The Izon of the Niger Delta: Chapter 29
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Transcript of The Izon of the Niger Delta: Chapter 29
CHAPTER 29
Saviour Nathan A. Agoro, Charles Asuk, S.T. Olali and Ambilly Etekpe
Introduction
This is an overview of the migration of the Ijaw out of Nigeria into the various
countries in West and Central Africa. The pattern of Ijaw migration differed
from country to country. Whereas the Anglophone countries served as transit
settlements, the people preferred settling in large communities in Francophone
countries.
The reason for this pattern of settlement is not easy to determine. But the
greater motivating factor behind all movements out of Nigeria was economic.
People moved because they wanted greener pastures. But not all the people
who left the traditional home land wanted to be associated with the occupation
of their birth, which in most cases, was fishing.
Here a marked difference was noticed between the Ijaw who settled in Central
Africa and those who settled in West Africa. Whereas the immigrants to
Central Africa adopted the fishing solely as a means of livelihood, those who
migrated to West Africa, who were more of urban dwellers, opted for the civil
service and other professional vocations.
The Ijaw in Central Africa were able to establish little communities along the
shores of the Atlantic Ocean while their counterparts in West Africa learned to
get integrated into the cosmopolitan areas. The evidence in the disparity in the
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T H E I.Z O. N
IN W E S T A N D
C E N T R A L A F R IC A
adoption of fishing as an occupation by the Ijaw in Central and West Africa
could be seen in the response of people interviewed in the course of this study.
Of all the people interviewed in this study in Ghana, Sierra Leone and The
Gambia, only one person was associated with fishing as an occupation,
whereas all the people interviewed in Gabon and the Cameroon were actively
involved in fishing.
The Ijaw in Ghana, Sierra Leone and The Gambia
It is not easy to determine when the first set of Ijaw settlers migrated out of the
homeland and settled in countries in West and Central Africa. Though precise
dates are difficult to determine for all the countries involved, yet it will be safe
to say that the Ijaw settled in these countries many years before some of the
countries gained independence.
Some Ijaw had settled in Ghana before the first world war. One of the
informants, Joel Nathan Tubonimi, reported that his grandfather had settled in
Ghana from where he was recruited to fight for Britain in the First World War.
Other Ijaw people had settled in Ghana at this period. Though precise figures
are not available, it is obvious that the middle of the 19th century could likely
be the time the Ijaw migrated to Ghana.
The story of the arrival of the Ijaw in Sierra Leone appears a little bit more
complicated. Some Ijaw may have really been part of the Creole community
which settled in Freetown. But due to the thinness of their number many have
been assimilated into the Igbo and Yoruba which were the dominant groups.
It is the practice that most Creoles in Sierra Leone have an Igbo or a Yoruba
first name as well as an English surname. The origin of the practice is related to
the fact that many of the freed slaves identified themselves with the two
predominant groups. But recent investigations have proved that other people
apart from the Igbo and Yoruba groups from other parts of Nigeria, were part
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of the original group of settlers who have now metamorphosed into the present
Creole group. It is a known practice too that some Nigerians who migrated into
Sierra Leone have had to adopt Creole as a group to identify with, and similarly
have either adopted an Igbo or Yoruba first name as well as an English
surname. This is true of the Ijaw in Sierra Leone. Over the years, even some
who bore Ijaw names might have taken Yoruba and Igbo names along with
English names to become part of the Creole community. This position is borne
out of the present experience of some Ijaw people whom this study revealed
have adopted Yoruba names for their children in order to belong to the Creole
community in Freetown.
But, apart from the possible dating of the first set of Ijaw settlers to the era of
the freed slaves, we could date their arrival in Sierra Leone to the colonial and
post colonial era. Two sets of immigrants are discernible: namely, those who
came to look for employment opportunities or were transferred by their
companies to Sierra Leone and those who left home to school at Fourah Bay
College and stayed back to work in Sierra Leone on graduation. The peaceful
nature of the country in those days must have been very alluring. And fruitful
labour in an economy where the competition may not have been as stiff as it
was in Nigeria may have encouraged people to remain behind.
Migration of the Ijaw into The Gambia appears to be more recent than in the
other two Anglophone countries. Until recently, there was no university in the
country, unlike the experience of Sierra Leone where some people were
attracted to the country because of Fourah Bay College. The earliest possible
time of known migration of Ijaw into The Gambia appears to be about fifty
years ago. That puts the precise time of migration to slightly before
independence. The nature of migration was dictated by economic
considerations. Investigations revealed that The Gambia has provided a base
for migration into other countries like Senegal, Guinea, Guinea Bissau and
even some of the countries on the Atlantic Ocean. Since it has been somewhat
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of a transition camp for the Ijaw who have travelled abroad, the Ijaw
population in The Gambia appears recent. Following independence, some Ijaw
people have had to come to The Gambia as diplomats within the Nigerian
diplomatic corps.
The Ijaw in the diaspora have not always retained the traditional occupation,fishing. This trend is noticeable among them in Ghana, Sierra Leone and evenin The Gambia. It may be because, since fishing is mostly done as a familyoccupation, not many families have migrated together to the new environment.In most cases, even though other family members had joined the first émigré inthe new country, since the foundation had not been earlier established, it maynot have been easy to build on it. Besides, the Ijaw who migrated out to thenew environment were better educated, and therefore better equipped to facelife in the modern dispensation than their forebears. Many moved to the newenvironment with technical and professional skills to sell. Others learned totrade. Many were prepared to cope with the new work force that the newindependent countries needed. For instance, in Ghana many Ijaw worked asporters in the University of Ghana, Legon. Others were employed as cooks inthe university. Some combined civil service jobs with petty trading as well asfishing on a small scale.
This present study has revealed that Ijaw have been gainfully employed in thearmed forces as well as in the police in Ghana and Sierra Leone. Some haverisen to very high ranks in both countries. They have worked in the civilservice of the three countries in various departments. But many have been selfemployed in a gainful manner. There are Ijaw in various fields of humanendeavour in the countries they live in the Diaspora. Some have worked inprofessional areas like mining and aeronautical engineering, banking andinsurance, pharmacy and medicine. As for the self employed, some are in therestaurant business. Others have stationery stores, while some havesupermarkets. Still others have established construction firms and are intobuilding of estates and roads. In fact, the Ijaw have adapted themselves to the
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economic environment in the countries in which they find themselves in thediaspora.
The Ijaw in diaspora in the countries covered in this project are familiar with
their traditional religion, but like most of their counterparts at home, have
opted for Christianity as a religion. If in the distant past they carried on
practices associated with the traditional religion, in the present dispensation
there is no semblance of any of those practices. The influence of Christianity
has become predominant in their lives. The case is worth mentioning of The
Gambia where an Ijaw man has the largest single congregation of Pentecostal
believers. In fact, both in the physical infrastructure as well as in number, the
church ranks first in the city of Banjul. Apart from Pastor S.J. Aganaba, who is
the Senior Pastor of the Amazing Grace Victory Centre of the Redeemed
Christian Church of God, Banjul, Gambia, there is also Dr. Tonye Romeo who
is also a pastor in the church. Dr. Tonye Romeo combines pastoral
responsibilities with the practice of medicine. It is obvious that as it is in The
Gambia, Ijaw Christians in other countries of the diaspora too are into
evangelism and church planting thereby enhancing the spread of Christianity.
It is easy to determine the extent of the degree of the survival and status of Ijaw
culture in the diaspora. Since culture is the sum total of a people’s way of life,
the Ijaw in the diaspora have maintained many aspects of their way of life
irrespective of the countries in which they have found themselves. For instance,
the Ijaw in Diaspora still have respect and regard for the Ijaw language. Many
still give names to their children in their language. They teach the Ijaw
language to their children. So the distance from home has not hindered the
young ones from learning and mastering their mother tongue.
Apart from the issue of language, the Ijaw have always shown interest in the
music and dances of the homeland. Prior to the period of the Kofi Busia regime
in Ghana, Ijaw women in Ghana used to form several performance groups
which choreographed dances. These they exhibited during festive periods,
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either at the end of the year, or at some special occasions. Besides, they used to
have wrestling competitions among Ijaw who lived in several Ghanaian towns.
Chief Tubonimi instituted a cup for which Ijaw from different towns competed
each year. The competition was usually in Accra. The wrestling competition
involved a lot of fanfare. The dance procession, ogele, was usually very
colourful. Wrestling teams from different towns wore different costumes. And
they used assorted paraphernalia in adorning themselves for the occasion. They
usually tied two bells at the back of the waist as they danced along the streets
and around the wrestling arena. Some times they even wore masks to
symbolize the prowess of the particular champion. Wrestlers bore titles derived
from fishes, birds, reptiles or animals. Some wrestlers called themselves
sharks, tiger, python, boar, eagle, crocodile, elephant or lion as the case may
be. Traditional wrestling is one aspect of Ijaw culture which endeared the
people to Ghanaians.
The Ijaw in diaspora still wear dresses associated with the Ijaw at home. Even
the Ijaw who live in cosmopolitan cities like Accra, Freetown and Banjul
usually identify themselves not only as Nigerians but would by their attire like
to show off their Ijaw heritage. Apart from sports and dressing, the Ijaw in
diaspora still prepare and eat foods that are associated with the Ijaw at home.
There is no discernible political organisation among the Ijaw in the diaspora. In
the countries covered in this study, they are found as part of a Nigerian union,
either holding one office or another. In this present dispensation in Sierra
Leone they are part of the South-South Association of Nigerians, while at the
same time belonging to the Nigerian Union. In the Gambia they belong to the
newly formed Union of Rivers and Bayelsa States Indigenes. This union does
not have any political connotation. It is more of a welfare organisation which is
formed to over see the overall well-being of its members. The Ijaw in
diaspora pay allegiance to the governments in power in the countries in which
they reside and relate to Nigeria through the Embassy or High Commission.
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The Ijaw in diaspora are well received by their various host-countries. They are
properly integrated into each of these countries. But that does not mean that all
the policies put in place by these countries have been beneficial to the well
being of the Ijaw. Since such policies are always general in nature we cannot
say that any particular policy has been targeted against the Ijaw in particular.
Be that as it may, the Ijaw like other Nigerian groups abroad, have suffered
from some form of discrimination in some of these countries. The most glaring
example of an inimical policy that is worth mentioning is the Aliens’
Complaint Order of the Kofi Busia regime in Ghana. Till today the ill effects of
that foreign policy and the way it affected other nationals in Ghana and the
Ijaw in particular is still the subject of discussion in some quarters. Not too
long ago other nationals were schemed out of the transport business in The
Gambia by government fiat. The Ijaw suffered the fate of other ethnic groups
badly affected by that national policy which sought to protect national
operators in the transport sub sector of the economy.
The acceptance of Ijaw in the host countries could be seen as good
neighbourliness that the Ijaw enjoy with nationals. Besides, there are several
instances of intermarriages between Ijaw and nationals in Ghana, Sierra Leone
and also in The Gambia. Some Ijaw have become so assimilated into
communities in the host-countries that, for some of them, the idea of a return to
the Ijaw homeland, one day in the future, sounds very distant if not strange.
When confronted with the proposition of how they would feel in the face of a
forceful eviction from these countries, all the people interviewed in this study
were very resentful of the possibility of being asked out of the countries at any
point in time. Some imagined that the prospect of being evicted from the
host-countries was the figment of one’s imagination until they were confronted
with the reality of the Ghanaian experience. They were also reminded by the
not too distant expulsion of some Nigerians from Libya and the Cameroon. It is
believed that some Ijaw who managed to stay within Ghana, during the
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expulsion of other nationals from the country, adopted Ghanaian nationality.
For those categories of people their integration and assimilation have now
become total. Some Ijaw speak the mother tongues of the region of their
sojourn with ease and dexterity. Because of the rate of the fluency in the local
languages they could be mistaken for nationals, other things being equal.
Besides, a number of them, apart from being married to nationals of those
countries, have built homes and established firms and other forms of business
engagements.
Lastly, we shall consider the contribution of the Ijaw to the countries they live
in the diaspora. At the rudimentary level, they live as law-abiding citizens of
those countries and conduct the business of everyday living. They pay their
taxes and contribute their own quota individually towards the development of
those economies. Some Ijaw worked in the civil service in some of the
countries, and have risen to enviable ranks. Several opt for the police force as
well as the armed forces. Others are in paramilitary organisations.
On the whole, both in the public and private sectors the Ijaw have contributed
to the countries in which they live. In the health sector, Ijaw doctors, nurses
and pharmacists have worked hard in contributing their own quota to the well
being of their host countries. Dr. Tonye Romeo was the Consultant
Gynaecologist/Obstetrician at the Victoria Royal Teaching Hospital, Banjul, in
The Gambia. From The Gambia. he went to East Timor, following that
country’s independence from Indonesia, to help build their health-care delivery
system. As mentioned earlier, there are Ijaw in various fields of human
endeavour in the countries where they live. They have worked creditably and
contributed to the economies of their host countries in arious professional
areas. In this way they have contributed to the well-being of the countries
where they live. Not only have they been able to enhance their own standard of
living, for those of them who have not lost their bearing, they still make
wholesome contributions to their families and communities. Some have sent
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money home to take care of family and community needs. In this way, though
they are far from home their impact is still felt as they are seen to be working
towards the overall enhancement of the standard of living of their families and
communities.
The Ijaw in the Republic of Cote D’Ivoire
The history of the Ijaw in Cote d’Ivoire dates back to the mid 20th century. As
is the case with Ijaw in some parts of the West African Coast, the Ijaw in Cote
d’Ivoire did not evolve settled communities but rather migrated to Cote
d’Ivoire, as individual families, who are albeit closely knit under an Ijaw
Association and Descendants Union in Cote d’Ivoire.
The current Ijaw represent the second generation of Ijaw migrants, most of
whom were born and bred in Cote d’Ivoire, whose parents were the original
migrants. The earliest Ijaw to come to Cote d’Ivoire came primarily for
economic reasons. The Ijaw migrants may be divided into two broad
categories, namely, those engaged in private business ventures and those who
work in corporate organisations to earn a living.
Significant amongst Ijaw who migrated to Cote d’Ivoire for commercial
reasons were Messrs Benson Manawa Okpounga and Adams Abraham
Amafah.
Mr. Benson Manawa Okpounga was born on the 1st of January, 1918. A native
of Abari town in Delta State, he was a caterer by profession. He migrated to
Cote d’Ivoire in the mid 1950s, where he set-up a business in which he sold
fish and ifenia (cassava meal, farina), in large quantities, from which he made a
fortune and gained prominence as a businessman of repute in Cote d’Ivoire.
Mr. Adams Abraham Amafah is also from Abari Town in Delta State. He too
went to Cote d’Ivoire in the 1950s, and established the ifenia and fish trade.
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Adams Abraham Amafah prepared his ifenia (cassava meal) in such a fine
manner that made it delicious and attractive to a lot of customers.
Some Ijaw migrated to Cote d’Ivoire to take up employment with corporate
organisations as wage earners. Significant amongst them are Yebrifador
Denyor Daniel of Sagbama town, Bayelsa State, who worked in the Obuasi
Gold Mines in Ghana before going on to Abidjan with an American for whom
he worked; and Omonika Owerikere of Amassoma in Bayelsa State who
worked as a chef for the Transcap Shipping Company from the 1940s.
The Republic of Liberia
The Ijaw of Nigeria have had long standing contacts with the Republic of
Liberia before the 19th century. Oral testimonies given by Ijaw sons who have
lived in Liberia since the early and mid 20th century reveal that many Ijaw men
served as cooks and sailors on board European ships and ocean-going vessels
in the 19th century. The 20th century represents the era in which people of Ijaw
stock actually began to settle in Liberia individually.
The first type of settlers may be described as “chance-settlers”, because they
came to Liberia and settled there unintentionally. The second type are the
commercial settlers who came to Liberia to trade or engage in other businesses.
The third category of settlers are people of Ijaw parentage who are in Liberia
because they were born there by settler parents; and the fourth were,
professionals who came to Liberia to work for their respective organisations.
The earliest Ijaw men, known and attested to have migrated and settled in
Liberia went to that country in which they eventually lived for so many years
afterwards, by chance. For example, Sampson Richards Sambo in the 1920s
and Jones Wariebi in the 1940s, arrived in Liberia on ships bound for the
United Kingdom, and dropped in Liberia. Both own private businesses in
Monrovia.
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Besides the first category of Ijaw who settled in Liberia by chance, are
individuals who went to, and settled in Liberia for economic reasons, or to
make a living.
In addition to the Ijaw who settled in Liberia by chance, and for economic
reasons, are Ijaw who live in Liberia because they were born there, being heirs
of the other categories of Ijaw settlers. The story of this generation of Ijaw
descendants in Liberia will thus constitute another reliable index to the nature
of Ijaw livelihood through the years in Liberia.
Ijaw in the Republic of Benin
We were unable to locate Ijaw settlers in the main cities of Benin, and none
among the local fishing settlements inhabited by Fon, Yoruba and Akan.
However, a local historian, Martine de Souza (2000:35) records a migration
from the Niger Delta to Whydah in the 15th century. The leader of the
migrants, Ahobo, is credited with setting up the worship of the royal python,
dangbe, in Whydah, a deity also worshipped at Nembe in Bayelsa State, and
known there as adagba.
The Ijaw in Gabon, Cameroon, and Equatorial Guinea
The Ijaw first arrived in Central Africa in 1920, to search for a more profitable
fishing environment. The arrival of Chief Oki and his household in Tiko,
Cameroon, in 1920 marked the beginning of the influx of the Ijaw into the Tiko
area of Cameroon, which subsequently became the hub of Ijaw dispersal into
several other parts of Central Africa.
When Oki left Kulama, his hometown in present day Bayelsa State, he did not
have the intention of going up to Tiko, Cameroon. He journeyed to a village
called Atabong in the Bakassi Peninsula through the Calabar River and settled
there for sometime. From Atabong he proceeded to Cameroon and settled in a
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village called Big Kombo in the Tiko area in 1920. A second group of Ijaw led
by one Chief Isaac from Lobia arrived in Big Kombo to join Chief Oki.
According to Mr Matthew Abaka, “if Oki and other Ijaw people had arrived
Cameroon and there was no river for the fishing occupation or if the river was
not conducive for the Ijaw traditional fishing occupation they would not have
settled. This would have prompted an onward journey”.
Chief Oki’s arrival and settlement in Cameroon coincided with the placement
of Southern Cameroon under the trusteeship of Britain, Nigeria’s former
colonial master. The indirect rule system of British colonial administration
extended to Southern Cameroon as part of Nigeria. A prominent feature of the
indirect rule system was the introduction of Warrant Chiefs to collect taxes
from the people and remit to the colonial government. As the trend of the time,
many Ijaw chiefs, starting from Chief Oki, came to acquire this status and
perform the functions of overseeing the administration of an area of
jurisdiction, collection of taxes and remitting same to the government. Others
who acquired a similar status like Chief Oki of Kulama, were Chief Isaac of
Lobia, and Chief Salmon Frank of Ezetu. They collected taxes from the people
under their jurisdiction, whether Ijaw or non-Ijaw, within the Tiko District.
Chief Salmon Frank, continued in this respected position into the post-colonial
period, retiring only in 1986.
The settlement of Chief Oki in Big Kombo, Tiko District of South-Western
Cameroon and the news of his presumed wealth from the Ijaw traditional
fishing occupation signalled and prompted another wave of migration of Ijaw
into Tiko. With the continuous inflow of Ijaw, the settlement of Big Kombo
expanded and the population became too much for the place. Consequently,
many Ijaw began to move out in various directions in search of convenient
fishing grounds. It was in the course of this continuous movement that a son of
Chief Oki, Didi Oki, and his group, made up of his household and friends, got
to Gabon, and settled at a place called Akaungwa.
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During this early period of Ijaw settlement in Cameroon, when anyone of them
died in any part of Cameroon, the burial and funeral rites were done at Big
Kombo. It is now almost a deserted settlement with a handful of Ijaw settlers.
There is some controversy concerning the earliest migrations to and settlement
of the Ijaw in Gabon. It is about the first group of Ijaw to arrive Gabon, the
probable date of arrival, and the first settlement founded. The first version
came from Chief Boy Soubaikebula, the village head of Paediatric village,
Gabon and one of the earliest Ijaw arrivals (with an arrival date of 1964).
According to him, he was among the first Ijaw men to arrive and settle in
Gabon in a place called Owendo office du Bois. The first group of Ijaw
immigrants arrived in the same year (1964), though others probably came a few
months earlier. He mentioned one Isamou from Ekeni as the first Ijaw man to
settle in Gabon.
Another group while agreeing that it was Isamou who first arrived and settled
in Gabon, state that he came in 1963 and settled in Akaungwa where he met a
Gabonese who helped groups secure a plot of land, where they erected a CMS
church building. The evangelist in-charge of the church was one Mr Jonathan
Fawari (Snr) whose son, Chief Jonathan Fawari (Jnr), is one of the two Ijaw
chiefs recognized by the government of Gabon. They continued their stay in
Akaungwa till 1972 when the government of Gabon decided to build a harbour
at Akaungwa. This resulted in the evacuation of the Ijaw from Akaungwa and
their subsequent resettlement in Grand village.
The version concerning Didi Oki is stronger in Cameroon. It contends that Didi
Oki opened Gabon for the Ijaw, and that his arrival and settlement predates
1963. Albeit, it is very interesting to note that all the movement to and
settlement in Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and beyond, originated in the Tiko axis
of Cameroon.
659
Our investigation in Equatorial Guinea revealed a different experience from
Gabon and Cameroon. While the Ijaw have quasi-permanent settlements in
Cameroon and Gabon, there was nothing to show as proof of settlement by the
Ijaw in Equatorial Guinea. Both indigenous and official policies did not
encourage the settlement of the Ijaw, even on the coastal lines of Equatorial
Guinea. There were a few Ijaw in Bata, the second major city after Malabo.
The consequence of this scanty settlement of the Ijaw in Equatorial Guinea is
the attendant lack of any significant impact on the economy of the country.
Foreigners, Ijaw inclusive, were not allowed to engage in the fishing
occupation and other numerous economic endeavours.
In Gabon, the Ijaw are found in the following settlements viz: Alenakiri, Petit
village, Akournam, Paediatric, Sovingab, Nede, Monkah, Ikendje, Libi,
Bananier, Cocobeach. Others are the settlers in the cities of Libreville and Port
Gentile.
In Cameroon, the Ijaw are found in the following settlements: Youpwe, Takele,
Dongo, Campo, Kombo Dibo, Biobio, Passi, Ebikoro, Angalabiri,
Mantanamasari, Gwapwe, Younwe, Kombo Mukoko, Kombo Wenge, Bouma,
Ngotti I, II, III, IV, V, Bigekiri, Pouka I, II, III, Watchman Kombo, Akara
Kombo, Beescool, Tende, Mangi, Big Kombo, Indikile, Ebikiri Zion, Kou,
Mamanda, Cap Cameroon, Gbaple, Akponla Kombo, Ebonge, Kalanga, Sanje,
Mbebelekume, Bousamba, Kakablanga, Musoko, Ngani, Ebeka, Isaki,
Matimba, Epawpaw, Kumba, Tiko, Douala, etc.
The data presented above does not include those settlements that have been
deserted either in Cameroon or Gabon.
It is clear that we do not have much to talk about Equatorial Guinea vis-à-vis
Ijaw settlements and their impact. However, there was a prominent Ijaw man,
Pastor Joel, who has a church, Christ Assurance Church, with a mixed
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population of over one thousand worshippers in Malabo, the capital city of
Equatorial Guinea.
The early period of Ijaw arrival and settlement in Gabon and Cameroon was a
period of fleeting success when the physical and social environment presented
a conducive and favourable milieu for the conduct of their traditional fishing
occupation. Therefore many Ijaw were attracted to fishing in Cameroon and
Gabon, causing some sort of population explosion of the Ijaw in these countries
and their continuous stay till this day. However, at present there is a
deterioration and degeneration of the social and economic environment that has
affected the Ijaw and their traditional occupation adversely.
It was the Ijaw who introduced the native population of the Cameroon and
Gabon to the art of fishing beyond the subsistence level. The arrival of the Ijaw
brought large-scale fish production, which served both the commercial needs of
the economy and domestic consumption. The Ijaw were seen as hardworking
and determined fishermen who, in the face of intimidating social problems,
succeeded in making a living. According to Chief Ishmael Boufaghe, the Ijaw
produce the greater portion of fish available in the Gabonese markets.
In response to and recognition of the fish production ability of the Ijaw, the
Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), a United Nations agency decided
to provide grants and financial assistance to the Ijaw to improve on the fish
production activities. Unfortunately, these incentives did not get to the poor
Ijaw fishermen but were embezzled by officials of the government of Gabon.
According to N.S. Dauda, Consular Officer, Nigerian Embassy, Gabon,“the Ijaw people control the coastal lines of Gabon and contribute about70% of the total fish production in Gabon. During the unfortunate incidentof mass repatriation of Nigerians in 1992, Gabon witnessed what could beregarded as a great depression in her economy. There was acute shortageof fish supply in the markets and the entire population fell back on meatconsumption, which was grossly inadequate and costly.”
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Consequently, there was a reconsideration of the repatriation order to the extent
that the Ijaw who avoided or escaped the repatriation exercise were encouraged
to stay back and continue fish production. When those who were repatriated
learnt of the “pseudo-acceptance” of the Ijaw again, some of them returned to
Gabon. However, the return of the Ijaw resulted in molestation and harassment,
such as the introduction of several obnoxious polices aimed at reducing the
Ijaw people to the status of Gabonese “subjects”. From 1992 till this day, the
Ijaw are confronted with severe social problems.
These policies were intended to prevent the Ijaw from reaping the benefits of
their fishing occupation. For instance, those Ijaw who used to take their fish to
the markets themselves were subjected to a system whereby the Gabonese
would have to come to the Ijaw settlements, particularly those at the coast of
the metropolis, to buy the fish from the Ijaw. Tied to the above policy is the
system of using scale, with a fixed price, introduced by the Gabon government,
to sell Ijaw fish. The adoption of this marketing approach enhanced the ability
of the government of Gabon to obtain semi-accurate statistics of the quantity of
fish that enters the market on a daily basis.
The Gabonese established a fishing industry in Libreville at the wharf to
undertake storage, preservation and processing of the fish from the Ijaw
fishermen. The arrival of the Ijaw, which occasioned the emergence of
deep-sea and large-scale fishing activities, also prompted the introduction of
mechanized fishing and trawlers for industrial fishing in Gabon. Gabonese
were sent out to study the art of fishing. Fishing vessels were imported and
manned by those Gabonese trained overseas. Bilateral relations were negotiated
with related companies in China. The new fishing company in Gabon and one
of the first in Central Africa was commissioned in October, 2005.
The Ijaw in the fishing industry compete favourably. With their knack for
creative traditional ingenuity in the area of fish preservation, they have crafted
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simple but effective methods of fish preservation. The fish is dissected, and
salt is poured on the dissected surface and all over the body. The fish is then
put in the sun for a period of two or three days depending on the intensity of
the sun. On getting dried, the fish becomes solid like stock-fish and would
remain in that state until it is used.
According to Chief Boy Soubaikebula, who arrived in Gabon in 1964, “before
the arrival of the Ijaw the Gabonese knew very little about fish. The Gabonese
depended solely on meat . The Ilaje, who arrived earlier than the Ijaw,
restricted themselves to the production of bonga fish”. The Ijaw who practised
deep-sea fishing would stay for days, between five and seven days at sea. At
first they got their fishing gear from Nigeria until a South Korean, Kavakas,
started the importation of outboard engines, nets and introduced the fabrication
of small boats in Gabon.
In July 2002, the Ijaw, who settled on the coast of Gabon, were forcefully
evacuated from their coastal fishing settlements, like Grand village, and Petit
village, and asked to merge with the natives. This constituted another horrible
experience for the Ijaw who are predominantly fishermen residing with their
fishing tools at the coast. But the people and government of Gabon were
unhappy with the establishment of independent Ijaw settlements on the coast
line. Some Ijaw settling in far away coastal communities like Monkah, Libi,
Nede and Akenzeh, with distances from Libreville ranging between 65 km to
82 km sent several delegations, including prominent chiefs like Chief Peter
Okegbe to the Gabon authorities for a consideration of the evacuation order.
They were then allowed to remain in those settlements. Later a Nigerian
government delegation, led by former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon
(Rtd), was received by the Vice-President of Gabon, and seen as an attempt to
please the Ijaw.
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In the past, Ijaw settlers lived in their own houses in quasi-independent
settlements, without anything like rent-payment. But now they have been
forced to live in houses owned by Gabonese and are confronted with the issue
of rent payment. Reduced to the status of refugees, many Ijaw sent their
children to attend school at home.
To what extent have the Ijaw been integrated into Gabonese society and its
social milieu? Ijaw culture is at great variance with the cultures of the Central
African republics of Cameroon, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea though there
may be some identifiable similarities. It is also important to note that though
there are flourishing inter-cultural exchanges between the Ijaw settlers and the
natives of these countries, there was generally a limit to these interactions. The
plethora of inter-cultural interactions did not, in any way, lead to a compromise
in the observance of the Ijaw cultural practices and their retentions in the
diaspora.
First, the aquatic environment necessitated and favoured the continuity of the
Ijaw traditional fishing occupation and other traditional cultural practices.
Closely related to the traditional fishing occupation is the art of canoe-carving.
This important aspect of the cultural practice of the Ijaw people attracted
serious attention due to the fact that it provides the principal support to the
fishing occupation. The Ijaw people take seriously the art of canoe-carving in
Gabon and Cameroon. While Ijaw in Gabon operate the canoe-carving
industry clandestinely due to the hostile social milieu, in Cameroon the Ijaw
canoe-carvers operate with greater freedom.
In Gabon, the Ijaw are not allowed free access, even to purchase timber. The
Ijaw therefore go into negotiation with the forest guards who take them into the
heart of the forest where they pay a levy when the timber is cut down. The Ijaw
canoe-carver then remains in the forest to complete the canoe-carving
processes. In the alternative, the Ijaw canoe-carvers get the timber from the sea.
Often, there are floating timbers, which would have fallen into the sea during
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the process of loading. In this case, the Ijaw fishermen, who have access to the
floating timber, bring it to the shore for the canoe-carving process.
In Cameroon, canoe carving is a thriving industry, dominated by the Ijaw. It
constitutes an important economic contribution by the Ijaw to the development
of their host countries.
Furthermore, while the social milieu in Gabon did not permit Ijaw producers of
gin to carry out their trade, those Ijaw in Cameroon introduced and dominated
the production of gin, although they were sometimes harassed, and their
products seized. They were required to pay different kinds of taxes or their
products were destroyed by the gendarmes.
The Ijaw are deeply interested in the retention and observance of their culture.
This is evident in their traditional dressing code; the continuous speaking of the
Ijaw language, which constitutes the vehicle or means of culture transmission
to the new generation; the periodic or occasional display of the owuugiri and
owubene dances; the observance of Ijaw traditional funeral and marriage rites,
and many more of their customs. Indeed, many Ijaw men and women, who
died in Cameroon and Gabon, were given Ijaw traditional burial.
There is also an example of a complete traditional marriage contracted between
an Ijaw woman and a Gabonese man at Cocobeach, Gabon. In this particular
instance, all Ijaw traditional marriage rites were observed. However, there are
many casual relationships between the Ijaw and members of their host
countries. The result of these unrecognized inter-cultural relationships are
children with dual citizenship who share heritage from both cultures.
In Gabon, there has been a growing reduction of the display and practice of
certain Ijaw traditions. Prior to the July, 2002 inter-settlement evacuation,
which resulted in the destruction of their principal settlements, the Ijaw had
tended to have quasi-independent settlement status, as those settlements had
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100% Ijaw settlers. They could therefore observe their customs and traditions
fully. But the evacuation and destruction of their settlements and their forceful
incorporation into the midst of Gabon natives reduced their observance of Ijaw
cultural practices.
The commitment of the Ijaw to the Christian religious faith resulted in the
proliferation of churches, headed by Ijaw settlers and the emergence among
them of many pastors, evangelists, missionaries and other workers. In
Cameroon, there are as many churches as there are Ijaw settlements,
particularly the Cherubim and Seraphim order. There are also a handful of
other orthodox and Pentecostal churches with important Ijaw personalities,
some headed by Ijaw. For example, Chief Jonathan Fawari (Snr), one of the
earliest Ijaw to arrive in Gabon, rose to become an eminent evangelist in the
CMS, Barak Mission, Libreville. In recognition of his achievements and
contributions to the development of the mission, at his death he was buried in a
reserved cemetery, meant for important personalities in Gabon. His son, Chief
Jonathan Fawari (Junior), has stepped into his shoes and is doing wonderfully
well to the extent that he has been offered Gabonese citizenship several times,
which he has turned down. There are people like Pastor Godwin Joseph Abaka,
founder of Triumphant Assembly Mission, Gabon; Pastor Joel, founder of
Christ Assurance Church, Malabo; Pastor Livinus, who has been shepherding
the flock of God in the Cherubim and Seraphim group in Cameroon since
1952.
In spite of limited inter-cultural exchanges, many contacts have been made
between the Ijaw and the hosts. For example, while the Ijaw introduced the
hosts to the art of deep sea fishing, they on the other hand, were introduced to
new dishes and meals like bobolo, mutoka, piodo, and gbundo.
An official policy of alienation as against integration has reinforced nostalgic
feelings in the Ijaw. Thus those of the new diaspora have a strong sense of
attachment to their homeland. For example, the Ijaw in Gabon, when
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threatened by the Ilaje due to the recent skirmish between the two ethnic
groups back home in Nigeria, quickly sent messages home for Supreme Egbesu
assistance before the intervention by the Nigerian embassy ended in the signing
of an undertaking to keep the peace.
In Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon, these countries harass the Ijaw
through carte de sejour (resident permit) and the imposition of several fishing
taxes and levies.They are also attacked at sea by the gendarmes. Sometimes,
the Ijaw communities are attacked at night and their houses looted. The cost of
the carte de sejour in Cameroon is between CFA 100,000 and CFA 130,000
for two years, with a renewal fee of CFA60, 000; in Equatorial Guinea it is
CFA 500,000 for 6 months with a renewal fee of CFA 100,000; and in Gabon
it is CFA 600,000 for two years with a renewal fee of CFA 120,000.
A few Ijaw have been given employment as casual workers in the oil-rich
province of Ponte Gentile in Gabon outside their traditional fishing occupation.
They have not found their way into the civil service of the host countries or the
organized private sector, and official policies of these host countries prevent
Ijaw participation in the political system. Political campaigns, in fact, are not
extended to Ijaw settlements, and polling booths and centres are not provided
in their settlements. Consequently, Nigerian embassies in these countries have
cautioned the Ijaw and other Nigerians against involvement in the politics of
these countries. Human rights violations assume a record high proportion in
Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. Ijaw and other Nigerians are
imprisoned and brutalized without justice. Often those imprisoned die within a
short period of time, while in prison custody. The Ijaw suffer the worst of the
harassment and brutalization experiences, because their settlements are in the
creeks.
A notable element about the Ijaw in Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea and Gabon
is the political organizational structure of their communities. In their
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settlements, they practice the same system of political organization as at home.
Accordingly, in almost all the Ijaw settlements, there are two chiefs, a head
chief and an assistant, who administer them.
The trend in Gabon is a little different, while there are Head chiefs for the
various settlements, there are two prominent chiefs whose jurisdictions cover
the whole Ijaw settlements in Gabon. Currently, these are Chief Jonathan
Fawari and Chief Peter Okegbe, both recognized by the government of Gabon
and the Nigerian embassy in Libreville. as the official representatives of the
Ijaw people in Gabon. There is also the Ijaw Welfare Association, recognized
officially. They collectively administer justice, law and order among the Ijaw
in Gabon.
The Ijaw in Congo Brazzaville
Ijaw settlements exist in Mossaka in the north and in Pointe Noire in the south
in the Republic of Congo.
Mossaka is the main port of call on the Congo River. Several rivers flow into
the Congo at this point, making Mossaka a cross-roads town in the Cuvette
region. The town was founded in 1912 by Colombe, a Frenchman. Ijaw
fishermen arrived in the early 1950s along with other settlers from the Benin
Republic. They are reported to have introduced improved fishing techniques,
and gradually took over control of the fishing industry, with the use of nylon
nets and the art of smoking fish.
Ijaw settlers spread from Mossaka to found the fishing villages of Sangha,
Likouala and Ndeko. The host government set up a fish drying company, Usine
de Mokalou de Mossaka in the early 1960s but this was shut down in 1979, and
the fishermen have reverted to smoking fish. The ten Ijaw fishermen we met
there reported that due to political crises in the region, most of their kinsmen
had moved to Pointe Noire in southern Congo.
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Pointe Noire is the main seaport. Ijaw fishermen arrived from Gabon and the
Benin Republic in the early 1940s and founded a fishing village now known as
Base Agip. Bobby from Peretorugbene in Bayelsa state is Chairman of the
Ijaw community. He is engaged in deep sea fishing with a tug boat.
According to Bobby, Ijaw fishermen numbered up to a hundred in the 1960s
when Base Agip was known as Izon-Ama. It gradually became cosmopolitan,
with local Vili, Gabonese, Senegalese, and Ghanaians. Chinese commercial
fishermen now dominate the business, making small scale fishing unviable.
In sum, Ijaw fishermen influenced the fishing industry in the Republic of
Congo from the early 1940s at Mbamou, Kouilou lagoon, Mandingo Kayes,
Mossaka and Pointe Noire. In each of these areas they founded their own
settlements. Because of changing conditions, they have largely abandoned this
region, and only a small number of Ijaw now remain in Mossaka and Pointe
Noire.
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