The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology - Vol. 29.1 (1997)

Volume 29 Number 1,1997

The spiritual dimension in logotherapy:

Viktor Frankl’s contribution to transpersonal psychology

Jeremias Marseille

The role of religion in counseling victims of organized violence

Karl Peltzer

13

Buddhist teachers' experience with extreme mental states in

Western meditators

Lois VanderKooi

31

The “calling,” the yeti, and the ban jhakri (“forest shaman")

in Nepalese shamanism

Larry G. Peters

47

Measuring the psychological construct of control: Applications to

transpersonal psychology

John A. Astin & Deane H. Shapiro, Jr.

63

REVIEWPsychology of religion: Classic and contemporary, David Wulff

Roger Walsh

1

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EDITORIALSTAFF

FIELDEDITORS

BOARD OF EDITORS

Miles A. Vich, editor

James Fadiman, Sonja Margulies,John Welwood, associate editors

Ken Wilber, consulting editor

Paul M. Clemens, technical editor

Michael S. Flutton, assistant editor

Francis G. Lu, David Lukoff, research review co-editors

Marcie Boucouvalas, Virginia Polytechnic Institute Jack Engler, Schiff Center, Cambridge, Massachusetts Jacques Maquet, University of California, Los Angeles

J. F. Bugental, Santa Rosa, CaliforniaJames Fadiman, Menlo Park, CaliforniaViktor Frankl, University of Vienna, AustriaDaniel Goleman, New York, New YorkElmer E. Green, Menninger Foundation, Topeka, KansasStanislav Grof, Mill Valley, CaliforniaHerbert V. Guenther, University of Saskatchewan, CanadaStanley Krippner, San Francisco, CaliforniaLawrence LeShan, New York, New YorkJohn Levy, San Francisco, CaliforniaSonja Margulies, Sunnyvale, CaliforniaMichael Murphy, San Rafael, CaliforniaHuston Smith, Syracuse University, New YorkCharles T. Tart, Berkeley, CaliforniaFrances E. Vaughan, Tiburon, CaliforniaMiles A. Vich, Palo Alto, CaliforniaThomas N. Weide, Albuquerque, New Mexico

Roberto Assagioli (1888-1974) Hubert Bonner (1901-1970) Medard Boss (1903-1990) Alister Brass (1937-1987) Charlotte Buhler (1893-1974) Alyce M, Green (1907-1994) Robert Hartman (1910-1973)

Sidney M. Jourard (1926-1974) Arthur Koestler (1905-1983) Gabriel Margulies (1931-1981) Abraham H. Maslow (1908-1970) Walter N. Pahnke (1931-1971) Chogyam Trungpa (1939-1987) Alan Watts (1915-1973)

Anthony J. Sutich (1907-1976), founding editor, 1969-1976

VOLUME 29, NUMBER 1, 1 997THE JOURNAL OF TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

Editor’s note iv

The spiritual dimension in logotherapy: Viktor Frankl’s contribution to transpersonal psychology 1Jeremias Marseille

The role of religion in counseling victimsof organized violence 13Karl Peltzer

Buddhist teachers’ experience withextreme mental states in Western meditators 31Lois VanderKooi

The “calling,” the yeti, and the ban jhakri (“forest shaman”) in Nepalese shamanism Larry G. Peters 47

Measuring the psychological construct of control: Applications to transpersonal psychology 63John A. Astin & Deane H. Shapiro, Jr.

Book review 73

Books our editors are reading 74

Books noted 75

About the authors 76

Abstracts 77

table of

contents

Back issues 79

editor’s note

Extreme events in human experience can change forever the life of an individual, a society, or the entire world.

Viktor Frankl, a founding and still-serving member of JTP’s Board of Editors, is a survivor of the Nazi death camps of World War 11. The challenges he faced as a student and young physician during the holocaust led him to develop a therapy in which meaning is the fundamental healing agent. As Jeremias Marseille points out, Viktor Frankl’s crucial early insights aided the founding of this Journal, one of his many contributions as a therapist of the human soul.

The meaning that victims of organized violence assign to the horrific traumas they endure can be a factor in their survival and healing. Karl Peltzer, writing from South Africa, explores the role religious and spiritual meanings have played in the life and death struggles of victims of contemporary' social conflict.

Extreme mental disturbances sometimes arise in the lives of meditators. As Lois VanderKooi shows, the psychological sophistication of those who teach meditation can have an important influence on people experiencing serious psychological problems as they pursue a spiritual practice.

In an investigation of Nepalese shamanism, Larry G. Peters describes his field research into reports of the yeti and forest shaman. His in-depth interviews with Nepalese, and his study of the related anthropological literature, suggest that extreme, life-crisis rituals shape the reality of some Nepalese children and adults.

The human condition, in extremis, can lead people to look for a way to control their lives. In religious and spiritual systems, self-control of various kinds may be promulgated as an adaptive solution to many problems. An examination of the construct of control, and its application to transpersonal psychology, is the focus of John A. Astin and Deane H. Shapiro Jr.’s analysis.

These five papers, drawing from diverse cultures, remind us of the vast human opacities for both good and ill. They also indicate how much there is yet to learn about the implications of extreme human experiences.

THE SPIRITUAL DIMENSION IN LOGOTHERAPY: VIKTOR FRANKL’S CONTRIBUTION TO TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

Jeremias Marseille Meschede, Germany

Sometime ago a friend gave me the following beautiful short poem by Christine Busta:

I believe that every human being will leave this earth with an unfulfilled longing. But I believe also, that the loyalty to this longing will be the fulfillment of his life.

It is rather remarkable that, as the founder of logotherapy, Viktor Frankl made a significant contribution to psychology when, as early as the end of the 1920s, he opened psychotherapy to the spiritual dimensions of human experience. At that time, in Vienna, psychotherapy was influenced strongly by Freud’s rather reductionistic psychological theories. This situation created an atmosphere of spiritual barrenness in psychotherapy in Europe. It was not until the late 1960s that the spiritual factor began to be reintroduced systematically in psychology and psychotherapy via transpersonal psychology (Sutich, 1969). Frankl made an early contribution to this new field as well, and a decade-and-a-half later, Vaughan (Keizer, Gorringe & Vaughan, 1980) described Viktor Frankl as “a precursor for transpersonal psychology.”

VIKTOR FRANKL’S CONTRIBUTION TO PSYCHOTHERAPY

Bom in Vienna in 1905, Frankl still lives there at the blessed age of 92 years. The existential questions about life, death, and the meaning and purpose of life were strongly expressed even in his early years as a school boy. Frankl was fourteen years old when his science teacher taught that a human being is nothing more than a process of combustion. At that moment Frankl sprang out of his chair, and a question spontaneously burst out of him, “What meaning does human life have then?”

As a sixteen-year-old he held a lecture in a philosophical circle in Vienna about the “Meaning of Life.” By that time one could see the inward turn of his worldview. He

Copyright © 1997 Transpersonal Institute

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol. 29, No. 1 1

proposed that man’s deeper reality is not based on putting questions to life but answering the questions that come from life to oneself. Life asks its questions, and human beings show essential traces of an “answering-character" by responding to the range in-between their pre-determined givens and their possibilities for overcoming their patterns of development. Therefore, his logotherapy ("meaning therapy”) tries to focus on the unique personality of the client within a more panoramic schema of somatic and psychological patterns. Frankl developed a very “fine sense” for any indication of a reductionist attitude in psychotherapy—especially any that reduces inner personal life. In his approach, all aspects of the client’s humanness must be explored by way of a phenomenological approach. Phenomenology, as Frankl (1967) understands it, “speaks the language of man’s prereflected self-understanding rather than interpreting a given phenomenon after preconceived patterns."

When Frankl was a teenager, he corresponded with Sigmund Freud. The letters were later taken away by the German Nazi Gestapo. At that time he was enthusiastic about psychoanalytic drive-principles. Later on he became a consistent criticizer of traditional psychoanalysis with its pan-deterministic interpretations of sexuality. He acknowledged the strengths of Freud’s theory of personality and understood his theory of drives as a fundamental principle of modern psychology paving the way for further development. Nevertheless, he warned of walking into the trap of seeing man's ego only in a closed and therefore pessimistic system. This view of the person meant that, on the one hand, man is portrayed as “nothing but,” as a passive object with an undermined sense of meaning. On the other hand, he is struggling for an I- identity which gives the illusion of a constant reality, the highest goal in one’s life.

Frankl struggled to clarify the important difference between biologically rooted drives and spiritually rooted yearnings. He theorized that when the so-called original ‘‘will to meaning” is frustrated, then life energy is projected down into the lower dimension of a “will to power,” as described in the individual psychology of Alfred Adler. If this process is also frustrated, energy will be projected down into the next lower dimension of the “will to pleasure." "Lower” and "higher” here do not suggest a value judgment, but rather stress the position of these spaces.

To become free from limiting determinants one has to follow the much deeper longings that come from inside oneself as well as the much greater challenges from outside. But because one cannot choose to have a “will to meaning,” one can only attract or activate this life-energy by more extended motivational concepts. Frankl (1988) says:

To the extent to which one makes happiness the object of his motivation, he necessarily makes it the object of his attention. But precisely by so doing he loses sight of the reason for happiness, and happiness itself must fade away.

Imagine man with an original intention of living for a purpose or meaning in life. Pleasure then is not a primary goal but a by-product of having done something meaningful. Thus, power is not an end in itself but only a means to an end that is attained by using power in a meaningful way.

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Frankl was a follower of Alfred Adler and a member of the circle around him during the beginning of Adler’s development of individual psychology. Here Frankl found a somewhat more open system. According to Adler’s theory, individual life style is formed in the first years of childhood when the ways of responding to responsibilities in one’s community are determined. After three years of following Adlerian psychology, Frankl left Adler’s circle. He began to integrate the idea of a spiritual factor into psychological life. According to Frankl’s "will to meaning,” a “spiritual unconscious” exists. Spirituality is a genuine human need in itself, one which needs to be shared or experienced on its own terms and not explained away by reductionist systems. If this spirituality is ignored, problems may ensue. Frankl (1986): “Sometimes the ground of neurotic existence is to be seen in a deficiency, in that a person’s relation to transcendence is repressed.”

Reaching beyond the classical field of psychotherapy, the existential analysis of logotherapy aims at nothing less than leading individuals to become more conscious and responsible. Frankl describes his system as ethically neutral, though on an ethical borderline, which makes no statement about “to what” or “for what” consciousness and the responsibility are intended. That is left to the individual to answer. It is important that logotherapy be applicable to each and every client, religious or irreligious, and useful in the hands of each and every therapist. Frankl wanted “to furnish as far as possible the chambers of immanence—while being careful not to block the door to transcendence” (Frankl, 1986).

Frankl (1986) says, “Medical ministry (as a specific aspect of logotherapy) lies between two realms. It therefore is a border area, and as such a no-man’s-land. And yet, what a land of promise!”

In 1926 Frankl spoke of “logotherapy” for the first time. He understood it as an integrative extension of psychotherapy, not a nullification of other systems but one that reached across them.

As a medical student he organized, in several large cities, advice-bureaus for unemployed young people who lived in crisis with a deep feeling of meaninglessness. Charlotte Buhler, later on a representative of the American humanistic psychology movement, was one of the circle who supported him in this work. In the 1930s he worked for four years with women who had attempted suicide during the time of widespread economic depression before the Second World War. He encountered more than three thousand clients every year. In this massive challenge he tried to forget everything he had learned from the study of psychology and started learning directly from his clients and their own methods for finding a way out of their misery. This experience led him to develop a receptive attitude toward motivating people to discover their own possibilities and to look for both actual and more universal meanings. In this approach, one’s soul can experience a widening and opening in spite of traumatic and painful psychic wounds. Then such wounds can be acknowledged, unblocking the core of personality, and thus healing in an extended, more far-reaching way. This is not an easy way, but it is a way that recognizes the dignity of the human person.

The Spiritual Dimension in Logotherapy 3

Frankl (1966) always stresses that “man is originally pushed by drives but pulled by meaning,” and that . . . man’s primary concern is his will to meaning!” Such an assumption lets the therapist encounter the client by focusing on a sane, intact core of personality that may be blocked by psychodynamic factors but that can never be destroyed. This same intact core of personality that the client can feel, especially very needy clients, is the basis for healing.

The system of logotherapy was presented in an unpublished manuscript for a book written before the Second World War. Frankl, as a Jewish doctor, waited for a visa to go to the United States. He received it but—in a very spontaneous and deep moment of existential decision—did not take the chance to escape from the German Nazis. Instead, he stayed to shelter his parents. But in 1942, only a few months after his marriage, his family was deported to a concentration camp and, except for his sister, all were murdered. He himself survived four different concentration camps over three years. His personal holocaust was a crucial test for his therapeutic system, which recognized the nature of suffering within a mental and spiritual context.

This may be a special characteristic of logotherapy: encountering people and trying to find a way for them to face suffering when they meet an unchangeable fate. Selfdetachment and self-transcendence were survival factors for Frankl on his way through the hell of Auschwitz and the other camps. After the liberation, he recreated the manuscript which should have been published before the war. Its English title is The Doctor and the Soul.

Applying a special logotherapeutic way of processing and working up one’s personal history, he next wrote of his experiences during his “fire-time” of suffering. The resulting book is in German, and the title (translated) is Say Yes to Life in Spite of Everything: A Psychologist Experiences the Concentration Camp (Frankl, 1982). In it he describes not only the horrible aspects of camp life but also the survival values of the prisoners. This way of processing the past contained not only a healing for himself but also for innumerable readers of the book. His story is a great testimony to human capacities and the importance for a healthy core of personality. It also provides a model of bibliotherapy by showing the healing potential of writing an autobiography.

Some students of logotherapy have applied it in a one-year course of autobiographical writing, as developed by Elisabeth Lukas (1991). Writing down the remembrances of the past, reflecting on one’s present situation, and imagining one’s future constitute an inner, silent confrontation of one’s own existence with spirit—an intensive way of being with oneself. This method shows that imagination and expectations about the future can produce as much therapeutic material as reflecting on the past. And the essence of this experience is the present, in which the past and future are melded together.

A BRIEF THEORETICAL OUTLINE OF LOGOTHERAPY

As previously indicated, logotherapy integrates and extends therapy beyond the psychodynamic and Adlerian psychologies of that era. Psychoanalysis stresses the increasing consciousness of oneself by integrating the influences of the id into ego

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functioning, in order to free the ego. These functions and their dynamics are often spoken of metaphorically as operating in a spatial dimension. Individual psychology stresses freeing the ego through a recognition of a sense of responsibility for oneself and for the community of which one is a part. This is a way of differentiating oneself both in the present and in the future, a dynamic often spoken of metaphorically as in the dimension of time.

Frankl’s view also sees consciousness and responsibility as having basic roles in the drama of existence. But these roles are only activated when one aspect of reality is counterposed to a different aspect, i.e., everything in human experience exists only with reference to something else: "‘To be’ always means in essence 'to be different.’.. . Actually, only the relationship ‘exists.’” In psychological terms, "Only an ego which intends a you, can integrate an id" (Frankl, 1986). Frankl’s idea can be understood as an unlimited affirmation of the interior life in an existence constantly challenged by events that constitute the background reality.

Three Basic Human Capabilities

Frankl’s theory holds that there are three capabilities that express mankind's noological (human dimension) possibilities: self-detachment; self-transcendence (as the essence of human existence); and the ability to “spiritually be in touch” (German: geistiges Bei-sein) with something or someone, independent of spatial and time dimensions. Frankl (1986) says:

Being human is always directed, pointing to something or someone other than oneself: to a meaning to fulfill or another human being to encounter, a course to serve or a person to love. Only to the extent that someone is living out this self-transcendence of human existence, is he truly human or does he become his true self.

Three Key Postulates

Frankl’s theory reflects the anthropological, psychological, and philosophical approaches. The anthropological postulate: The dignity of a human being exists in a sane and undcstroyable core of personality, a province of inner freedom that exists in spite of all conditions of fate (against the pitfall of pan-determinism). The psychological postulate: Man’s primary motivation is his will to meaning (against the pitfall of reductionism). The philosophical postulate: Life is unconditionally meaningful, no matter what happens. It follows that an (ultimate) meaning exists even when one cannot find a meaning in a life-situation (against the pitfall of nihilism).

"Dimensional Ontology"

A human being, in Frankl's view, is a somatic, psychological, and noological or spiritual multiplicity, an ontic totality (Frankl, 1988). The distinction of different dimensions is a “working hypothesis.” Actually, one cannot separate them, because they interpenetrate. The spiritual dimension is the most extensive, pervading the


totality and uniqueness of the human being. Thus, in diagnostic and therapeutic situations one should remember that life is not an “either-or,” “yes-or-no” choice. Frankl emphasizes in Latin: teriium datur (the third answer/way is given). By this he means that life is a complex web. One can discover different phenomena for different perspectives and combine the phenomena with an "And" as in the "And philosophy” of William James’ pragmatism. In this pluralistic view the decision is not between right or wrong, but between authentic and inauthentic. The relationships between the separate aspects of a person emerge out of experience. The spiritual dimension, for example, is not a subject outside the psyche but has an intrinsic, far-reaching meaning within it (James, 1977, 1979).

The Three Dimensions and Three Categories of Values

Frankl holds that creative, experiential, and attitudinal values, which may interpenetrate, can be actualized from possibility into reality. For example, by actualizing creative values, experiential and attitudinal values may be engaged. Frankl (1986):

But most far-reaching are the attitude values which can be actualized to one's last breath. The meaning of suffering—unavoidable and inescapable suffering alone, of course—can be the deepest possible meaning.

The mental power of the spiritual dimension can I i berate a person from attachments to psychophysical matters, bursting a limiting perspective on one’s life-situation. Of course, it’s natural that we would try to avoid or escape unpleasant and painful circumstances, or struggle against them. No one wants to suffer. Inner disturbances tend to come into awareness just when we attempt to repress them. The art of being human is in how to deal with them. These moments require an attitude of inner willingness to suffer, while remaining in touch spiritually with one’s own extended dimensions. It can mean that a therapist must confront or emotionally stay engaged with the client, and withstand the inner tension of the client wrestling with his own inner self. When this inner struggle becomes calm, one can experience how the lower somatic and psychological dimensions influence the higher spiritual dimension but do not produce or cause it. One can discover despair despite success, and fulfillment despite failure.

In reaching out for the much deeper and wider spiritual dimension, a person can avoid hyperreflection and hyperintention, traps that can create an inner prison, the pitfall of repression. One can become aware, not only of the quality of inner unpleasant feelings, of anxiety, aggression, boredom, jealousy, etc., but also of the way they come into being and go away. For example, one may become aware that “I am not the anxiety; I have anxious feelings. I am more than the feeling. Perhaps one day I will have the inner experience that I Am."

According to Frankl’s dimensional differentiation, a dimensional diagnosis is required to conclude, for example, if a neurosis has its actual basis in the somatic, psychic, or mental-spiritual dimension. In the latter case, Frankl speaks about a noogenic neurosis being grounded in an existential vacuum, giving rise to a deep

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feeling of meaninglessness. In his long years of practice as a neurologist and psychiatrist, he discovered that many clients suffer from a lack of content and purpose in life, and that discovering a special significance for one’s life can lead to a psychological healing process.

What is meant by meaning?

To experience meaning is to have the experience that life is personal to me, in a very specific way, changing from time to time and from place to place.

Meaning is something to be found rather than to be given, discovered rather than to be invented (Frankl, 1982).

That means trying to give the right answer to a question (according to a widening sense of responsibility) and trying to find the true meaning of a situation (according to a widening range of consciousness), as in a "Gestalt-perception” of an ambiguous image.

Joseph Fabry (1988), a follower of Frankl and founder of the Institute of Logotherapy in California, says:

Meaning occurs on two levels: ultimate meaning and the meaning of the moment. . . . THE meaning of life—the ultimate meaning—is like a horizon, which you never will reach. If you think you could attain it, you would be spiritually dead.. . . But, to lead a fulfilled existence you have to try to reach the meaning of the moment.

In his work one sees a link between ultimate meaning and the meaning of the moment.

If you are aware of ultimate meaning, in either a religious or a secular context, you will be able to respond meaningfully lo the offerings of the moment because you have a built-in compass that points toward meaning. If you are not aware of ultimate meaning, you will respond to the meaning of the moment as best you can, and in the course of your life you will gradually approach understanding of ultimate meaning (Fabry, 1988).

My own view is that for creative values, meaning will be obvious in the creative objects. In the case of experiential values, one may get an inner feeling of meaning, such as joy, inspiration, peak-experiences, devotion, encouragement, also the feeling of being-in-balance, of contentedness and thankfulness. In the context of attitudinal values, a "wordless inner knowing” of meaning can arise in the core of oneself, and an awareness of Life as a spiritual presence can increase.

Frankl has mentioned that belief in a super-meaning is founded on the power of love, for which we have an inner predisposition. In the presence of such a love energy everything is meaningful, and nothing is ever lost.

Looking for meaning with a person in an existentially frustrated situation means looking for buried remembrances of being, those remembrances in which life had very personal meaning.


Imagine a client whose life has fallen like a house of cards, coming to the realization, “I cannot remember that I was loved even one time in my l i f e . . . " H e has “hit bottom.” In this moment the therapist’s inner attitude and conviction that life is unconditionally meaningful can be a fresh source of energy. At such a time, if the therapist does not experience words arising from an inner intuition, then any word spoken is too much. It would be better to be silent and endure with the client the painful inner tension, and live the silence. This is a way to understand by "knowing” about the "personal plus” in life. Then one can experience the space of revelation with the client, by trying to hear "logohints” which may be stored on an unconscious level. A “logohint” can be a phrase, even a word, or a nonverbal indication such as a tone of excitement, one that hints at what is meaningful to the seeker (Fabry, 1988). In the process of becoming more aware of feelings moving from inside to outside and outside to inside, the healing process can begin to find its own way.

FRANKL’S CONTRIBUTION TO TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

At the end of the 1960s and early in the 1970s, Frankl was a guest professor at Harvard and Stanford universities, and also met Abraham Maslow of Brandeis University. They became colleagues in search for the healthy resources in clients. The Maslow interpreter Colin Wilson (1972) talks about the "Maslow-Frankl theory of mental health.” This can include such methods as looking for peak experiences which can have a positive therapeutic transference effect. Similarly, Gordon Allport had stressed that, according to his own theory of human nature, the psychologist has the power of elevating or degrading that human experience.

While developing a "fourth force" in psychology, Maslow opened his humanistic and transhumanistic perspective to Frankl’s theory, which held that meaning can also be experienced even if basic needs are not yet gratified. Maslow (1966) wrote:

I agree entirely with Frankl that man's primary concern (I would rather say "highest concern") is his will to meaning . . . [and] Frankl teaches us, that B-Cognition [Being- cognition) can come from pain, suffering, and tragedy.

In 1968 Frankl took part in a discussion with Abraham Maslow, Stanislav Grof, and James Fadiman about the decision calling the "fourth force” movement “transhumanistic” (after Julian Huxley) or "transpersonal” psychology (Sutich, 1969, 1976). At that time, in addition to Paul Halmos, Wales, and Arthur Koestler, London, the European members of the “Board of Editors” of the Journal of Transpersonal Psychology included Roberto Assagioli, founder of Psychosynthesis; Medard Boss, therapist of Martin Heidegger and founder of an existential-oriented field of psychology; and Frankl with his meaning-centered psychotherapy. Frankl appreciated transpersonal experiences, but his preference is to be rather discrete and reserved in spiritual matters, “standing theoretically at the border” or "holding a foot in the door” to this area. Although as a psychiatrist, it seems not to be his choice to walk inside, he encourages the client to “venture to be.” In this way, logotherapy can encourage the receptivity for transpersonal experiences, though not as a directly intended effect.

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There is a passage in Frankl’s autobiographical writings that is relevant here. It is about a young woman in a concentration camp. She lay on a wooden resting place, and knew she would be dying in a few days. As a doctor, Frankl was asked to visit her. He found her cheerful in spite of her situation. She pointed through a window of the barrack and said, "This tree here is the only friend I have in my loneliness.” It was a chestnut tree in bloom. Frankl bowed down, seeing through the little window one branch of the tree with two blossoms. “I often talk to this tree," she said. Frankl asked if the tree also gave answers, and she continued, "It told me: I am here—I—am— here—I am the Life—the eternal Life . . ( F r a n k l . 1982).

Points of Comparison in Frankl’s, Maslow's, and Wilber’s Systems

There are several observations that may be useful in a comparison of Frankl’s, Maslow’s, and Ken Wilber’s systems.

Maslow (1987) emphasized self-actualization in his humanistic era theory. According to his organismic view, meta-needs (needs for transcendent values) are biologically rooted. Therefore, there is a predisposition to self-actualization, in which life starts with the healthy inner self.

Frankl emphasized self-transcendence and stresses the inner freedom of the self. The fruitful development of the human being doesn’t automatically unfold, even when a person has the right environment. In the response to life's questions we become cocreators.

Both Maslow and Frankl see that self-actualization can be an expression of a reality transcending the self as well as the world. But Frankl maintains a “symbol-specific difference” between an original, direct knowing of being and the secondary knowledge of reflective consciousness (Frankl, 1990). Also we can say Frankl differentiates between the power of consciousness and what is called self-consciousness, whereas in Maslow’s meta-theory, consciousness and self-consciousness seem to be more similar. A fuller statement of Maslow’s transpersonal or spiritual psychology was developed and presented in the early years of this Journal.

But the spiritual power of transcending is a more far reaching dimension than the psychophysical dimensions of inner human nature. For Frankl, one’s outward relation to the world is not a mere reflection of the inner healing process, but is also a motivation that stimulates the inner healing process. The reality of the social environment also expresses a challenge to the human spirit. Frankl (1975) says:

I don't know who I am and I don’t know what I am. The uniqueness of my person becomes obvious in the moment it is involved and engaged in an uniqueness of a situation, which I encounter, in which I am living.

While considering this differentiation between original, direct knowing of being and the secondary knowing of a reflective consciousness, the present author discovered the spectrum of consciousness system developed by Ken Wilber.


Both Frankl and Wilber diagram their concept of human consciousness in nested concentric circles, though Wilber’s system is more differentiated in the transpersonal levels. At these levels Frankl speaks in general about the noetic or spiritual dimension. The philosophical layer-model of body, mind, and spirit, each separated from the other, is transformed into a dimensional model, which combines the qualities of the different dimensions.

It’s interesting to note that in the systems of Frankl and Wilber, the different levels or dimensions arise out of the unconscious base (according to Frankl, the “unconscious and conscious core of personality”). We also find in both systems a differentiation between consciousness and self-consciousness (Wilber), between the primary knowing of being (German: Gewußtsein) and the secondary knowing of consciousness (German: Bewußtsein) (Frankl).

Frankl has a non-preferential approach to different religious orientations. Therefore we find logotherapy applicable in Western and Eastern contexts. Logotherapy’s primary goal is to describe, phenomenologically, the essence of being via its different names, such as "Dasein," “Tao,” “self-realization,” “Zen-consciousness,” and so on, and take this into consideration in the therapeutic encounter (Ko, 1980).

Wilber goes further in developing a system which intends a linking of whole networks of concepts. According to his view of the spectrum of consciousness, Frankl’s system overcomes the dualism of body-mind-spirit, but is limited by a separate identity. For Frankl the unique personality is insuperable (Walsh & Vaughan, 1988). It could be said that his way is more “you-oriented” and Wilber’s way is more being-oriented.

This distinction can become obvious in meditative practice. For example, one can find people meditating for years, having deep experiences, but also experiencing a lot of fear, isolation, and lowered trust in daily life situations. This could reflect unsolved issues at the prepersonal and personal level of one’s personality. Jumping over the "you-oriented” dimension to go straight on to the being-oriented dimension could lead to a pitfall. Essential values such as trusting and loving are learned and exercised in the you-dimension, even though the spiritual energy for living this “you-way” comes out of the essential ground of being. The other way can also be a pitfall on the spiritual path—holding the individual in the you-dimension and not paying attention to his being-orientation.

CONCLUSION

Logotherapy focuses more on the outward intentional nature of Being; transpersonal psychology focuses more on the inward trans-intentional nature of Being. Both views, understood in terms of a phenomenological attitude, such as the "And-philosophy” of William James, can help us examine the relationship between personal and transpersonal experiences.

One way is to view universal spirit as incarnating in a relational structure of Love, one which becomes more and more intense, and more and more one. This view appears in the different spiritual traditions.


Similarly, a presupposition of a universal consciousness (spirit) or a universal character of human personality, also assumes a relationalism in the universal (v. Brück, 1986). Thus, according to Frankl’s logotheoretical insights, human personality is woven like a red thread throughout life, and in this life the transpersonal realities are also connected by actions and consequences. It seems that personal and transpersonal reality exists in an interactional and reciprocal relationship. The personal experience of inner freedom and inner responsibility increases and becomes transformed in proportion to transpersonal experience. Hence, the psychospiritual development of humanity implies that life’s challenges will become greater and will be experienced in transformed ways. As a result, life would not become easier in the sense of being more manageable, but would become more direct and more intense. This is like a mysticism that is “between times and spaces,” a birthplace of universal love.

Like a meditation practice, the therapeutic relationship stands in the fruitful tension between devotional love and the peaceful consciousness of open awareness. The art and craft of psychotherapy is—as Frankl emphasized in one of his last lectures a year- and-a-half ago—the art of improvisation and individualization. It is an endless art of understanding.

It is also good to sense the integrative potential of trying to make full use of all psychological resources and letting them become available for the benefit of the client. In such an approach we can find enough reasons to leam from all sources, especially from the clients themselves.

Perhaps it is most appropriate to let Frank! (1986) himself make the final observations on these matters:

... logotherapy—by its very name a meaning-centered psychotherapy—views even man’s orientation toward ultimate meaning as a human phenomenon rather than anything divine. . ..

We must remain aware of the fact that as long as absolute truth is not accessible to us (and it never will be), relative truths have to function as mutual correctives. Approaching the one truth from various sides, sometimes even in opposite directions, we cannot attain it, but we may at least encircle it.

REFERENCES

v. Bruck, M. (1986). Einheit der Wirklichkeit. Gott, Gotteserfahrung und Meditation im hinduistisch-christlichen Dialog. Munchen: Kaiser Vlg.

Fabry, J. (1988). Guideposts to meaning: Discovering what really matters. Oakland: New Harbinger Publications.

Frankl, V. (1966). Self-transcendence as a human phenomenon. Journal of Humanistic Psychology. 6(2), 97-106.

Frankl, V. (1967). Psychotherapy and existentialism: Selected papers on logotherapy by Viktor E. Frankl with contributions by James C. Crumbaugh, Hans O. Gerz. Leonhard T. Maholick. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Frankl, V. (1975). Interview with K.-H. Fleckenslein. In Fleckenstein, Karl-Hcinz, Am Fenster der Welt. Im Gesprach mit. . . Munchen, Zurich: Wien: Neue Stadt Vlg., 100-117.


Frankl, V. (1982). ... trotzdem Ja zum Leben sagcn. Ein Psychologe erlebt das Konzentra- tionslager. Vorwort von Hans Weigel. München: dtv. Bd. 10023, 1. Aufl. (Engl, title: Man's search for meaning).

Frankl, V. (1986). The doctor and the soul: From psychotherapy to logotherapy. New York: Vintage Books.

Frankl, V. (1988). The wilt to meaning. New York: Meridian.Frankl, V. (1990). Der leidende Mensch. Anthropologische Crundlagen der Psychotherapie.

Mit 6 Abbildungen. Munchen, Zurich: Piper Vlg.James, W. (1977). Der Pragmatismus. Ein neuer Name für alte Denkmethoden. Ubersetzt von

Wilhelm Jerusalem. Mit einer Einleitung herausgegeben von Klaus Oehler. Hamburg: Felix Meiner Vlg., 1. Aufl.

James, W. (1979). Die Vielfalt religioser Erfahrung. Eine Studie über die menschliche Natur. Ubersetzt, herausgegeben und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Erlert Herms. Olten, Freiburg i.Br.: Walter-Vlg. (Engl, title: The varieties of religious experience: A study in human nature.)

Kelzer K., Gorringe, R. & Vaughan, F. (1980). Viktor Frankl: A precursor for transpersonal psychotherapy. The Internationa! Forum for Logotherapy, 3, 32-35.

Ko, B. (1980). Zen and the noetic dimension. In Wawrytko, S. A. (Ed.). Analecta Frankliana: The proceedings of the First World Congress of Logotherapy. Berkeley: Institute of Logotherapy Press, 295-300.

Lukas, E. (1991). Zur Erfahrung der eigenen Personalitat—Selbsterfahrung auf andere Weise. Eine Anleitung zur Erstcllung einer logotherapeutisch geführten Autobiographic. In Lukas. E., Spannendes Leben. In der Spannung zwischen Sein und Sollen—ein Logo- therapie Buch. Munchen: Quintessenz Vlg., 116-181.

Maslow, A. (1966). Comments on Dr. Frankl's paper. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 6(2), 107-112.

Maslow, A. (1987). Eine Theorie der Metamotivation. (Engl, title: A meta-motivation: The biological rooting of the value-life.) In R. Walsh & F. Vaughan (Hrsg.), Psychologie in der Wende: Grundlagen, Methoden und Ziele der Transpersonalen Psychologie. Eine Ein-

führung in die Psychologie des Neuen Bewußtseins. Hamburg: Rowohlt Vlg. (Engl, title: Beyond ego: Transpersonal dimensions in psychology.)

Sutich, A.J. (1969). Some considerations regarding transpersonal psychology. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, /(l), 11-20.

Sutich, A.J. (1976). The emergence of the transpersonal orientation: A personal account. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 5(1), 5-19.

Vaughan, F. (1993). Heilung aus dem Inneren. Leifaden für eine spirituelle Psychotherapie. Dt. v. Angela Roethe. Hamburg: Rowohlt Vlg. (Engl, title: The inward arc.)

Walsh, R. & Vaughan. F. (1988). Vergleichende Modelle - Das Verständnis der Person in der Psychotherapie. In S. Boorstein, Transpersonale Psychotherapie. Neue Wege in der Psychotherapie - Transpersonale Ansätze, Methoden und Ziele in der therapeutischen Praxis. Bern, Munchen, Wien: Scherz Vlg., 22-55.

Wilber, K. (1991). Das Spektrum des Bewußtseins. Eine Synthese cristlicher und westlicher Psychologic. Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jochen Eggert. In der Reihe: rororo transformation, Bd. 8593. Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Vlg. (Engl, title: No boundary.)

Wilson, C. (1972). New pathways in psychology: Maslow and the post-Freudian revolution. London: Victor Gollancz LTD.

Requests for reprints to: Jeremias Marseille, Abtei Königsmünster, Klosterberg 11, 59872 Meschede. Germany.


THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN COUNSELING VICTIMS OF ORGANIZED VIOLENCE

Karl Peltzer Sovenga, South Africa

INTRODUCTION

This is a report of the author’s examination of the role of religion in counseling victims of organized violence, as applied in three major services: (1) IRCT (International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims) in Malawi [Malawi-IRCT], (2) IPSER (International Psycho-social and Socio-Ecological Research Institute), psychosocial assistance program for refugees in Uganda [Uganda-IPSER], and (3) DW (Diakonisches Werk or the Social Service Agency of the Evangelical Church in Germany with its program of Psychosocial Centres for Refugees) in Germany [Ger- many-DW] from 1991-1996.

Desjarlais et al. (1995 p.146) have described the importance of social and cultural support systems in trauma experiences. That religious affiliation can serve as a protective factor with regard to stressors is widely recognized. Though such affiliation may be a source of social support, its primary effect may be to serve as an ideological form to structure psychological coping mechanisms.

Based on an anthropological study with refugees on the Thai-Kampuchean border, Reynell (Desjarlais, 1995) notes that people who had confidence in Prince Sihanouk of Cambodia and the resistance movement appeared to be more healthy than those who had not. Regarding her work in the Occupied Territories in Palestine, Punamaki (1986) reported that the “psychological process of healing . . . drew strength from political and ideological commitment.”

Langford (1980) describes the positive effects of reintroducing previously repressed cultural and spiritual practices in the treatment of seriously traumatized Kampucheans in a Thai border refugee camp. Similarly, Cambodian youths resettled within the United States and Australia reported that traditional religious beliefs and ritual were powerful resources in combatting painful memories of the past.


The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol. 29. No. I 13

Vesti and Kastrup (1992 p. 360) report that many torture survivors find solace in religious texts which address general humanitarian issues and emotions. Survivors sometimes wished to discuss "eternal questions” such as guilt, sin, and suicide as they relate to religion, or they may search for basic ethical and moral values in religious texts in order to regain a "basic belief in humanity" or to "find faith again." Vesti et al. (1992) warn that any psychotherapeutic labeling of religious experiences arising during torture as mere hallucinations or wishful thinking discloses an uninformed point of view.

Religious thoughts and activities in fact may be important coping or defense mechanisms. In some cases, religion is the prerequisite for survival. The comfort provided by a religious context may be critical for survivors of torture who receive information about the murder of family or friends. Consequently, disrespect for the spirituality of the survivors could seriously hamper the therapeutic process. Illustrating a supportive approach, Cunningham and Silove (1993) describe clients who are deeply religious people. One, a twenty-nine-year-old woman who was a political activist from a Middle Eastern country, interpreted most of her torture experiences in terms of her relationship with Allah and the idea of a just Islamic society. One method she initiated to regain a sense of empowerment was to meditate every night while wearing the traditional Muslim sackcloth which is used to purify oneself. She has also shown interest in developing an active group of compatriots who try to integrate within a religious framework an understanding of their shared persecution.

Lee and Lu (1989) have described culturally specific coping strategies of Asian immigrants and refugees as follows:

Functional coping: believing in “fate” and karma: recreating a flexible family support system and community support network; focusing on new dreams and new priorities; regaining self-worth through hard work; exercising self-control and self- discipline.

Dysfunctional coping: somatization; denial and silence; avoidance; projection; learned helplessness.

Cheung (1994) explains the coping style of “believing in ‘fate’ and karma" as referring to the Buddhist belief in reincarnation and the meaning of suffering. Those who had a strong sense of coherence were able to accept their trauma and suffering as necessary challenges to enable them to attain a higher state of being in the next world, and were thus protected from the development of PTSD.

Marsella and Dash-Scheuer (1988) described coping beliefs in Asian societies (Philippines, Taiwan, Korea, Hawaiian Americans, Japanese Americans) as follows: projection; acceptance; religion; optimistic fatalism; self-responsibility; perseverance; self-action; goal minimization; social support; subtle interpersonal strategies; value being placed on sociability and affiliation; avoidance; displaying apathy under stress; inactive, indirect problem solving; external locus of control; emphasizing group or environmental responsibility for problems and their resolution.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol. 29, No. /14

THE RELIGIOUS COPING APPROACH

In Western societies, coping and working through the trauma of organized violence is often focused on an intrapsychic conflict, a developmental disorder of personality, “learned behavior,” and introspection/memorizing (internal conflict). In non-Western societies, however, there is less focus on working through the trauma because the conflict is conceptualized as in the environmental, situational aspects of conflicts. The suffering is perceived as external (often somatic, separated from personality), with the consequent projection/acting out (external conflict), and splitting off (cyclical, transforming) of the traumatic experience (Peltzer, 1996: 224ff.) (v. Table 1).

TABLE 1Comparison of Religious Healing and Psychotherapeutic Approaches to Trauma

(Adapted from Peltzer, 1996: 224)

Non-Western Religious Healing Modern Western Psychotherapy

(1) Extemal/situative conflict; Intrapsychic conflict;Projection/acting out Introspection/memorizing

(2) Suffering perceived as external. Developmental disorder of personality;olten somatic, separated from personality "learned behavior”

(3) Splitting off Becoming integrated(Cyclical, transforming) (linear. Id becomes Ego)

(4) Integration Individuation(social harmony) (subjective harmony)

The Non-Western Religious Healing Model

The application of the religious healing model to coping styles of trauma victims, further delineated by the strategies recognized by Lee and Lu (1989), Cheung (1994), and Marsella and Dash-Schere (1988), leads to the following categorizations:

Extemal/situative conflict; Projection/acting out: Focusing on new dreams and new priorities; displaying apathy under stress; denial and silence; avoidance; projection; inactive, indirect problem solving; self-action.

During imprisonment a Buddhist dreamed one night: "I was walking on a steep rocky mountain. I found myself falling to some level below. As I was lying there, I dreamt His Holiness the Dalai Lama was calling to me: 'What are you doing here?—come up I will help you. His Holiness pulled me up and as I was pulled up I awoke. And from there I got the feeling that 1 was certain I would come out alive from my ordeal" (Mathiasen & Ltitzerm 1993).

Malawian torture survivors use statements such as, "Mavuto anga onse ndichi-fukwa cha iwo" (All my problems are because of them) or attribute their problems to witchcraft or hatred. Examples for the latter are: “I have mistrust with the chairman of MCP. who is still alive, that is why I am still in town," or "I am afraid he might bewitch me for he has failed to remove my life by creating a story that I had links with rebels.”

The Role of Religion in Counseling Victims of Organized Violence 15

Suffering perceived as external, often somatic, separated from personality: Somatization; optimistic fatalism; external locus of control.

Malawian torture survivors use metaphors referring to optimistic fatalism like Pukuti ndi zinthu zoyendera lamulo (Since they are things which move by/with the law. accept things as they are); Ngakhale zimachitika ine sinditaya mtima (Although they happen, I don't lose heart).

Splitting off(cyclical, transforming): Believing in “fate” and karma; regaining self- worth through hard work; acceptance; perseverance; goal minimization.

Mathiasen and Lützer (1993) state that the law of karma implies that what a person experiences in this life of suffering and happiness is caused by acts done previously either in this life or an earlier one.

A Tibetan torture survivor said: “When I was subjected to this kind of suffering, I felt that some misdeed which 1 had committed in my past life had now to be repaid, and I used to wish that more suffering would come so that more misdeeds would be cancelled away. So in that way, I was able to bear the sufferings. And then there was no real suffering as such. The feeling was that the suffering was going away.”

Malawian torture survivors use metaphors like Ndimayesetsa kuthamangitsa rnaganizo (I try to chase away thoughts) or Maganizo onse amafufutika (All thoughts get rubbed off/ erased). Furthermore, the religiously oriented Jehovah’s Witnesses de-emphasize the trauma by putting their belief in God, a better future in life and after death (paradise) which is indicated in their use of aphorisms: Sindidzakusiya pakuti ndine m ’busa wabwino (I shall never leave you for 1 am a good shepherd); Zonse akudziwa ndi mulungu (All God knows); Ndiinakhulupilira mulungo yekha (I trust God only); Mulungu alibe nazo, amasamalira anthu onse (God has nothing, does not care, he cares for all people); Nthawi inapita, mulungu ndiye amadziwa zonse (time went, God knows all).

Integration (social harmony): Value being placed on sociability and affiliation; subtle interpersonal strategies; emphasizing group or environmental responsibility for problems and their resolution.

A twenty-three-year-old Buddhist: When I am subjected to all this kind of suffering, I feel that I am not suffering for myself, but I am suffering for others too. So in that way even if I am subjected to all this kind of beating and torture—somehow it's going to help others (Mathiasen & Lützcr, 1993).

An Ecological View of Trauma Recovery

An ecological view of trauma recovery as proposed by Harvey (1996) also can be applied usefully to the categorization and interpretation of the recovery from trauma symptoms in Malawian torture survivors.

Authority over the remembering process

By reading the Bible the thoughts brush off.


Whenever I remember about the past, I sometimes feel great lor having survived the trials of Satan. The pain gets lessened. Psalm 55 Vs 22 reads: “Give all your troubles to God and he will make you happy again.”

Affect tolerance

These people did not know what they were doing, due to evil spirits/Satan.

We always discuss things in a group so the thoughts of the past no longer pain me, for it only expresses how Jehovah's Witnesses have triumphed over Satan's wish.

With all the pains that I have had. I only rush for the Bible since it gives hope for the future and it is the source of comfort. There are so many chapters that help me, and one of them is Rev. 21 Vs 4-5; it gives us the hope that "God will wipe all our tears," meaning that he shall remove all diseases in the body, which really makes me strong.

Symptom mastery

I control by not walking alone for fear that other men would rape me again.

Medication.

Reduce sleeping problem because I read the Bible before sleeping.

Headaches are now decreasing because of the medication and faith in God.

As for my Christianity I quickly rush for the Bible and after reading I feel the thoughts going down, being forgotten little by little.

Self-esteem and self-cohesion

This is my home country; a non-revenging attitude helps me a lot and I cope with prayers; also the neighbours here accept us (give even free water).

I do not blame myself for my problems for it was written that because of Jesus’ name people will suffer in different ways.

Jesus said, "He who will suffer because of my name will have eternal life." Now with that I don't feel any shame and I don't feel any bad either.

There is nothing I did wrong. Jesus and his Apostles suffered a lot at the hands of others, so with this experience of mine I feel jovial to have been one of the sufferers on this earth.

Safe attachment

Jesus said, “Forgive your enemies.” I do forgive them, but it’s they who do not have the spirit of forgiving me.

Integration of memory/affect and “body"


Meaning making ("Why me”)

My problems have one meaning that is overcoming the temptations of Satan; that's why I have solace in God.

As a Jehovah’s Witness I already learnt of this before it happened, so after happening, I knew that it was its own fulfillment through our scriptures.

I ask myself thal "why did this happen to me?" Then I know that even before some people had suffered the same, and that Jesus said that in time to come such and such things will happen, and with me I don’t worry.

RELIGIOUS INTERVENTION

Religious intervention techniques have been used in the treatment of victims of organized violence. The following examples illustrate their application to those people who faced disappearance, death, rape, and PTSD.

Disappearance and Death

Mupinda (1995) describes traditional forms of coping in Zimbabwe with disappearances of people who left the country to join the liberation movements outside the country and did not return after the war. In a majority of cases, it is not known whether these people succeeded in joining the guerilla movements and died in combat or whether they disappeared on the way to or from their destinations.

It should be noted that as far as the affected families are concerned, how the member disappeared is of lesser consequence than the fact that they disappeared at all. The spiritual consequences that emanate from a disappearance and the attendant ramifications (whatever the circumstances of the disappearance) are what the families are concerned with most of all. Nonetheless, clarification of the fate of the disappeared member is a vital prerequisite for a process of healing. Healing cannot take place until a disappearance has been resolved. Death must first be established or confirmed. Furthermore, before commencing the appropriate rituals of bringing the spirit of the dead back home from the bush, the family first seeks confirmation of death through various means. Families of the disappeared person thus frequently put forth enormous effort and expense, including consultations with traditional healers, to discover what has happened to the missing family member. It is believed that the spirit of the disappeared member can possess, and speak through, a living family member, making known its demands. It is also believed that the fate of a disappeared member can be revealed through dreams and visions of the person’s relatives.

In Shona family life, for example, death has very important social and spiritual consequences. All death (except in the very elderly) is seen as being caused by malevolent forces, whether these emanate from the family or from outside (e.g., witchcraft) and all death requires appeasement and ritual management. Where neither the body nor the cause of the death can be ascertained, it is expected that the family


will experience negative consequences, usually in the form of further sickness, death, or ill-fortune.

Divination about whether the person is alive or dead. A Madi traditional healer from Sudan may throw the cowrie shells six to eight times and also consult the ancestral spirits. As a result, it will be confirmed whether the person who had disappeared is alive or dead. When it is confirmed that the person is alive, then the patient will be reassured by the spirits not to worry and that their person will eventually come. If the person is dead, three stages may be followed. Stage one: the patient is prepared for the bad news: he or she is told that there is another problem which is coming soon, observing the patient's reaction, and then the patient may be told to come back another time so that one can communicate with the (dead) person. During the second stage, the patient is told about the death of their relative. Sometimes the patient comes back and finds out that his or her relative must have died. Then the cowrie shells are thrown to confirm that the person has died and consoling words are uttered to the patient (money given previously as a deposit is returned). On returning home the patient is told to write a message for the deceased and bum it together with some herbs. At the third stage, the relatives of the buried person consult the traditional healer in order to find out the cause of the death (e.g., curse from elders, disagreements/envy, spirits were not brought home by ciders).

A man and a woman consulted a Madi healer in May 1995 about their son who had disappeared two years earlier. He was heard to have returned to Sudan in 1992. The ancestral spirits of the healer advised them not to go to Sudan since there was a letter coming to them. After a month they reported to the healer that they had received a letter telling them that their son had died four days ago. Now they wanted to go and see the grave of their son in Sudan. The ancestral spirits confirmed that they would go and come back safely.

An example of a disappearance reported by a traditional healer in Malawi:

In 1971, people were taken by soldiers from Mozambique and disappeared completely. Their relatives came to me and I did the following:

I collected some herbs composed of an old straw of sweet potato, and some top secret roots, and mixed. In the mixture was also a tail of a house lizard so that those people should remember home. They came with me to a road junction in the evening and I told them to kneel down facing the direction where the soldiers passed. While in that position I instructed them to wash their heads while simultaneously saying: “Sympathize with us and come back home.” After saying this they all came home with me leaving the container upside down at the junction. They were told not to look back.

I gave them some medicine, called “Chimdima” (the darkness) in Chewa, to be put in the porridge and each of them had to drink the stuff. They eventually reported that the people were released by soldiers and that they were in the village now, except one woman who became a wife of the gang leader. I called for them and the victims. I gave them some "medicine to settle the mind” to drink, and they went back home.

Divination of family member(s) afflicted by spirits of disappeared/dead relative. Family members may suffer from various mental and functional symptoms like


fainting, body weakness, feeling of running away, jerking body, headache, heart palpitation, or being confronted with a lot of misfortunes.

Madi divination, Sudan:

Family members are invited to sit on a goat's skin on the floor. Then the cowrie shells are thrown on the goat's skin about six times. If the story told by the ancestral spirits is about a family member who was not buried it will be diagnosed as "Oritilindi dri," which means a spirit of a deceased family member who died away from home is seeking to reunite with the family members.

A case from the Shona is described by Mupinda (1995):

Mr. M. has a “standard two” education and was employed as a dental therapist assistant before being laid off during the war. He earns his livelihood from subsistence farming. He was informed of the death of his two children, soon after independence, by former guerillas from his village who had witnessed the death of his son in a security forces ambush on the border with Mozambique. Some comrades had also witnessed the death of his daughter at Chimoio, Mozambique, during a security forces raid. After receiving the news and being overcome by grief Mr. M. did not consider that he needed to do anything about it.

He had not experienced any unusual problems till about two years ago. His two grandchildren began to suffer from a mysterious illness. They had nightmares and spoke in their sleep. They also reported various symptoms but no disease was diagnosed at the hospital. Mr. M. also reported that they behaved oddly. These occurrences propelled him to consult traditional healers who informed him that these problems were being caused by spirits of his two children which sought to be brought back home. For Mr. M. it was not possible to find the dead bodies of both of his children. His daughter had been buried in a mass grave in Mozambique and his son's body had been ferried away by security forces.

Mr. M. reported that the mysterious illness affecting his grandchildren stopped after the burial rites were performed. The [grand-]children were also no longer manifesting strange behaviors, he said, while pointing to the two graves which lay side by side on an anthill in a field to the west of the homestead. For Mr. M. his family can expect to enjoy the eternal protection from his kin who have gone before him.

A case from the Madi:

A woman consulted the traditional healer with her thirty-year-old son. She complained that her grandchildren were always sick and that her son had lots of misfortunes especially with his business. The ancestral spirits divined that all these things happened because of the husband, the son's father who was killed in the war. He had been shot dead and thrown into a river. Therefore the father’s spirit were bringing all the misfortunes to her son. They were advised to perform the last funeral rite for the father.

Rituals to bring the spirit of the dead, home.

Shona culture:

Villages are invited to witness the symbolic burial of a goat's head wrapped in a piece of white cloth. Together with items of clothing belonging to the disappeared, the goat’s head is buried in a proper grave with the respect accorded to the dead. All other procedures that


are normally conducted at the burial are followed including a cleansing ceremony where it is believed that the spirits of the disappeared person will rise with the power of the spirit to take their eternal place in the spirit world (Nyakadzimu) (Mupinda, 1995).

Madi culture:

A Madi healer from Sudan reports: First a tukul has to be erected for the deceased. Then both the paternal and maternal relatives have to be there, including the uncle of the deceased. A male goat has to be slaughtered and part of the meat (hind legs) are kept overnight hanging in the tukul meant for the deceased.... Finally, the maternal uncles of the deceased have to say a word of curse to avoid such happening.

In the absence of the corpse and if no bones of the deceased can be discovered, a traditional burial with a fruit called "Nyumburi" is conducted. The Nyumburi fruit symbolizes the bones or corpse of the deceased closing the gate of death. It is just like a lock ending the whole thing about death and bringing a blessing to the well-being of the family members. During the funeral rite day the Nyumburi fruit is buried in the traditional manner corpses are buried including a fireplace set, uncles are given their cigarettes, and the previous ash of the fireplace collected and thrown off.

The family consultation may go as follows: The people related to the unburied person come to consult to find out if there are any problems with the deceased person, e.g., incomplete marriage (agreed bride price not yet paid) or problems with ancestors sometime back. After these consultations agreements are made about shortfalls to be addressed, a prayer is held, and a burial of the Nyumburi fruit is conducted.

A case in the Madi society:

A female refugee of forty years was brought to the traditional healer with mental confusion. She liked to run away, and her body had been jerking during the past seven days. It was divined that she was suffering from spirits of the deceased who disappeared during the war called "Ori tilindri dri. ” She was given some herbs and she started drinking fluids again. A ritual was performed for her in the presence of the relatives. She had to sit down on a chair and when the drum was beaten she jumped up to dance. A male goat was slaughtered and cooked. Beer was brewed and a pot placed in the mother's home to represent the deceased person. A small part of the food had to be put in that pot before anyone began to eat.

Westermeyer (1989) describes how grieving death at a distance presents special problems. Around the world, funeral practices serve a mental health function by demonstrating the finality of the event (through showing, cremating, or burying the body), through mutual support, via renegotiating kith and kin ties to replace obligations to and support from the deceased, and by initiating the period of grief work. The absence of a corpse and a funeral ritual undermines this culturally supported healing process. Grief therapy may be indicated in cases of missed, complicated, or delayed grief reactions. Patients can be guided in the process of grieving by urging they follow these steps:

(1) Undertake an appropriate ritual despite the absence of a corpse (e.g., a Catholic mass, sitting Jewish shiva, Theravada Buddhist ceremony with prayers and “cutting strings" for the deceased); (2) establish a symbolic presence of the deceased for a year or longer (e.g., an Asian ancestor altar, with a photograph of the deceased, his or her


favorite flowers, foods, or other objects); (3) discuss the deceased person with friends and family, reviewing the person’s life, recalling happy as well as problematic events in the person’s life.

Rape

Rape victims typically complained about bodily pains, fear of having contracted a venereal disease, fear of pregnancy, and PTSD symptoms. Herbal treatments were given for bodily pains, treatment or preventions of a venereal disease, and PTSD symptoms.

Rituals and prayers of cleansing are used for rape victims in Sudan and Malawi in order to reduce bodily pains and PTSD symptoms. Cleansing rituals by a Madi traditional healer are as follows:

If it happened in the bush: The father of the raped girl is to bring a goat to the stream with the maternal uncle there. Call the name of the stream, pierce the goat to death in the bush, and leave it to rot; take the intestines of the goat, tell the spirits of the river to go back.

If it happened at home: The girl sits on a special stool, drums are beaten for the spirits of the river to come and possess the girl and tell the audience what they want to eat like greens, peas, chicken, drinks. When this happens, they bring a chicken and a goat. They start drumming and the girl goes round with the goat. The goat is killed and the evil spirits transferred to the goat are chased away. The head and legs of the goat are left under a tree; good spirits are called. The girl eats some of the goat and spits some out; the rest is eaten by the community.

The traditional healer goes to the bush where everyone can see and shakes a rattle called tewe; the spirits talk loud in the bush, the healer will ask, "Are you all here? You talk, we have remained. Thank you, go home in peace." In the process the husband is not told that his wife has been raped. If she became pregnant by the rapist, the child is believed to become a dead child.

A case in the Apostolic healing church, Malawi:

In 1975, a certain woman was raped by an MCP Chairman in the area of Mchesi in Lilongwe. The woman did not hide this from her husband who openly brought the case to us (church members). Due to the raping she believed she had an unknown disease causing pain in the genitals. She said that after the rape she immediately had bad dreams about the stressor, and sometimes had persecutory experiences. Even when she made love with her husband, she sometimes remembered the pains of that traumatic experience.

The party chairman said that if this woman really respected the president and the party, she had no chance of refusing the sexual intercourse because "A-Malawi sitisankhana mlundu” (Malawians do not select each other’s tribe). Therefore love must not be refused (in a bushy area). The church members called for the woman to conduct prayers together, the reverend prayed: "Nothing is difficult before God and the Lord; we ask you to remove all the bad things from this woman. We recall that Jesus, your son was tempted but he succeeded. We also ask your Holy powers to descend and cleanse the woman. Almighty God, remove the evil powers of the party leaders so that our woman must eventually be free


as every human being. May this party chairman be removed from the chair, almighty God. But most of all, bring good health to this woman, bring good spirit on to her so that she must realize your powers and never be tempted again.”

We prayed together for seven days, and every day the woman reported some good changes until the pains stopped. She never remembered the rapist nor the incident. She became a dedicated member of our church but later started going for party meetings again and the marriage was broken.

PTSD (Treatments by Traditional Healers)

Ritual treatments: An example from the former Yugoslavia:

Loncarevic (1995: 141 ff.) describes a Bosnian healer who uses instrumental medium divination which leads to identifying the type, origin, and symptoms of the trauma of the patient, such as sleeping problems, nervousness, anxiety, and similar traumatic symptoms. Thereafter with the help of Muslim prayers, rituals are performed involving four different body parts (head, chest, knees, and feet). For each body part a particular Koran verse is recited in order to remove the fear from the patient starting from the head, and moving through chest, knees, and then finally exorcised through the feet. At the end of the ritual the trauma is symbolically extinguished by dipping burning coal into a water bowl. The remaining ritual water will be given to the patient for daily use, namely to wash the body reenacting the original exorcising ritual.

A case in Mozambique:

Junior Efraime (1993: 41) reports about a traditional healer who was consulted by a boy who had killed people as a Ranamo soldier and now felt persecuted by the people he had killed. He also suffered from headache, loss of appetite, and body fatigue. The healer told the boy that he could only help him as a medium between the killed people and him. Thus, the deceased spoke to the boy. The boy apologized for what he had done and added that he had been forced to do so. The deceased demanded material compensation from the boy; he should go and see the relatives of the deceased and look after them. The carthartic effect was tremendous for the boy and his parents who also attended. They followed the advicc of the killed persons. Since then he no longer suffered from nightmares and feelings of guilt. He also found a meaning and something to do in his life.

COUNSELING AND PSYCHOTHERAPEUTIC APPROACHES TO TRAUMA

Religious Counseling (Uganda-IPSER)

Following the assessment of spiritual orientation and spiritual practice described by Hutton (1994), sixteen counselors in Uganda-IPSER were surveyed for their orientations and practices. Most counselors performed or attended a particular spiritual practice, such as attending services, praying, attending a spiritual group, reading spiritual material, etc. Most felt that they had had the feeling of being close to a powerful spiritual force, that their spiritual/religious orientation affected their counseling practice, and that it was important for the counselor to have a regular spiritual


or religious practice (e.g., prayer, fellowship). The commonly applied spiritual counseling techniques were: prayer, discussions of spiritual/religious issues, recommending specific spiritual/religious practice, recommending spiritual/religious books (The Bible), recommending spiritual (traditional or Christian) rituals. Two counselors described their approaches:

I use stories, cases, Bible quotations, proverbs, sayings, metaphors, etc., e.g., "Life is both a mixture of joy and sorrow” or “A twelve-year-old boy lost his father; he was shot by soldiers. He feels he is ready to join the military and take revenge. He suffers from sleepless nights, nightmares, loss of appetite. But he is a religious boy and according to the Bible, ‘one should not pay back evil with evil.' By joining the military and seeking revenge—the father can't come back to life.”

I told her that I understood her problems, first that she had no children. Secondly, she was a devoted Christian but then she lost the things [her possessions] in the church. Thirdly, that the brothers of the husband somehow persecuted her. So, regarding the loss of utensils in ihe church I told her that it was nothing, God even doesn’t think of those things—those utensils don’t serve God, they actually serve us human beings, maybe those who go there to serve Him. So many people have lost millions of things, talk of the priests themselves or the Bishops, talk of Y. diocese, how many vehicles did they lose? how many houses, how much property did they leave? Do you think God will break on you harder than breaking on those? So you don’t have to worry. If God can forgive sinners, people who are killers, and this and that, why not you? It was not your mistake. And about children, don't worry because there are many people also barren. It may not be your problem, maybe it could have been that because of the confusion there was no time to follow, to take you to a hospital (to follow up what was wrong), but that should not have worried you because your husband loved you and you are able to raise children, whom if it were not because of death would still point back and say that: “this is our stepmother," so you should have been happy about that.

Regarding persecution, okay, your brothers-in-law are human beings who can have reactions like any other person. Of course the brother was staying with you in Sudan, and they themselves were safe in Zaire; they think that maybe it is you who is making the brother not come. But they could have blamed the brother instead because it is the brother who should have told you where to go. You follow the man. So don't take these things so seriously because they will break you down more. There are many people living in refugee camps but if all of them were seated near you and if each one was asked, “what is your problem? what is your problem?” perhaps you would come to find that there is somebody who is carrying a more weighty problem. We are not trying to say that your problem is little—your problem is heavy. It needs cooperation, but it is you in the end who will improve your problem. I may talk, but if you don’t take the words I tell you seriously, then it will not help.

Cross-cultural Religious Counseling (Uganda-IPSER)

Since he is a believer in the traditional rites, it will be better to approach the elders who would perform rituals so that he gets psychologically free because his two brothers were killed (which he witnessed) unmarried, such that their spirit will not allow him to marry or have feelings for women.


A fourtcen-year-old depressive girl: Some of her traumatic events were: when the SPLA destroyed their home and chased them away, and then the loss of their elder sister, the forced isolation from their grandfather when he left them, the death of their mother, the death of her grandfather, and then dropping out of school.

The traumatic symptoms were: screaming and becoming unconscious, convulsions, headaches, terrible nightmares about the grandfather, and not able to sleep in one house for several days.

Then I went with the client to a traditional healer who divined that the girl had strong spirits and that she was to become a diviner. The girl’s grandfather was a strong diviner, so the grandfather died and his spirit was just moving; it had not found a real person to stay with, so the spirit had come to this girl and did not go back. Normally, rituals had to be done so that she can become a traditional healer, but since the girl refused as she was still young and going to school, the diviner suggested to “detain” the spirits to heal her quickly. Then the healer organized a sacrificial ritual for her with meat of a cow and goat. Some people were there drumming and then she was given a spear with two arrows. They drummed for a short time and she became possessed, then she was pushed where the diviner’s spirits stayed. She was told to kneel while facing the diviner's spirit place. So from there she said they started rolling something on her, starting from her buttocks towards the head facing the diviner's spirit place. They did that four times until she fell down unconscious. So after some time she became conscious—the spirits were removed from her and transferred to the diviner’s place.

Since then she only had one nightmare with someone talking to her saying, “If you don’t accept us, you are not going anywhere." The healer advised her that if you have such a dream you also talk, saying, "I am young and I don't have anybody to assist me. So there is no place for you.”

So when the client came to me 1 also advised her that since now she was a bit okay, she was able to go to school, and that she should put much emphasis on the studies because she had gone back to class seven and she had to work harder in order to pass. After one year follow- up she was still doing fine in school.

Supervision (Uganda-IPSER)

A nineteen-year-old female pastoral worker complains of headaches, sleeping problems; when she is alone she starts thinking too much and becomes sad. Now she cannot even go to school. She has one brother who is older than her and three older sisters. For four years her brother used to send her school fees, but this year he stopped and instead he sent her a dress. She feels useless and believes her brother hates her. Her father died and she stays with her mother here. Her other three sisters are all married and have children. She tried the health centre several times and they gave her some aspirins, but there was no improvement.

Christian approach: Advise her to pay a visit and invite her brother so that she can forgive him. In a Christian family, brother and sister assist each other and they care for each other's burden. However, her brother may have just migrated to town and she could see that he was still helping her by sending clothes. The Bible is quoted on learning how to forgive each other. She needs to forgive w ithout anger or hatred. She should accept his dress and put her brother in her prayers so that he would begin to pay her school fees again. There could also


be “demons" of her dead grandfather troubling her and she would have to get the clergy man to have them chased away.

Elders: Tell the family elders about the problem with her brother so that a message could be sent to him.

Traditional healer: The spirit of her father was disturbing her, so beer needs to be brewed for him. Her brother's wife was against her but she is assured that she will be protected from these evil influences.

Social work: She should try to get involved in some income generating activities.

Later, upon evaluation she found the Christian approach most helpful for her.

Working Relationship with Traditional Healers

Counselor:

I have to see the healer, get the reports from their patients in order to know how those healers work. Some healers do something good.

Mr. S. is a specialist in fractures, even doctors refer people to be taken to him.

I became an escort of a friend consulting an Islamic traditional healer, observed him to be cured, participated even in a healing ritual without any negative effect on me.

I took my brother to an Islamic traditional healer, against the will of my father, to be healed.

Born-again Counselor A:

1 can escort a client on his own desire to the diviner.

Even if the healers do something good they still use evil powers, they themselves can inflict illness on the client.

Our faith cannot prohibit us from seeing a herbalist, but a diviner |we cannot see] since he uses spiritual powers which are against the Holy Spirit.

Born-again Counselor B:

As a young woman I found myself with a diviner, divining a lot of true things about me and wanting to give me protective medicine. I became frightened when he showed me a snake.

I refused the medicine, since 1 was saved and not believing them.

I do not want to escort a patient to a traditional healer for fear of becoming enticed to become a healer myself. Being involved in this is accepting satanic power and sinning against the Lord.


CONCLUSION

Traditional and spiritual healers use ritual therapies that help victims of organized violence to "regain power,” “cleanse themselves,” “decrease shame, guilt, and rage," and use purification and flashback/nightmare-reducing herbal treatments. Rituals allow the transformation of identity and the dissolution of undesired symptoms.

The different basic construction principles of the rituals used here, according to Kruse and Dreesen (1995), can be described as:

A search for symbols, such as using a lizard; or the raped girl sits on a special stool; or taking a herb called "wash your back” to cleanse the client; or a traditional drink called “Chirova, ” to overcome war experiences.

Using all senses, e.g., prayers are spoken; a black chicken is hit on the person’s head until it dies; burning a stone and putting the burnt stone into a mixture and as it produces a hissing sound the client must drink so that as the stone cools, his heart must be cooled again in order to remove the fear from him.

Involvement and choreography, such as the client is given some herbs to bathe at the rubbish heap while saying, “Everybody crosses the path and also eats leaves, therefore all the bad thoughts should be eaten up completely and forgotten.”

Instruction for and evaluation of group- and self-experience, such as burning coal into a water bowl, drinking medicine with burnt stone, or the remaining ritual water being be given to the patient for daily use.

Through ritual behavior, predictability, continuity, and control are sought. Many different forms of ritual exist including healing, purification, reconciliation, mourning/bereavement.

In view of the self-organization theory of cognition, rituals are of central importance for the construction of individual and social reality. Psychologically, rituals produce a stable basis of action in the uncertainty of situational change and in the complexity of social events (Kruse & Dreesen, 1995). Gilligan (1995) explores how the tradition of healing rituals may be used in psychotherapy by proposing a four-step model: (1) suggesting a ritual as a possible solution, (2) planning the ritual, (3) enacting the ritual, and (4) post-ritual activities. In this way rituals allow the transformation of identity and the dissolution of undesired symptoms.

Severe psychological trauma can dampen or destroy interest in religion, poetry, philosophy, history, music, or other subjects in which the survivor formerly found comfort and meaning. Restoring pre-trauma interests or developing new ones in artistic or spiritual realms can help survivors put their experiences into perspective and reintegrate themselves into the larger universe. Doing so can help survivors strengthen coping mechanisms and decrease the emotional numbing associated with trauma, as shown by Langford (1980).


Religion offers many persons comfort and strength to endure pain. Survivors who were or are religious may find that their religious beliefs can help them cope with their traumatic experience and its aftermath and may even give new significance to their ordeal. Clergy or therapists of the same religion can help survivors examine their experience from a religious perspective and come to terms with the impact their experience has had on their faith. They can also help them search for answers to questions about how human beings can do such terrible things to each other, their own behavior and relationships with others under stress, their relationship to God, God’s role in their ordeal, and death and immortality. Such guidance may be especially important for those who were persecuted because of their religion.

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Junior Efraime, B. (1993). Erlebcn und Verarbeiten von Kriegsereignissen bei mosambika- nischen Kindern. Berlin, Humbolt Universitat: Diplomarbeit.

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(Eds.), Health and cross-cultural psychology: Towards applications (pp. 162-178). London: Sage.

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BUDDHIST TEACHERS’ EXPERIENCE WITH EXTREME MENTAL STATES IN WESTERN MEDITATORS

Lois VanderKooi Boulder, Colorado

In the past thirty-five years, Buddhism and its sophisticated meditation practices have attracted a large number of Western students, especially those in search of a psychologically oriented spirituality. Based on descriptive and qualitative research, this paper focuses on extreme mental states that can occur in emotionally fragile Western students undergoing intensive meditation and the adaptations that teachers have made to deal with these difficulties. Implications for the clinical use of meditation will also be addressed.

BUDDHIST BASICS

Goals and Methods of Practice

Freud approached Eastern practices with misgiving, equating mystical states with “oceanic feelings” and a search for “restoration of limitless narcissism” and the “resurrection of infantile helplessness” (Freud, 1961, p. 72). As Epstein (1986, 1988, 1995) points out, Freud was unaware of Buddhist methods and goals which involve the dismantling of narcissism and the notion of inherent selfhood. The process of reaching nirvana or the “Absolute” (italicized terms are defined in the glossary) is far from blissful, and nirvana is far from narcissistic grandiosity and self-absorption.

Buddhist training involves moral discipline (shila) to increase wholesome states of mind, training in concentration and mindfulness (samadhi), and training in wisdom or insight into the true nature of phenomena (prajna) (Brown, 1986; Goleman, 1988). The ultimate fruit of training is to end suffering by realizing the Four Noble Truths: that life is basically unsatisfying, that suffering is caused by attachment arising from ignorance about the nature of reality, that suffering can cease with release from clinging, and that freedom is realized by living the Noble Eightfold Path: right


The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol. 29, No. I 31

understanding, intention, speech, action, livelihood, effort, mindfulness, and concentration. The three major defilements conditioning worldly existence, namely attachment (lust, desire, greed), aversion (hatred, anger, and aggression), and ignorance are overcome with realization of shunyata. Shunyata or “emptiness” is difficult to describe and explain, and there are doctrinal differences as to its meaning (Hopkins, 1983). It involves the “middle way” in that both inherent or independent existence and total non-existence are refuted. Through insight into the components of experience, one realizes that there is no “inherently existing I” and appreciates the representational and relative nature of reality (Epstein, 1989, 1990). One adopts neither an absolutistic stance involving belief in an eternal principle (godhead, self, eternal beyond) nor a nihilistic stance involving belief in voidness. One realizes that phenomena are interdependent and mutually condition each other. Realizing shunyata and interdependence, one lives with equanimity, wisdom, and compassion, fearless and awake to each moment of life. “In its true state, mind is naked, immaculate ... not realizable as a separate thing, but as the unity of all things, yet not composed of them; of one taste, and transcendent over differentiation" (Evans-Wentz, 1969, p. 211). It should be noted that there are degrees of enlightenment, and full enlightenment is more an ideal than an attainable reality. Brown and Engler (1986) found it extremely difficult to find people who had attained the last two paths of enlightenment (Non- returner and Arhat) as outlined in early (Theravadan) traditional literature.

Buddhist meditation can be divided into two major branches, samatha, which stabilizes the mind, and vipassana, which is uniquely Buddhist and the basis of insight (Goleman, 1972a, 1972b; Gunaratana, 1985/1992; Lodro, 1992; Sole-Leris, 1986). Samatha practices involve concentrating on a prescribed object to attain tranquility and absorption. The mind gradually withdraws from all physical and mental stimuli except the object, and the usual conceptual mode of thinking is suspended. Mindfulness is used to guard against active senses and thoughts, which, on the one hand, scatter the mind, and, on the other hand, lend to a passive dullness which prevents clarity and focus. Body and mind become pliable as one progresses, and, in the end, one experiences samadhi or dwelling effortlessly, mind unified with object. In the Theravadan tradition, once adequate mindfulness and concentration are achieved, vipassana meditation begins. This involves paying “bare attention” to the rising and passing away of phenomena. One fully and precisely examines sensory and mental processes, moment by moment, to realize the nature of phenomena—impermanent (anicca), unsatisfactory (dukkha), and lacking inherent essence or self (anatta). It is said that one of these marks of existence can serve as the gateway to nirvana and liberation from suffering.

As outlined by the Visuddhimagga (a fifth-century work that supposedly collects the Buddha’s teachings on meditative states), the process of realizing nirvana is fraught with troubling and sometimes excruciating states (Brown & Engler, 1986; Namto, 1989; Nyanamoli, 1976). Initially, confusion, hallucinations, disturbing feelings, and involuntary movements can occur as one gains knowledge of mental and physical states through increasing concentration and mindfulness. As samadhi is achieved, “pseudo-nirvana” experiences of rapture, tranquility, and bliss can be accompanied by frightening images, uncomfortable body sensations such as itching, heat, and stiffness, and gastrointestinal problems of nausea, vomiting, and diarrhea. Then,


sadness, irritability, extreme fear, and a deep sense of the insipid nature of life may manifest as one becomes more and more aware of the arising and passing away of phenomena. A desire for deliverance can emerge, and one may wish to discontinue practice. For example, the body may itch as though being bitten by ants. Later, when deciding to practice to completion, one may feel odd sensations such as being slashed by a knife. Finally, as equanimity is achieved and mindfulness and concentration become balanced and natural, practice becomes smooth and one may be able to meditate for hours.

There are many types of meditative practices, and even within the major divisions of Theravada (Southeast Asia), Zen (China and Japan), and Tibetan (Himalaya region) traditions, practices vary. Theravada practices (see e.g., Goldstein, 1987; Goldstein & Kornfield, 1987; Komfield, 1977; Namto, 1989; Nhat Hanh, 1987) usually involve detailed mindfulness of the aggregates which constitute personality, namely those of form (body senses, postures, and movement) and mind (feelings of pleasantness, unpleasantness, or neutrality, perception, mental states and contents, and consciousness itself). Initial practice involves developing concentration and mindfulness by alternating periods of sitting and walking meditation. The meditator focuses on the breath, then other sensations while sitting, and on the components of movement while walking slowly. When the mind wanders, mental noting is used to return to mindfulness. For example, when distracted by sound, the meditator notes “hearing” versus becoming lost in thoughts about the sound. Gradually, as skill develops, other objects are the focus, and the meditator develops “bare attention” or an awareness of phenomena without the usual self-consciousness and conceptual-perceptual elaborations. For example, in seeing or hearing something, one may see only color or hear vibrations.

Zen practices tend to focus more on concentration than detailed mindfulness, at least initially. Meditators are usually instructed to focus on the breath, first counting it and later just being aware of it without letting the mind wander. In the Rinzai tradition, once sufficient concentration is achieved, a koan, or question impervious to solution by logic, may be assigned. Some well-known initial koans are Chao-Chou’s dog (Mu), the sound of one hand clapping, and your original face before your parents were born. The meditator becomes absorbed in the koan and eventually experiences kensho or breakthrough to an intuitive, nonconceptual experience. After that, other koans arc assigned to deepen and extend the enlightenment experience (Loori, 1992). Shikan- taza or “just sitting” is an alternative route and involves mindfulness as well as concentration by simply watching thoughts and sensations come and go (Goleman, 1972b). Rather than striving for kensho, proper posture and breathing are stressed, both to unify body-mind and to cut through attachment to the thinking mind. In both koan and shikantaza practices, attachment to thoughts lessens and then stops, and then the thinker too may disappear. Eventually, after years of practice, shunyata may be realized, and this realization penetrates daily life.

Tibetans utilize initial practices similar to those of Theravada and Zen except that they do not use koans (Gen Lamrimpa, 1992; Gyatso, 1991; Lodro, 1992; McDonald, 1984; Wangchen, 1987). Some schools emphasize philosophical analysis and study of texts, considering these as meditation because they help create wholesome states of

Buddhist Teachers ’ Experience with Extreme Mental States in Western Meditators 33

mind and lay a foundation for later realization. Mandalas, visualizations, mantras, polytone chanting, and complicated rituals are also used, which in conjunction with Tibetan cosmology and understanding of mind, can make practice complex indeed (Goleman, 1972b). At advanced stages, more esoteric Tantric practices may be undertaken. Involving primal energy and emotion, these supposedly are quick paths to enlightenment (i.e., they take only one lifetime) and provoke a wakefulness that is sharp in its ability to cut through habitual mind and pride. Because they can be dangerous and involve psychotic-like experiences, these practices require the guidance of a qualified teacher, and adequate ego strength and foundation in philosophy and meditation on the part of the practitioner.

STUDY RESULTS

Western psychology has usually focused on the short-term physiological and psychological benefits of meditation outside of a Buddhist context (see e.g., Carrington, 1977; Shapiro, 1982; West, 1987). As mentioned above, this study focuses on the experience of Buddhist teachers in dealing with problematic states that occur in some students during intensive meditation, some examples of which are described. Traditionally, although dealing with nonordinary states of consciousness (NSC) that occur during meditation, Buddhists did not deal much with extreme mental states, such as psychosis, because very troubled people were restricted from entering practice. With a focus on how prana or energy moves through channels in the body, Tibetan teachers probably have the most complex understanding of how extreme mental states can occur during meditation which is improperly done or excessive (Epstein & Rapgay, 1989). Buddhists also have not traditionally focused on dealing with students' personal history, emotions, and relationship problems. These have become more pertinent in the practice of Western students who often turn to meditation for psychological relief and help with problems in these areas. Brown and Engler (1986) note that unlike people in the East, many Westerners practice a form of self- exploratory therapy while meditating and consequently fail to develop the concentration and mindfulness which is necessary for formal meditation.

Descriptive and phenomenological research methods were used in this study because of 1) the historical and cognitive-subjective nature of the data, 2) difficulties in measuring such data “objectively” and in using a rigorous research design, and 3) the study’s exploratory nature (Polkinghome, 1989). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a total of twelve experienced and sanctioned teachers, four each from Theravada, Zen, and Tibetan traditions, and four college-educated meditators who had major difficulties with meditation and volunteered to talk about their experience. Subjects were recruited through therapist and Buddhist contacts in Colorado. The teachers were asked about their meditation techniques and process and their experience with handling both vulnerable meditators and extreme mental states. The meditators were asked about their spiritual and psychological history and about the difficulties they encountered. Besides interviewing these subjects, the author attended nine meditation retreats led by various Theravada, Zen, and Tibetan teachers to gain personal experience with the meditation retreat milieu.


Three vignettes are presented to illustrate the range of motivations, personality structure, and experiences that meditators may have, and then teacher experiences are summarized to illustrate how they have adapted meditation practices to deal with meditator difficulties. Identifying information has been changed to protect confidentiality.

Meditator Experience (Three Vignettes)

Cracking the shell: Quest of unraveling. Sara comes from an upperclass, ambitious family, which has no history of major mental illness. Her father, a successful businessman, wanted Sara to follow in his steps. She accordingly began work on a MBA, which was antithetical to her true desire to be an artist. In college, she generally felt depressed, saw a therapist a few times, and frequently turned to alcohol. She had an experience, however, while writing a paper about Blake, that everything was in her mind. This was freeing, and she felt that she had glimpsed a higher state of consciousness. After a year of misery in graduate school, she dropped out and turned to Zen, which was attractive because its simplicity and meditation practice promised freedom of mind despite life circumstances. Also, the Zen meditators seemed to constitute a more like-minded, understanding family than her family of origin.

Sara began working odd jobs and participating in all the activities of her Zen center. She attended morning, evening, and all-night sittings and seven-day retreats. The center was large, and she was “just a beginner,” which meant that she did not have a position or duties. The center had a hierarchy of students with senior students playing major roles. Those who had “broken through” wore a special cloth, setting them apart. An “all or nothing” attitude pervaded the atmosphere, and people were encouraged to go to the extreme of practice. It was believed that the harder one worked, the longer and more one-pointedly one focused in meditation, the more likely one would experience kensho. The teacher, an American trained in Japan, was generally distant and formal. Sara admired him from afar, and they did not know each other well. She only talked with him during retreat interviews in which the teacher guides and tests each student’s progress in meditation.

Sara does not remember whether students were screened in terms of their ability to handle meditation (this was in the mid-1970s). She said that one “had to be a good and devoted sitter” to attend a retreat. She never felt at risk in sitting strenuously and sat at least two hours a day when not in retreat. She had no problems until the retreat that preceded her psychotic break. That retreat occurred after she had seriously meditated for a year and a half. It was a seven-day retreat following another seven-day retreat that had ended a week before.

The retreat was intense. Sara meditated day and night with breaks for meals, chanting, work, and rest during the day and breaks for juice at night. She said that, fiercely intent on going deeper, she was able to sit full-lotus and did not experience pain. She had intense makyo (nonordinary sensations, perceptions, and emotions) but did not fear going crazy. The makyo involved mostly positive imagery except near the end,

Buddhist Teachers’ Experience with Extreme Mental States in Western Meditators 35

when there were demon-like faces. She also experienced going down a shaft, opening doors to different realities. At the end, she experienced an overwhelming sense of holiness and felt she had tapped into universal mind. She was able to let the makyo go and was sure she had broken through, as she could answer most of the teacher’s questions, and he hugged her and seemed to appreciate her experience.

Following the retreat, Sara told others that she had broken through. Word got back to her teacher, and he told her otherwise. She thought that he just wanted her to go deeper, so meditated more. She experienced being like a bird in an egg, tapping to get out. and suddenly she heard tapping from the other side. She felt that God was revealing Himself and tapping to free her, and she was ready to "throw herself into the fire of consciousness to break through to His love.” That was when she consciously decided to let her mind go. After that, everything seemed symbolic and had cosmological dimensions. She found her mind racing as she tried to figure everything out. She thought and thought and wandered around looking for her teacher, who she believed was God. Finally, she was hospitalized and received antipsychotic medication.

In the next few years, Sara went on and off medication and required further hospitalization. She returned to the Zen Center, but did not heed advice to take her medication, and eventually was not allowed to be there. She thought that she was going through an enlightening experience and did not understand people’s concern. She felt hurt that they pushed her away.

Sara’s experience in the mental health system was taxing. Few understood her experience and most were condescending. She felt that her mind was “unraveling,” with all the major fears, desires, and “skeletons from the past” emerging into consciousness. She was helped most by a Buddhist psychiatrist who acknowledged the value and spiritual dimension of her experience and helped her remain grounded with medication and questions about mundane things.

Sara received a diagnosis of schizophrenia. In trying to understand her experience, she assumes that she has some genetic, biochemical proclivity for psychosis and that her lack of control over the unraveling resembled schizophrenia. At the same time, the spiritual quest and her sense of release from past karma seemed different. Once the “unraveling” was complete, she felt more stable and peaceful than ever before and was able to discontinue medication.

Currently Sara meditates an hour a day. She follows her breath, thinks about things (though not in the prior searching way), and listens to her inner life. She lives alone and tries to live according to her ideas of simplicity and mindfulness. She believes that more intense meditation would be harmful. She also feels her spirituality is closer to Christianity at this point, in part because of her experience of God tapping at her shell. She says that she does not often share her unique, personal, and somewhat mystical spiritual beliefs with others.

Terror alone: Snapping and song yet unsung. Ada grew up in a “workaholic” home with parents too busy and striving to pay attention to a little girl. Sweets were


soothers, and “happy and good” were the ways to be. As an infant, she was left to cry for hours, and she remembers three times of terror as a young child when she did not know where she was while in a familiar place. As a teenager, she experienced ecstasy while intensely writing poetry, which she felt was an avenue to a different type ofconsciousness.

Ada’s involvement in meditation began in 1967 with TM (Transcendental Meditation), which helped calm her after a breakup with the “love of her life,” Paul. Nine months later she entered a year-and-a-half practice of Vedanta, a form of Hindu mysticism, which involved meditating on a spiritual passage. Ada “upped the ante” after reading books by Watts (1957) and Kapleau (1965/1989) which describe Zen enlightenment experiences. She began practicing in earnest after meeting a Japanese Zen master in 1970 who was “dear and warm.” Paul, also excited about Zen, came back into her life, and they sat and studied regularly with a group. It was a “high” time.

Ada was attracted to the “intensity, high drama, and do or die effort” of Rinzai Zen. It felt good to “bust her butt” and survive the pain of extended sitting. She does not remember which practice her teacher taught, but knows that she pushed herself to the limit. She took his words “just sit” to heart after seeking his help regarding a career in opera and a failed relationship with Paul. Thinking that her problems would be solved if she became enlightened, she meditated as much as possible. She attended at least one extended retreat a month with various teachers. When not in retreat, she sat for at least four hours a day and otherwise tried to remain in the moment. She felt peaceful and loving, more like herself than ever before. Veils fell from her eyes, and she experienced “everything just as it is.” Yet, she still was unsure about her career. Conversations with others seemed trivial, and she cut off relationships and discontinued therapy. In retrospect, she thinks that her practice was an evasion of painful feelings, which would make themselves known at some point.

After six months of such practice, Ada attended a ten-day Theravada retreat involving concentration and mindfulness practices done alone in one’s room. The teacher checked on each person daily and gave group talks. Ada had intense makyo during the retreat: crackling electricity traveled up and down her spine, and she felt profoundly relaxed as she recalled early memories of sounds and sights. Near the end of the retreat, she woke to an “absolute state” that she believed was kensho. First came cosmic pulsation with things flowing towards a single point and erupting back through it. Then appeared a sheet-like image with elements of reality floating. As she looked at them, she realized that they were her and that there was nothing in the universe except her. Rather than joy, she felt extreme fear and loneliness. The next morning, when she yearned for affirmation and advice, her teacher responded, “Now you know that you’re afraid of being alone.”

After the retreat and during the month prior to her “breakdown,” Ada had another unbearable experience of loneliness. She also took LSD for the third time in her life and had a “terrifying trip” that involved disintegrating into bones. She willed herself out of that by refusing to accept it. She also was deeply “grabbed” (influenced) by Janov’s “Primal Scream,” and thought that if she reached and released her primal energy, she would be free. Then something “snapped,” and she felt tremendous grief,

Buddhist Teachers' Experience with Extreme Mental States in Western Meditators 37

then rage and terror. Only months later did she connect this experience to her grief about losing Paul.

The next few years were like “heavy labor with no rest” and “being in a tunnel without light.” Ada could not talk about her pain and felt that people would lock her up if she did. She reentered therapy and tried other things as well: encounter and therapy groups, energy and body work, and Arica training, which involves meditation, yoga, body work, and psychological processing. The therapies never quite enabled her to reach and release her core problem. She also meditated and attended retreats, but found that her energies were too high to feel safe with meditation. She did not know how to transition back into the world of ordinary experience. She met with a Zen teacher who was also a psychoanalyst, but was not able to heed her advice because she (Ada) was too “freaked out” and emotionally disconnected. This teacher affirmed her kensho and “ripe” concentration practice, but advised that she needed more balance— work, singing, and a light meditation practice. Throughout this difficult period, she experienced one sign of hope: a dream of herself holding a tennis racket that resembled an Ankh, Egyptian sign of life.

Twenty years later and after even more therapy, Ada still struggles. She believes that she has a borderline personality disorder and agrees with Engler’s (1986) idea that you cannot go beyond yourself until you have a self. She does not meditate much for fear of what might come up but has worked with a Theravada-Zen teacher who meditated with her, demystified “enlightenment,” and gave her feedback about her meditation. The technique of noticing what is prominent in the body and being with it helped her with pain a few times and offers hope. Ada says that when she first practiced, teachers were not psychologically sophisticated enough to ask about students’ lives or to process emotional issues. She believes that she could have benefited from a moderate, gentle practice and advice to work, sing, and learn to relate better. “I needed someone to investigate my big hurry and terrible race toward enlightenment, and to say that I was running from something.”

Lost in thought: Twenty-four-hour practice. Rose’s family history involves mental illness: two siblings suffered psychosis or suicidal impulses, and her father, a physician and researcher, is riddled with phobias and compulsions. Rose’s first psychotic episode occurred when she was nineteen and her second a year later. They were triggered by relationship stresses involving family and two gestalt therapists who she experienced as using her to work on their marital problems. The third occurred at age thirty-seven and the fourth at age thirty-nine. These related to not knowing her limits and becoming overextended and “lost” without realizing it. The last involved meditation, a “twenty-four-hour practice” as Rose calls it.

Rose first read a Buddhist book in her mid-twenties. She likes philosophy, thinking about mind and spirituality, and is interested in other cultures, and found Buddhism intellectually stimulating. Also, she felt frustrated with her psychosis and disliked the “deadening” effects of medication. She saw that TM helped a friend become less flighty and more able to be alone, and she hoped that meditation would help her gain control of her mind and be more content with herself. She did not begin meditating


until her mid-thirties, however. At that time, stress over having a boyfriend in prison and exposure to Trungpa Rinpoche’s (1969) Meditation in Action prompted her to seek instruction. She was told to follow her breath while sitting comfortably and to label any thoughts that arose as “thinking” and return to her breath.

Rose had two consecutive meditation instructors; she did not feel comfortable with either. She thought one was too strict and pushy about a particular type of training She felt too intensely about the other and also worried that she was insensitive to him. Generally, she feels hemmed in and controlled by others’ instructions. She ended up meditating on her own with little instruction and no supervision. She practiced at most three hours a week and generally did not meditate daily or at the same time every day.

Five years later, Rose met a Tibetan teacher who seemed to her to know what he was doing. He was not pushy about the practice, was careful about the effect of his words, and would stop if someone said he was going too far. He also tolerated doubt and skepticism and wanted people to think for themselves. She went to a weekend retreat that he led and was interviewed. Her only strange experience came before the interview. She felt driven to get up enough nerve to even have the interview and then experienced seeing a series of faces as she looked in a mirror. She had an “ordinary, down-to-earth conversation” with the teacher but did not mention the faces.

Rose did not tell her teachers about her prior psychotic episodes. They may have known about them through her therapist, but, if so, did not mention them to her. Her goal to overcome psychosis through meditation was never clarified.

The Tibetan teacher emphasized a “twenty-four-hour” practice of mindfulness as well as sitting meditation. This appealed to Rose and she began sitting for hours, letting her mind wander while half noticing her breath and other things. She discontinued her antipsychotic medication on her own a few months after the retreat. She also was working less, so she had less structure and contact with people. Moreover, the Los Angeles riots occurring after the Rodney King verdict of 1994 upset her greatly. Due to a foot injury, she then lost her usual way of stabilizing her mind, which was running. Running relaxed her and slowed her mind so that thoughts came more gradually and were more to the point. Around the same time, she saw another face in the mirror and began having intense fantasies involving reincarnation and Christian symbols. These experiences became more important than details of her everyday life, and she lacked her usual awareness and her usual fear that she was going too far. Her psychotic break occurred six months after the retreat.

Rose was hospitalized and she resumed medication. Her diagnosis has been paranoid schizophrenia. She finds the diagnosis hurtful and limiting, a label of being different and “all washed up.” It also pressures her to become well and “enlightened.” “Psychosis does not mean you’re better or worse than others; it’s just what has happened to a person in her life.”

For her practice Rose now uses a Yoga tape that helps induce sleep through relaxation of different parts of the body. She thinks about seeing the Tibetan teacher again but


does not feel ready to face questions about why she wants to meditate and see him. Her spirituality is private. She is trying to regain a sense of wonder and to accept her life, freed from the compulsion to be like everyone else.

Teacher Experience

Understanding of nonordinary states of consciousness (NSC). The Buddhist teachers interviewed in this study (four Zen, four Theravadan, four Tibetan, all teaching in the U.S.) understand NSC as phenomena that often emerge as practice progresses. Similar to the “unstressing” cited in TM literature (Carrington, 1977; Goleman, 1971), NSC common in early phases of Buddhist meditation include disturbing emotions and fantasies, perceptual aberrations and hallucinations, memories, and proprioceptive sensations and movements (see also, Epstein & Lieff, 1986; Kornfield, 1979). A Zen teacher noted that NSC at a later “preawakening” phase are different from earlier NSC. They tend to be either very alluring, often involving religious symbols and blissful feelings, or very frightening and evocative of doubt. Two Tibetan teachers noted that in advanced Tantric practices, visions of deified aspects of mind (yidams) can resemble psychosis in that they are both real and imaginary, external and internal.

The teachers defined psychosis as a problem of overidentifying with NSC and being unable to disidentify and let go. Also, several teachers said that psychosis involves an inability to function and respond in normal ways. Some Zen teachers noted that samadhi and kensho can involve a loss of functioning that can last from minutes to hours, however.

The teachers posited various reasons for NSC, some related to meditation and others not. All correlated NSC with deepening concentration, which seems to settle the usual discursive mind and allow other layers of mind to emerge, layers seen as tainted by the defilements of existence. The Theravadans especially emphasized that NSC emerge and become problematic when concentration is not balanced with adequate mindfulness, which can cleanse the mind of these defilements. Zen teachers suggested that incorrect posture and breathing also contribute. Tibetan teachers spoke of how an improper use of certain advanced meditation practices leads to an incorrect flow of energy in the body. All of the teachers noted that excessive effort and striving creates problems with NSC; the Asian teachers said that perhaps this was a bigger problem for meditators in the East because they have been culturally conditioned to seek enlightenment. Factors not related to meditation include health imbalances arising from lack of sleep, poor diet, and stress.

Dealing with NSC. NSC are relatively common during intensive, prolonged meditation, and teachers are accustomed to dealing with them. Some Theravadans estimated that during a three-month retreat, about half of the students experience NSC. In dealing with these, teachers generally assure students that such phenomena occur with deepening practice but will pass. They try to help the student just observe the experience without denying, rejecting, or indulging it. They may supportively listen, such as when memories of trauma emerge, or on the other hand, they may make light


of NSC that the student mistakes for enlightenment. Theravadans tend to focus on “mindfulness in the present moment” and may have the student “mentally note” the experience without getting caught up in its content. Zen teachers may correct the student’s posture and breathing. A Tibetan teacher noted that he circumvents problems with NSC by checking for health imbalances that cause difficulties and has students start with a short practice and gradually increase time meditating as they gain insight.

When NSC is more extreme, a student may become paralyzed and unable to follow meditation instruction. At this point, most teachers advocate decreasing concentration on the meditative object, such as a koan or the breath; instead they ask the student to develop a more panoramic mindfulness of internal and external stimuli. This can mean “lightening up” and just watching the mind without judgment and effort to practice. Theravadans may have the student focus mindfully on the body or what is happening presently in the mind. Zen teachers may switch a student from a more concentrative koan practice, which tends to suppress unconscious material, to shikantaza or breath practice, which allows material to emerge more naturally and slowly. Teachers may also have more frequent interviews with the student, decrease the student’s sitting time, and involve the student in “grounding” physical activities. A Tibetan and Theravadan commented that they sometimes confront a student’s NSC as being “crazy.” Some Theravadans have found that acupuncture treatment and heavier meals of meat and pasta can be helpful as well.

The teachers identified a number of signs that these extreme NSC could foreshadow a psychotic break. These include obsession with the NSC, more negative, fearful, and bizarre NSC, fear of going crazy, aberrant behavior, and emotionally disconnected “schizoid” states. One teacher thought that people prone to psychosis have more rage and self-pity and fewer moments of sadness and clarity than those who are not prone. Another teacher said that lack of humility is a sign of difficulty. These warning signs generally signal a need to discontinue or lighten up in practice.

The teachers found that psychosis, estimated to occur in far less that one percent of meditators, can develop at either initial or advanced stages of practice. During initial stages, it can rather easily occur in people with a history of psychosis; it relates to the student’s inability to use meditation practices to stabilize the mind as defenses are relaxed. A Zen teacher said that he knows of a few cases where psychosis occurred after a retreat. He finds that stripped of their usual defenses, students can become depressed and overstimulated when they reenter ordinary life. In more advanced stages, psychosis is very rare because meditators have developed more equanimity or ability to observe and let go of mental content. Psychosis at advanced states usually relates to excess concentration and overexertion. The Tibetans called this a “sok- rlung” disorder, which involves energy moving improperly in the body. Several teachers noted that Western meditators tend to give up meditation when they encounter difficulty. Few reach advanced stages of practice where meditation-related psychosis can occur.

If psychosis occurs in initial phases of practice, the student is asked to discontinue meditation and may be asked to leave the retreat or be hospitalized if they cannot


return to ordinary functioning. A Theravadan said that, for more advanced meditators who develop true meditation-related psychosis, he may ask the student to focus on the state of mind as an object of mindfulness. If that fails, he may try to get at the deeper meaning of the problem or change the object of mindfulness. A Tibetan advised that advanced meditators need a qualified teacher to help with the practice used and to differentiate between psychotic states and true spiritual visions. Another Tibetan noted that advanced practices are meant to provoke confusion and extreme states. He tries to help people find balance between withstanding discomfort and knowing their limits so that they do not damage themselves.

Adapting to Western students. The teachers reported that they have learned more about psychology in working with Western students, some with major mental illness and many with motivation to deal with psychological problems. Several teachers noted that they consult with mental health professionals regarding severe psychological problems in their students. Teachers who were demanding of students twenty years ago have become more moderate and gentle. They now believe that vigorous approaches help some students, but that in general, pushing students to “break through” does not facilitate integration of enlightenment experience and can damage students who are psychologically fragile. They emphasized knowing students so that practice can be tailor-made for each student’s temperament and needs. Teachers with students who have a major mental illness said that they advocate moderation, teach initial mindfulness-breath practices, and increase their monitoring of the student’s practice. Two said that metta or loving-kindness meditation can help as well, because such students often suffer from poor self-esteem. Many also encourage utilization of Western medication and therapy and restrict such students from attending retreats that last more than two days. Teachers also have instituted screening questionnaires and interviews to assess students’ ability to handle meditation, asking about things such as prior history of psychosis and health status. Such screening has virtually eliminated problems with students becoming psychotic during initial practice, even though some students lied about their history. Teachers still have difficulty assessing students who do not have a history of psychosis. One noted that he knows of several high- functioning, articulate, and humorous people who had brief psychotic episodes during advanced Tibetan practices. Generally, teachers reported that too much effort and too much or too little anxiety can signal difficulties and that high-strung, emotionally volatile people have more intense and frequent NSC. The teachers tend to deal with these people by supportively listening and guiding, paying more attention than before to psychological issues. The Zen teacher who noted students’ vulnerability after retreats has also started checking on fragile students a few days after a retreat.

DISCUSSION

It is apparent that Buddhist teachers have become more psychologically sophisticated in working with Western students over the past thirty-five years and have adapted traditional meditation practices to deal with extreme mental states that may arise during intensive meditation. The meditator vignettes illustrate some of the difficulties that can occur when a student’s life, motivations, and vulnerabilities are not well understood, and when a student leaves the monitored and protected retreat milieu. The


experiences of Sara and Ada suggest that narcissistic issues around grandiosity and borderline issues around abandonment can be activated in more advanced stages of meditation. They also illustrate how extreme effort to attain enlightenment can itself be a symptom and can create harmful imbalance in the mind and daily life. With such students, teachers may need to emphasize other aspects of Buddhist training besides meditation, e.g., relationships in the community (sangha) and moral precepts (shila). Rose’s experience suggests that it may be difficult for students with a major mental illness to openly discuss their concerns with a teacher. Teachers may need to be more active with such students in discussing mental illness and being clear and supportive in their suggestions for practice. They can also foster community understanding and support.

Implications for the Clinical Use of Meditation

Meditation can enhance self-awareness and self-regulation, goals of most psychotherapies in working with a broad range of patients. Similar to expressive psychotherapies that aim at uncovering the unconscious, meditation has “derepressive” and destabilizing effects (Wilber, 1986). In both meditation and psychotherapy, one must deal with issues of personality structure, motivation, resistance, and relationship as the mind opens up to itself and becomes more integrated and stable.

This study has a number of implications for therapists who “prescribe” meditation or work with patients who meditate as a spiritual practice: 1) Most people will not have difficulties with meditation unless they meditate intensively. This is consistent with Glueck and Stroebel’s (1975) findings that psychiatric patients benefited from TM at prescribed twenty-minute periods twice a day, but were prone to psychosis when meditating more. 2) Some meditative practices are more appropriate than others, depending on a patient’s needs. Initial concentrative practices that focus on the breath can help patients calm themselves but, if engaged in over an extensive period of time, may result in NSC that are experienced as troublesome. Initial mindfulness practices involving breathing, mental noting, and awareness of body sensations may help patients become more grounded in the present. Metta meditation (Salzberg, 1995) can help develop a sense of kindness towards oneself and others. Any physical activity, including martial arts and yoga, can be an antidote for overwhelming thoughts and emotions. 3) Most meditators will discontinue meditation when frustrated or remain beginners because of the dedication, perseverance, and time it takes to develop meditation skills. As Allen (1995) points out, meditation and other self-regulation techniques are simple but require motivation and practice. Because of self-hatred, patients often fail to do things to care for themselves. Thus, resistance to self-care must be explored and encouragement to begin and maintain practice must be given. 4) Although Westerners tend to focus on Buddhist meditation, other aspects of Buddhist training, such as being a member of a community and practicing moral precepts, may be equally or more helpful for psychological and spiritual development.

In sum, Buddhist practices, as being adapted by teachers in the West, seem to offer a promising avenue of psychological and spiritual development. Possibilities for further study of the interface between Buddhist practice and Western psychology

Buddhist Teachers ’ Experience with Extreme Mental States in Western Meditators 43

abound. For example, one could focus on the nature and use of transference in student-teacher relationships. A teacher in this study noted that he treats students differently at different stages of their practice: he is a parent in initial phases, a guide as the student becomes more independent, a spiritual friend who can also learn from the student, and finally not a teacher at all. Sexual relationships and the power differential between teachers and students have been topics of animated discussion and could be studied as well.

GLOSSARY

kensho—Zen expression for the experience of awakening or breaking through normal consciousness to realize one’s true nature and the nonduality of the “Absolute” (nirvana) and “Relative” (samsara).

jhana (Pali) (dhyana, Skt.)—a degree of absorption on a continuum (eight jhanas altogether), beginning with a full break with normal consciousness that is characterized by absorption in the meditative object to the exclusion of other thoughts and sensory awareness.

koan—Zen teaching phrase or story that presents a paradox unsolvable through logic or reason. In concentrating on a koan and attempting to solve it, one is forced to transcend discursive thinking and realize a world beyond dualism. It is used to promote initial kensho and subsequently, to deepen realization.

makyo—Zen term for the deceptive, illusory sensations and feelings that arise in meditation.

nirvana (nihhana, Pali)—the "absolute” or unconditioned, uncreated, unformed realm beyond and underlying consensual, phenomenal reality (samsara). Awakening to nirvana and realizing it in samsara is the goal of meditation.

prajna (panna. Pali)—“insight wisdom." The definitive moment of prajna is insight into emptiness (shunyata), which is the true nature of reality.

prana—life force, "wind,” or energy that in Eastern thought circulates through channels in the body and supports life processes.

Rinzai—one of the two major schools of Japanese Zen. Koans are an integral part of its practices.

samadhi—nondualistic state of consciousness reached when the mind becomes absorbed in an object through focus on the object and calming the mind.

samatha (Pali) (shamatha, Skt.)—“calm abiding” or “dwelling in tranquility.” One of the two major branches of meditative practices in Buddhism. Samatha calms She mind and culminates in samadhi and jhana levels of absorption.

samsara—the “relative” or conventional, phenomenal reality conditioned by the three “unwholesome" roots (attachment, aversion, ignorance) that tie beings to worldly existence, which involves birth, sickness, old age, and death.

shikantaza—“just sitting.” A form of Zen practice that involves a neutral, mindful observation of thoughts and sensations as they come and go.

shila (sila, Pali)—precepts or ethical guidelines for those on the Buddhist path. More broadly speaking, it refers to morality based on insight-wisdom.

shunyata (sunnata, Pali)—“emptiness." Central notion of Buddhism that phenomena, including “self,” have no inherent or independent existence.

vipassana (Pali) (vipashyana, Skt.)—“special insight" or “clear seeing.” One of the two major branches of Buddhist meditation practices. Vipassana develops prajna or insight-wisdom. It is sometimes used to describe Theravada meditation practices, which involve careful cultivation of mindfulness in early stages

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol. 29, No. /44

of practice. Technically, true vipassana does not begin until mindfulness and concentration are well- developed and balanced.

yidam—“deity" that practitioners visualize in advanced Vajrayana practices. Yidams involve primal energy and emotions.

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THE “CALLING,” THE YETI, AND THE BAN JHAKRI (“FOREST SHAMAN”) IN NEPALESE SHAMANISM*

Larry G. Peters Westwood, California

The ban jhakri (jungle/forest shaman) of the Himalayas is a spirit, a god of the shamans, and a creature said to be partially human. They are sort of gnome, yoda-type figures, tricksters, and shamanic teacher/initiators. The ban jhakri is the Nepali name given to the small yeti (three to five feet tall) whose red or golden hair covers his entire body except for face and hands. According to legend, ban jhakri live in forests and caves and kidnap young candidates, typically between seven and twenty years of age, to initiate into shamanism. Only those youths who are chokho (pure) in body and heart are retained for teaching, ideally for thirty days, before being returned to the place from which they were initially abducted. Candidates with physical scars or impure hearts are released quickly, often violently “thrown” from the ban jhakri'a cave, or worse, captured by his big and ferocious wife, the ban jhakrini, who desires to cannibalize the young initiate.

The focus of this paper is the intimate connection between the shaman’s “calling” in Nepal and those liminal figures of the ancient forests, jungles, mountains, and caves known as the yeti and the ban jhakri. These anomalous characters have an overlapping cultural mythology: they are indigenously believed to be spirits but also current- living vestiges of the ancient past, with a physical appearance and presence, who also manifest in dream and trance states. Thus they coexist in two realities which interpenetrate and are not separated in Nepali consciousness.

Like the yeti, there is extensive oral mythology on the ban jhakri, but there is not the same level of public interest and therefore no literature of which I am aware devoted exclusively to the ban jhakri. However, a few very interesting descriptions of ban jhakri initiatory encounters are given in Hitchcock and Jones (1976): from the Limbu (Sagant, 1976), from shamans living in the Kalimpong area near the Nepal-Indian border (Macdonald, 1976), and the Solokumbu Sherpa (Paul, 1976). The Thami and Tamang ban jhakri from the Dolakha district arc discussed by Miller (1997), from

*Foreign terms arc in Nepali unless indicated otherwise.Adapted from a paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Association for Transpersonal Psychology. August 3, 1997. Pacific Grove. California.



Tamang residing in Kathmandu by Skafte (1992), and in Boudha (just a few miles from Kathmandu) by Peters (1978, 1981).

The yeti is not a missing link, as some early anthropologically minded persons believed, but the primary character in a vast oral tradition about becoming a shaman, something I have encountered repeatedly over twenty years of investigating shamanism in Nepal. My dissertation (Peters, 1978) and subsequent book (Peters, 1981) studies Gajendra, a Tamang shaman, who was considered a ban jhakri initiate due to his “calling” at the age of thirteen. Since that time, I have heard many other stories about the initiatory encounters of future shamans with ban jhakri. These personal accounts come from individuals from various Nepali ethnic groups including Tamang, Helembu Sherpa, Magar, Gurung (all bhutiya, i.e., of Tibetan ethnicity), as well as from Hindu sweeper and tailoring castes. Despite cultural differences and personal embellishments, their stories are virtually the same. This article is an attempt to integrate this ethnographic material on the ban jhakri with previously published accounts and discuss the relevance of the yeti to this pan-Nepali paradigmatic mylhos of the shamanic “calling.”

THE YETI

The yeti is very popular in Nepal. Royal Nepal Airways boasts of its “yeti service,” and its main office features a yeti statue. One of Nepal’s few five-star hotels is the Yak and Yeti. The yeti has been the topic of much discussion, and numerous expeditions have been launched to discover one, including one by Sir Edmund Hillary (Hillary & Doug, 1962). Many sightings have been reported, yet no photographs exist, only highly suspect artifacts and footprints. A plethora of literature both supports and debunks these finds. Most lay Nepalese believe in yeti but say they are rare, almost extinct nowadays as a result of human aggression (Lall, 1988a).

The term yeti is attributed to diverse linguistic sources. In Tibetan, yeti or ne-te is a bear that stands erect. The Tibetans also call it mete which means bear-man. It may also be derived from the Tibetan yeh-teh meaning man of the high snow mountains (Majupuria & Kumar, 1993). The Tibetans sometimes call it metoh (unwashed) kangini (snowman), translated by Newman in 1921 as “abominable snowman” (Majupuria & Kumar, 1993). According to the Sherpa, the term comes from yah (rock) and teh (man), thus “rockman” or “cliff dweller” (Pandcy, 1994). However, Norbu (in Norbu & Tumbill, 1972) says that yeti is not originally a Tibetan word. Some believe it derives from the Sanskrit yaksha, a being of superhuman strength with thick hair covering their bodies. It is half-human and half-beast, with both a wild nature and intelligence (Gupta & Nath, 1994). Another view is that yeti is derived from yati, a Hindu hermit who retreats from the world and into the forests and caves, living without fire, protection, or human comforts in pursuit of emancipation from worldly bondage (Lall, 1988a).

There is also a long list of appellations for the yeti. In Nepal, he is sometimes known as mahalongoor or "great monkey," and one of the important traditional abodes of the yeti in Nepal is Mahalongoor Himal. This aligns the yeti with the revered Monkey God and King of the Monkeys, Hanuman, who, like many descriptions of the yeti, is

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997. Vol. 29, No. I48

also represented as half-human and half-monkey. Hanuman is endowed with magical powers, can change his shape, and fly like the shaman. The Lepchas of Sikkim call them chu mung (spirit of the glacier) or lo mung (mountain spirit). To them, thcyeti is the lord of all mountain and forest animals, especially the deer, and is thought to be a god of the hunt. In India, he is called van manus, in Nepal, ban manche, both of which mean forest man and carry the connotation of wild man. He is known in Tibet as rime (forest dweller), me shorn po (strong man), me chen po (great man), or megod (wild man, untamed) and is therefore an apt symbol, according to Samuels (1993), for the shamanistic aspects of Tibetan culture and religion which he sharply contrasts to the “tame” clerical monastic ethos.

The smallest and fastest yeti is named rang shin bombo (lit.: “self-generated shaman”) by Tibetan tribal groups like the Sherpa and Tamang, and in Nepali he is called ban jhakri. The term bombo means shaman, as does jhakri in Nepali, and these yeti are often thought to have mystical powers (Gupta & Nath, 1994; Pandey, 1994).

The origins of the yeti are told in various legends. In one Sherpa legend, they arc the offspring of a Tibetan girl and a large ape, thereby hovering, so to speak, between human and animal worlds. They are spirits that magically materialize from a fragment of bone (Lall, 1988b). In another legend, they arc living forms taken by the souls of the dead—the living dead. Hindu sources identify them as “spirits” or “descendants from the sun.” The sun is one symbol for the highest realized consciousness in Hinduism (Schuhmacher & Woerner, 1989). They are thought to be the loyal followers of Shiva (Mahadev), the Lord of Yogins, Lord of Animals, Bestower of Wisdom, World Creator and Destroyer, and major divinity of Nepalese Hindus and many lay Buddhists. In Tibetan Buddhist lore, yeti are sometimes seen as guardian spirits, protectors of the dharma, and associated with Chen-ri-zi, the God of mercy and compassion (Saunders, 1995). Yeti are said to venerate Shiva’s yellow-clothed sadhu mendicant renunciates (Lall, 1988a). Thus the yeti is both creature and spirit, Buddhist and Hindu, and is believed in by various ethnic groups in Nepal.

There are three types of yeti identified. The first is called nyalmo. It is huge (fifteen feet tall), dangerous, and carnivorous. It is bearlike and preys on yak and other large homed animals by catching them by the horns and twisting their necks. They are said to be maneaters and will kill in order to eat human brains. The females are biggest and lead the group. They are reported to capture humans and mate with them (Gupta & Nath, 1994; Majupuria & Kumar, 1993). Nyal arc listed by Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1993) as originally mountain divinities of the old Bon shamanistic religion; mo is a female suffix in Tibetan (Jaschke, 1972), i.e., female mountain divinity.

The second type of yeti is the chuti, standing about eight feet tall, and both vegetarian and carnivorous. The chuti live at altitudes between 8-10,000 feet, below that of the nyalmo. Like the nyalmo, their hands are larger than their feet, and they are black and hairy with short necks.

Rang shin bombo (Tamang/Tibetan) or ban jhakri are the third type and, as noted earlier, stand only three to five feet tall. They have red or golden hair covering their bodies. Some believe these yeti live in the forests at the lowest altitudes and arc typically vegetarians. They are sometimes reported coming into villages to take grain,

The "Calling," the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri ("Forest Shuman ") in Nepalese Shamanism 49

flour, and milk. Rang shin bombo walk upright and are only infrequently quadrupedal. They can be dangerous but will only attack if provoked. The discrepancies in height reported may be because the different types of yeti live at different altitudes (Gupta & Nath, 1994; Majupuria & Kuma, 1993), although others suggest that all types live at higher altitudes in summer and lower ones in winter when food resources diminish in the high Himalayas (Pandey. 1994).

Aside from differences in height, most observers are in general agreement about what the yeti looks like. Its head is conical or egg-shaped, eyes deeply sunken, with red wrinkled flat faces like an orangutan, although the nyalmo, as mentioned earlier, are said to be black and bearlike. The hair of the males is long and covers the eyes; a full beard covers the rest of the face. All yeti have long arms, thick shoulders, and short legs. They have no tail. The Sherpa consider them dangerous, believing that even looking at them can bring bad luck, illness, coma, or even death. They are nocturnal and can see perfectly at night. They also have long ears and correspondingly acute hearing. Feet turn inwards; toes point backwards. It is said they are considered less than human but more than ape, and live in Himalayan caves and in the jungles. They do not wear clothing, have neither tools nor weapons, do not use fire, eat their food cold and raw, and are afraid of lire and the smell of gun powder. They roar like a tiger, produce a bark resembling a cough, and a softer koo koo koo. Except for the larger nyalmo, who are matriarchal, yeti live in patriarchal families (Gupta & Nath, 1994). One report suggests they have two eyes in back as well as two eyes in front of their heads, and a small horn in the middle of their forehead (Ashkinazi & Gongi, 1979).

Female yeti have large breasts hanging down below their abdomens, which they will sling over their nape when they rest and carry in their hands when they run. Lore suggests that the best way to escape from a yeti is to run downhill. The hair of the male yeti blocks his vision; the female will lose her balance running downhill holding her large breasts in front of her. Their lair stinks, and their bodies reek heavily of garlic. Yet they are amorous and there are numerous reports of matings between humans and yeti, even mixed yeti and human families. The female is dangerous, and there are myths of her rage. In one, a female yeti bears a child fathered by a captured human. When he escapes, she kills the child and eats its brain, which bigger yeti are said to desire. Their intelligence is thought to be less than human, yet yeti seem capable of experiencing the full range of human emotions including love for a human spouse, human friend, and their own children. They cry when their feelings are hurt, and there is one legend about a yeti suicide due to loss of family, another about a yeti suicide in anticipation of being killed by a human hunter. Another tells a story about a yeti who saves a human life. They have a taste for alcohol which, according to myth, has contributed to their demise. In relation to humans, their behavior is imitative of what they see, and men have used this tendency against the yeti, again contributing to their near-extinction (Gupta & Nath. 1994; Lall, 1988b).

In addition to the larger animals they hunt, yeti eat a frog-like creature known as muphala that grows very large in the Himalayas. The local population also eats this animal, and there are stories of frequent encounters at the rocky places where these frogs are abundant. They also eat a salty moss growing on rocks in the moraine fields. Yeti are also said to raid granaries and gardens, eating potatoes and vegetables fresh from the earth. Further, they will sometimes eat with the backs of their hands (Lall,


1988a). The yeti's meat is considered to be a cure for gallstones, jaundice, and mental illness, according to an eighteenth-century Tibetan medical text. They have a life span of more than three hundred years (Majupuria & Kumar, 1993). Bon shamans believe their blood to be highly efficacious in pacifying or engaging the help of aggressive spirits (Nebesky-Wojkowitz, 1993).

Yeti are thought to have spiritual abilities like ESP and can see and hear at long distances. They do divination by inspecting the heart of a recently killed animal, just as human shamans do. They have been sighted doing community rituals after a hunting kill and during the full moon. They shape-shift at will, assuming guises ranging from the big and monstrous to smaller than the human hand. They can also become invisible. One tale says their size increases as the day gets later, until they are huge at night. They are believed to follow the hidden course of the earth’s magnetic fields or "leylines,” a practice which may be cross-cultural among tribal hunter and gathering peoples, found in animals and, albeit much less frequently, among urban dwellers (Gupta & Nath, 1994; Michell, 1983).

Yeti are sacrcd beings. Still they are feared and dangerous. Children arc especially afraid as the yeti is a sort of bogeyman utilized by parents as a threat. “Don’t do this ... or the yeti will take you . . . ( P a n d e y , 1994). The children hear stories about victims who never return, while others who are fortunate enough to escape return unkempt, unclothed, walking on all fours, have forgotten language, behave insanely or like an animal, or tell harrowing stories of their capture, imprisonment, sexual seduction, and escape.

T H E B A N J H A K R I

The ban jhakri who kidnaps young people in order to initiate them into shamanism is not generally considered a yeti in either the literature on the yeti or on that about ban jhakri initiation. However, as has already been established, they have the same name, as does the shaman who is so initiated. Thus, there is some inevitable semantic confusion, and when necessary for clarification. I’m going to call them ban jhakri yeti, ban jhakri teacher, and ban jhakri shaman. I believe that the first two are the same. They are spirit and prototype master shaman. The third is obviously the human shaman.

The semantic difficulty is further complicated by physical and mental similarities. I recorded stories in which the small ban jhakri yeti and the ban jhakri teacher were so close in the minds of the storytellers that they were easily interchanged. In one account, the ban jhakri teacher was the protagonist; in another telling of the exact same story by another person, it was the ban jhakri yeti that assumed the central character role.

The ban jhakri teacher, like the ban jhakri yeti, is a forest and cave dweller. Both are considered ban manche, or wild men, and also spirits and deities. Both have conical heads and hair covering every part of their bodies except hands and face. Both are unclad and demand their abductees be naked (Dhakal, 1996). Ban jhakri teachers are small (three to five feet tall), always male, and have big ears. When seated, their

The "Calling, ” the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri ("Forest Shaman ") in Nepalese Shamanism 51

tangled hair completely covers their bodies. Extraordinarily long hair is also a feature of the ancient Tibetan Black Bon shamans (Ekvall, 1964). Wives of the ban jhakri teachers, the ban jhakrini, are ferocious, bigger than the males, with long breasts slung over their napes, like the female nyalmo yeti, the big matriarchal yeti. Further, the ban jhakrini is often called nyalmo (Peters, 1981, 1990).

Ban jhakri teachers arc further similar to yeti in that their feet turn inwards and backwards (see Miller, 1997), and they sometimes eat with the backs of their hands. Also they are nocturnal, see well at night, have the ability to shape-shift into anything, can make themselves invisible, and always capture their candidates or victims after sundown. Like the yeti, they are not human but possess many human attributes, live for more than three hundred years, are loyal servants of Shiva, and have amorous propensities toward humans. Ban jhakri teachers are said to have taken female humans as mates and have half-human offspring, some of whom become shamans with psychic abilities. I have not found this to be true of the female nyalmo and the children of her captive husbands. The ban jhakri teachers dress in white frocks with peacock feather headdresses when on pilgrimage, as shamans do on pilgrimage, and beat small golden shaman drums or golden plates, which they teach to their initiates so they may invoke them in the future. These latter features are not mentioned for the ban jhakri yeti.

The nyalmo yeti physically cares for her captives if they are submissive, turning them into dependent reproductive prisoners, but, as mentioned earlier, if they don’t accept their fate, they are killed or must risk a dangerous escape. However, the ban jhakri teacher instructs the youths they abduct, returning them unscathed if they are deemed worthy.

Those whom the ban jhakri teacher considers imperfect suffer a different fate, as in the case of Giri, a forty-year-old Tamang female I met in Boudha. She relates that one evening when she was seven years old, she was walking in the forest with her father at dusk. When he wasn’t looking, a ban jhakri grabbed her from behind some trees and thickets. She was taken through the forest to his cave where he took her clothes from her and had sex with her. Afterwards, when inspecting her body, he discovered she had a slight scar on her face—an imperfection—and immediately "threw” her out of the cave. However, because they were “married,” he has not left her spiritually and has caused her to shake uncontrollably since she was a child. During the one day she spent with the ban jhakri teacher, she learned some healing mantra but she does not know how to keep the ban jhakri teacher in its “proper place,” to “tame” it so that it does not come to her involuntarily and make her shake out of control which causes her distress. Thus she has not been able to become a shaman. Many years ago, she found a guru, but this guru could not help her, for he himself did not know how to please the ban jhakri and make offerings to it of flour and grain. The ban jhakri teachers never take a sacrifice of living things, which is true of all deities. Only the lower spirits are fed blood, according to Aama Bombo (“Mother Shaman”), a master Tamang shaman. Giri has now become a disciple shaman to Aama Bombo, who will teach her how to please the ban jhakri to stop him from attacking her, and give her the proper mantra to invoke the ban jhakri when she needs him.

Giri is a very interesting example as there are only a few accounts of girls being taken by the ban jhakri in order to be taught (for another example, see Skafte, 1992). In fact,


nearly all shamans deny that it happens. Aama Bombo, Giri’s guru, told me only three months before she met Giri, that girls were never taken by the ban jhakri and taught to be jhankri. It seems to be that belief is changing to keep pace with social change for women in Nepal.

Baktabahadur, a Tamang man of thirty years from a small village near Boudha, was also taken as a seven-year-old child and kept for one day. The ban jhakri tried to teach him mantra, but he could not focus and memorize them. Thus the ban jhakri got angry and threw him out. Baktabahadur literally Hew out of the cave and hit a huge rock which seriously slashed his lip. He had to spend days in the hospital and still wears the scar, not only of the physical wound but of the traumatic encounter with the ban jhakri teacher who possesses him to this day and makes him shake. Because Baktabahadur is not a healer, most people, including his wife, believe that he is crazy. Currently he is being initiated and treated for this ban jhakri illness by Aama Bombo, who has been embodied by this particular ban jhakri teacher in ritual, who told Baktabahadur and others present that Aama Bombo was to teach him those very mantra he did not learn as a child and train him to become a shaman, which he is capable of becoming since he has a “ pure heart.’’

I spoke to other shamans who were “thrown” by the ban jhakri after only one day because of some defect, one because he passed gas, another because he became ill and fainted at the time of their kidnappings. Currently these men, one of tailor caste and the other a Tamang, function as shamans in their communities. The ban jhakri teacher still embodies these shamans, but in a more controlled trance-possession state than Baktabahadur and Giri, who are still initiates. And, while it is true that these practicing shamans call themselves ban jhakri shamans, none of them are initiates of the ban jhakri. They say the ban jhakri did not “complete” them. They were thrown before finishing the entire experiential process as told in the mythos.

Most agree that the ideal length of time to stay with the ban jhakri teacher is thirty days, also the maximum time to learn what is being taught. Any more time risks inevitable capture by the ban jhakrini and is superfluous, according to Aama Bombo. Reports in the literature vary; some shamans speak of three-, five-, seven- , or nine-day ordeals. Others speak in terms of years (Macdonald, 1976). Gajendra, a Tamang shaman, spent seven days with the ban jhakri teacher who abducted him when he was thirteen. The ban jhakri made him "crazy” and shake, possessed him, and called him to the forest where he lived with him for a week, naked, and was instructed by the ban jhakri to eat red earthworms off the backs of his hands, under threat of decapitation by the ban jhakrini, a tall, fat, black, furry beast who whipped his hands and threatened him with a curved sword (kukri) of gold if he did not do precisely what he was taught by the ban jhakri. The ban jhakri, who was small with a golden conical head and pointed cap, gave him special initiations and mantra that enabled him to master fire and heat, passing tests of placing his hands in boiling oil or sitting in a bed of live coals. When he was released into the forest at night, he was chased by the ban jhakrini and narrowly won the foot race by descending a hill, as the ban jhakri had warned he might need to do so in order to escape. Still the ban jhakrini chased him into a cemetery where he was attacked by evil ghosts (lagu) of various types and was finally saved by the clear light of a divinity (Peters, 1981, 1989, 1990).

The "Calling," the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri (“Forest Shaman”) in Nepalese Shamanism 53

Ram Ali, a young man in his twenties, a Magar ban jhakri shaman from the Pokhara area of Nepal, was taken when he was nine years old. Prior to this, he had dreams, and the ban jhakri teacher came to him and said, “I will take you some day and teach and make you a shaman.” Still, when he was finally taken, it was by surprise. He was picking some fruit when the ban jhakri teacher came and said, “So you’ve come to eat,” giving Ram a few fruits to eat which instantly put Ram into a “dream” or nonordinary reality, although Ram says the fruit was not a psychedelic.

Ram relates that the wind began to blow like tornado, and there was a big storm accompanied by an earthquake. The ban jhakri teacher took him to his cave. Ram says he spent four years with the ban jhakri and his wife, whom Ram called “bear woman.” Other shamans deny that four years is true, but Ram says he never wanted to leave. It was a fabulous and golden cave. He could see everything and wanted for nothing, but he says it is “imagination” and like a dream. While there, he ate red worms with the backs of his hands, under the threat of being killed and cannibalized by the golden kukri-wielding ban jhakrini. Ram describes the ban jhakri teacher as five feet tall, golden, hairy, looking like a monkey, but able to shape-shift at will. He has long white hair with a pointed cap made of gold and diamonds. The ban jhakri teacher taught Ram many shamanic techniques and then returned him as he had found him, unscarred, to the place where he had first abducted him. The ban jhakri still appears to him in his dreams and instructs him. Before conducting shamanic healings. Ram invokes the ban jhakri who is his chief teaching spirit.

Unlike the yeti who does not have a spoken language, the ban jhakri teacher communicates telepathically as well as through a secret language. Kailash Surendra, a Magar shaman, was eight years old and tending his family’s cows when he was unexpectedly taken from behind the animals’ shed by a sunna jhankri (a golden ban jhakri) and taken to his temple in the forest. He was kept by the ban jhakri for four weeks but returned once each week to the place from which he had originally been kidnapped and then taken again on the next evening. However, when Kailash was at home, he was invisible, and the villagers could not see him. He saw them but was unable to speak to them. Kailash communicated with the ban jhakri in their secret language, which he could understand, he says, due to becoming embodied by Saraswati, the Hindu goddess of wisdom, while he was with the ban jhakri teacher.

Bel Bahadur, Kailash’s brother and also a shaman, described the ban jhakri teacher as having power objects. He had “thundcr-stones” and golden drums with which he taught Bel to play. He keeps a porcupine as a pet who shoots his quills at him so that he might practice blocking the “arrows” sent by evil sorcerers and spirits, something he also teaches to his candidates. Other ban jhakri shamans showed me a thunderbolt hurling slingshot, a small bow that sends fire arrows which can destroy an enemy’s brain, and a ball of string with which they ensnare enemies. Kailash did not discuss his abduction in depth in our single interview but mentioned that the ban jhakri's wife was a dangerous ban devi or forest goddess who hunts animals, devours human flesh, and causes all sorts of problems for hunters.

After the abduction and teachings, the candidates typically take the ban jhakri as their mukhiya guru or chief tutelary spirit. The ban jhakri continues to teach them in


dreams and to embody and instruct them during ritual. The candidates, when they become shamans, light a special candle for the ban jhakri before doing ritual, burn coals for him with incense, and invoke his spirit with the drum beat he taught them.

Those ban jhakri shamans who are taught by the ban jhakri teachers are considered to be rang shin lugba. As already mentioned, rang shin means “self-generated” in Tibetan, i.e., arising on its own accord from its very nature, of itself, by itself, and involuntarily. Rang shin is the Tibetan name for the third type of yeti, the ban jhakri yeti. Tugpa means tutelary or teaching spirit, so that the phrase can be literally translated as “spontaneously arising tutelary spirit” (Jaschke, 1972; Peters, 1978) and is a good description of the ban jhakri teacher.

What this means is that a rang shin is a category of yeti, a category of shaman, the small ban jhakri teacher, as well as a chief shamanic teaching spirit, an “inner guru” said to appear spontaneously or, as the Nepalese say, aph se aph (“automatically”). Thus all ban jhakri shamans are aph se aph shamans, i.e., spontaneously arising shamans, “called” or chosen by the ban jhakri. But all rang shin bombo or aph se aph shamans are not ban jhakri. Aama Bombo was chosen, “attacked” as they say, by her father’s spirit aph se aph and not by a ban jhakri. Thus she does not claim to be a ban jhakri. Still, because she is embodied by her father who was a ban jhakri, she knows his memories and experiences aph se aph. All her teaching occurred in dreams and visions direct from the spirits aph se aph. She had no human guru. Aph se aph also has the connotation of not being learned or produced through human intention or effort.

Aama Bombo says that, during the Golden Age, all shamans were aph se aph or rang shin. Nowadays, however, during this Kaliyuga or Dark Age, the connection to heaven is veiled, and most shamans have to learn from each other. Aama Bombo believes, as do most Nepalese shamans, that mantra or teachings that arise spontaneously, i.e., given in a dream—aph se aph—are much more powerful than those learned from other shamans. I believe that totally aph se aph shamans who have no guru, like Aama Bombo, are very rare, but this requires more study and is not the major topic of this paper (cf Hitchcock, 1976). Aama Bombo says that the scarcity of aph se aph shamans indicates that shamans are becoming less powerful.

There are some very powerful “calling” experiences that do not involve the ban jhakri teacher. Still, the ban jhakri shaman—those abducted and taught—are typically considered to be the most powerful type of shamans. They are prototypical models for becoming a shaman in Nepal and, so to speak, a mark of distinction and an epithet of supernatural potency and unofficial status.

It is in the dangerous passage aspect of this initiatory scenario with the ban jhakri teacher that the figure of the yeti wife clearly emerges. Both Gajendra, my Tamang teacher, and Ram Ali, a ban jhakri shaman mentioned earlier, knew that to escape her threats to devour them, they needed to run downhill. In the minds of these shamans, there was little difference between the ban jhakrini and the large female nyalmo yeti. She is more of a dark figure with black hair; he with a golden aura. She is violent and rageful; he is a teacher of shamanic rituals. Yet without her, the passage would be less dangerous and therefore less profound. She is said to leave the cave every evening and

The "Calling, " the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri ("Forest Shaman ”) in Nepalese Shamanism 55

return in the morning, and if she smells one of her husband’s “pure” disciples, she demands a slice of his flesh. In many accounts, she carries a golden kukri and threatens to cut off the disciple’s head, fingers, and toes, i.e., cannibalize him. However, the ban jhakri refuses the wife’s demand for meat and protects the candidate by hiding him or teaching him to become invisible. In one account, the ban jhakri is said to teach his abductees in a separate room where his wife is not allowed in order that she not overhear the mantra and wreak havoc on the world (Skafte, 1992). Thus the ban jhakrini is also connected with being a bokshi, usually translated as a female witch. They are sorcerers, human or spirit. Bokshi always use their powers and mantra for nefarious purposes. The ban jhakrini, according to all my informants, never teach. However, among the Muglin, it is reported that the ban jhakrini infrequently take women and teach them. But one wonders if she teaches them to be shamans because, in the same group, she is identified with spirits that are the cause of illness and therefore bokshi themselves (Macdonald, 1976).

As mentioned above, some yeti trace their origin to the sun, descendants or spirits from the sun. So are the Tamang bombo (shamans), who trace their heritage to the first shaman, Sele Hezar Bön, or shaman of the “rays” or “light beams of the sun” whose golden healing sakti (powers) are passed on to generations of future shamans who receive them aph se aph. The rays of the sun are also said to be symbolized in the peacock feathered headdress worn by a preponderance of Nepalese shamans during pilgrimage. The sunbeam, it is believed, forms a cord which connects the shaman’s feathered crown to the heavenly regions, as it was during the “Golden Age” before the Fall (ct Stein, 1972; see also Peters, 1990, 1997). Ban jhakri teachers have golden heads pointing skywards, red or golden hair covering their bodies, and play or fly on golden drums. Their wives, the ban jhakrini, have golden blades. Gold may be a symbolic bridge with that pristine Golden Age—in the beginning—when mankind and deities knew each other and the pattern of Nepalese shamanism was being forged.

THE SHAMAN, THE CHODA, AND THE BOKSHI

The caverns of the ban jhakri teacher are only reachable by crawling through small holes until they open into golden palatial settings where he lives with his family. The ban jhakri teacher has fire and an array of shamanic tools, neither of which are possessed by any of the yeti. The ban jhakri teacher also has language. His wife, on the other hand, is violent and much more like the big dark nyalmo yeti. They hardly seem a well-matched couple, yet since the Golden Age they have lived and worked together for common purpose. They are partners, and she is an equally potent and necessary part of the process of becoming a shaman.

There are many probable perspectives in which to view this myth. Miller (1997) sees it as an attempt to break free of the possessing and consuming mother, which is a possibility in a patrilocal society like Nepal where polygyny was the typical practice until a few decades ago and where mothering a son is a primary means by which to attain social status. However, this myth is not about a separation-individuation process or Oedipal resolution, but thematically deals with becoming a shaman—the acquiring of a mystical vocation and not a puberty rite (Eliade, 1958).


From another perspective, this sacred mythology expresses a system of morals which are mapped onto ideas of gender identity in Nepal. The ban jhakri teacher imparts healing methods. The ban jhakrini, on the other hand, is dark, dangerous, and associated with illness-causing spirits and witchcraft. Most of my informants, even the women, believe that women are spiritually more prone to be evil than men. A male witch, or chorda, is believed to do evil out of anger, toward someone specific. But women do it to anyone. Bokshi, it is believed, acquire the most power by killing their husbands and secondly by killing their first-born sons and offering him as a sacrifice to the evil spirits. These are the worst things a person can do, and why they imbue so much power. The ban jhakri teacher, deity of shamans, is male and his initiates traditionally and, for the most part currently, are men. One of the major ritual functions of the shaman is the sacrificing of animals. In most Nepali ethnicities, women are not permitted to perform ritual sacrifices or to kill or “cut" animals because it is spiritually dangerous. Thus female shamans must have male helpers. This cultural value does not stop the bokshi who, like the ban jhakrini, wants to kill male children.

Choda are not as evil as bokshi because they will try to save their children. But if they need to kill them to save themselves, they will do so. Choda do not usually spoil their loved ones (family) as bokshi do—they have no conscience and love no one. In fact, if a bokshi loves someone, or feels any shame or guilt, she will go crazy. Aama Bombo spoke of a bokshi who plotted to kill her husband but loved him too, so couldn’t do it. She felt guilty and confused and went crazy. Choda are more powerful than bokshi because they have the more powerful mantra from the deities, but they will use them for bad purposes. However, bokshi do not have these powerful mantra, and their power over others is usually restricted to village and kin. Unlike choda, they cannot become shamans because choda “play” deities, that is, they have relationships with them and are able to be influenced by them, whereas bokshi only play bad spirits. It is said that choda are half jhankri, half bokshi.

Without bokshi, one shaman said, there would be no shamans. There is a necessary interdependence between them, and they are cultural complements. They work together by working against each other. I saw Aama Bombo, an energetic and dedicated healer, only refuse to treat two patients. Both of these women, she heard aph se aph from her tutelary spirits, were bokshi and feigning illness in order to steal her mantra.

The illness that the shamans treat—i.e., those caused by evil spirits—are typically the work of bokshi. Even in the world of deities, the shaman identifies certain ones who arc bokshi. Generally speaking, those who are female and do harm intentionally to others, deities or human, are considered to be bokshi. Thus the work of shamans par excellence is the combatting of bokshi and their evil spirit allies (lagu).

Lagu are the souls of those who have died due to unnatural causes—murder, suicide, accident—and have not had appropriate funerals to take them out of this world. Instead, these are “played” and “fed” and “kept” by bokshi and used to cause problems. Bokshi and choda need these lagu to cause spirit problems. Like the shamans, it is not them that do their respective work but the spirits they send and the ones that work through them.

The "Calling," the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri ("Forest Shaman") in Nepalese Shamanism 57

Unlike deities, lagu are fed on blood. Chickens and goats are fine, but the powerful bokshi need to offer them human blood and are thus killers. The choda, on the other hand, feeds these spirits blood taken from his fingers when he plays them. The choda, by disposition, is not a murderer. Thus the battle of good vs. evil has been projected onto the plane of the War of the Sexes.

The ban jhakri teacher is the god of shamans. Numerous informants attest that the ban jhakrini is the goddess of the bokshi. Her nyalmo yeti origin connects her with the man-eating bogeyman stories told to children. She is a beast—a bear—and provokes fear, demanding pieces of the flesh and the lives of the “pure” child disciples her husband abducts. In her and her husband’s golden cave, her husband teaches future shamans the techniques to combat her, how to become invisible, chase bad spirits away by mastering fire, to invoke the ban jhakri teacher (i.e., himself) and other spirits for protection, to shape-shift and fly, and to utilize some of the ban jhakri’a arsenal of spiritual weapons. She is the driving force behind all this learning and teaching, the dark background. He is a spirit descended from the sun. Without her, he would be without either definition or purpose.

T H E “ C A L L I N G ” A N D T H E T R A I N I N G

The initial process of being kidnapped or taken is said to be the same thing as a “possession” (chaadhnu: to climb upon) by the ban jhakri teacher who thereby "attacks” the candidate. This is the calling, and it is a “spontaneous election” (Eliade, 1964), an aph se aph experience. But it is often difficult to tell the difference between this "creative illness” and a pathological experience (Ellenberger, 1970). In this context, it is much more difficult for a woman. Her "symptoms” arc often recognized as a spirit illness and not as a calling.

It took Aama Bombo (“mother shaman”) nine years of experiencing the shaking which is the sign of possession to finally begin developing a relationship with her mukhiya guru (her deceased father) and practice shamanism. The doctors thought she was crazy. Everyone in her family, lamas, and other shamans thought she was beset by evil spirits. Basically because she is a lady, they did not believe that her father, a once famous and powerful shaman, would come to her. Thus she had to master herself without the aid of a shaman guru. All of her training, both didactic and ecstatic, came, as indicated earlier, “automatically’Y rang shin or aph se aph).

But, as stated above, this is rare, for nearly all who are “chosen” aph se aph—ban jhakri or not—must find a shaman guru. Gajendra served an apprenticeship for nine years in which, as he explained it, he enhanced his relationship with all his spirits through a sort of on-the-job-training at healing rituals, guru puja, which are rituals involving drumming and calling one’s mukhiya guru to possess them and speak through them, through a series of pilgrimage-initiations in order to acquire sakti (power) from Shiva.

When the shaman guru takes his disciples on pilgrimages to Shiva shrines in the forests and mountains on important full-moon festivals, they are on a quest to receive Shiva’s sakti. They are repeating a Hinduized version of the ban jhakri origin myth


which relates how Shiva endowed his sakti on the first shaman in the Golden Age, the ban jhakri, so that he could bring candidates to the forest, and there teach them to behealers (see Macdonald, 1976).

During these pilgrimage initiations, guru puja, and on-the-job training, the ban jhakri neophyte improves on his initial initiatory experience. By playing the drum, first taught by the ban jhakri teacher, he becomes proficient at invoking the ban jhakri to be of aid in the context of a healing ritual, the performance of which is the shaman’s major social function. Healing rituals are themselves endeavors to defeat the lagu and bokshi who are attacking and possessing the patients and thereby making them ill. It is believed that the symptoms and illnesses suffered by patients are the result of being “consumed" by bokshi and lagu which is what the ban jhakri threaten to do to the young initiants (Peters, 1995).

The healing rituals the shamans perform communicate cultural values, for it is said that bokshi attack through conniving to “trick” and thereby “spoil” others. The shamans conquer evil by naming it. The cause of trouble, a sorcery based on malevolent intent, is revealed for all to see and then sent away to its "proper place,” ritually blocked from returning to the patient to cause more damage.

In the reports described above, and numerous others I collected of those ban jhakri shamans who were kept for a day or less, the ban jhakrini did not appear. In our examples, those who were kept for a longer period had the full experience and learned how to combat her, becoming apprentice shamans or shamans soon afterwards. Most of the others battled with the ban jhakri illness of shaking and/or accusations of being insane until they found a guru to teach them. Some are only beginning to learn the trade now, decades later. It is the complete mythos that is experienced by the young candidate that makes ban jhakri shamans. Without the ban jhakrini, the ban jhakri initiatory encounter is one that has been aborted because of some impurity or impropriety of the candidates. As noted above, the shamans themselves recognize these brief encounters as being “incomplete.” Those kept for only a day are "thrown”; the others are taught to master the Queen of the Bokshi by the God of the Shamans and then typically returned.

The defining characteristics of the bokshi is that she goes against the socially- appropriate, abrogating fundamental values. For the bokshi, as we have seen, there are no rules, no love. The most powerful commit the worst crimes in order to acquire that power. They are antagonistic to the good and to life. This spiritual evil is often symbolized in the mythopoetic imagination of Nepal as characters who have their feet turned backwards. For example, the kicakanni, a lagu-type spirit and bokshi, is described as hideously ugly with feet that are turned backward, but able to shape-shift into a beautiful phantom who seduces and eventually kills her male victims by draining their energy during intercourse. Kicakanni walk backwards to hide their identifying characteristic. Each night, she appears to the unsuspecting man until he finally wastes away.

When the ban jhakrini discovers her husband's candidate is their cave, she wants to cut him and attempts to give the hungry youth food. However, if he takes it with the palms of his hands, and not the backs, she has tricked him and will cut him. The ban

The "Calling," the Yeti, and the Ban Jhakri (“Forest Shaman") in Nepalese Shamanism 59

jhakri teacher teaches his candidates to eat with the backs of their hands in order to dispel the attack of the ban jhakrini.

When shamans do healings for disorders in which bokshi are implicated, their patients are advised to bring in food which the shaman first blows healing mantra into before he has them eat from both the front and back of their hands. This ritual act is called ulto (right way) when the right palm is facing up and sulto (wrong, opposite, or contrary way) when the right palm is facing down. These simple ritual gestures are culturally believed to have far-reaching cosmic implications, as the two sides of the hands, by analogy, are recognized to be the same as positive/negative poles, day/ night, visible/invisible, good/evil, male/female, etc. When shamans do ulto-sulto, they direct their patients first to do ulto to counteract the "poison" that the victims of the bokshi attack (the patient) unwittingly ate with no evil intent, in the proper manner (i.e., palm up). Then, with the back of their hand, they eat to get rid of the lagu who have attacked them from the hidden backside, imbued with a more powerful shamanic mantra than the one given by the bokshi to the lagu that caused the patient’s illness. In a certain sense, the ulto part of the rite treats the effects (symptoms); the sulto part treats the cause of the patient’s problems, i.e., the agents of affliction: bokshi and lagu. According to Aama Bombo, the mantra she puts into the food is one of fire that bums, poisons, and frightens the lagu, causing them to flee for their lives and consequently staving off the bokshi attack. If patients do not eat with the backsides, the bokshi and lagu that attack from this clandestine and unseen side cannot be dispelled, and the patient slowly dies.

As mentioned earlier, the peculiar characteristic of backwards or inwards pointed feet is also attributed to the nyalmo (or ban jhakrini) yeti as well as the ban jhakri teacher. The former, as we have seen, is large, dark, female, carnivorous, man-eating; the latter small, golden, male, vegetarian. One is highly dangerous, the other a teacher. One is a spirit associated with illness and the other a tutelary healing spirit. One closely resembles a bear; the other is apelike. Yet they both kidnap their victims and take them away from society and family. They are naked and sometimes eat uncooked food with the backs of their hands. They both have something golden too: he a golden nimbus-like conehead, and she a golden kukri.

They are clearly distinct. Yet the same. Both are ulto-sulto. Both embody a trait of the other, and share in the other's darkness and light, like the yin-yang Tao. One is reminded of the universal theme of the mystical union, the sacred marriage of opposites. They are two, but in essence one. An apparent paradox, but at a deep level, two necessary parts of the same process, the process of initiation. The ban jhakri myth tells of a confrontation with the unconscious which, as Jung (1966) said, is where the gold of the psyche is mixed with shadow, where the best and worst is seen to somehow live together for better or worse and work together as necessary complements. In Jungian psychology, it is this confrontation with the shadow that is the necessary beginning of the individuation process.

At bottom, the process of initiation is a process of transformation. It requires a death and a rebirth, and it is a dangerous passage. A powerful shamanic initiation is akin to a “spiritual emergency” which is a critical event and is painful. However, the crisis is necessary; without it there is not opportunity for change and growth (Grof & Grof,


1989). Rites of passage, by definition, are “life-crisis” rituals (Turner, 1967; van Gennep, 1960).

The shamanic initiation embodied in the tales of ban jhakri shamans require an encounter with evil, for that is what the heroic shaman must combat. If he does not experience it, overcome his fear, he will not be able to help others who are victimized by it. In it, there must be a confrontation with the ban jhakrini, the prototype bogeyman, bokshi, and a dominant symbol of evil.

This confrontation typically occurs in a cave. Caves (gufa) are the traditional places where Tibetan and Indian yogins and shamans retreat. Gufa currently can be any structure that is enclosed and used for an initiation. Numerous types of Nepalese initiations occur in a gufa, or such enclosed structure known as gufa. Like all places of retreat, they are spaces of the" betwixt” and "between” or "liminal” condition of the initiation process—separated/isolated but yet to be returned. It is the period of a "compressed learning" where the sacra are revealed. To the Nepalese shaman, these are the mantra and the shamanic tools and paraphernalia of the ban jhakri. But the liminal is a time of paradox and the coexistence of opposites. Self-generated transformation—"spiritual emergence”—occurs in times of danger and crisis. Thus the ban jhakrini, her cannibalistic threats and bestial nature, resonate from childhood nightmares of being kidnapped by yeti and other bogeymen. The shaman needs to master those very same demons and bokshi to heal his patients— to awaken from their nightmares—by using what the ban jhakri taught him to do.

The ban jhakri arc the masters of liminality. They stand at the juncture of two realities, in between categories and boundaries. They are physical and spiritual, human and animal, beings of dream and of reality. They are the masters in a numinous unbounded space where everything is backwards, opposite, and dangerous. They are the neophytes’ guides through the dark night before initiatory rebirth.

There are hints that, at one point in the ancient past, this mythic scenario may have reflected or been part of a profound shamanic rite of passage. Be this as it may, today it is, as the shamans say, an aph se aph experience, that is, it arises on its own, unbidden and automatically, to those chosen to be shamans by the spirits. It is a spontaneous rite of passage.

Indeed the yeti and ban jhakri are real. They are not just characters in a story told, but realities lived in the soul of the Nepalese shaman.

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mailto:[email protected]

MEASURING THE PSYCHOLOGICAL CONSTRUCT OF CONTROL: APPLICATIONS TO TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

John A. Astin Stanford, California

Deane H. Shapiro, Jr. Irvine, California

A disturbed mind is forever active, jumping hither and thither, and is hard to control; but a tranquil mind is peaceful; therefore, it is wise to keep the mind under control. —Buddha

The Master sees things as they are without trying to control them,She lets them go their own wayand resides at the center of the circle. —Lao-Tzu, Tao-te-Ching

The most excellent Jihad (Holy War) is the conquest of the self. —Mohammed

Strengthen your will power so that you will not be controlled by circumstances but will control them.0 Divine Sculptor, chisel Thou my life according to Thy design.—Paramahansa Yogananda

But, as often as the heartBreaks—wild and wavering—from control, so oftLet him re-curb it, let him reign it backTo the soul's governance; for perfect blissGrows only in the bosom tranquilized. —Bhagavad Gita

He who is slow to anger is better than the strong man and a master of his passions is better than the conqueror of a city. —Rabbi Tarfon (from the Pirke Avot)

No drives, no compulsions, no needs, no attractions: Then your affairs are under control. You are a free person. —Chuang Tzu



The above quotes represent two common, yet seemingly paradoxical themes found in many of the world’s great spiritual traditions: 1) the importance of gaining greater personal mastery and control over oneself and one’s experience, and 2) the need to let go, relinquish active control, and surrender oneself to the Universe, God, the spiritual Master. It is our belief that such themes as will, letting go and letting God. surrender, and mastery, all center around a construct which has received a great deal of attention in Western, scientific psychology: control. As it is used throughout this paper, we define “control” as the “ability to cause an influence in the intended direction" (Rodin, 1986; Rothbaum & Weis/, 1989). Control has primarily been used in Western psychology to denote an assertive change mode. However, we believe the construct of control can also be applied to the skills of letting go and accepting (whether to the natural way or to God).

We applaud the excellent and timely review of psychometric measures and their potential relevance for transpersonal psychological research which appeared in a recent JTP issue (MacDonald et al., 1995). However, based on years of extensive research on the psychological construct of control (cf. Shapiro, Schwartz & Astin, 1996), it is our conclusion that how individuals relate to, desire, and exercise control in their lives would be an important addition to this summary of transpersonal constructs. The purpose of this article is to briefly introduce the topic of control as discussed in Western psychological theory and research, introduce readers to the Shapiro Control Inventory (SCI), a multidimensional measure of this construct, and highlight the ways in which control may be relevant to transpersonal psychology.

THE CONSTRUCT OF CONTROL: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

It was only in the late 1950s and early 1960s that psychology began to seriously reexamine issues of personal control. Prior to that time, in an effort to break away from its philosophical roots, psychology relegated concepts such as self-control, will, and voluntary control of “consciousness” to the graveyard of epiphenomena (e.g., Skinner, 1953, 1971). The elimination of these terms, with their introspective (and sometimes teleological) philosophical assumptions, was seen as critical for psychology’s scientific development. Resurgence of interest came from multiple sources (cf. Klausner, 1965), including neo-analytic views of competence and dyscontrol (White, 1959; Menninger, Mayman & Pruyser, 1963), early social learning theory (Rotter, 1966), and behaviorists’ excursions into the “lions den" of self-control and cognitive processes (e.g., Thoresen & Mahoney, 1974; Meichenbaum, 1977).

In addition, reports appeared from Asia detailing extraordinary achievements of behavioral and cognitive control by Zen meditators and yogi masters (e.g., Kasamatsu & Hirai, 1966; Anand, Chinna & Singh, 1961). With the development of increased technological sophistication (e.g., Green, Green & Walters, 1970), Western scientists began examining the possibility of increased human control over what heretofore had been considered autonomic aspects of human functioning (e.g., Kamiya et al., 1971; Pelletier & Peper. 1977).

During the past three decades, psychologists have made significant contributions to our understanding of how individuals gain and maintain a sense of control in their


lives (for overviews see Skinner, 1996; Shapiro et al., 1996; Shapiro & Astin, in press). Several control-related constructs have been developed and explored, and investigations have refined non-pharmacological self-regulation strategies to provide individuals increased control over their affect, behavior, and cognitions. Hundreds of studies and dozens of books have been devoted to the theory, research, and applications of a variety of personal control strategies to numerous health care and psychotherapeutic concerns. This body of work has demonstrated that our ability to gain and maintain a sense of control is essential for our evolutionary survival (Averill, 1973; White, 1959), a central element in psychotherapy and mental health (cf. Frank, 1982; Bandura, 1989; Seligman, 1991), and important for our physical health (cf. Syme, 1989; Rodin, 1986). Further, the benefits of having control on health and mood have been demonstrated across the human life-span, from childhood (cf. Rothbaum & Weisz, 1989) through middle adulthood (cf. Averill, 1973) and among the elderly (cf. Rodin, 1986; Shapiro, Sandman, Grossman & Grossman, 1995a).

MEASURING CONTROL

The belief that one has control can often be as important as actually having control (cf. Taylor & Brown, 1988). Therefore, it is critical to investigate a person’s selfperceptions regarding control. Over the past three decades, the measurement of perceived human control has moved from: 1) general domain to specific domains; 2) from human control as a unitary construct to human control as a multifaceted molar construct (Rotter, 1966; Wallston, Wallston, Smith & Dobbins, 1978; Shapiro, 1994). The first generation measurement of control was Rotter’s Internal-External Locus of Control Scale. Questions assessed in a forced choice manner whether individuals believed that an area was under their internal control or whether control came from external circumstances. For example, a person would need to choose between the following statements:

a) The idea that teachers are unfair to students is nonsense.b) Most students don’t realize the extent to which their grades are influenced by accidental happenings.

Choosing “a” would be a point for internal locus of control. The test provided one with a general domain, unidimensional score reflecting whether a person had a more internal or external control orientation

A second generation test was developed in the 1970s by the Wallstons (Wallston et al., 1978). In contrast to Rotter’s, their test was domain specific—related to health. Further, based on research of Levenson and others (1974), their test did not make internal/external an either/or proposition but allowed for scores reflecting three different agents or sources of control: internal, external powerful other, and external chance:

internal locus of control—“If I take care of myself, I can avoid illness.” external powerful other control—“Having regular contact with my physician is the best

way for me to avoid illness.” chance—“Most things that affect my health happen to me by accident.”

Measuring the Psychological Construct of Control 65

The locus of control inventories developed by Rotter and Wallston have made significant contributions to our understanding of control. However there are three major limitations to these scales: 1) neither instrument measures a person's “sense of control" in both overall (general domain) and across multiple domains; 2) neither scale assesses "desire for control” (whether over oneself or the external environment) which has been shown to be an important component of control, distinct from locus of control (cf. Burger & Cooper, 1979); and 3) consistent with most Western psychological research and theory, these inventories conceptualize control primarily as active and instrumental and fail to distinguish between negative yielding (too little control) and positive yielding (accepting) "modes of control.” Psychological theory, research, and practice is beginning to recognize the importance of an accepting mode of control as a complimentary balance to active change strategies (cf. Linehan, 1993; Weisz, Rothbaum & Blackburn, 1984).

THE SHAPIRO CONTROL INVENTORY (SCI)

Over the past two decades, we have developed and tested the SCI, a third-generation control inventory that attempts to address the above limitations. The SCI is a paper- and-pencil self-assessment inventory consisting of 187 items and involving nine scales. Its intent is to serve as a reliable and valid control inventory for clinicians and researchers to utilize in both clinical and health care settings. Despite its conceptual complexity, the SCI has a simple format which facilitates self-administration (taking approximately 20 minutes to complete) by the client or research subject. Further, it is available on scannable forms which can be computer scored, providing the health care professional or researcher a printout showing a patient’s control profile.

Several approaches to reliability and validity were used in developing the SCI, and these studies are detailed in a 200-page manual for the inventory (Shapiro, 1994). For the nine SCT scales, alpha reliability coefficients range from .70 to .89 and test-retest reliability from .67 to .93.

The development of the SCI involved several thousand individuals ranging in age from 13 to 91 throughout all regions of the U.S. Comparisons have been undertaken with both standard psychiatric tests such as the MMPI and control tests such as Rotter's and Wallston’s. The SCI showed discriminant, divergent, and incremental validity over the MMPI and Rotter’s and Wallstons’ locus of control scales (cf. Shapiro, Potkin, Jin, Brown & Carreon, 1993), divergent and convergent validity with the Eysenck personality questionnaire (Santibanez, 1992), and discriminant validity through contrasted groups of meditators and Type A individuals (Shapiro, 1994). Research has also sought to link control constructs with brain regions—functional neuroanatomy—through positron emission tomography (Shapiro et al., 1995b). Having control was positively associated with activation of frontal cortex components and negatively correlated with limbic system activation, particularly the amygdala.

Below, we summarize the main aspects of the SCI control profile:

1) Sense of Control. What we define as “a person’s perception s/he has control, or


the belief that s/he can gain such control if desired," measured in both general and specific domains.

2) Modes of Control. The characteristic cognitive and behavioral styles for obtaining and maintaining control, reflecting coping styles of positive assertive, positive yielding, negative assertive, and negative yielding. As we discuss in the next section, these two positive modes of control, assertive and yielding, represent in many ways the two approaches to spiritual/transpersonal growth and development we identified at the outset of this paper.

3) Motivation for Control. Whether a person has a low or high desire for control, the areas where s/he wants to gain more control and where s/he fears losing control.

4) Agency of Control. The source of a person’s sense of control (similar to locus of control). Does the client gain a sense of control from self-efforts, the efforts of others, or from both?

APPLICATIONS TO TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

In this final section, we outline several areas where we feel the construct of control is relevant to transpersonal issues: 1) contemplative practices and their effect on positive yielding control; 2) the cultivation of the transpersonal "Witness” and its relation to control; 3) control by a benevolent Other (God, the Divine); 4) spiritual pursuits and their relationship to negative control efforts; and 5) the ability to balance assertive and yielding modes of control as a hallmark of spiritual growth and development. We end this section by discussing a number of challenging and provocative questions that control raises with respect to transpersonal psychology.

Spiritual Practices: Effects on Yielding Mode of Control

Findings from several studies suggest a relationship between practicing meditation and being able to gain a positive sense of control through the previously identified “accepting/yielding mode." For example, Easterline (1992) and Shapiro (1992) both found a relationship between length of time practicing meditation and one’s perceived ability to utilize this yielding mode of control. Astin (1997) found that college students trained in mindfulness meditation showed significantly higher scores on the SCI's accepting mode of control as well as the Kass, Friedman, Lesserman, Zuttermeister and Benson’s (1991) Index of Core Spiritual Experiences (INSPIRIT). The above findings seem consistent with the emphasis that many contemplative traditions place on cultivating acceptance of what is (i.e., surrendering the desire to have experience match the incessant likes and dislikes of the mind).

One could argue that to call letting go of or surrendering control (i.e., positive yielding) a form of “control” is somehow contradictory. We believe, however, that this seeming paradox can be resolved or better understood if one realizes that the ability to let go of control, to yield and accept, is a skill. We are reminded of a woman


who was being taught in meditation to "let her breathing go," to simply "let it be easy.” She commented (to one of us) that she was afraid of losing control, saying that “I don't think I have the self-control to let go of control. . . .” Similarly, we believe that the ability to let the Divine or spiritual teacher, shaman, etc. guide or control one represents a skill. Further we would argue that it is important in the transpersonal field to distinguish negative yielding to another's control (such as one might observe within a cult) from positive yielding in which one consciously and skillfully surrenders control from a position of ego strength (cf. Wilber's [1995] discussion of the pre/ trans fallacy).

Sense of Control and "The Witness”

The cultivation of the “Transpersonal Witness,” a focus of many spiritual traditions (cf. Wilber, 1995), has a number of implications related to control: a) As one watches (witnesses) the oftentimes incessant chatter and clamor of the mind, one comes to realize what little control he or she actually has over these processes; b) As one learns to rest more in the Witness, one begins lo notice his or her characteristic ways of reacting cognitively, emotionally, and behaviorally to life’s myriad circumstances. This type of awareness enables one to be less controlled and dominated by such reflexive reactions and instead provides the spaciousness to choose (i.e., control) how he or she will respond; c) Development of the Witness can also serve to increase awareness of our neurotic/dysfunctional efforts to control our experience while also helping us to realize the limits of personal control (i.e., despite our best efforts to master ourselves and direct the course of our lives, there will always be variables that are uncontrollable). Consistent with the above points, Easterline (1992) found that a greater overall sense of control as well as a decreased desire for control (as measured by the SCI) were associated with length of time practicing meditation.

Nature of the Universe: Control by a Benevolent Other

Several lines of research (cf. Taylor, 1983; McIntosh, Silver & Wortman, 1993; Shapiro et al., 1996) suggest that some individuals derive their sense of control from a "benevolent other,” oftentimes spiritual in nature (e.g., the 12-step programs’ emphasis on regaining behavioral control through acknowledging the support and spiritual guidance of a “Higher Power”). For example, in our research on breast cancer patients (Shapiro et al., under review), we found a significant number of women who reported gaining a positive sense of control from their faith in God.

As discussed, the SCI assesses individuals’ agency or source of control (i.e., the degree to which people gain their sense of control from self and/or other/Other) and can be used to examine the effects that gaining a sense of control from a spiritual source may have on mental and physical health outcomes. Also it would be interesting for transpersonal researchers to examine the ways in which disciples’ relationships to spiritual figures (e.g., such as gurus) may impact upon their sense of control and the ways in which they derive such control.


The two positive modes of control (assertive and yielding) also have their negative or shadow counterparts, negative assertive (overcontrolling) and negative yielding (being overly passive and acquiescent) (Shapiro & Astin, in press). These negative modes of control may have relevance to transpersonal issues and pursuits in several ways. For example, efforts to rise above the desires and attachments of the ego, a common theme in many contemplative disciplines and paths, can become a kind of rigid, repressive, overcontrol of one’s self and emotions (a denial rather than transcendence of one’s human limitations). Conversely, individuals involved in transpersonal/esoteric disciplines which emphasize such things as devotional surrender to God and guru, and unconditional obedience and loyalty to the spiritual Master, may become too passive, nonassertive, and overly dependent, letting go of control in a maladaptive (“negative yielding”) way. Examining these negative aspects of seeking and gaining a sense of control, as the SCI does, may shed light on some of the potential consequences or pitfalls associated with the pursuit of transpersonal experience.

Balancing Assertive and Yielding Modes of Control

The two modes of control we have outlined thus far have their corollary in the Taoist concepts of yin and yang, the universal forces of receptivity and activation. As can be seen in the yin-yang symbol, there are elements of each of these qualities contained within the other. For example, in terms of control, one could say that it requires great discipline, will, and self-control to let go and relinquish one’s efforts to always be in control. Similarly, acceptance of ourselves as we are can often be the soil for subsequent change or transformation. These ideas are captured in these lines from the Bhagavad-Gita: "Who sees inaction in action and action in inaction—He is enlightened among men—He does all actions, disciplined." We also find a similar message expressed in Krishna’s words to “act, but be not attached to the fruits of your labors....” The above concepts point to both the paradoxical nature of control (e.g., we often realize greater sense of control by letting go of active control) and the importance of living one’s life in balance. The harmonious integration of these two modes of control (two modes of being) is beautifully expressed in the Alcoholics Anonymous Prayer (adapted from Reinhold Niebuhr): "God, grant me the courage to change what I can [assertive control or the qualities of yang], the serenity to accept what I cannot change [yielding control—the qualities of yin], and the wisdom to know the difference.” Along these lines, our research on how people realize a sense of control in their lives also suggests that optimal psychological health is characterized by a balanced and flexible use of the two positive modes of assertive and yielding control, as well as their integration.

Further Questions and Considerations

1) An important question concerns the extent to which there are limits on humans' ability to control attentional processes, bodily processes, subtle energies, and envi

Dangers of Overcontrol and Too Little Control in Spiritual Pursuits


ronmental circumstances. For example, when is the popular concept that "we create [control] our own reality”: 1) a healthy expression of positive assertive control; 2) a dysfunctional desire to control that which is uncontrollable; 3) a magical (i.e.. pre- rather than trans-personal) belief in the power to affcct/control outcomes in life; and/ or 4) a statement grounded in a truly transpersonal state of conscious awareness, one which recognizes the primacy of consciousness? These questions point to the importance of examining contextual factors related to the experience and exercise of control.

2) Though beyond the scope of the SCI, we feel it is important to consider larger philosophical issues and transpersonal concepts such as the Buddhist doctrine of “no self” (and the Veda's "God is the Doer"), which raise ontological issues related to control such as what or who (e.g., ego, self, the Divine) is doing the controlling, feeling out of control, desiring to be in control.

3) A related question of interest to transpersonal psychologists is what is the nature of control in altered states such as dreams, shamanic trance, and other nonordinary states of consciousness. For example, Walsh (1990) has noted that there can be, even in trance states, voluntary control of consciousness. On the other hand, in his study of Balinese religious rituals, Shapiro (1989) has observed that when individuals enter trance, there is a point at which they relinquish or surrender personal control to the context (e.g., the priest). Finally, some have suggested that individuals resist learning about spiritual and transcendental experiences, or repress and misinterpret them, due to the desire for control, the fear of loss of control, and/or a low tolerance for ambiguity. Along these lines, Ayya Khema (1996) notes:

People fear absorption in the Jhanas because they think they are losing control.... I tell them when you are swept away by feelings of ordinary unhappiness, you obviously have no control over yourself. A person who is in control would never voluntarily be unhappy. So in your ordinary life you must be lost or out of control. By contrast, in absorption, we no longer project our ego onto reality. We are experiencing a taste of the emptiness of self, and while it may feel as if we are losing control, we are actually at last arriving at truth.

S U M M A R Y

To summarize, we believe that the construct of control has important applications to transpersonal psychology for a number of reasons: 1) self-control (of cognitions, emotions, and behavior) is a central feature of many transpersonal/contemplative disciplines and may be enhanced as a result of cultivating states of awareness such as the “transpersonal witness”; 2) research suggests a relationship between practice of meditation and the ability to gain a sense of control through an accepting/yielding mode; 3) the ability to utilize both assertive and accepting modes of control may be a correlate of both optimal psychological health and spiritual development/maturity; 4) research suggests that some individuals gain a sense of control in their lives through their relationship with some Spiritual Presence or Power; and 5) the pursuit of transpersonal goals may be associated with negative/maladaptive aspects of gaining and seeking control (e.g., overcontrol, passive acquiescence).


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Burger, J. M. & Cooper, H. M. (1979). The desirability of control. Motivation and Emotion, 3, 381-393.

Easterune, B. (1992). Measuring stress and control in meditators through trait, state, and in vivo experience sampling. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. California Institute of Integral Studies.

Frank, J. D. (1982). Therapeutic components shared by all psychotherapies. In J.H. Harvey & M.M. Parks (Eds.), Psychotherapy research and behavior change (Master lecture series. Vol. 1, pp. 9-37). Washington, D.C.: APA.

Green, E., Green, A. & Walters, E. (1970). Voluntary control of internal states: Psychological and physiological. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 2,(1) 1-26.

Kamiya, J.. Barber, T., DiCara. L. V.. Miller, N. E., Shapiro, D. & Stoyva, J. (Eds). (1971). Biofeedback and self-control. Chicago: Aldine.

Kasamatsu, A. & Hirai, T. (1966). An electroencephalographic study of Zen meditation (Zazen). Folia Psychiataria et Neurologica Japonica, 20, 315-336.

Kass, J. D.. Friedman, R„ Lesserman, J.. Zuttermeister, P. C. & Benson, H. (1991). Health outcomes and a new index of spiritual experience. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 30, 203-211.

Khema, A. (1996). Biting into the mango: Doing jhana practice. Inquiring Mind, 7J(1), 8.Klausner, S. Z. (1965). A collocation of concepts of self-control. In S.Z. Klausner (Ed.), The

quest for self-control: Classical philosophies and scientific research (pp. 9-45). New York: Free Press.

Levenson, H. (1974). Activism and powerful others: Distinctions within the concept of internal-external control. Journal of Personality Assessment, 38, 1097-1110.

Linehan, M. M. (1993). Skills training manual for treating borderline personality disorder. New York: Guilford Press.

Meichenbaum, D. (1977). Cognitive behavior modification: An integrative approach. New York: Plenum.

McIntosh, D.N., Silver, R.C. & Wortman, C.B. (1993). Religion's role in adjustment to a negative life event: Coping with the loss of a child. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 65, 812-821.

MacDonald, D.A., LeClair, L.. Holland, C.J., Alter, A. & Friedman, H.L. (1995). A survey of measures of transpersonal constructs. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 27. 171- 235.

Menningf.r, K„ Mayman. M. & Pruyser. P. (1963). The vital balance: The life process in mental health and illness. New York: Viking Press.

Pelletier, K. & Peper, E. (1977). The chutzpah factor in altered states of consciousness. Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 17, 63-73.

Rodin. J. (1986). Aging and health: Effects of sense of control. Science, 233, 1271-1276.Rothbaum, F. M. & Weisz, J. R. (1989). Child pathology and the quest for control. Newbury

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Santibanez, R. (1992). A study of self-control in prisoners. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Universidad de Deusto: Bilboa, Spain.

Seugman, M. E. P. (1991). Learned optimism. New York: Knopf.Shapiro, D. H. (1989). Self-control and other control in cross-cultural perspective: Balinese

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Shapiro, D. H., Sandman, C., Grossman, M. & Grossman, B. (1995a). Aging and sense of control. Psychological Reports, 76, 1-3.

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Shapiro, D.H., Schwartz, C.E. & Astin, J.A. (1996). Controlling ourselves, controlling our world: Psychology’s role in understanding positive and negative consequences of seeking and gaining control. American Psychologist, 51, 1213-1230.

Shapiro, D.H & Astin, J.A. (in press). The role of control and self-control in psychotherapy and health care. New York: John Wiley.

Shapiro, D. H., Anton-Culver, H., Schwartz, C. E., McQuade, J., Breur, A. M., Taylor, T., Lee, H., Astin, J. A. & Kurosaki, T. (under editorial review) A longitudinal study of sense of control and quality of life among women with breast cancer.

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Review, 66, 297-331.Wilber, K. (1995). Sex, ecology, and spirituality. Berkeley: Shambhala.

Requests for reprints to: John A. Astin, Ph.D., P.O. Box 426, Santa Cruz, CA 95061.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997. Vol. 29, No. /72

BOOK REVIEW

Wulff, David. Psychology of religion: Classic and contemporary, 2nd cd. New York: John Wiley, 1997. $65.50, 760 pp.

The psychology of religion is obviously a close cousin to transpersonal psychology and hence of significant interest. For those wanting an introduction and comprehensive overview, there is probably no better book than that of David Wulff.

In its first edition this text was widely acknowledged as the best overview. The literature on the psychology of religion is a vast one, and several decades ago individuals despaired of covering it. Wulff probably comes as close as any one has in many years to mastering this voluminous topic. Twenty years in the making, the book shows evidence of wide-ranging, careful, and precise scholarship. Yet at the same time it is remarkably clear, easy, and enjoyable to read.

Wulff recognizes transpersonal psychology as an integrative effort attempting to synthesize contemplative wisdom and psychological knowledge. His general tone towards the transpersonal movement is appreciative, but he does make the unfortunate choice of including parapsychology as a major subsection of the transpersonal. In point of fact there has been no formal relationship between the two.

At times the strain of the gargantuan effort of covering the entire psychology of religion shows. Experts in some subareas will find that the references and discussions are somewhat dated. Thus, for example, the most recent reference in the parapsychology section is 1980, almost two decades ago. Therefore the discussion lacks any reference to the new statistical technique of meta-analyses, which, by combining and analyzing many individual studies at the same time, yields a vastly more powerful and sensitive analysis. Meta-analyses have transformed the field of parapsychology, which has long been plagued by small experimental effect sizes. However, when many individual studies are combined and subject to meta-analysis, the results are highly significant and represent probably the single greatest advance in this field in decades.

Yet The Psychology of Religion remains an important text. While it provides an excellent overview, it is rewarding simply to dip into topics and chapters. Although designed as a college text, it offers a fine education to anyone who reads it.

Roger Walsh

Book Review 73

BOOKS OUR EDITORS ARE READING

Hillman, J. The soul's code: In search of character and calling. New York: Random House, 1996.

Howard, G.S. Understanding human nature: An owner’s manual. Notre Dame, IN: Academic Publications, 1996.

... James F.T. Bugental

Laura, E. The one-minute healing experience. Nevada City, CA: Blue Dolphin, 1997.Lindgren, C.E. & Baltz, J. (Eds.). Aura awareness: What your aura says about you.

Redwood City, CA: Aura Imaging—Progen Co., 1997.Reider, M. Return to Millboro: The reincarnation drama continues. Nevada City,

CA: Blue Dolphin Publishing, 1996.... Paul M. Clemens

Soidla, T.R. & Shapiro, S. Everything is according to the way: Voices of Russian transpersonalism. Stafford Heights, Australia: Bolda-Lok Publishing (Bolda-Lok Series in Transpersonal Studies), 1997.

... James Fadiman

Dooling, D.M. & Jourdan-Smith, P. I become part of it: Sacred dimensions in Native American life. New York: Parabola Books, 1989.

Kiev, A. (Ed.). Magic, faith and healing. Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson, 1996.... Michael S. Hutton

Heckler, R. Holding the center: Sanctuary in a time of confusion. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books, 1997.

Elliot, W. Tying rocks to clouds: Meetings and conversations with wise and spiritual people. New York: Doubleday, 1995.

.. . David Lukoff

Batchelor, S. Alone with others. New York: Grove Press, 1983.Batchelor, S. The faith to doubt. Berkeley ,CA: Parallax Press, 1990.Batchelor, S. Buddhism without beliefs. New York: Riverhead Books. 1997.

... Jacques Maquet

Levine, S. A year to live. New York: Bell Tower, 1997.Trungpa, Chogyam. The path is the goal. Boston: Shambhala, 1996.Walker, A. Anything that can be loved can be saved. New York: Random House,

1997.... Sonja Margulies

Combs, A. The radiance of being: Complexity, chaos and the evolution of consciousness.. St. Paul, MN: Paragon House, 1996.

... Charles T. Tart

Cortrigiit, B. Psychotherapy and spirit: Theory and practice in transpersonal psychotherapy. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997.

... Miles A. Vich


BOOKS NOTED

Barron, F., Alfonso, M. & Barron, A. Creators on creating: Awakening and cultivating the imaginative mind. New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1997.

Blake, A.G.E. The intelligent enneagram. Boston: Shambhala, 1996.Boorstein, S. Clinical studies in transpersonal psychotherapy. Albany, NY: SUNY

Press, 1997.Broomfield, J. Other ways of knowing: Recharting our future with ageless wisdom.

Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions International, 1997.Caldwell, C. Getting in touch: The guide for new body-centered therapies.

Wheaton, IL: Quest Books, 1997.Cortright, B. Psychotherapy and spirit: Theory and practice in transpersonal

psychotherapy. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997.Di Nicola, V. A stranger in the family: Culture, families, and therapy. New York:

Norton, 1997.Early, J. Transforming human culture: Social evolution and the planetary crisis.

Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1977.Fenwick, P. The truth in the light: An investigation of over 300 near-death experi

ences. New York: Berkeley Books, 1995.Firman, J. & Gila, A. The primal wound: A transpersonal view of trauma, addiction

and growth. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997.Forte, R. (Ed.). Entheogens and the future of religion. San Francisco: Council on

Spiritual Practices, 1997.Frazer, J.S. The illustrated golden bough: A study in magic and religion. New York:

Simon & Schuster, 1996.Gilligan, S. The courage to love: Principles and practices of self-relations psycho

therapy. New York: Norton, 1997.Gustafson, F.R. Dancing between two worlds: Jung and the Native American soul.

New York: Paulist Press, 1997.Lair, G.S. Counseling the terminally ill: Sharing the journey. Washington, DC:

Taylor & Francis, 1996.Murphy, M. & Donovan, S. The physical and psychological effects of meditation: A

review of contemporary research with a comprehensive bibliography 1931-1996. Sausalito, CA: Institute of Noetic Sciences, 1997.

Newman, J.W. Disciplines of attention: Buddhist insight meditation, the Ignatian spiritual exercises, and classical psychoanalysis. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 1996.

Riker, J.H. Ethics and the discovery of the unconscious. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1997.

Rowan, J. Healing the male psyche: Therapy as initiation. London: Routledge, 1997.

Rubin, J.B. Psychotherapy and Buddhism: Toward an integration. New York: Plenum Press, 1996.

Sandner, D.F. & Wong, S.H. (Eds.). The sacred heritage: The influence of shamanism on analytical psychology. New York: Routledge, 1997.

Waites, E.A. Memory quest: Trauma and the search for personal history. New York: Norton, 1997.

Wrycza, P. Living awareness: Awakening to the roots of learning and perception. Bath, UK: Gateway Books, 1997.

Books Noted 75 75

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

John A. Astin, Ph.D., received his doctorate in Health Psychology from the University of California at Irvine. Currently he is a post-doctoral research fellow in complementary and alternative medicine at Stanford University.

Jeremias Marseille is an ordained Roman Catholic priest and member of the Benedictine Order at Abbey Königsmünster, Meschede, Germany. He became interested in logotherapy in 1991 at the same time he came into contact with transpersonal psychology. He attended the Association for Transpersonal Psychology Annual Conference in Pacific Grove, California, in 1996 where he presented a workshop. More recently he has lived for an “external year” in a retreat house for Christian contemplation and traveled to Israel.

Karl Peltzer. Ph.D.. is a professor in the Department of Psychology, Faculty of Arts, at the University of the North, Sovenga, South Africa. In 1996 he published Counselling and Psychotherapy of Victims of Organized Violence in Sociocultural Context (IKO Verlag, Frankfurt, Germany).

Larry G. Peters. Ph.D.. is an anthropologist and a California licensed Marriage, Family, and Child Counselor. He teaches at the California Graduate Institute, Westwood. California and is on the Board of Editors of the periodical. Anthropology of Consciousness. He has traveled widely, conducting field research primarily in Nepal, and also in Mongolia, Siberia, China, and Tuva. His prior JTP publications include: “An experiential study of Nepalese shamanism” (1981) and “Shamanism: Phenomenology of a spiritual discipline" (1989). His “Letter from Katmandu" appeared in the newsletter of the Association for Transpersonal Psychology, Fall, 1996, and he serves on the Board of ATP and the Transpersonal Institute.

Dean H. Shapiro, Ph.D., is on the faculty of the Department of Psychiatry and Human Behavior, College of Medicine, University of California at Irvine. He is the author/editor of Meditation: Self-Regulation Strategy and Altered States of Consciousness and co-editor (with Roger Walsh) of Meditation: Contemporary and Classic Perspectives. His prior JTP publications include: “Meditation as an altered state of consciousness: Contributions of Western behavioral science” (1983); “Judaism as a journey of transformation: Consciousness, behavior, and society” (1989); “A preliminary study of long-term meditators: Goals, effects, religious orientation, cognitions" (1992).

Lois VanderKooi, Psy.D., is a clinical psychologist and psychotherapist in Boulder, Colorado. She works for an innovative, early intervention program that provides intensive long-term treatment to “at-risk” parents and infants. Prior research and publications involved law school achievement, divorce mediation, and integration of Jungian and Bowenian perspectives on psychotherapy.

REVIEWER

Roger Walsh. M.D.. Ph.D., is Professor of Psychiatry, Philosophy, and Anthropology at the University of California at Irvine. He has published extensively on psychiatry, meditation, shamanism, and transpersonal psychology and psychiatry. His articles in JTP appeared in 1976 (1 & 2), 1977. 1978 (1 & 2), 1979. 1982. 1989, 1992, 1993 (1 & 2), and 1995.


ABSTRACTS

Astin, J.A. & Shapiro, Jr., D.H. Measuring the psychological construct of control: Applications to transpersonal psychology.—This article briefly overviews the theory and research regarding the construct of control in Western psychology, discusses the ways in which the construct of control may be relevant to transpersonal psychology, and introduces readers to the Shapiro Control Inventory (SCI), a multidimensional measure of this construct. The authors point to two common themes found in many of the world's spiritual traditions: 1) the importance of gaining greater personal control and mastery over oneself and one’s experience, and 2) the need to let go, relinquish active control, and surrender oneself to the Universe, God. Finally, they suggest that control has potential relevance to transpersonal psychology in a number of specific areas: 1) contemplative practices and their effect on positive yielding control; 2) the cultivation of the transpersonal “Witness" and its relation to control; 3) control by a benevolent Other (God, the Divine); 4) spiritual pursuits and their relationship to negative control efforts; 5) the ability to balance assertive and yielding models of control as a hallmark of spiritual growth and development. The concluding discussion includes limits on human control, larger philosophical issues, and control in nonordinary states.

Marseille, J. The spiritual dimension in logotherapy: Viktor Frankl’s contribution to transpersonal psychology.—As a psychiatrist who survived the Nazi death camps of World WarII and went on to develop and teach logotherapy—an internationally practiced “therapy of meaning”—Viktor Frankl is recognized for his contributions to psychotherapy and to transpersonal psychology. A biographical timeline traces the formation of his ideas from early adolescent years, through medical training during Europe's economic depression of the 1930s, through the horrors of four concentration camps, to the appearance of his theories and therapeutic methods in Europe and America. In the field of transpersonal psychology specifically, his terminology and conceptualization of transpersonal experience was influential. Frankl’s writings are compared with those of theorists Abraham Maslow and Ken Wilber, and other sources of transpersonal literature, in what Frankl acknowledges as an endless art of understanding.

Peltzer, K. The role of religion in counseling of victims of organized violence.—The author researched the role of religion in counseling of victims of organized violence in three major service approaches: 1) a rehabilitation service for torture survivors in Malawi [Malawi-IRCT],2) a psychosocial assistance program for refugees in Uganda, and 3) a Psychosocial Centre for Refugees in Germany from 1991-1996. It was found that victims of organized violence in non- Westem societies often used religious coping styles and religious intervention techniques, especially for disappearance, death, rape, and PTSD. The efficacy of religious coping and intervention is demonstrated in case examples and follow-up studies, and discussed with other findings.

Peters, L. G. The “calling,” the yeti, and the ban jhakri (“forest shaman”) in Nepalese shamanism.—This account of original field research and its relation to prior anthropological reports focuses on the oral mythology of shamanism and the likely role of the legendary yeti of the Himlayas in the transmission of shamanic culture. It draws on prior reports of encounters with “forest shaman" and recent interviews conducted by the author during several intensive visits with indigenous Nepalese. Detailed descriptions of the teaching methods of shamans, who select Nepalese children and youth, indicate that the awesome and terrifying character of the yeti may be a central element in Nepalese shamanic training and an important component of a spontaneous rite of passage for the initiate.

VanderKooi, L. Buddhist teachers’ experience with extreme mental states in Western meditators.—Buddhist experience with nonordinary states of consciousness (NSC) and psychosis that

Abstracts 77 77

can occur in Western meditators were investigated using descriptive and phenomenological research methods. Theravada, Zen, and Tibetan teachers and meditators were interviewed to determine possible causes of such phenomena and ways to handle them. Results suggest that teachers have successfully adapted meditative practices to the psychological needs of Western students. People who have had prior psychosis can easily become psychotic during the initial stage of practice but with guidance can benefit from beginning meditation practices. At more advanced stages, less fragile people can encounter difficulties, which are usually caused by excess effort and concentration and can be remedied in a variety of ways. Implications for the clinical use of meditation are also addressed.


BACK ISSUES OF THE JOURNAL OF TRANSPERSONAL PSYCHOLOGY

1969 Vol. 1 No. 1

No. 2

1970 Vol. 2 No. 1

No. 2

1971 Vol. 3 No. 1

No. 2

1972 Vol. 4 No. 1

No. 2

1973 Vol. 5 No. 1

Armor, T. A note on the peak experience and a transpersonal psychology. • Assagiou, R. Symbols of transpersonal experiences. • Maslow, A. The farther reaches of human nature. • Maslow, A.H. Various meanings of transcendence. • Maven, A. The mystic union: A suggested biological interpretation. • Murphy, M.H. Education for transcendence. • Sutich, A.J. Some considerations regarding Transpersonal Psychology.

Harman, W. The new Copemican revolution. • LeShan, L. Physicists and mystics: Similarities in world view. • Maslow, A.H. Theory Z. • Pahnke, N. & Richards, W.A. Implications of LSD and experimental mysticism. • Sutich, A.J. The American Transpersonal Association. • Wapnick, K. Mysticism and schizophrenia.

Blair, M.A. Meditation in the San Francisco Bay Area: An introductory survey. • Criswell, E. Experimental yoga psychology course for college students: A progress report. • Green, E., Green, A.M. & Walters, E.D. Voluntary control of internal states: Psychological and physiological. • Tart, C.T. Transpersonal potentialities of deep hypnosis. • Timmons, B. & Kamiya, J. The psychology and physiology of meditation and related phenomena: A bibliography.

Fadiman, J. The second Council Grove conference on altered states of consciousness. • Hart, J.T. The Zen of Hubert Benoit. • Maslow, A.H. New introduction: Religions, values, and peak experiences. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Menninger Foundation: Part I.

Goleman D. Meditation as meta-therapy: Hypotheses toward a proposed fifth state of consciousness. • Green, E.E. & Green, A.M. On the meaning of transpersonal: Some metaphysical perspectives. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Menninger Foundation: Part II. • Sutich, A.J. Transpersonal notes.

Hendrick, N. A program in the psychology of human consciousness. • Tart, C.T. A psychologist’s experience with Transcendental Meditation. • Tart, C.T. Scientific foundations for the study of altered states of consciousness. • Van Nuys, D. A novel technique for studying attention during meditation. • Weide, T.N. Council Grove III: The third annual interdisciplinary conference on the voluntary control of internal states.

Goleman, D. The Buddha on meditation and states of consciousness, Part I: The teachings. • Grof, S. Varieties of transpersonal experiences: Observations from LSD psychotherapy. • Sherman, S.E. Brief report: Continuing research on “very deep hypnosis.” • Sutich, A.J. Association for Transpersonal Psychology. • Weide, T.N. Council Grove IV: Toward a science of ultimates.

Goleman, D. The Buddha on meditation and states of consciousness. Part II: A typology of meditation techniques. • Krippner, S. (ed.). The plateau experience: A.H. Maslow and others. • Richards, W., Grof, S., Goodman, L. & Klrland, A. LSD-assisted psychotherapy and the human encounter with death.

Grof, S. Theoretical and empirical basis of transpersonal psychology and psychotherapy: Observations from LSD research. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Maryland Psychiatric Research Center: Part I. • Sutich, A J. Transpersonal therapy. • Trungpa, C. An approach to meditation. • Vilhjalmsson, G.V. & Weide, T.N. The first international transpersonal conference. • Weide, T.N. Varieties of transpersonal therapy.

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No. 2

1974 Vol. 6 No. 1

No. 2

1975 Vol. 7 No. 1

No. 2

1976 Vol. 8 No. 1

No. 2

1977 Vol. 9 No. 1

Ci.ark, F.V. Exploring intuition: Prospects and possibilities. • Katz, R. Education for transcendence: Lessons from the !Kung Zhu/twasi. • Nitya, Swami. Excerpts from a discussion. • Osis, K., Bokert, E. & Carlson, M.L. Dimensions of the meditative experience. • Ram Dass. Lecture at the Maryland Psychiatric Research Center: Part II. • Weide, T.N. Vallombrosa: A major transpersonal event.

Campbell, P.A. & McMahon, E.M. Religious-type experience in the context of humanistic and transpersonal psychology. • Casper, M. Space therapy and the Maitri project. • Clark, F.V. Rediscovering transpersonal education. • Crampton, M. Psychological energy transformations: Developing positive polarization. • Goleman, D. Perspectives on psychology, reality, and the study of consciousness. • Kennett, J. Translating the precepts.• Redmond, H. A pioneer program in transpersonal education. • Timmons, B. & Kanellakos, D.P. The psychology and physiology of meditation and related phenomena: Bibliography II. • Watts, A. Psychotherapy and Eastern religion: Metaphysical bases of psychiatry.

Bernbaum, E. The way of symbols: The use of symbols in Tibetan mysticism. • Frager, R. A proposed model for a graduate program in Transpersonal Psychology. • Jain, M. & Jain, K.M. The samadhist: A description. • Kennett, J. On meditation. • Ring, K. A transpersonal view of consciousness: A mapping of farther regions of inner space. • Stat, D. Double chambered whistling bottles: A unique Peruvian pottery form. • Tarthang Tulku. The self-image.

Augustine, M.J. & Kalish, R.A. Religion, transcendence, and appropriate death. • Frager, R. & Fadiman, J. Personal growth in Yoga and Sufism. • Kennett, J„ Radha, Swami & Frager, R. How to be a transpersonal teacher without becoming a guru. • Ram Dass. Advice to a psychotherapist. • Shultz, J.V. Stages on the spiritual path: A Buddhist perspective. • Simonton, O.C. & Simonton, S.S. Belief systems and management of the emotional aspects of malignancy. • Trungpa, C. Transpersonal cooperation at Naropa.

Deatherage, G. The clinical use of “mindfulness” meditation techniques in short-term psychotherapy. • Garfield, C.A. Consciousness alteration and fear of death. • Goleman, D. Mental health in classical Buddhist psychology. • Hendricks, C.G. Meditation as discrimination training: A theoretical note. • Maquet, J. Meditation in contemporary Sri Lanka: Idea and practice. • Wilber, K. Psychologia perennis: The spectrum of consciousness.

Capra, F. Modem physics and Eastern mysticism. • Sutich, A.J. The emergence of the transpersonal orientation: A personal account. • Tart, C.T. The basic nature of altered states of consciousness: A systems approach. • Tarthang Tulku. A view of mind. • Vich, M.A. Anthony J. Sutich: An appreciation.

Leslie, Jr., R.C. Yoga and the fear of death. • Ram Dass. Freeing the mind. • Ring, K. Mapping the regions of consciousness: A conceptual reformulation. • Singer, J.A. Jungian view of biofeedback training. • Walsh, R.N. Reflections on psychotherapy. • Welwood, J. Exploring mind: Form, emptiness, and beyond. • Williams, R.R. Biofeedback: A technology for self-transaction.

Erhard, W. & Fadiman, J. Some aspects of est training and transpersonal psychology: A conversation. • Keller, M. Henry David Thoreau: A transpersonal view, illuminations, dark night, Thoreau's spiritual development. • Welwood, J. Meditation and the unconscious: A new perspective.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol 29, No. I80

No. 2

1978 Vol. 10 No. 1

No. 2

1979 Vol. 11 No.l

No. 2

1980 Vol. 12 No.l

No. 2

1981 Vol. 13 No. 1

Anderson, Jr., R.M. A holographic model of transpersonal consciousness. • Kohr, R.L. Dimensionality in meditative experience: A replication. • Ram Dass & Steindl-Rast, B.D. On lay monasticism. • Walsh, R.N. Initial meditative experiences: Part I. • Welwood, J. On psychological space.

Murdock, M.H. Meditation with young children. • Taylor, E.I. Psychology of religion and Asian studies: The William James legacy. • Walsh, R.N. Initial meditative experiences: Part II. • Washburn, M.C. Observations relevant to a unified theory of meditation.

Boals, G.F. Toward a cognitive reconceptualization of meditation. • Green, A.M. & Green, E.E. Some problems in biofeedback research. • Walsh, R.N., Goleman, D., Kornfield, J., Pensa, C. & Shapiro, D. Meditation: Aspects of research and practice. • Welwood, J., Capra, F., Ff.rguson, M., Needleman, J., Pribram, K., Smith, H., Vaughan, F. & Walsh, R.N. Psychology, science, and spiritual paths: Contemporary issues.

Kornfield, J. Intensive insight meditation: A phenomenological study. • Meadow, M.J., Ajaya, Swami, Brf.gman, L., Clark, W.H., Green, G., Krippner, S., Rambo, L.R., Ring, K., Tart, C.T. & Wilber, K. Spiritual and transpersonal aspects of altered states of consciousness: A symposium report. • Stensrud, R. & Stensrud, K. The Tao of human relations. • Welwood, J. Self-knowledge as the basis for an integrative psychology. • Wilber, K. A developmental view of consciousness.

Boorstein, S. Troubled relationships: Transpersonal and psychoanalytic approaches. • Trungpa, C. Intrinsic health: A conversation with health professionals. • Vaughan, F. Transpersonal psychotherapy: Context, content, and process. • Walsh, R.N. Emerging cross-disciplinary parallels: Suggestions from the neurosciences. • Walsh, R.N. Meditation research: An introduction and review. • Welwood, J. Befriending emotion: Self- knowledge and transformation. • White, L.W. Recovery from alcoholism: Transpersonal dimensions.

Bohm, D. & Wf.i.wood, J. Issues in physics, psychology, and metaphysics: A conversation.• Boucouvalas, M. Transpersonal psychology: A working outline of the field. • Burns, D. & Ohayv, R. Psychological changes in meditating Western monks in Thailand. • Drengson, A.R. Social and psychological implications of human attitudes toward animals.• Jamnien, Ajahn & Ohayv, R. Field interview with a Theravada teaching master. • Metzner, R. Ten classical metaphors of self-transformation. • Thomas, L.E. & Cooper, P.E. Incidence and psychological correlates of intense spiritual experiences.

Boorstein, S. Lightheartedness in psychotherapy. • Brown, D.P. & Engler, J. Stages of mindfulness meditation: A validation study. • Langford, A. Working with Cambodian refugees: Observations on the Family Practice Ward at Khao I Dang. • Murphy, M. The Esalen Institute Transformation Project: A preliminary report. • Welwood, J. Reflections on psychotherapy, focusing, and meditation.

Hldas, A. Psychotherapy and surrender: A psychospiritual perspective. • Peters, L.G. An experiential study of Nepalese shamanism. • Smith, K. Observations on Morita therapy and culture-specific interpretations. • Wilber, K. Ontogenetic development: Two fundamental patterns.

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No. 2

1982 Vol. 14 No. 1

No. 2

1983 Vol. 15 No. 1

No. 2

1984 Vol. 16 No. 1

No. 2

1985 Vol. 17 No. 1

Amodeo, J. Focusing applied to a case of disorientation in meditation. • Amundson, J. Will in the psychology of Otto Rank. • Earle, J.B.B. Cerebral laterality and meditation: A review. • Epstein, M.D. & Lieff, J.D. Psychiatric complications of meditation practice. • Goleman, D. Buddhist and Western psychology: Some commonalities and differences. • O’Hanlon, D.J., S.J. Integration of spiritual practiccs: A Western Christian looks East.

Anthony, D. The outer master as inner guide: Autonomy and authority in the process of transformation. • Lif.ff, J. Eight reasons why doctors fear the elderly, chronic illness, and death. • Vaughan, F. The transpersonal perspective: A personal overview. • Walsh, R. A model for viewing meditation research. • Wortz, E. Application of awareness methods in psychotherapy.

Aitken, R. Zen practice and psychotherapy. • Alpert, R./Ram Dass. A ten-year perspective. • Reidlinger, T.J. Sartre's rite of passage. • Speeth, K. R. On psychotherapeutic attention. • Welwood, J. Vulnerability and power in the therapeutic process: Existential and Buddhist perspectives.

Friedman, H.L. The Self-Expansive Level Form: A conceptualization and measurement of a transpersonal construct. • Grof, S. East and West: Ancient wisdom and modern science.• Komito, D.R. Tibetan Buddhism and psychotherapy: A conversation with the Dalai Lama. • Lane, D.C. The hierarchical structure of religious visions. • Shapiro, Jr., D.H. Meditation as an altered state of consciousness: Contributions of Western behavioral science.

Boorstein, S. The use of bibliotherapy and mindfulness meditation in a psychiatric setting.• Gallegos, E.S. Animal imagery, the chakra system, and psychotherapy. • Hastings, A. A counseling approach to parapsychological experience. • Henderson, B. Self-help books emphasizing transpersonal psychology: Are they ethical? • Henkin, W. Two non-ordinary experiences of reality and their integration. • Kalff, M. The negation of ego in Tibetan Buddhism and Jungian psychology. • Murphy, M. & Donovan, S. A bibliography of meditation theory and research: 1931-1983. • Vich, M.A. Announcement regarding the Journal's statement of purpose.

Engler, J. Therapeutic aims in psychotherapy and meditation: Developmental stages in the representation of self. • Komito, D.R. Tibetan Buddhism and psychotherapy: Further conversations with the Dalai Lama. • Welwood, J. Principles of inner work: Psychological and spiritual. • Wilber, K. The developmental spectrum and psychopathology: Part I. States and types of pathology.

Armstrong, T. Transpersonal experience in childhood. • Asante, M.K. The African American mode of transcendence. • Epstein, M.D. On the neglect of evenly suspended attention. • Gross, R.M. The feminine principle in Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism: Reflections of a Buddhist feminist. • Shafranske, E.P. & Gorsuch, R.L. Factors associated with the perception of spirituality in psychotherapy. • Wilber, K. The developmental spectrum and psychopathology: Part II, Treatment modalities.

Boorstein, S. Notes on right speech as a psychotherapeutic technique. • Metzner, R. Knots, ties, nets, and bonds in relationships. • Scotton, B.W. Observations on the teaching and supervision of transpersonal psychotherapy. • Sovatsky, S. Eros as mystery: Toward a transpersonal sexology and procreativity. • Thapa, K. & Murthy, V.N. Experiential characteristics of certain altered states of consciousness. • Welwood, J. On love: Conditional and unconditional.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol 29, No. 182

No. 2

1986 Vol. 18 No. 1

No. 2

1987 Vol. 19 No. 1

No. 2

1988 Vol. 20 No. 1

No. 2

1989 Vol. 21 No. 1

Chinen, A.B. Fairy tales and transpersonal development in later life. • Goleman, D., Smith, H. & Ram Dass. Truth and transformation in psychological and spiritual paths. • Lukoff, D. The diagnosis of mystical experiences with psychotic features. • Lukoff, D. & Everest, H.C. The myths in mental illness.

Butcher, P. The phenomenological psychology of J. Krishnamurti. • Knoblauch, D.L. & Fai.conf.r, J.A. The relationship of a measured Taoist orientation to Western personality dimensions. • Rothberg, D. Philosophical foundations of transpersonal psychology: An introduction to some basic issues. • Russell, E.W. Consciousness and the unconscious: Eastern meditative and Western psychotherapeutic approaches.

Boorstein, S. Transpersonal context, interpretation, and psychotherapeutic technique. • Chinen, A.B. Elder tales revisited: Forms of transcendence in later life. • Epstein, M. Meditative transformations of narcissism. • Fleischman, P.R. Release: A religious and psychotherapeutic issue. • Tart, C.T. Consciousness, altered states, and worlds of experience. • Welwood, J. Personality structure: Path or pathology?

Dubs, G. Psycho-spiritual development in Zen Buddhism: A study of resistance in meditation. • Teixeira, B. Comments on Ahimsa (nonviolence).

Chinen, A.B. Middle tales: Fairy tales and transpersonal development at mid-life. • Davis, J. & Wright, C. Content of undergraduate transpersonal psychology courses. • Echen- hofer, F.G. & Coombs, M.M. A brief review of research and controversies in EEG biofeedback and meditation. • Lu, F.G. & Heming, G. The effect of the film Ikiru on death anxiety and attitudes toward death. • Meadow, M.J. & Culligan, K. Congruent spiritual paths: Christian Carmelite and Theravadan Buddhist Vipassana. • Wf.imer, S.R. & Lu, F.G. Personal transformation through an encounter with death: Cinematic and psychotherapy case studies.

Chinen, A.B., Foote, W., Jue, R.W., Lukoff, D. & Spielvogel, A. Clinical symposium: Challenging cases in transpersonal psychotherapy. • Epstein, M. The deconslruction of the self: Ego and "egolessness" in Buddhist insight meditation. • Hiltunen, S.S. Initial therapeutic applications of Noh Theatre in drama therapy. • Pendzik, S. Drama therapy as a form of modern shamanism. • Wilber, T.K. Attitudes and cancer: What kind of help really helps?

Cumulative Index: The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, Volumes 1-20,1969- 1988. Contents listed by volume year. Alphabetical list of authors. • Lukoff, D. Transpersonal perspectives on manic psychosis: Creative, visionary, and mystical states. • Lukoff, D. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Topic: Mystical experience. • Vich, M.A. Some historical sources of the term "transpersonal." • Wilber, K. On being a support person.

Epstf.in, M. Forms of emptiness: Psychodynamic, meditative, and clinical perspectives. • Heery, M.W. Inner voice experiences: An exploratory study of thirty cases. • Roberts, T.B. Multistate education: Metacognitive implications of the mindbody psychotechnologies. • Srvpiro, D. Judaism as a journey of transformation: Consciousness, behavior, and society. • Walsh, R. What is a shaman? Definition, origin, and distribution.

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No. 2

1990 Vol. 22 No. 1

No. 2

1991Vol. 23 No. 1

No. 2

1992 Vol. 24 No. 1

No. 2

1993 Vol. 25 No. 1

Carlat, D.J. Psychological motivation and the choice of spiritual symbols: A case study. • Lukoff, D. & Lu, F.G. Transpersonal psychology research review: Topic: Computerized databases, specialized collections, and archives. • Nelson, P.L. Personality factors in the frequency of reported spontaneous praetematural experiences. • Peters, L.G. Shamanism: Phenomenology of a spiritual discipline. • Schavrien, J.E. The rage, healing, and daemonic death of Oedipus: A self-in-relation theory. • Serlin, I. A psycho-spiritual-body therapy approach to residential treatment of Catholic religious.

Epstein, M. Psychodynamics of meditation: Pitfalls on the spiritual path. • Fox, W. Transpersonal ecology: “Psychologizing" ecophilosophy. • Holden, J.M. & Guest, C. Life review in a non-near-death episode: A comparison with near-death experiences. • Nelson, P. The technology of the praetematural: An empirically based model of transpersonal experience. • Welwood, J. Intimate relationship as path.

Hughes, D.J. & Melville, N.T. Changes in brainwave activity during trance channeling: A pilot study. • Lukoff, D., Zanger, R. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychoactive substances and transpersonal states. • Tart, C. Adapting Eastern spiritual teachings to Western culture: A discussion with Shinzen Young. • Waldman, M. Reflections on death and reconciliation.

Dobi.in, R. Pahnke’s “Good Friday experiment”: A long-term follow-up and methodological critique. • Dubin, W. The use of meditative techniques in psychotherapy supervision. • Mansfield, V. Looking into mind: An undergraduate course. • Tart, C.T. & Deikman, A.J. Mindfulness, spiritual seeking, and psychotherapy.

Lajoie, D. H., Shapiro, S.I. & Roberts, T.B. A historical analysis of the statement of purpose in The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology. • Montgomery, C.L. The caregiving relationship: Paradoxical and transcendent aspects. • Tart, C.T. Influences of previous psychedelic drug experiences on students of Tibetan Buddhism: A preliminary exploration. • Vaughan, F. Spiritual issues in psychotherapy. • Vigne, J. Gum and psychotherapist: Comparisons from the Hindu tradition.

Bogart, G.C. Separating from a spiritual teacher. • Lajoie, D.H. & Shapiro, S.I. Definitions of transpersonal psychology: The first twenty-three years. • Lukoff, D., Turner, R. & Lu, F. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychoreligious dimensions of healing. • McNamara, P. A transpersonal approach to memory. • Shapiro, D.H., Jr. A preliminary study of long-term meditators: Goals, effects, religious orientation, cognitions. • Vich, M.A. Changing definitions of transpersonal psychology.

Hughes, D..J. Differences between trance channeling and multiple personality disorder on structured interview. • Loy, D. Avoiding the void: The lack of self in psychotherapy and Buddhism. • Stavely, H. & McNamara, P. Warwick Fox’s “transpersonal ecology”: A critique and alternative approach. • Waldman, M., Lannert, J., Boorstein, S., Scotton, B., Saltzman, L. & Jue, R.W. The therapeutic alliance, kundalini, and spiritual/religious issues in counseling: The case of Julia. • Walsh, R.N. & Vaughan, F. Lucid dreaming: Some transpersonal implications.

Carr, C. Death and near-death: A comparison of Tibetan and Euro-American experiences.• Greyson, B. The physio-kundalini syndrome and mental illness. • Lukoff, D., Turner, R. & Lu, F. G. Transpersonal psychology research review: Psychospiritual dimensions of healing. • Ossoff, J. Reflections of shaktipat: Psychosis or the rise of kundalini? A case study. • Walsh, R. & Vaughan, F. The art of transcendence: An introduction to common elements of transpersonal practices.

The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology, 1997, Vol 29, No. 184

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1997 Annual Conference

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The Journal of Transpersonal Psychology - Vol. 29.1 (1997)

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