THE GRIFFITH-TSINGHUA ‘HOW CHINA SEES THE WORLD’
Transcript of THE GRIFFITH-TSINGHUA ‘HOW CHINA SEES THE WORLD’
griffith.edu.au/asiainstitute imir.tsinghua.edu.cn
THE GRIFFITH-TSINGHUA ‘HOW CHINA SEES THE WORLD’Working Paper Series, No 6 (2017)
Chinese Scholars' Debates on International Responsibility By MAO Weizhun
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
MAO Weizhun
The Griffith-Tsinghua Project “How China Sees the World” Working Paper Series
No. 6 (2017)
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
I
Griffith Asia Institute, Griffith University
Griffith was the first University in Australia to offer Asian Studies to undergraduate students
and remains a pioneer in this field. This strong history means that today the Griffith Asia
Institute can draw on the expertise of some 50 Asia-Pacific-focused academics from many
disciplines across the university. Our Strategic Vision is to promote greater interest in and
awareness of Australia’s changing region and its importance to Australia among the public,
universities, policy makers and the media. The Griffith Asia Institute produces innovative,
interdisciplinary research on key developments in the politics, economics, societies, and
cultures of Asia and the South Pacific. By promoting knowledge of Australia’s changing region
and its importance to our future, the Griffith Asia Institute seeks to inform and foster
academic scholarship, public awareness, and responsive policy making. The Institute’s work
builds on over 40 years of Griffith University tradition of providing cutting-edge research
on issues of contemporary significance in the region.
Institute of International Relations, Tsinghua University
Tsinghua University’s Institute of International Relations (TUIIR) is a university-level
academic institution with a strategic goal of becoming a leading international research
think-tank in China. TUIIR concentrates on both research and instruction. Currently, there
are seven research centers, three research programs, and two editorial departments. The
faculty of the institution acts as both instructors and researchers. The TUIIR organizes a
variety of academic activities every year, such as forums, seminars and lectures. We have
held the Community Conference of Political Science and International Relations eight
times, in which more than 700 scholars participated each year. Also, TUIIR has held the
Tsinghua International Security Forum 15 times, the Theory Seminar Youth International
Relations Scholars four times, and the Summer School of the International Relations
Research Methods and Arms Control Seminar nine times. In 2012, TUIIR successfully
organized the first World Peace Forum, which made a major impact globally.
This project is supported by a research Grant (No.16-1512-150509-IPS) from the John D.
and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
II
Project Introduction
How to understand China’s rise and its implications for Asia and the world is an imperative
task for both scholars and policy makers. China has become the second largest economy
next to the United States since 2010. China is also the major trading partner for over 140
countries in the world. As United States-China relations will define the next century, it is
essential to build mutual understanding for policy makers. If strategic distrust is a major
obstacle in US-China relations, as Kenneth Lieberthal and Jisi Wang have suggested,
deepening our understanding of Chinese perceptions and views on international relations
will be a crucial task for bridging the perception gap and mitigating the strategic distrust
between the two nations.
This project aims to make sense of China’s rise in world politics through examining
Chinese International Relations (IR) scholars’ perceptions and debates on key issues in
international relations and Asian security. This project will deepen our understanding of
Chinese scholars, especially regarding how they perceive world politics and how they can
impact Chinese policy making via internal debates. There are two parts in this project. First,
we organize and conduct onsite surveys of IR scholars at the annual conference of the
Chinese Community of Political Science and International Studies in Beijing. Second, we
examine the internal debates among Chinese scholars over international politics, Asian
security, and Chinese foreign policy.
With generous support from the MacArthur Foundation (grant No. 16-1512-150509-IPS),
the Griffith Asia Institute is able to successfully collaborate with Tsinghua University’s
Institute of International Relations to carry out the survey research as well as conduct the
research project on the Chinese IR debates through expert conferences and other academic
exchanges. This working paper series will feature major Chinese scholars’ analyses of
internal debates and our survey findings.
We appreciate your comments and suggestions very much.
Kai He and Huiyun Feng (Co-Chief Investigators, Griffith University)
Xuetong Yan (Lead Project Collaborator, Tsinghua University)
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
III
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
Abstract
“International Responsibility” has become one of the most significant topics in Chinese
International Relations studies over the last decade. Although growing numbers of scholars
have focused on this issue, there remains a low awareness of the need to explore its roots in
China’s academia, and to investigate the internal debates that display the different Chinese
perceptions of international responsibility. This article provides a discourse-activation
framework to explain why Robert B. Zoellick’s speech polarized China’s attention on
international responsibility. It moreover constructs a typological framework based on
dimensions that include the nationalism–internationalism orientation and degree of
fulfilling international responsibility. It singles out three camps of scholars and their
respective viewpoints on international responsibility and China’s relevant policies in this
regard, and demonstrates the “divergent convergence” feature that characterizes the debate
on the topic. In addition to this structural analysis, the article also summarizes the overall
trend from 1950 to 2015 of the preventative to projecting preferences apparent in China’s
academic studies and political discourses on international responsibility. Subsequently,
the article briefly investigates the possible factors affecting convergence and divergence
of perceptions of international responsibility, which imply that fulfilling international
responsibility is crucial to China’s growing presence on the global stage, and that Chinese
academics’ attention to international responsibility should focus on collaboration towards
improving the effectiveness of China’s assertive behaviour in international affairs.
Acknowledgements
This working paper is a revised version of the author’s article “Debating China’s International
Responsibility” in the Chinese Journal of International Politics 10, no. 2 (2017): 173-210.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
IV
About the Authors:
MAO Weizhun is Associate Professor in International Politics at the School of Government
and Researcher at the Centre for Asia-Pacific Development Studies, Nanjing University. He
holds the Doctor’s degree in Social Science (Dr. rer. soc) awarded by Universität Konstanz in
2015 and a PhD degree in International Relations from Renmin University of China in 2012.
His research interests include International Institutions and International Responsibility.
This Working Paper Series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate
debates and discussions among scholars and policy analysts. The views expressed are
entirely the author’s own.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
1
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
Mao Weizhun
Introduction
“International responsibility” has been on China’s International Relations (IR) research
agenda for more than one decade. In September 2005, Robert B. Zoellick (2005) gave a
speech on the United States’ China policy at the National Committee on US-China Relations,
proposing that China act as a “responsible stakeholder” rather than “just a member”, which
would help the US and China work together and “sustain the international system that has
enabled its success”.
Zoellick’s remarks had at least two impacts on both theoretical and policy-related studies
in China. On the one hand, they started the collective large-scale research endeavors on
“international responsibility”. In fact, China showed some hints of “obsession” with Zoellick’s
ideas, in particular with the statement of “responsible stakeholder” (Stratfor 2005). Deng
Yong (2015: 119) finds the diffusion of “responsible power” in China “extraordinary”. As
shown in Figure 1, from 2005 to 2010, there is a stable increase in the number of studies
with the keywords relating to international responsibility. Therefore, it is also interesting
to investigate the following question: why and how has Zoellick’s speech triggered the
emergence of China’s large-scale focus on international responsibility?
In addition, Zoellick’s speech catalyzed a series of debates on China’s own foreign policies
towards the US. For example, some Chinese policy advisors optimistically highlight the
impact of this speech on Sino-US relations
as a way to “alleviate the wave of ‘China
threat thesis’”, which indicates “a com-
paratively reasonable and pragmatic tone”
for the US view of China (Yuan 2006). However, another group shows a relatively unfriendly
attitude to this new American term. They regard the new idea of “responsible stakeholder”
as a variant of hostile arguments such as the “China threat thesis” and the “China collapse
thesis” (Ma 2007).
In addition, there have been several internal debates about various terms related to the
concept of “international responsibility”. Since then, Chinese scholars have shown divergent
there have been several internal debates about various terms related to the concept of “international responsibility”.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
2
050
100
150
Art
icle
Num
ber
at C
NK
I
1995 2000 2005 2010 2015Year
fuzerendaguofuzerendedaguodaguozerendaguodezeren
guojizerenguojiyiwuzhongguozeren
zhongguozerenlun
Source: http://trend.cnki.net
Figure 1 Trend of Studies on International Responsibility in Chinese, 1995–20151
attitudes, especially when the terms “China’s responsibility”, “responsible power” and
“international responsibility” are closely intertwined. Some have embraced this concept of
“responsibility”, because it indicates a strategic change in US’ China policies and it potentially
emphasizes the irreplaceable role of China in the international order. In contrast, others
warn of the possible trap set by the US in line with its long-time containment policies
towards China. In a long-term perspective, most Chinese scholars have finally accepted the
concept, which shows an aspect of increasing convergence in the debate, despite different
opinions in applying international responsibility.
As a result, it is necessary to investigate the following questions: to what extent and why do
Chinese scholars diverge in their views of international responsibility? What factors affect
the divergence and convergence of Chinese
scholars’ attitudes towards international
responsibility? In fact, it seems that China’s
attitudes on international responsibility
experienced an unusual evolution process, featuring an unanticipated start, internal debates,
and unintended consequences on China’s international performance.
Chinese Attention Shift to International Responsibility
It has not been easy for China to shift its attention to international responsibility after
1 In addition to international responsibility (guoji zeren) and international obligations/duties (guoji yiwu), there are some other synonymous terms in Chinese that are related to international responsibility and connected to China’s role within the scope of international responsibilities, such as responsible great powers (fuzeren daguo), responsible states (fuzeren guojia), responsible developing countries (fuzeren de fazhanzhong guojia), great power responsibility (daguo zeren), great power undertaking (daguo dandang), responsible China (fuzeren de zhongguo), China’s responsibility (zhongguo/woguo zeren), global responsibility (quanqiu zeren) and China’s undertaking (zhongguo/woguo dandang), etc. It calculates the number of articles with the title containing the above keywords in CNKI as the indicator of China’s academic studies.
It has not been easy for China to shift its attention to international responsibility after Zoellick’s 2005 speech.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
3
Zoellick’s 2005 speech. To be exact, Zoellick reactivated Chinese discussions of international
responsibility, as there were some discussions concerning international responsibility
before 2005, which had lost their momentum. Hence, this study analyzes the historical
development of Chinese attention to international responsibility before 2005 through both
the academic debates and the dimension of political discourse.
On the Academic Discussions before 2005
Chinese IR scholars acknowledged the significance of international responsibility within
the context of national power in the 1980s. In August 1987, the first nation-wide IR
conference with more than 80 participating scholars was held in Shanghai. They argued
that national power is closely connected with international responsibility/obligations (Tian
1987: 58). Also, in the 1980s, the term “international obligation (guoji yiwu)” was used in
academic journals to refer to China’s contribution in terms of foreign assistance, which
shows China’s internationalism (Xiao 1987).
In the 1990s, international responsibility became more relevant, which indicated China’s
increasing willingness to integrate in the international community. China’s academic
concerns regarding international responsibility synchronized with scholars in other countries
and regions. For example, in 1994, Young
Seek Choue (1995), the rector of Kyung
Hee University in South Korea, argued
that the three major countries in East Asia
(China, Japan and South Korea) should contribute to the global community and human
future. Hou Jiaju (1995), an economist from Taiwan, called for China to integrate into the
global society, fulfill its responsibility in the international community, and share the
Chinese experience with others.
Furthermore, Yan Xuetong (1996: 207–208) proposed that China should bear more “political
responsibilities” to match its increasing power, which would eventually become “China’s
important interests”. Nevertheless, he cautioned the pitfalls of accepting international
responsibility, because there is no common definition and the strong countries actually define
this term (Yan 2001: 37). In addition, Wang Yizhou (1999) highlighted “responsibility with
its related interests” as one of China’s three quests of twenty-first century foreign policies,
paralleling development and sovereignty. Other scholars regarded fulfilling international
responsibility as one of China’s regional strategies in the early 2000s (Tang and Zhang
2004; Xiao 2003).
In the meantime, scholars outside China also started to deliberate on China’s responsibility
in the very process of its rise. For example, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
celebrated its fiftieth anniversary in 1999, scholars like Zhang Yongjin and Greg Austin
(2001) attempted to analyze China’s diverse attitudes on the “responsibility of its rising
power in international relations”.
Chinese IR scholars acknowledged the significance of international responsibility within the context of national power in the 1980s.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
4
On the Political Discourse, 1949–2005
“International responsibility” appeared in China’s political discourse in an even earlier
period. Taking articles appeared in the People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao) as an indicator,
Figure 2 proves that the term “international responsibility” is not new at all. China started
to demonstrate its first wave of advocating international responsibility from 1949 to 1965.
This wave was mainly associated with Chinese enthusiasm for internationalism on the
international platform, in which the term usually functioned as a propaganda tool in
disputes between China and the Soviet
Union. It also indicated China’s willingness
to participate in international affairs and
ease its isolation imposed by Western powers. From 1966 to 1989, China’s references to
international responsibility showed sporadic distribution as a result of a series of
influential events. Despite coming back to an international platform, China remained in an
isolated and self-centered situation: regaining its UN seats was only a symbol of Chinese
international legitimacy. During this period, China emphasized the significance of fulfilling
responsibility to world peace when interacting with other powers such as Britain and Japan.
010
020
030
040
0N
ew
s N
um
ber
in P
eopl
e's
Dai
ly
1950 1955 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015Year
News 1949-1965 Fitted Curve 1949-1965News 1966-1989 Fitted Curve 1966-1989News 1990-2004 Fitted Curve 1990-2004News 2005-2015 Fitted Curve 2005-2015
Figure 2 Distribution of News about “International Responsibility” in the People’s Daily, 1949–20152
In fact, China revived its active willingness regarding international responsibility around
the last decade of the twentieth century. Hereby, China attempted to show its own
responsible face towards the US. For example, Deng Xiaoping asserted that China is an
honest and a responsible country in 1988 (Sun 1988). In 1992, Qian Qichen proposed China
as “a responsible great power in the world” when discussing Sino-US relations (He 1992).
When Jiang Zemin met with Bill Clinton in 1994, he declared, “the two countries will
assume more and more responsibilities for maintaining peace in the world” (citing from 2 The figure sets the number of news that contain guoji zeren as the measurement indicator.
“International responsibility” appeared in China’s political discourse in an even earlier period.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
5
Yan 1996: 207–208). In addition, China exhibited responsible performances at regional
platforms in the mid-1990s. Its reputation as a responsible country grew as it responded to
the 1997 financial crisis by assisting its neighboring countries in Southeast Asia. In 1999,
China officially set its own image as a “peaceful, cooperative, and responsible great power”
(Office of Policy Studies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1999:4).
Diverse Responses to International Responsibilities in China
As a simple roadmap, China’s intellectual attention to international responsibilities can be
traced back to the 1980s (Tian 1987: 58), but its primary development was triggered by its
response to the Asian Financial Crisis (Niu 2008; Xing and Zhan 2008). In 2005, Zoellick’s
statement on “responsible stakeholder” greatly drove China’s academic discussions to the
first climax with a series of debates concerning international responsibilities and Chinese
foreign strategies. Furthermore, China’s transformation of foreign policies under new
leadership boosted a new wave of debates, thanks to new political declarations in fulfilling
international responsibilities.
During China’s intellectual process on international responsibility, different impetuses
propelled international responsibility studies further, bringing both structural divides and
processual convergences in China’s relevant scholarship. In fact, diverse and even conflictual
viewpoints emerged within China. Therefore, it is necessary to analyze Chinese studies on
international responsibility from a “within” perspective.
A Typological Framework of Nationalism versus Responsibility
This paper assumes that Chinese academic divergence is affected not only by ideological
positions on the nationalism-internationalism continuum, but also by academic evaluations
of the extent to which China has fulfilled its responsibilities. On the one hand, the academic
orientation of nationalism can act as a typological criterion for scholars’ categorization of
international responsibility. China’s foreign policy is usually shaped by nationalism as well
as internationalism (Chen 2005). As one kind of foreign policy, international responsibility
is closely related to an ideology of nationalism, as well as its counterpart internationalism.
Qin Yaqing and Zhu Liqun (2005) argue
that China, as a responsible member of
international society, has to abandon
parochial nationalism and follow a new
internationalism. Shambaugh (2013: 25–36) distinguishes between nine kinds of contending
discourses on Chinese global identities, constructing a spectrum from nationalist to
internationalist and to globalist positions; he implies that nationalists tend to refuse
international responsibility while globalists would like to take on “an ever-greater
responsibility”. Deng Yong (2015: 117–118) argues that China’s identification as a “responsible
power” is actually manipulated by its “nationalist impulse” and “realpolitik calculations”.
international responsibility is closely related to an ideology of nationalism, as well as its counterpart internationalism.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
6
On the other hand, China’s academics show their divergent positions about the desirable
extent of fulfillment of China’s international responsibility. Theoretically, “responsible
agency” is actually “a matter of degree” (Williams 2006). It should be noted that the extent
of a given scholar’s position on China’s fulfillment of international responsibility is not
necessarily related to the spectrum of China’s global identities from nativist to globalist; for
example, both nativists and selective multilateralists demonstrate a negative attitude towards
international responsibility (Shambaugh 2013: 22–36). Mao Weizhun (2016) depicts a
typological framework on international
responsibility based on the degrees of
fulfilling responsibility and the roles of
responsibility undertaken. In this model,
different extents of fulfilling responsibility reveal various perceptions on the necessity,
possibility and prospects through which China understands international responsibility in
different settings.
Figure 3 shows the academic orientation of Chinese scholars into a continuum from
nationalism to internationalism, which spans from an isolated state to an open position.
Simultaneously, it follows the dimension of responsibility from negative to positive approach.
In sum, Chinese viewpoints on international responsibility can be categorized into three
groups: averting, accommodating, and advocating.
Nationalism InternationalismAcademic Orientation
Posi
tive
NegativeDegree of Fulfilling Int’
l Res
p.
Averting
Accomodating
Advocating
Figure 3 Typological Framework of China’s Debates in International Responsibility
The Averting Camp: It’s a Trap!
In spite of traditional emphasis on responsibility and the awakening of Chinese IR scholars
(Wang 1999; Yan 1996: 207–208; Yeophantong 2013), many scholars and policy advisors
are still highly vigilant against the proposal of international responsibility (Shambaugh
Chinese viewpoints on international responsibility can be categorized into three groups: averting, accommodating, and advocating.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
7
2013: 19). This camp keeps a conservative and even isolated stance on nationalism and
negative opinions regarding international responsibility. There are three arguments that
are generally put forward to support this viewpoint.
First, they mostly emphasize the morally accountable dimension of responsibility, and are
highly cautious of foreign critics on the causes of a specific crisis. For example, Ma Zhengang
(2006, 2010) argues that Zoellick’s speech hides some “subtext”, implying that China is
irresponsible and should act according to
the ideas of Western countries. Ma’s opinion
and his official position as the Director of
China Institute of International Studies
make him highly influential. Many articles about China and international responsibility
cite Ma’s viewpoints (Hu 2007; Liu 2007b; Niu 2008).
Second, scholars are alert to the strategic concepts proposed by the Americans, believing
that the argument of “China’s responsibility” is in line with “the China threat thesis” and
“the China collapse thesis” (Zhang 2012), and thus thought to be tools of US’ policy of
containment against China. Many scholars consider this a variant of “the China threat
thesis”, while other scholars directly label it the “US’ ‘China’s responsibility’” (Xie and Tang
2006). Zhang Shengjun (2007) regards “China’s responsibility” as an alternative form of
imposing pressure on China. Zhang Ruizhuang (2008) is vigilant about responsibility-
related proposals (e.g. Responsibility to Protect, R2P), asserting they would overturn the
international order and pose challenges to China. Shambaugh (2013:19) observes that
Chinese scholars consider the proposal as a kind of “Western effort” to “tie China down” or
a tool to “contain China”.
Third, this group pessimistically predicted that China’s rise might be interrupted by the
burden of taking on more responsibilities. It is true that “China’s responsibility” has been
a trial for China’s peaceful development (Liu 2007a). Some directly consider “China’s
responsibility” to be a huge threat to China’s development security (Zhang 2012). Given
China’s rise and the relative decline of the US, the Chinese, including the scholars, do not
believe that the US will easily accept this situation; when the US’ long-term hostility is
taken into account, the degree of mistrust increases. As Zhang Shengjun (2007) notes,
“China’s responsibility” is a requirement of “Western Anti-China Forces”.
The Accommodating Camp: It’s a Trend!
A second group attempts to accommodate China with the appeal of international
responsibility within contemporary international society. They disagree with the judgement
of the averting camp, regarding the arrival of “China’s responsibility” and “responsible
stakeholder” as not merely challenges, but also as presenting some opportunities (Liu
2007b), when taking a pragmatic approach. In line with this camp, it seems inevitable that
international responsibility is closely related to an ideology of nationalism, as well as its counterpart internationalism.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
8
China must undertake its international responsibilities, because it is not only the
international society’s “external expectation”, but also China’s own “development demand”
as a rising power (Hu 2007; Niu 2008). For example, Jin Canrong (2009) evaluates the
pros and cons of China’s fulfillment of international responsibilities, concluding that
China’s benefits will be greater than the relevant costs in the international system.
However, this camp also realizes that China may encounter a series of problems when
taking on more international responsibilities (Niu 2008; Xing and Zhan 2008). As a result,
some scholars give more attention to the approaches to bearing international responsibility
rather than totally refusing responsibility (Gan 2010).
What scholars want to accommodate includes the world situation, China’s power, the
balance between internal and external expectations, as well as a fair trade-off in China’s
capacity between domestic and international responsibilities. First, Chinese scholars partly
accept the notion of the “responsible great power” and subsequent “responsible stakeholder”
more willingly. In fact, fulfilling international responsibility coincides with China’s interests
and China’s identity on the international stage. In addition to Yan Xuetong’s (1996: 207–208)
argument wherein bearing responsibility becomes “China’s important interest”, others
like Ren Xiao (2007), Liu Hongsong (2004) and Wang Gonglong (2008) highlight the
enhancement of public interest, shared interest or integrated interest in international society
when China bears relevant responsibility. On the other hand, international responsibility
connects with identity-driven willingness.
Niu Haibin (2008) argues that international
responsibility is a derived duty that a
country holds as a member of international
society. With its rise, China therefore has
to meet both its own demands as well as those of the international community as a
responsible great power (Wu 2011). Meanwhile, Qin Yaqing (2003) points out that China’s
identity as a responsible great power can increase its security interests and promote
interaction between China and the international society.
Second, this group shows cautious attitudes regarding the relations between China’s power
and international responsibility. China’s rise has both revived its internal willingness and
triggered external expectation in the fulfillment of its international responsibility. For
example, many studies focus on the issue of China as a “responsible great power” rather
than “China’s responsibility” (Li and Xu 2006; Xing and Zhan 2008). The scholarship has
realized the significance of China’s power in the supply-demand structure of international
responsibility (Xu 2008). Nevertheless, most Chinese scholars take a prudent approach
when they attempt to bridge China’s power and international responsibility. Liu Feitao
(2004) argues that power and responsibility together construct the preconditions of great
power identity, highlighting that responsibility is actually “adequate exertion of powers”.
Therefore, Chinese scholars admit that China should bear international responsibilities,
What scholars want to accommodate includes the world situation, China’s power, the balance between internal and external expectations, as well as a fair trade-off in China’s capacity between domestic and international responsibilities.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
9
but they argue that China itself should set the standards of “power adequacy” in the
fulfillment of international responsibility (Li 2008; Pan and Zheng 2007). For example,
some scholars assert that a country should bear its responsibility in accordance with its
position within the international power structure (Liu 2007b; Ren 2007).
Third, these scholars set up an alternative “defensive” principle in fulfilling international
responsibility, that is, China’s most important international responsibility or its largest
international contribution is to solve its domestic problems. In 2007, then Chinese Foreign
Minister Li Zhaoxing claimed that the foremost of China’s responsibilities is its responsibility
for the Chinese people. In addition, the People’s Daily declares the starting point of China’s
active participation in international affairs is being “responsible for the people of our country”
(Wang 2007; Zhong 2012). This orientation is followed in the academic discussions on
international responsibility. For example, many scholars insist that China’s internal affairs
are included as the first priority of its great power responsibilities (Wu 2011); according to
Ren Xiao (2007), taking responsibility for domestic citizens and prioritizing China’s own
problems are two principles by which China fulfills its international responsibility.
Fourth, regarding international responsibility, this group adopts a narrower approach
in operationalizing the concept and defining the issue scope. Chinese scholars have
deliberated on the conceptual operationalization of international responsibility and have
categorized it according to various dimensions that clarify the relationship between
international responsibility and other variables. For example, Li Dongyan (2011) disagrees
with the use of the term “international responsibility” and prefers the concept of “international
contribution”, thus identifying different sources of international responsibility and breaking
down the relations between power and
international responsibility. Others have
probed diverse aspects of international
responsibility, concentrating on its moral
essence and noting that there are no
“recognized and operationalized” standards in fulfilling international responsibility (Li
2011; Zhou 2011). Despite some scholars’ application of the concept to diverse issues like
human rights, climate change, energy and humanitarian actions (Cai 2010; Wu 2010; Yu
and Tang 2009), most researchers maintain a defensive stance on identifying international
responsibility. For instance, Liu Ming (2008) proposes a concept of “limited responsibility”
concerning “international obligations”, one that goes beyond narrower domestic interests
and strategic targets.
The Advocating Camp: It’s a Tool!
The advocating camp takes a more proactive viewpoint in fulfilling international
responsibility, while keeping a more open opinion in exerting China’s nationalism. These
scholars further emphasize the significance of fulfilling international responsibilities across
Chinese scholars have deliberated on the conceptual operationalization of international responsibility and have categorized it according to various dimensions that clarify the relationship between international responsibility and other variables.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
10
diverse issues within the context of China’s rise and China’s new position in the last decade.
They mostly regard it as an opportunity for China’s further development on the international
stage, although China may suffer some costs and risks. For them, fulfilling international
responsibilities should be an active performance for a specific country based on its own
situation rather than purely conforming to a trend.
Here Chinese scholars reaffirm the connections between China’s capacity and international
responsibility, underlining China’s ambition as a great power rather than
over-emphasizing China’s status as a developing country, thereby promoting its role in
providing public goods in global governance. As Yan Xuetong (2011) points out, “if China
wants to regain its historical status as a great world power, it must act like a great world
power”. In general, what these scholars try to advocate includes the strategic value of
assuming international responsibilities, the necessity of participating in the global
community, and China’s updated views on sovereignty-related notions.
First, most scholars consider international responsibility as a strategic issue for China’s
global performance. For example, Wang Yizhou (2011) proposes a concept of “creative
involvement”, in which fulfilling international responsibility can take a significant part.
Meanwhile, Shi Yinhong (2008, 2011) emphasizes China’s changed role in the world, thus the
need to change its strategy to take up its share of international responsibility. Yan Xuetong
(2013: 183–190) calls for the transformation of China’s foreign principles from economic
concerns to political orientation based on its role as a responsible great power.
Second, advocating scholars not only consider fulfilling international responsibilities as a
necessary step for participating in international society, but they also regard it as a
problem-solving approach, for example, “China’s Plan” in global governance. Pang Zhongying
(2006, 2011) differentiates between China’s international involvement and its greater roles
in international system, arguing that its involvement dimension prevails while its “role”
consciousness has been relatively insufficient, which is actually a “responsibility” issue; thus,
he calls for China to take on responsibilities for global governance through its problem-solving
approaches. Qin Yaqing (2014) argues that
China should contribute “China’s Plan” for
the transformation of the international order.
Additionally, advocating scholars have
started to focus on international leadership.
For example, Liu Hongsong (2004) examines China’s international leadership responsibility
and calls for China to actively provide public goods and build international institutions.
Yan Xuetong (2013: 183–190) proposes international leadership responsibility within
China’s foreign policies as a responsible great power, whereby China should learn to lead.
In addition, many scholars in this camp have taken a reflective viewpoint on China’s
traditional principles (like non-interference) in the new era and have propose a series of
related notions about international responsibility with more open minds (Chen 2016). For
advocating scholars not only consider fulfilling international responsibilities as a necessary step for participating in international society, but they also regard it as a problem-solving approach,
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
11
example, Yan Xuetong (2015: 3, 236) proposes a theory of “moral realism”, which regards
fulfilling international responsibilities as the core of the wangdao strategy in order to
maintain the stability of the international order. Meanwhile, some specific topics within
the broad concept of international responsibility such as R2P and “Sovereignty as
Responsibility” are discussed via theoretical and policy perspectives, reflecting Chinese
academic attempts to abandon dogmatic principles like sovereignty in order to follow
international trends (Liu and Zhang 2014; Mao and Bu 2015; Ruan 2012).
However, the advocating group’s support for China’s increasing international responsibilities
is not without any conditions: according to Shi Yinhong (2011: 95), China’s fulfillment of
international responsibility holds only when it “(1) will not violate its vital interests and
surpass its capability; (2) results from equal consultation between China and the external
world, rather than from any ‘dictation’ or coercion by the latter; and (3) largely matches
China’s reasonable international rights and privileges”.
Towards Divergent Convergence in Debating International Responsibility
It is important to note that the typology of these three camps on international responsibility
is based on ideal rather than actual types, however a scholar might cross two camps
depending on issues and during different time periods. What the typology seeks to clarify is
the intellectual roadmap rather than labelling individual scholars. Furthermore, “international
responsibility” is embedded in an existing structure of many key indicators including
security, sovereignty, realpolitik, international image, China’s identities and so forth; as
Alastair Iain Johnston (2008: 146) indicates, the Chinese have to make multiple trade-offs
amongst different political dimensions. In this vein, no Chinese IR scholar totally refutes
or absolutely accepts the notion of international responsibility. Conditions matter. They
actuate trade-offs according to objective
evaluations and academic orientation
amongst different sets of tensions. Most
importantly, China possesses conflictual
identities (Shambaugh 2013: 35–36), which further diversify the viewpoints of Chinese
scholars on international responsibility.
As a result, Chinese debates regarding international responsibility show a seemingly con-
tradictory characteristic: “divergent convergence”. First, the referred terms of international
responsibility in Chinese debate are still diverse, but internally it presents an increasingly
positive meaning. Chinese scholars have finally accepted the term “China’s responsibility”
which was a negative expression before 2008, admitting that China should actively take
on relevant international responsibilities. While the averting scholars are adjusting their
viewpoints towards a positive position, the advocating scholars are also adjusting their
outlook to avoid excessive responsibility activities.
Chinese debates regarding international responsibility show a seemingly contradictory characteristic: “divergent convergence”.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
12
Second, China’s preference in international responsibility is becoming positive, but different
terms imply a variety of inferences of Chinese scholars in connection with China’s multiple
identities. China’s evolving notions could reflect an evolution from “responsible state”, to
“responsible power”, to “responsible stakeholder”, and to general international responsibility.
For example, the use of “responsible state” takes on a neutral logic of China being a developing
country in the world; when using “responsible power”, scholars are actually highlighting
China’s relatively higher status and potential prestige with a latently nationalist position;
while the reference to “responsible stakeholder” shows Chinese support of the state as a
community member with a significant internationalist identity.
Third, “divergent convergence” also indicates that China’s comprehensive perceptions of
international responsibility would take more and more complicated issues into account.
When diverse issues are included into the
rhetoric of international responsibilities in
a convergent manner, a problem emerges:
fulfilling international responsibility of
different issues may bring incoherent policy consequences. For example, is it possible to
fulfill international responsibility for North Korea and balance the targets between insisting
upon nuclear non-proliferation and providing foreign aid?
Finally, new disputes come up from the general convergence of Chinese viewpoints in
international responsibility including: Whether or not to assume international leadership
responsibility in the face of the United States’ possible retreat under the new administration?
To what extent should China fulfill its international responsibilities and which area is the
priority? And how to effectively assume international responsibilities in a systematic manner?
In particular, most of China’s recent attention is on the debate over the extent to which
China should shoulder international responsibilities in the new strategic situation. Some
scholars argue that China should be more prudent in assuming international responsibility
given the huge investments and possible risks of China’s regional projects. Meanwhile, both
Chinese academia and policy researchers take note of the possible risks of the “Kindleberger
Trap” within a Sino-US power transition (Li 2017; Nye 2017; Xinhua 2017a).
From Preventing to Projecting
China’s studies on international responsibility can also be discussed in a time dimension,
that is, from preventing the burden of international responsibility to projecting the fulfillment
of international responsibility in order to gain a global presence. For example, some
scholars and policy advisors in the averting camp have changed their previous opinions on
China’s international responsibility. Even the scholars in the advocating group demonstrate
changing perceptions on international responsibilities. For example, Yan Xuetong (2001:
37) advocates that China should fulfill its international responsibilities but caution the
potential risks embedded in the discourses of international responsibility articulated by
“divergent convergence” also indicates that China’s comprehensive perceptions of international res-ponsibility would take more and more complicated issues into account.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
13
Western countries (Shambaugh 2013: 33). Ma Zhengang (2015) demonstrated a positive
attitude towards China’s responsibility on the resolution of international heated disputes.
Before 2005, there were few disputes on the issue of responsibility in spite of some
pioneering insights among China’s IR studies. Chinese scholars had framed the issue as an
indispensable element of China’s foreign strategies agenda such as regional strategy.
However, Zoellick’s argument of “responsible stakeholder” provoked China’s academic
discussions, by challenging the prevailing intellectual positions and triggering a series of
debates. Scholars’ viewpoints diverged because of differing opinions on relevant variables
such as Sino-US competitive relations, ideological struggles, and the structural tensions of
international competition.
Later, Chinese scholars combined “responsible great power” with “responsible stakeholder”,
calming down some Chinese anxious attitudes. They found international responsibility
could benefit China in spite of the possible
costs. Moreover, as further involvement
into international society is a key task of
Chinese foreign policy, this proposal actually
provides some opportunities for China. Consequently, scholars no longer debate whether
international responsibility should be fulfilled, discussing instead possible approaches and
the extent to which international responsibility should be practiced (Zhu 2010: 41). Some
scholars even propose buiding a system of international responsibilities in the transitional
period (Gao 2013).
Nationalism InternationalismAcademic Orientation
Positi
veNe
gative
Degree of Fulfilling Int’
l Resp.
1950-1964
1965-1978
1979-1999
1998-2005
2006-2015
Figure 4 Development of China’s Attention in International Responsibility, 1950–2015
With the rise of China on the global stage, Chinese scholars found that actively promoting
the level of international responsibility may bring comprehensive benefits for China as a
great power. At present, the concept of “international responsibility” covers a diverse range
Chinese scholars combined “responsible great power” with “responsible stakeholder”, calming down some Chinese anxious attitudes.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
14
of issues, over China’s historical mission of national rejuvenation, global issues and
challenges, international development and global common security. According to State
Councilor Yang Jiechi (2015), “as a responsible great power, China should introduce
China’s Initiative, exert China’s roles, and provide China’s contribution”, which aims to
project international responsibility and construct “a community of common destiny”.
In summary, China’s attention to international responsibility is not simply linear in nature.
Figure 4 indicates that China adopted a less isolated nationalism and preferred to undertake
international responsibility within the socialist bloc before the split between China and
the Soviet Union in the mid 1960s. After 1978, China gradually accepted the notion of
international responsibility, and focused on this issue from an academic perspective. From
“responsible great power” after 1997 to “regional responsibility” in early 2000s and to
“responsible stakeholder” in 2005, Chinese scholars’ research on international responsibility
continues to evolve. Based on a ten-year study of Chinese scholarly works from 2006 to
2015, three camps with different viewpoints have emerged, varying in accordance to con-
figurations composed of various academic orientations about the nationalism-internationalism
spectrum and different degrees of international responsibility fulfillment.
However, since 2015 there have been some signs of a new phase in China’s reflections
about its fulfillment of international responsibilities. For example, with the emergence of
large-scale academic studies and political discourses along with China’s assertive behaviors
under initiatives like One Belt One Road (OBOR), many scholars who were previously
optimistic have turned towards a more cautious view, implying a newly emerging convergence
in the idea of avoiding “overheated” activities of fulfilling responsibilities. They worry that
China’s over-commitment may interrupt national rejuvenation and lead to the failure of
China’s rise. For example, Shi Yinhong (2015a, 2015b), who once advocated responsibility
as a key word in China’s strategy, points out the risk of “strategic overstretch” in China’s
international expansion and emphasizes
the importance of “prudence” in OBOR.
Meanwhile, Yan Xuetong (2016: 9–19)
finds China actually over-burdens its inter-
national responsibility in terms of foreign
aid and criticizes that quixotic and extreme leftist foreign view that excessive national
capacity is indeed “Grandiose” (haoda xigong) rather than “Striving for Achievements”
(fenfa youwei). This path of “grandiosity” may disrupt China’s successful rise. Coincidentally,
some American experts notice that China is moving into the role of “post-responsible power”
with increasing “revisionist” hints (Deng 2015: 117–118).
In addition, Donald Trump’s election as US president and his declarations on climate
change and international stability provide a different perspective to Chinese viewpoints on
international responsibility. Yan Xuetong notices the contradiction between the United
States’ shifting responsibility while enjoying privileges, arguing this brings big uncertainties
many scholars who were previously optimistic have turned towards a more cautious view, implying a newly emerging convergence in the idea of avoiding “overheated” activities of fulfilling responsibilities.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
15
to the world while it cannot “stop the US economy from a relative decline” (Yamada 2016). In
this case, the US withdrawal actually pushes China forward to assume more responsibilities.
Similarly, Li Wei confirms that China could play a greater role and bear more responsibility
in specific areas when the US denies its leadership responsibility, such as free trade,
infrastructure, clean energy and so forth, wherein China holds some comparative advantages
(Zhang, Xue and Li 2017:19–20)
Why Diverge and Why Converge?
There are at least five dynamics that can explain the divergence in views of China’s
attention in international responsibility. This set of variables can explain why some realists
tend to advocate that China fulfill international responsibility more than some liberalist
and constructivist scholars. First, the ideological differences between nationalism and
internationalism may determine the orientation of Chinese scholars, affecting the divergent
viewpoints on international responsibilities among different groups. In fact, China has a long
internationalist tradition, but nationalist forces have also played a great role in impacting
its policies on international responsibilities (Wu 2015; Xing and Zhan 2008: 91–92). When
some given scholars prefer an open nationalist or internationalist position, they will likely
support China’s active role in fulfilling international responsibility. Shambaugh (2013:
34–35) echoes this argument, indicating that globalists prefer to bear greater responsibilities
than other schools.
Next, the complex concept of international responsibility is too multi-dimensional and
internally conflictual. It covers issues across economic, political, security, and environmental
sectors and involves different aspects concerning legality, justice, morality, conflicts and
change, which may lead to conflictual situations or a lack of recognized operational standard
(Li 2011). Therefore, Chinese scholars have been debating concepts such as international
responsibility, China’s responsibility, responsible power, and bottom-line responsibility
(Zhu 2010: 40–44).
Third, the gap between theory and policy is an important variable in explaining theoretical
divergence. There have been some inconsistencies between academia and policy makers
in China’s foreign policies (Xu 2016: 460). Policy advisors usually take a more conservative
attitude toward fulfilling international responsibility compared with academics in universities.
This is especially the case when the notion
is proposed by the US, and hostile relations
between China and Western countries
often put pressure on policy advisors to take a more cautious stance. Additionally, China’s
foreign policy officials typically absorb academic findings into national policy, narrowing
the theory-policy gap and decreasing the divergence in debating international responsibility.
For instance, Yang Jiechi (2015) argues that three factors determine simultaneously China’s
endeavors in assuming international responsibility and obligation, as proposed by the
the gap between theory and policy is an important variable in explaining theoretical divergence.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
16
academia: the inherent meaning of China’s typical great power diplomacy, the expectation
of international society and the influence of China’s diplomatic traditions.
Fourth, different theoretical IR branches play a role in affecting Chinese scholars’ choices
of whether to support or reject international responsibility. In particular, the concept
of interest is a key variable in deciding a given scholar’s preference for international
responsibility. According to liberalists, if
there exist common interests, China should
prefer to fulfill international responsibility;
the realists are more cautious with relative
gains and potential struggles among great powers. Moreover, the constructivists deliberate
on China’s identity, whether it is a responsible great power or not; if they recognize the
identity, they will actively advocate to fulfill international responsibilities. However,
when different identities of China emerge, the conflicts of fulfilling responsibility will come
to light.
Last, the potential risks of power transition and China’s own unbalanced development can
trigger different interpretations among Chinese scholars. Different camps have their own
focus and therefore different evaluations of China’s own advantages and disadvantages in
fulfilling its international responsibility. David Scott (2010) hereby notes that ambiguities
and tensions exist in the process of China accepting responsibilities given the current
international system; international responsibility as one kind of “power rise language”
implies varied debates among scholars and policy advisors.
On the other hand, China’s perceptions of international responsibility are changing from
controversy to convergence with generally more proactive approaches. The convergence of
Chinese IR scholars is out of three reasons: China’s grand strategy, Chinese world viewpoints,
and China’s international practice. First, China’s policy direction gives impetus to the basic
convergence of China’s viewpoints regarding whether to bear international responsibility
or not. Chinese scholars examplified typical connections between policy guidance and
theoretical justifications. After 2005, some ideas were proposed by Chinese leaders, including
“harmonious world” and “community of destiny”. This Chinese proactive stance caused
conservative scholars to question their former beliefs. For example, some scholars in the
averting camp finally changed their viewpoints, such as advocating China’s international
undertaking guided by its new proposal of “human community of destiny” (Lin 2017).
Second, convergence is the result of the evolution of China’s worldview during its involvement
into rhw international society. Over the decades, China has changed from a stubborn
opponent to limited involvement and to comprehensive integration. It was also a process
through which China was transformed from being “a victim of the strong” to a “responsible
power” (Deng 2015:120). The learning and socialization process has provided China with
opportunities to participate in international institutions and accept prevailing international
norms, such as being a “responsible stakeholder” (Zhu and Zhao 2008).
different theoretical IR branches play a role in affecting Chinese scholars’ choices of whether to support or reject international responsibility.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
17
Besides the ideational factors, China’s rising power status provides both larger capacity
and heightened willingness as China chooses to fulfill its international responsibility. For
years, China’s responsibility activities in handling financial crises and building new
international institutions have not only brought real benefits but also led to a greater global
presence with increasing international reputation. Furthermore, China’s recent practice
(e.g. OBOR) exposes a series of latent dangers when carrying out assertive strategies,
urging China’s academia to take a more prudent posture when foeging China’s
responsibilities in a convergent manner.
Concluding Remarks and Policy Implications
The rise of “international responsibility” has been a noticeable phenomenon in Chinese
IR studies since 2005, when Robert Zoellick catalyzed the debate on this topic. Most
importantly, we can discern at least three
groups of scholars who have different
viewpoints on international responsibility
from the negative to positive dimensions
and on ideological orientations from
isolation to openness in the nationalism-internationalism spectrum—namely averting,
accommodating, and advocating. This paper argues that the overall trend of international
responsibility studies in China can be described as “divergent convergence”, showing that the
debate on China fulfilling international responsibility is still ongoing rather than stopped.
Based on the above review, two policy implications can be derived for China’s rise and
global presence. On the one hand, fulfilling international responsibility is a crucial step
rather than a trap. China should continue to fulfill its responsibility and use it as a policy
instrument. The current question is how to further bear more responsibilities and how to
improve effectiveness across different issues. China’s responsibility and its problem-solving
plans are essential for its status in the current international landscape.
On the other hand, China may enhance the significance of international responsibility in its
foreign assertiveness, i.e. “responsible assertiveness”. Can responsibility be an effective
response to the fear of a global leadership struggle? Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi
declared that “[R]ather than talking about leadership, we should really be talking about
responsibility”(cited in Xinhua 2017b). Deng Yong (2015: 163) indicates that “responsible
China” would be a good weapon to fight the fear of its possible revisionism. According to
Shaun Breslin (2010: 52, 2013: 616), the “credentials” with which a responsible power can
act is a useful means to ensure China’s national needs on the global stage while China may
seek “responsible change”. As a result, projecting more responsibilities and gaining more
support can decrease the clamor from other powers and neighboring worries, promote
China’s international performance, and provide new alternatives for China’s global
presence.
the overall trend of international responsibility studies in China can be described as “divergent convergence”, showing that the debate on China fulfilling inter-national responsibility is still ongoing rather than stopped.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
18
References
Breslin, Shaun. 2010. China’s Emerging Global Role: Dissatisfied Responsible Great Power. Politics, 30: 52–62.
Breslin, Shaun. 2013. China and the Global Order: Signalling Threat or Friendship? International Affairs, 89(3): 615–634.
Cai, Dingjian. 2010. Ershiyi Shiji De Zhongguo: Fazhi Renquan, Ziwo Rentong He Guoji Zeren [China in 21st Century: Rule of Law and Human Rights, Self-Recognition, and International Responsibility]. Jiaoyu Yanjiu yu Pinglun [Research and Review on Education], 6: 4–16.
Chen, Zheng. 2016. China Debates the Non-Interference Principle. The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 9(3): 349–374.
Chen, Zhimin. 2005. Nationalism, Internationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy. Journal of Contemporary China, 14(42): 35–53.
Choue, Young Seek. 1995. Ershiyi Zhiji Zhanwang He Hanguo Riben Zhongguo De Zeren Yu Shiming [The Prospect of Twenty-First Century and the Responsibility and Mission of South Korea, Japan and China]. Guoji Zhengzhi Yanjiu [International Politics Quarterly], 2: 1–5.
Deng, Yong. 2015. China: The Post-Responsible Power. The Washington Quarterly, 37(4): 117–132.
Gan. Junxian. 2010. Zhongguo Zerenlun Jiedu Yu Zhongguo Waijiao Yingdui [The Analysis of China’s Responsibility and its Diplomatic Countermeasures]. Guoji Zhanwang [Global Review], 4: 59–69.
Gao, Fei. 2013. Zhuanxingzhong De Zhongguo Guojia Dingwei Yu Guoji Zeren Tixi [China’s National Position and the International Responsibility System in Transition]. Guoji Guancha [International Review], 5: 37–43.
He, Hongze. 1992. Zai Meiguo Waijiao Zhengce Xiehui Shang, Qian Qichen Waizhang Tan Zhongmei Guanxi [Foreign Minister Qian Qichen Discusses Sino-US Relations at US Council of Foreign Policy], Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily]. September 24, 1992:6.
Hou, Jiaju. 1995. Quanqiu Xinjiyuan Yu Zhongguo De Guoji Shehui Juese Ji Zeren [The Global New Epoch and China’s Roles and Responsibilities in International Society]. Jingji Xuejia, [Economist], 6: 29–31.
Hu, Jian. 2007. Zhongguo Zeren Yu Heping Fazhan Daolu [China’s Responsibility and its Strategy of Peaceful Development]. Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], 7: 43–47.
Jin, Canrong. 2009. Cong Zhongguo Weixielun Dao Zhongguo Zerenlun: Zhongguo Guoji Yulun Huanjing De Bianhua Yu Yingdui [From China’s Threat to China’s Responsibility: Changes and Response of China to International Environments of Public Opinion]. Lv Ye [Green Leaf], 5: 63–70.
Johnston, Alastair Iain. 2008. Social States: China in International Institutions, 1980–2000. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
19
Li, Baojun and Zhengyuan Xu. 2006. Lengzhan Hou Zhongguo Fuzeren Daguo Shenfen De Jiangou [The Construction of China’s Identity as Responsibile Great Power after the Cold War]. Jiaoxue yu Yanjiu [Teaching and Research], 1: 49–56.
Li, Dongyan. 2011. Cong Guoji Zeren De Rending Yu Tezheng Kan Zhongguo De Guoji Zeren [On China’s International Reponsibility from the Perspective of the Identification and Characteristics of International Responsibility]. Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], 8: 52–57.
Li, Nan. 2008. Zhongguo De Guoji Zerenguan Yantaohui Zongshu [Review of the Conference on China’s Perception of International Responsibility]. Dangdai Yatai [Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies], 6: 150–155.
Li, Wei. 2017. How Can China Avoid the “Kindleberger Trap”? China-United States Exchange Foundation. February 13. Available at http://www.chinausfocus.com/foreign-policy/how-can- china-avoid-kindleberger-trap.
Lin, Limin. 2017. Goujian Renlei Mingyun Gongtong Ti De Zhongguo Dandang [Constructing China’s Undertakings in the Community of Human Destiny]. Jiefangjun Bao [Liberation Army Daily], January 21: 4.
Liu, Feitao. 2004. Quanli, Zerenyu Daguo Rentong: Jianlun Zhongguo Yingdui Guojishehui Zeren De Yingyou Taidu [Power, Responsibility and Big Power Identity: On the Should-Be Attitude of China Towards its International Responsibility]. Taipingyang Xuebao [Pacific Journal], 12: 25–32.
Liu, Hongsong. 2004. Shengyu, Zeren Yu Gongzheng: Zhongguo Duobian Waijiao De Sanzhong Xuqiu (Reputation, Responsibility, and Justice: Three Demands of China’s Multilateral Diplomacy]. Guoji Guancha [International Review], 4: 26–32.
Liu, Jianfei. 2007a. Zhongguo Zerenlun Kaoyan Heping Fahan [China’s Responsibility Tests Peaceful Development]. Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], 4: 22–26.
Liu, Jianfei. 2007b. Zhongguo Zerenlun: Tiaozhan Haishi Jiyu [China’s Responsibility: Challenges or Opportunities?]. Liaowang [Outlook Weekly], 23: 64.
Liu, Ming. 2008. Zhongguo Zerenlun Pingxi [Review on China’s Responsibility]. Mao Zedong Deng Xiaoping Lilun Yanjiu [Studies On Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping Theories], 1: 50–55.
Liu, Tiewa and Haibin Zhang. 2014. Debates in China about the Responsibility to Protect as a Developing International Norm: A General Assessment. Conflict, Security & Development, 14(4): 403–427.
Ma, Zhengang. 2006. Yingdui Guoji Xin Tiaozhan, Cujin Heping Yu Fazhan [Dealing with International New Challenges, Promoting Peace and Development]. Guoji Wenti Yanjiu [China International Studies], 1: 13, 8.
Ma, Zhengang. 2007. Zhongguo De Zeren Yu Zhongguo Zeren Lun [China’s Responsibility and “China Responsibility Theory”]. Guoji Wenti Yanjiu [China International Studies], 3: 1–3.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
20
Ma, Zhengang. 2010. Zhongguo Zerenlun Budengyu Zhongguo Zeren [China’s Responsibility Theory Is Not Equal to China’s Responsibility]. Liaowang [Outlook Weekly], 42: 68.
Ma, Zhengang. ed. 2015. Zhongguo Ying Jinze Jiji Canyu Jiejue Guoji Redian [China Should Take Full Responsibility to Actively Resolve International Hot Issues]. Fenghuang Shipin. Available at http://v.ifeng.com/news/opinion/201503/ 01af1774-3f71-4ff4-b04a-f3208c112ca8.shtml.
Mao, Weizhun and Yongguang Bu. 2015. “Sovereignty as Responsibility”: Thought Sources, Evolving Paths, and Theoretical Debates. Journal of International Security Studies, 1(2): 95–119.
Mao, Weizhun. 2016. Guoji Zeren Gainian Zaishenshi: Yizhong Leixingxue Fenxi Kuangjia [Reconsidering the Concept of “International Responsibility”: A Multi-Typological Framework]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 12: 68–100.
Niu, Haibin. 2008. Pingxi Zhongguo Zeren Lun [Comments on China’s Responsibility Theory]. Fudan Guoji Guanxi Pinglun [Fudan International Studies Review], 8: 94–108.
Nye, Joseph S. 2017. The Kindleberger Trap. Project Syndicate, January 9. Available at https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/trump-china-kindleberger-trap-by-joseph-s--nye- 2017-01.
Office of Policy Studies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. ed. 1999. Zhongguo Waijiao [China’s Foreign Affairs]. Beijing: World Affairs Press.
Pan, Zhongqi and Li Zheng. 2007. Zhongguo Guoji Zeren Yu Guoji Zhanlve De Lilun Sikao: Zhongguo Waijiao Yu Guojiguanxi Lilun 2006 Niandu Guoji Qingnian Yantaohui [A Theoretical Analysis of China’s International Responsibility and Strategy: Review for the Seminar on China’s Diplomacy and International Relations Theory in 2006]. Guoji Guancha [International Review], 1: 22–28.
Pang, Zhongying. 2006. Zhongguo Zai Guoji Tixi Zhong De Diwei Yu Zuoyong [China’s Status and Roles in International System]. Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], 4: 17–22.
Pang, Zhongying. 2011. Zhongguo Jueqi Bixu Xiang Shijie Tigong Wenti Jiejue Fang’an [China Should Provide Problem-Solving Plans for the Worlding During its Rising]. Zhongguo Yu Shijie Guancha [Chian and World Observer], 2.
Qin, Yaqing. 2003. Guojia Shenfen, Zhanlve Wenhua, He Anquan Liyi [National Identity, Strategic Culture, and Security Interests]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 1: 10–15.
Qin, Yaqing. 2014. Wei Guoji Zhixu Biange Gengxian Zhongguo Fang’an [Providing China’s Plan for the Change of International Order]. Zhongguo Shehui Kexuebao [Chinese Social Science Today]. December 17. Available at http://sscp.cssn.cn/zdtj/201412/t20141217_1445580.html.
Qin, Yaqing and Liqun Zhu. 2005. Xin Guoji Zhuyi Yu Zhongguo Waijiao [Neo-Internationalism and China’s Diplomacy]. Waijiao Pinglun [Foreign Affairs Review], 5: 21–27.
Ren, Xiao. 2007. Yanjiu He Lijie Zhongguo De Guoji Zeren [Studying and Understanding China’s International Responsiblity]. Shehui Kexue [Journal of Social Science], 12: 24–27.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
21
Ruan, Zongze. 2012. Fuzeren De Baohu: Jianli Geng Anquan De Shijie [Responsible Protection: Building a Safer World]. Guoji Wenti Yanjiu [China International Studies], 3: 9–22.
Scott, David. 2010. China and the “Responsibilities” of a “Responsible” Power: The Uncertainties of Appropriate Power Rise Language. Asia-Pacific Review, 17(1): 72–96.
Shambaugh, David. 2013. China Goes Global: The Partial Power. New York: Oxford University Press.
Shi, Yinhong. 2008. Chengjiu Yu Tiaozhan: Zhongguo Heping Fazhan, Hexie Shijie Linian Yu Duiwai Zhengce Xingshi [Achievements and Challenges: China’s Peaceful Development, the Idea of Harmous World and Situations of Foreign Policies]. Dangdai Shijie yu Shehui Zhuyi [Contemporary World and Socialism], 2: 81–85.
Shi, Yinhong. 2011. China, “Global Challenges” and the Complexities of International Cooperation. Global Policy, 2(1): 89–96.
Shi, Yinhong. 2015a. Chuantong Zhongguo Jingyan Yu Dangjin Zhongguo Shijian: Zhanlve Tiaozheng, Zhanlve Touzhi He Weida Fuxing Wenti [China’s Traditional Experience and China’s Contemporary Practice: Strategic Adjustment, Strategic Overstretch, and Great Revival]. Waijiao Pinglun [Foreign Affairs Review], 6: 57–68.
Shi, Yinhong. 2015b. Yidai Yilu: Qiyuan Shenshen [Prudence Crucial for the One-Belt-One-Road Initiative]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 7: 151–154.
Stratfor. 2005. China’s Obsession with the Zoellick Speech. November 9. Available at https://www.stratfor.com/analysis/chinas-obsession-zoellick-speech.
Sun, Yi. 1988. Deng Xiaoping Huijian Kaluqi [Deng Xiaoping Meets with Frank Carlucci]. Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily], September 8: 1.
Tang, Shiping and Yunling Zhang. 2004. Zhongguo De Diqu Zhanlve [China’s Regional Strategy]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 6: 8–13.
Tian, Zhili. 1987. Guoji Guanxi Lilun Taolunhui Guandian Zongshu [Review on the Seminar of International Relations Theory]. Zhengzhixue Yanjiu [Cass Journal of Political Science], 6: 55–59.
Wang, Gonglong. 2008. Guoji Liyi, Gongyou Liyi, Yu Guoji Zerenguan [National Interest, Shared Interest, and International Responsibility]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 9: 21–28.
Wang, Xinping. 2007. Zhongguo Heping Fazhan Fuhe Shijie Renmin Liyi [China’s Peaceful Development Is in Accordance with the Interests of the People of the World]. Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily], November 10: 3.
Wang, Yizhou. 1999. Mianxiang Ershiyi Shiji De Zhongguo Waijiao: Sanzhong Xuqiu De Xunqiu Jiqi Pingheng [Towards Chinese Diplomacy in Twenty-First Century: Pursuing and Balancing Three Demands]. Zhanlve yu Guanli [Strategy and Management], 6: 18–27.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
22
Wang, Yizhou. 2011. Creative Involvement: A New Direction in China’s Diplomacy. Beijing: Peking University Press.
Williams, Garrath. 2006. Responsibility. In The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by James Fieser and Bradley Dowden. July 19. Available at http://www.iep.utm.edu/responsi/.
Wu, Bing. 2011. Shenfen Yu Zeren: Zhongguo Guoji Zerenguan Yanjiu [Identity and Responsibility: A Study on China’s Viewpoints on International Responsibility]. Shehui Zhuyi Yanjiu [Socialism Studies], 2: 138–141.
Wu, Bing. 2015. Cong Tianxia Zeren Dao Fuzeren Daguo: Shenfen Shijiao Xia De Zhongguo Guoji Zerenguan Lishi Chanbian Yanjiu [From Heavenly Responsibility to Responsible Great State: A Study of the Historical Evolution of Views of China’s International Responsibility from an Identity Perspective]. Dangdai Yatai [Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies], 4: 93–127.
Wu, Chengqiu. 2010. Sovereignty, Human Rights, and Responsibility: Changes in China’s Response to International Humanitarian Crises. Journal of Chinese Political Science, 15(1): 71–97.
Xiao, Huanrong. 2003. Zhongguo De Daguo Zeren Yu Diqu Zhuyi Zhanlve [China’s Great Power Responsibility and Regional Strategy]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi [World Economics and Politics], 1: 46–51.
Xiao, Ning. 1987. Lvxing Guoji Yiwu Zhiyuan Pinkun Guojia [Fulfilling International Obligations and Assisting Poor Countries]. Guoji Jingji Hezuo [International Economic Cooperation], 7: 26, 28.
Xie, Lijiao and Yanlin Tang. 2006. Meiguo De Zhongguo Zerenlun and Zhongmei Guanxi [On “China’s Responsibility” of US and Sino-US Relations]. Changchun Shifan Xueyuan Xuebao [Journal of Changchun Teachers College], 25(4): 24–27.
Xing, Yue and Yijia Zhan. 2008. Fuzeren Daguo: Lilun Lishi Yu Xianshi [Responsible Great Power: Theory, History, and Reality]. Fudan Guoji Guanxi Pinglun [Fudan International Studies Review], 8: 80–93.
Xinhua. 2017a. FM: China, US Can Avoid Thucydides Trap, Kindleberger Trap. March 20. Available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-03/20/c_136143525.htm.
Xinhua. 2017b. Full Video: Foreign Minister Wang Yi Meets the Press. March 8. Available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/ english/2017-03/08/c_136112550.htm.
Xu, Jin. 2016. Debates in IR Academia and China’s Policy Adjustments. The Chinese Journal of Internaitonal Politics, 9(4): 459–485.
Xu, Zhengyuan. 2008. Quanli Yu Zeren: Lengzhan Hou Zhongguo Fuzeren Daguo Shenfen De Jiangou [Power and Responsibility: The Construction of China’s Identity as a Responsible Great Power after Cold War]. Fudan Guoji Guanxi Pinglun [Fudan International Studies Review], 8: 40–55.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
23
Yamada, Shuhei. 2016. Interview: US-China Tensions Will Continue under Trump—Tsinghua University’s Yan Xuetong. Nikkei Asian Review, November 21. Available at http://asia.nikkei.com/ Politics-Economy/International-Relations/US-China-tensions-will-continue-under-Trump- Tsinghua-Univ.-s-Yan-Xuetong.
Yan, Xuetong. 1996. Zhongguo Guojia Liyi Fenxi [Analysis of China’s National Interests]. Tianjin: Tianjin Renmin Press.
Yan, Xuetong. 2001. The Rise of China in Chinese Eyes. Journal of Contemporary China, 10(26): 33–39.
Yan, Xuetong. 2011. How Assertive Should a Great Power Be? The International Herald Tribune (New York Times), March 31.
Yan, Xuetong. 2013. Lishi De Guanxing: Weilai Shinian De Zhongguo Yu Shijie [Inertia of History: China and the World in the Next Ten Years]. Beijing: China CITIC Press.
Yan, Xuetong. 2015. Shijie Quanli De Zhuanyi: Zhengzhi Lingdao Yu Zhanlve Jingzheng [The Transition of World Power: Political Leadership and Strategic Competition]. Beijing: Peking University Press.
Yan, Xuetong. 2016. Zhengzhi Lingdao Yu Daguo Jueqi Anquan [Moral Realism and the Security Strategy for Rising China]. Guoji Anquan Yanjiu [Journal of International Security Studies], 4: 3–19.
Yang, Jiechi 2015. Jiji Chengdan Guoji Zeren He Yiwu [Actively Bearing International Responsibilities and Obligations]. Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily], November 23: 6.
Yeophantong, Pichamon. 2013. Governing the World: China’s Evolving Conceptions of Responsibility. The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 6(4): 329–364.
Yu, Hongyuan and Wei Tang. 2009. Ditan Fazhan Zhongde Zhongguo Guoji Zerenen [China’s International Responsibility in Low-Carbon Development]. Dangdai Shijie [Contemporary World], 10: 53–56.
Yuan, Peng 2006. Common Responsibilities of “Stakeholders”. People’s Daily Overseas, January 25: 1.
Zhang, Jian, Li Xue and Wei Li. 2017. Dangxia Zhongguo Youzhe Zenyang De Jihui [What Kinds of Opportunities Exist for China]. Shijie Zhishi [World Knowledge], 5: 15–23.
Zhang, Mingzhi. 2012. Cong Zhongguo Weixielun Dao Zhongguo Zerenlun: Xifang Lengzhan Siwei Dingshi Xia De Zhongguo Fazhan Anquan [From China’s Threat to China’s Responsibility: China’s Development Security under the Western Mindset of Cold War]. Shijie Jingji yu Zhengzhi Luntan [Forum of World Economics and Politics], 3: 1–14.
Zhang, Ruizhuang. 2008. Jingti Xifang Yi Rendao Zhuyi Ganyu Weiming Dianfu Xianxing Guoji Zhixu [Be Vigilant about the West Overturning Contemporary International Order in the Name of “Humanitarian Intervention”]. Xiandai Guoji Guanxi [Contemporary International Relations], 9: 12–13.
Chinese Scholars’ Debates on International Responsibility
www.griffith.edu.au/how-china-sees-the-world
24
Zhang, Shengjun. 2007. Zhongguo Zerenlun Keyi Xiuyi [China’s Responsibility Theory Should End]. Renmin Luntan [People’s Tribune], 6: 50.
Zhang, Yongjin and Greg Austin. 2001. China and the Responsibility of Power.” In Power and Responsibility in Chinese Foreign Policy, edited by Zhang Yongjin and Greg Austin. Canberra, Australia: Asia Pacific Press, 1–20.
Zhong, Sheng. 2012. Fahui Fuzeren Daguo Zuoyong [Exerting the Function of Responsible Powers]. Renmin Ribao [People’s Daily], December 4: 3.
Zhou, Fangyin. 2011. Zhongguo De Shijie Zhixu Linian Yu Guoji Zeren [China’s Ideas on World Order and International Responsibility]. Guoji Jingji Pinglun [International Economic Review], 3: 36–51.
Zhu, Liqun and Guangcheng Zhao. 2008. Zhongguo Guoji Guannian De Bianhua Yu Gonggu: Dongli Yu Qushi [The Change and Consolidation of China’s International Ideas: The Dynamics and Trends]. Waijiao Pinglun [Foreign Affairs Review], 1: 18–26.
Zhu, Liqun. 2010. China’s Foreign Policy Debates. Paris: Institute for Security Studies.
Zoellick, Robert. 2005. Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility? Remarks to National Committee on U.S.-China Relations. Secretary of State. New York City, September 21. Available at http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/ zoellick/rem/53682.htm.
CRICOS 00233E J001093
Griffith Asia Institute Macrossan building (N16) Griffith University, Nathan campus Queensland 4111 Australia
P +61 7 3735 3730 F +61 7 3735 3731 E [email protected] W griffith.edu.au/asiainstitute B blogs.griffith.edu.au/asiainsights
Institute of International RelationsTsinghua University304 Ming ZhaiBeijing, 100084 China
P +86 010 62798183 F +86 010 62773173 W imir.tsinghua.edu.cn