed ordinance is illegal or the costs oflitigation make passing it unwise. This argument oftenmakes its way into opinion editorials, letters to the editor,or statements by opposition representatives on TV andradio talk shows.

Again, emphasize that more than 100 cities andcounties have passed living wage laws. Almost none havefaced litigation. If you have lined up legal counsel it’salso worth promoting that publicly. The fact that nationalorganizations and pro bono law firms have committed tothe legal fight on behalf of the city indicates their beliefthat the law has a sound legal basis.

If needed, bring in some legal experts to write opinioneditorials (op-eds) or testify in support of the legality ofthe living wage law.

Before launching acampaign, the first step is

to talk with supportivelawyers to get advice on

whether, in your state,cities have the power toenact a broad citywide

minimum wage law.

The Brennan Center for Justice atNew York University Law Schoolhas been a prime resource forassisting local living wage cam-paigns in drafting legislation andhelping on litigation after passage.They can often find law firmswilling to help on legal issues ona pro bono basis.

(cont.)

Media and the Courts: Dealing with Litigation AfterPassage of the Ordinance

As indicated above, it pays to be prepared. If yourordinance covers just city contractors and financialassistance recipients, the chances are low that you’ll beconfronted with a lawsuit. But for the increasing numbersof cities exploring broader city minimum wage laws, itmakes sense to be prepared. And it pays to anticipatehow the story might break and how you spin it.

While in theory media does not influence courts, inpractice media matters quite a bit in conducting publicpolicy litigation.

First, the local government has to feel pressure to fullydefend the law and not cut a deal in court that might gutthe substance of the law. In addition, strong media helpsinfluence how various other political actors intervene inthe case. In many cases, you will want other city leadersor state officials to support your legal position, so thepromise of favorable publicity (and neutralization of negative)will help with that goal. Even judges are influenced bythe media, for good and bad, since they may not want tostrike down legislation perceived as popular, especially ifthey are somewhat undecided on the legal merits.Moreover, most living wage laws are only the first steptoward expanding such efforts to other cities or to thestate level.

Media around litigation can help as a publicity andorganizing tool in promoting the arguments around theliving wage to the broader public. The date a court caseopens should be the date you stage a photo-op rally,place an op-ed, or release a statement on the steps ofthe courthouse. Ongoing developments in the case provideadditional opportunities for you to move your message. Infact, consider having at least a daily “media availability”session or small-scale press conference outside the court-house. Reporters will come to expect it and your messagesmight get picked up more routinely.

Defensively, you want to talk to allies to keep them“on message” to support the themes that will be pushedin the litigation. Certain public statements, especially bylegislative allies, can be used against the campaign incourt, so it’s important to coordinate continuing mediawork with the legal team.

Keep Spinning and Don’t DefaultTo the Lawyers

If your ordinance does face litigation, it is importantto continue your media advocacy, and not just “let thelawyers handle this part.” In consultation with yourlawyers, revisit your communications strategy and adaptit to support your litigation now that the initial campaignis over. Then implement it with the same energy youinvested in the campaign.

• Go into “Courthouse Media CampaignMode.” That means look at the court case asan opportunity to counter spin the opposition,move your messages and win the opinion ofat least the public, if not the judge.

• Retool your press plan with your legalcounsel once the living wage measure hasgone to court. The old media plan might beinsufficient to capture media opportunitiesafforded by the case.

• Lock in on message and discipline itwith the lawyers, politicians, “experts” andeveryone else on your side that might becalled upon to testify, offer commentary orotherwise be publicly quoted. Beware ofgoing off message and making statementsthat could be used against you in the case.

• Make certain your press kit contains a“Commonly Asked Legal Questions” factsheet for reporters. The list in this media kit,What Their Side Says: Countering OppositionMessages Against a Living Wage in PartFour is a good start.

• Stage some kind of media event,preferably with a photo-op rally or otherimage for TV, for the date the case opens.Move the message. The speakers shouldinclude the chief lawyer, other legalsupporters, a campaign representativeand a worker to keep the issue “human”and not just “legal.”

• Consider placing an opinion editorialthe day the case opens. Hook the opening ofthe case to the op-ed.

• How about a daily media “mini-briefing”or press “availability” at the Courthouse?Round up a lawyer and an on-deckcampaign rep and make them availableto answer reporters’ questions. Spin the

news of the day from the courthouse.

• Make sure reporters can contact you andyour key lawyer if something breaks at thecourthouse unexpectedly. Keep those cellphones on!

• On the day of the ruling, consider anotherphoto-op to go with your “response” to theverdict. It doesn’t have to be big, perhaps abanner and a few workers and supports. Ifyou are victorious (and hopefully you will be,as experience with these challenges shows),don’t be smarmy and vain about the tri-umph. Nobody likes an over-gloating winner.Instead, use the victory to move the mes-sage about the workers of your communitybeing protected so they can earn a decentliving wage and provide for their families.Pitch your spokespersons to radio/TV showscovering the trial.

• Consider a verdict follow-up op-ed. If youlose, turn it back to the message about theworkers and the community.

b TIP SHEETFOR PR ANDLEGAL CASES

The Law and the Headlines, cont.





But today’s tourist environment hasbeen less kind to Santa Fe’s working people.While the cost of living is 22 percent abovethe national average, wages are 18 percentbelow. Despite the fact that the average cost ofa house is above $250,000, 28 percent ofworkers in Santa Fe County earn less than$10.50 per hour—90 percent of them adults.

Going Boldly Into UnchartedTerritory

In the fall of 2001, Santa Fe CityCouncilor Frank Montaño and CityCouncilor Jimmie Martinez, himself a super-market employee, launched a living wagecampaign. They were concerned Santa Fewas becoming two cities—one a haven ofthe affluent, the other a place where serviceworkers still earned poverty wages andstruggled to put food on the table.

So, they introduced an ambitious livingwage ordinance in the city council. Theirproposed bill mandated higher wagesfor city employees, for employees of citycontractors, and, in a bold step attemptedin only a very few cities, for workers in theprivate sector generally. Their case points

out the need for legal counsel becauseof the far-reaching coverage of the law.

After a six-month campaign, the CityCouncil in the spring of 2002 enacted a“traditional” living wage ordinance coveringemployees working for the cityand city contractors. Although theCouncil did not include coverageof the private sector, it voted toconvene a “Living WageRoundtable.” With representativesof both labor and business, theRoundtable’s mission was toexplore ways of extending theliving wage to the private sector.

The Roundtable could have been a deadend, since it became clear from the startthat it was irretrievably divided and wouldnever reach a consensus proposal. Instead,activists turned it into an organizing andmedia opportunity, building a dynamiccoalition that led to Santa Fe’s adoption inFebruary 2003 of the nation’s first city-wideminimum wage of $8.50 an hour for alllarge employers.

Building Support for a BroadLiving Wage Campaign

Over the six months that the Roundtablemet, activists started putting together a com-munity/labor alliance to build real supportfor a living wage. Coordinated by longtimelabor and political activists in the city, abroad new coalition emerged—the SantaFe Living Wage Network. It drew key

membership from local churches, gay andlesbian organizations, housing groups, envi-ronmental groups, and a local immigrantrights group. Launching a base-buildingcampaign, Network activists beganapproaching Santa Fe residents to talk aboutthe living wage and have them sign “interestcards.” Activists also started a speakers’bureau that went to church, community,and school groups, speaking to almost 50different organizations over the course ofthe campaign.

(cont.)

Struggle in the Mountains:SANTA FE’S CITYWIDE MINIMUM WAGE VICTORY

By Carol Oppenheimer and Morty Simon, Santa Fe Living Wage Network

Santa Fe is a city of 60,000 people tucked into the eastern slope of northern NewMexico’s beautiful Sangre de Cristo mountains. With a rich Spanish colonial heritageand a setting that has drawn artists since the early 1920’s, in recent decades this sleepy

capital has grown into a world-renowned resort destination, spiritual healing center andarts community.

CASE STUDY

The Santa Fe Living Wage Network drewkey membership from local churches,gay and lesbian organizations, housinggroups, environmental groups and alocal immigrant rights group.



Struggle in the Mountains, cont.

The Living Wage Roundtablecompleted its work in late 2002,releasing separate business andlabor proposals. In January2003, the Living Wage Networkand allied members of the CityCouncil promptly introduced inthe Council the labor proposal,which called for an $8.50 minimum wageto be extended to all large private sectoremployers in the City.

Calling In the Lawyers andEconomists

As the campaign built, the Networkreached out to national resourceproviders to secure technical assistancewith economic and legal issues. Economicanalysis of the proposal was providedby Professor Sam Bowles, Director of theEconomics Program at the Santa FeInstitute, and Professor Robert Pollinof the University of Massachusetts atAmherst, a leading economic expert onliving wages. This analysis was a crucialingredient for persuading swing legislatorsthat a city minimum wage made sense.

Legal analysis was also important,since the power of cities to enact city-wideminimum wage laws is uncharted territoryin many states, and critics charged that aminimum wage ordinance would embroilthe city in costlylitigation. TheBrennan Centerfor Justice atNYU Law Schoolprovided legalanalysis supporting the City’s power inthis area, and helped draft the ordinanceto make sure it avoided potential legalpitfalls. They also lined up a pro bonolegal defense team, enabling the Networkto reassure the City Council that the city

would have access to a low-cost effectivedefense, if the ordinance should bechallenged in court.

Spin At City Hall

During a series of hearings over asix-week period, the campaign gainedmomentum. The Network launched awebsite, www.santafelivingwage.org, anddeveloped a strategy for op-ed pieces andappearances on radio talk shows. In ashow of community support, the Networkorganized a paid advertisement in thelocal newspaper, the New Mexican, signedby more than 1,500 residents, unions,and community organizations, including70 businesses, most union locals in thestate, three foundations, numerouschurches, and the county Democratic Party.

As the City Council vote approached,the Chamber of Commerce-led oppositioncampaign also intensified. With out-of-state funding from the National RestaurantAssociation, they blanketed the radioair-waves with anti-living wage ads. Theyalso tried unsuccessfully to persuade thestate legislature to pass a law strippingSanta Fe of the power to adopt city-wideminimum wage.

Victory and Blowback

An overflow crowd of 600 showed upfor the six-hour hearing, thanks to a turn-out campaign coordinated by the Network,unions and the Catholic Church. TheChurch urged parishioners to attend

through a newspaper ad andfliers. To the cheers of supporters,in the early morning hours of abrisk February day, the councilvoted 7-to-1 to adopt the nation’sfirst city-wide minimum wageordinance.

As expected, a lawsuit by localhotels and restaurants challenging theordinance was filed the next week. TheBrennan Center and a major New Yorklaw firm it recruited are helping the citydefend the ordinance in court. TheNational Restaurant Association is clearlyworried by the Santa Fe precedent andhas been attempting to sound the alarmnationally to the business community.

But already this new direction in theliving wage movement is gaining theattention of lawmakers and activists inother cities as they search for ways toextend their living wage laws to helpgreater numbers of working families. SanFrancisco is currently studying a proposalfor an $8.50 an hour city minimum wage,and other cities are expected to followSanta Fe’s lead.

See the Resourcessection for contactinformation on theBrennan Center andother resources.

An overflow crowd of 600 showed up forthe six-hour hearing, thanks to a turn-outcampaign coordinated by the Network,unions and the Catholic Church.



CASE STUDY

Sweatshops in the Field

Since 1997, tomato pickers in thispoor southwest Florida area, the state’slargest farm worker community, haveorganized and protested for a living wage.Their goal is to join in talks with thestate’s corporate tomato growers to findways to improve farm labor conditionsand raise the crop-picking rate.

Specifically, they aim to raise the priceof their crop by one cent per pound tobe used for pay raises, and to press thecompany to improve work conditions.The current rate of 40 to 50 cents perbucket has changed little in more thantwo decades. A penny-per-pound increasewould push their wages up to a decentliving standard and help lift them outof poverty.

However, despite signature drives,community-wide work stoppages, marches,and a 30-day hunger strike by members ofthe Coalition of Immokalee Workers(CIW), the agribusinesses refuse to meetwith farm worker representatives and haveonly marginally raised wages.

When workers discovered that TacoBell, the popular fast food eatery, is amajor buyer of the tomatoes they pick,they informed company executives in early2000 of the deplorable wages and workingconditions in Florida’s farmlands. Theycalled for an end to “sweatshops in the

fields.” Workers requested a meetingto discuss possible solutions. To date,despite numerous pleas from workers,widespread media coverage, and growingpublic pressure, Taco Bell has refused tocome to any concrete solution to theproblem with CIW representatives.

Justice with that Chalupa and ALiving Wage with Those Nachos

One of the most galvanizing aspectsof this campaign is how workers arereframing the issue as one of civil rights.The workers have very limited rights toform a union. They are viewed as livingand working in avirtual stateof indenturedservant slavery tothe big corpora-tions. They see ascentral tenets ofdemocracy theirability to earn adecent living wage so they can provide fortheir families, and their right to maketheir voices heard at the decision-makingtables. It’s not just about the penny perpound of tomatoes, it’s about justice andcivil rights for workers.

And the media is picking up on thatframe. Recent national media has profiled

the campaign and framed it as a civilrights struggle against modern day slavery.CIW has kept the pressure on Taco Bell bytaking their struggle to national and localmedia around the country. They’ve scoreddozens of headlines coast to coast andhave appeared on numerous radio and TVshows. Taco Bell, needless to say, shouldfear being branded, “Nike sweatshopstyle,” as supporters of exploited labor.

“We’ve found it’s important to frameour campaign so it’s not just about meetingthe needs and desires of farmworkers,but also addresses the goals of globaljustice activists who are seeking moreresponsibility from the corporations thatattempt to control us,” said Lucas Benitez,farmworker, member and staff of CIW.

“By looking at our struggle as acorporate responsibility campaign we areable to call on a wider group of allies tofight with us. By fighting together we can

change the standardof living for farm-workers and elevatethe standardsof products thatare available toconsumers.”

Benitez empha-sized the key

message of their campaign: “We as farm-workers are tired of subsidizing TacoBell’s profits with our poverty that is basedon exploitation, mistreatment, deplorablewages, and in the most extreme casesmodern-day slavery. Taco Bell shouldunderstand that more and more consumersare concerned about human rights andare looking for products and corporations

Living Wage con Salsa:FARM WORKERS IN FLORIDA TAKE ON TACO BELL

It’s not a “classic” living wage campaign in the sense of getting city councils to passan ordinance for low-paid workers. But the struggle of farm workers in Immokalee,Florida, offers an inspiring tale of how living wage is a profound component of

economic justice and civil rights for all—and the powerful role framing the issue inthe media plays in getting the message out.

A penny-per-pound increasewould push their wages up toa decent living standard andhelp lift them out of poverty.

(cont.)



that uphold basic human dignity. Taco Bellhas the opportunity to be a pioneer inthe fast food industry by offering a truealternative to ordinary fast food—fair food.”

Getting the Message Out

CIW has launched innovative campaignstrategies that have garnered mediaattention and helped keep the pressureon Taco Bell and the agribusiness growers.These include:

• Direct Action: A bus tour caravanof students, migrant workers and activistsmade its way around the country, culmi-nating with mass demonstrations in LosAngeles, and at Taco Bell corporate head-quarters in Irvine, CA. The tour came atthe heels of five months of protests atTaco Bell restaurants across the U.S.,with nearly 100 actions in states including

Alabama, Tennessee, Wisconsin andIndiana. A “Boycott the Bell” effort,calling on customers to stay away fromTaco Bell, continues. The logo for theboycott features a picture of the Taco BellChihuahua dog with a red international“NO” sign drawn through it.

• Hunger Strikes: Worker and theirsupporters engaged in a hunger strikeoutside Taco Bell’s headquarters, whichnot only captured media attention butresulted in the Archbishop of Los Angelesweighing in on the issue. The AssociatedPress picked up the story and fed it tomedia nationwide. The Los Angeles Timesdid a story, as did numerous online newservices such as CBS.com, Yahoo Financeand more.

• Focus on Target Audience:Besides the boycott, CIW is targeting otheraudiences in their campaign. College stu-dents are some of the biggest consumersof fast food. That’s one of the reasons CIWjoined forces with campus activist groups.Students have made their voices heard asconsumers around the world on othercampaigns such as the Nike sweatshopglobalization/economic justice efforts.

“As Taco Bell’s target audience weas students are in a unique position todedicate our resources and creativitytoward helping Taco Bell realize theimportance of the farm workers’ role inits success and, therefore, the company’sresponsibility for improving the wages andworking conditions of our state’s tomatopickers,” said Brian Payne of theStudent/Farmworker Alliance at a

University of Florida rally.“Thousands of studentsfrom across the state areprepared to stand in soli-darity with farm workersin their struggle for...a living wage.”

Student activistsinvolved in the campaignhave focused the powerthey have on their campuses

to “Boot the Bell.” To date they havesucceeded in removing Taco Bell restaurantsand products from their campuses orcreating “Taco Bell free zones” at 15 highschools and universities.

• Updated and Jam-PackedWebsite: The CIW website,www.ciw-online, is a splashy, information-loaded “Boycott the Bell” resource foractivists and reporters. The site containshistory of the campaign, archived materialssuch as press releases, an exhaustivesupply of news clips, color photos fromprevious actions, and much more.

• Strong alliances with religiousgroups: To drive home the civil rights,human dignity and justice frame, CIW hasforged alliances with numerous faith-

based advocacy groups. The NationalCouncil of Churches, the PresbyterianChurch USA, United Church of Christ, theArchdiocese of Los Angeles, and othershave lent their support and communicatedthe story to their members.

• Shareholder strategy: The CIWhas also partnered with stock owners ofpublicly held YUM! Brands, Taco Bell’sparent company and the world’s largestrestaurant chain, to call on the corpora-tion to be more responsible to the workersalong its supply chain. At the most recentannual shareholder meeting CIW alongwith religious, student, worker and share-holder allies used YUM!’s own wordsagainst them. YUM! recently made astatement about their animal welfare policy,saying that “as a major purchaser of foodproducts, we have the opportunity andresponsibility to influence the way animalsare treated.” Outside the meeting a color-ful protest with activists dressed in animalcostumes and farmworkers in their workclothes created considerable media interestwhen they demanded, “What about farm-workers, YUM?” Inside the shareholdermeeting a resolution in support of theworkers received an unprecedented 39percent of the shareholders’ votes.

From Tomatoes and a Tacoto a Living Wage

Activists working on campaigns to passliving wage ordinances in cities can learna lot from those toiling in tomato fields inFlorida. Among other things, the road tovictory is very long and arduous. “At thecenter of our struggle, no matter whetherit involves a city council vote or a farmerhunger strike—is that people who workshould earn enough to live and providefor their families—no matter if they workon a farm or in a hotel,” said CIW’sBenitez. “It’s about basic dignity andcivil rights.”

They see as central tenets of democracytheir ability to earn a decent living wageso they can provide for their families,and their right to make their voices heardat the decision-making tables.

Living Wage con Salsa, cont.

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