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HELLENIC FOUNDATION FOR EUROPEAN AND FOREIGN POLICY

49, Vas. Sofias Avenue, 10676, Athens Greece

Tel. +30 210 7257 110, Fax +30 210 7257 114, E-mail [email protected], www.eliamep.eu

The former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia:

New Government and

New Policies

or New Government

and Old Tactics?

A view from Athens

by Ambassador (ret.) Alexandros Mallias

former Ambassador of Greece to Skopje, Tirana and Washington

June 2017 WORKING PAPER No 79/2017

The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia:

New Government and New Policies or New Government and Old Tactics? A view from Athens

Page 1

Copyright © 2017

HELLENIC FOUNDATION FOR EUROPEAN AND FOREIGN POLICY (ELIAMEP)1

49, Vas. Sofias Ave., 106 76 Athens, Greece

Τel: (+30) 210 7257110-1, Fax: (+30) 210 7257114,

e-mail: [email protected],

url: www.eliamep.gr

All rights reserved

Working Paper Nr 79/2017

The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia:

New Government and New Policies or New Government and Old Tactics?

A view from Athens2

Ambassador (ret.) Alexandros Mallias

former Ambassador of Greece to Skopje, Tirana and Washington

1 ELIAMEP offers a forum for debate on international and European issues. Its non-partisan character supports the right to free and

well documented discourse. ELIAMEP publications aim to contribute to scholarly knowledge and to provide policy relevant

analyses. As such, they solely represent the views of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the Foundation.

2 this paper is partially based on the author’s remarks used during the Conference “The Unknown Balkans” organised by ELIAMEP

in Athens on June 2 and 3 ,2017

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.eliamep.gr/

ELIAMEP Working Paper No 79/ June 2017

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Author’s Information:

Ambassador (retired) Alexandros P. Mallias served as Ambassador of Greece to the United

States of America (2005-2009). Following his retirement,he became Special Adviser at the ELIAMEP

(Hellenic Foundation for European & Foreign Affairs) .

Guest -lecturer at the Post -Graduate Diploma in Negotiations ( D.I.N.) of the Athens University for

Economics and Business and at the Post -Graduate Course ''Cooperation and Security in the

Mediterranean''( University of Peloponnese,Korinthos) Post-Graduate Course on Leadership and

Negotiation ,New York College ( Athens ), Member of the International Board of the IBCM (

International Business College in Mitrovica). He is a frequent academic panelist and lecturer

including at the Yasar University ( Izmir) , Prizren Public University ( Kosovo) , American University in

Iraq ( KRG , Suleymanija) .

Ambassador Mallias has been extensively dealing over 15 years with the Balkan issues and

frequently travelling throughout the region. He served as:

- Director of the Southeastern Europe (Balkan Affairs) at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2000-2005)

- Ambassador to Albania (1999-2000)

- First Head of Mission at (Ambassador) of the Greek Liaison Office in the former Yugoslav Republic

of Macedonia. (1995-1999).

- In 1994, served with the European Union Monitor Mission in the Balkans in Croatia, and as Head of

the Regional Office for Bulgaria and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

Previous assignments include:

-First Counselor for Political Affairs at the Greek Mission to the United Nations (New York) 1989-1993

-Negotiator of the Paris Charter for a New Europe (Vienna,CSCE Process ,1990)

-Charge d’Affaires a.i. To Libya (1982-1984)

He is the author of the books (in Greek)

-'' H Alli Krisi -H Martyria Enos Presvi'' (‘The Other Crisis-An Ambassador's Account'), INFOGNOMON,

2013).

-''Oramata kai Himaires-diadromes enos diplomatic’’ (Visions and Chimera-A Diplomat's Journey),

I.SIDERIS, 2016

And contributor to the collective books:

-''H diplomatia ston 21 Aiwa’’ (Diplomacy in the 21st Century), PAMAK (University of Macedonia,

2014,)

-''Ellino-Alvanikes Sheseis''( Greek-Albanian Relations ),El. KRISPIS Foundation,( SAKKOULAS Ed. 2016)

Ambassador Alexandros Mallias is the author of numerous articles and editorials and a frequent

radio and T.V. commentator on strategic negotiations, diplomacy, national security and foreign

policy issues. He recently published with ISAG http://www.isag-italia.org/ and ELIAMEP a

comprehensive proposal on the Middle East.

He is diplomatic editor with the monthly review '' Defense and Diplomacy ‘‘(Amyna kai Diplomatia"

),and member of the editorial board of the monthly ''Foreign Affairs ''( Hellenic Edition). He is a

blogger with the Huffington Post (USA).

Contact info: [email protected]

Homepage: alexandrosmallias.com

F.B. : Alexandros Mallias



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Summary:

Ambassador (retired) Alexandros Mallias analyses the perspectives for improving the relations

between Greece and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia the day after the formation of

a new Government in Skopje. Alexandros Mallias , who was first Head of Mission of Greece to

Skopje ,1995-1999, suggests that the two governments should not raise high expectations .They

should work to enhance and expand the Confidence Building Measures' Process and rather opti

for a quiet diplomacy on the name issue He stresses that fYROM's 1991 Constitution is a bad one

,being the root cause of problems with its neighbors as well as of the endemic interethnic

conflict.It was already amended 30(thirty) times within 15 years .He is of the opinion that there are

still some extra miles to go.

Mallias, former Ambassador to Albania, analyses the Political Declaration of the Albanian Leaders

in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, stressing its importance for addressing the

interethnic tensions between Slavs and Albanians and for solving the name issue with Greece.

Mallias, who also served as Ambassador of Greece to Washington (2005-2009), stresses that early -

since 2007- Greece's warnings, grievances and reactions to former P.M. Gruevski's irredentism,

nationalism and provocations proved now to be accurate and right. Yet, the former Prime Minister

was not alone in this course of action. He was supported by those in Skopje who today disapprove

him, including some international actors. Greece will wait to see if the words of the new

government in Skopje will be matched by deeds. Nationalism is still omnipresent in the Former

Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia starting from school textbooks

Key Words:

Nationalism, antiquisation, Nikola Gruevski, Alexander the Great, Philip of Macedon, beauty

contest, name issue, Interim Accord, UNSC Resolutions 817 (1993) and 845(1993),Abraham Lincoln,

NATO, Bucharest Summit Declaration, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, US Congress,

International Court of Justice, Confidence Building Measures


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Table of Contents

1 .No room for complacency ............................................................................ 5

2.”Nemesis and catharsis” ................................................................................. 5

3. A bad Constitution .......................................................................................... 7

4. Stick to realities; not to illusions ...................................................................... 8

5. A fresh look at and return to the UNSC Resolutions ................................ 10

6. Establishing the Rule of Law ......................................................................... 11



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The Former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia:

New Government and New Policies or

New Government and Old Tactics?

A view from Athens

1 .No room for complacency

My personal involvement and engagement with the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia goes

back to the early nineties, when I was posted to the Mission of Greece to the United Nations (New

York). I was deeply involved in the UN diplomatic fight and marathon that led to the compromise

reflected in UNSC Resolutions 817( April 7 ,1993) and 845( June 18, 1993) ).

In April 1994 ,after Greece closed its border with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and

imposed a series of economic sanctions ,I was drinking my coffee in Skopje operating in the white

uniform of the Head of the Regional Office for Bulgaria and the former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia of the European Community Monitor Mission.

In October 1995, a year later, I was crossing the congested by the heavy traffic open border as the

first Head of Mission of Greece to Skopje. It was for me a great honor and an important chapter of

a long history of personal engagement. So, there is no room for complacency and evasive talk.

2.”Nemesis and catharsis”

It is appropriate for me to extend my congratulations to the new government in Skopje. In

particular to Foreign Minister Ambassador Nikola Dimitrov the best and most successful diplomat in

Skopje. I used to work with his father then Minister of Culture of the Liubco Georgievski VMRO

Government (1998). Later, I had several meetings with Nikola Dimitrov then Advisor to the late

President Boris Trajkovski. Last but not least, we served simultaneously for some time as

Ambassadors to Washington.


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I anticipate that he may have some difficulties to be acquainted with the impressive accessories in

and around the new edifice of his Ministry that moved from the modest building of Ulica (Street)

Dame Gruev to its present premises. From his own window he will see Alexander the Great looking

towards Babylon instead of Brussels, Philip the Macedon securing the Petrovac International

Airport dedicated to the glory of his son and a fair selection of Gods from Mount Olympus.

This was the dominant official policy in Skopje for the tandem Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski -

President Gjorge Ivanov in their strategy for responding to the aspirations of their peoples, joining

NATO and the European Union and for conquering the hearts and minds of the Greeks…

During my frequent visits to Skopje, I was somehow surprised to see that in a sustained pace red

paint become pretty often the indispensable accessory to the statutes.

This policy of “Antiquisation” (“Antikvizatzija” ) is the nationalistic policy pursued for eleven years (

2006-2017) in the row under Prime Minister Nicola Gruevski largely supported by his own party

VMRO ; it was also supported by an important group of personalities including ambassadors and

other top officials. Let’s be clear: Nikola Gruevski was not alone at all in this irrational and costly

campaign.

He did so for the purposes of alleged domestic identity-building and for irritating Greece.

Antiquisation received also an important endorsement by the slavmacedonian diaspora in the

USA, Canada and Australia. So,I was in vain expecting all those who were on record in supporting

Mr.Gruevski to slow down the pace of distancing themselves from his catastrophic policies. He is

very much alone now, but he was far from alone for so many years.

Lately, there are some in Skopje arguing that the “Antiquisation” was FYROM’s reaction to the

NATO Bucharest Summit (April 3, 2008).

The facts are very different. Indeed. As early as January 2007, many months prior to the Bucharest

Summit , the Government in Skopje decided to name the highway linking Skopje to Thessaloniki

(part of the Pan-European Corridor X) as “Alexander the Great Highway”)and rename the

Petrovac International Airport to ( “Alexander the Great” ) . The initial decision for intensifying the

“antiquisation” policy was adopted in an early 2007 closed session of Nicola Gruevski’s inner circle.

Notwithstanding the Administration policies, the US Congress swiftly reacted in a by-partisan

manner. Over 110 influential House Representatives and key Senators as well took action. As early

as 2007 Senate Resolution S.Res.300 and House Resolution H.Res.356 denounced the

“nationalistic and hostile propaganda” stemming from Skopje against Greece. They stressed inter

alia that Skopje”… instilled hostility and a rationale for irredentism in portions of the population of

FYROM toward Greece and the history of Greece”. Sponsors included Senators Barack Obama,

Jo Kerry, Olympia Snow, Robert Menendez and many others. Among 835 issues introduced as a

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Macedonian_Diaspora



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Resolution of the House in 2007, only four regarding foreign issues –including FYROM’s policies

toward Greece- got over 100 members of Congress as sponsors or advocates.

So, there is no apparent causality relation between the launching of the “antiquation policy“ and

the Bucharest Summit. It well existed and developed at least twelve months prior to the NATO April

2008 Summit.

Zoran Zaev, the newly appointed Prime Minister unequivocally aligned himself to the grievances of

Greece publickly aknowledging that “the previous governments of Nikola Gruevski had provoked

Greece by erecting many statues of historical figures (Alexander the Great, Philip of Macedon

etc), as well as renaming main roads and the airport of the country”.Speaking to the state

television, Mr. Zaev said “ these moves had been one more act that had led to the deterioration of

relations with Greece and vowed to stop adopting such policies”. However, asked if he would tear

them down Mr. Zaev replied he would not.

This inherent contradiction shows that while distancing himself from former P.M. Gruevski ,Mr.Zaev

has on intention to alter the status quo.

3. A bad Constitution

Yet, this line of conduct was consistent with the Constitution of the Former Yugoslav Republic of

Macedonia. Its fundamental Charter, the 1991 Constitution , is the root cause of the endemic

cyclical troubles ,problems and interethnic tension as well as of the problems and irritants arisen

with its neighbors , Greece included.

It is a bad Constitution based on the old Yugoslavian principle of nationalities and not on the

European principle of citizens. The Preamble created and indeed cemented the discrimination

between Slavmacedonians and Albanians.

Late ethnic Albanian leaders Arben Xjaferi and Abdurahman Aliti were advocating since the early

nineties the need to remedy with this situation. The Slavs resisted early warning and advice offered

to them. Following the 2001 interethnic conflict and the NLA’s successful campaign under the

leadership of the charismatic Ali Ahmeti, the Preamble was somehow amended in Ohrid under the

aegis of the European Union and the United States.

Yet, there are still a couple of extra miles to go.

There is one lesson to draw since 1991.The best way to avoid “radicalization” is to eliminate the root

causes of the problem, adapting thus the 1991 Constitution to evolving and present realities. The

same axiom stands as far as relations with neighbors - Greece in particular-are concerned.


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There are still in Skopje some who prefer to ignore the realities and consider amending the

Constitution as an anathema. Well, not surprisingly, within 14 years, from 1991 to 2005, the

Constitution has been already amended 30 (thirty amendments) times; the original problematic

Constitution was adopted on November 17,1991and published in the Official Gazette No 52/1991.

Amendments I and II were adopted immediately and published in the Of.G. No 1/1992. The latest

set of Amendments XX-XXX were published in No 107/2005. It is clear that the fundamental problem

lies with the Constitution and not with its amendments. Accordingly, I foresee a difficult yet

necessary way to go in order to cement peace, unity and stability. Since 1991 to our days, this

remains the fundamental prerequisite for definitely turning the page from being a former Yugoslav

republic to a modern democratic state aspiring to join the European Union and NATO as well.

The “Joint Statement of the Albanian Political Parties”, known also under the narrative “Albanian

Platform” , addresses seven key areas fundamental for the stability and welfare of the former

Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia .I would have preferred to see this document signed in Tetovo or

in Skopje. Not in Tirana. I understand that though it was negotiated in Tetovo and in Skopje, BESA

insisted to have it signed in Tirana. Notwithstanding this observation, it is a positive contribution to

the present stability and to the future of the country:

A) It identifies the problems within the country;

B) It also imposes the urgency to reach a lasting solution with Greece on the name issue and to

include the Albanians in the direct dialogue with Bulgaria, “unblocking, thus, the country’s path

toward full integration in NATO and open negotiations for membership in the European Union”.

I earnestly hope, though without excessive optimism, that the new Government in Skopje will be

pragmatic and indeed open -minded in this regard.

4. Stick to realities; not to illusions

A .Notwithstanding the problem over the name, Greece’s stance remains unchanged .Since the

outbreak of the 2001 conflict to the recent crises, Greece has been vocal and unequivocal in

lending its support to the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of the former Yugoslav Republic

of Macedonia. Athens also appealed to and encouraged indeed FYROM’s neighbors to abide by

the principle of not interference to her domestic affairs.

Since 2007-2008, some of us were loudly pointing to the fact that Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski and

his cabinet were guided by a peculiar mixture of political primitivism, and unreasonable

provocations toward Greece .They also abused of the state, of the judiciary and of the rule of law.

They considered the state and the civil service as their property and political trophy.



Page 9

B. Nevertheless, for many years, we were indicating that this line will ultimately backfire. We were

considered as “tough “.Today, it is hard to find an international analyst not qualifying Nicola

Gruevski’s term as authoritarian, corrupted and nationalistic. He ruined his own country,

undermined the Euro-Atlantic perspective and damaged the relations with Greece. Today there is

much ado in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to remedy with the leftovers of this mess,

including in their relations with Greece.

Prime Minister Zoran Zaev recently distanced himself from the Gruevski’s regime provocative

actions admittedly directed against Greece. Yet, he said he was not ready to remove the statues.

In other words, he keeps the strong symbols of Gruevski’s provocations.

To start with, renamimg the Petrovac Airport and the Corridor X (Skopje -Thessaloniki) would be a

good starter. Words should be followed be deeds.

More important compared to the ludicrous message supposedly the statues are there to send, is

the irredentist content of the history and geography textbooks .They are one of the the root

causes of the nationalism. Since the1991 independence, no government in Skopje tackled this

serious issue. So, will nationalism and irredentism be continued to be officially taught in school,

college and Universities?

Anyway, not surprisingly, this kind of criticism comes now, quiet late indeed; particularly from those

who for many years in a well-orchestrated “beauty contest “ in Skopje, in Washington and in

Brussels as well, were openly or behind closed doors praising and supporting his policies, including

toward Greece. They also bear an important part of responsibility. In vain, Albert Einstein has been

warning from Princeton that “The world is in greater peril from those who tolerate or encourage evil

than from those who actually commit it.”

C. It is in Greece’s interest to see the territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of our neighbor

preserved and indeed cemented .It is also in Greece’s interest to reach an agreement on the

name issue on the basis of a mutually acceptable solution. It is important to engage the new

government in Skopje, enhance the process for new Confidence Building Measures and explore in

a quiet manner if the change of government implies also a change of policies.

I earnestly hope that Prime Minsier’s Zaev government will not play tactics.

In case both Athens and Skopje raise now too high expectations they may quickly be confronted

with dilemmas, setbacks and ultimately with illusions.

Yet, any positive signal coming now from Skopje is welcomed and would be reciprocated.

I humbly propose to the two Governments, their political elites, the media and the civil society to

focus their attention to the young generation. Ultimately, a holistic joint effort should improve the


Page 10

relations between the two neighbors, creating thus and conditions for a better future for the

youngsters. Accordingly, it is of substance to name this campaign “The Nest Generation Initiative’.

D. It is in the vital interest of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to realize at last, that the

key capital to work with is neither Brussels nor Washington. The new Government in Skopje will soon

understand that at this juncture there is not “a deus ex machina”. Unlike November 2004, history will

not be repeated; this time the check for interethnic stability and peace will be cashed in Skopje,

not in Athens.

A reminder: the November 2004 unilateral recognition of the constitutional name by the United

States of America and the full support extended to our northern neighbor was not sufficient to

make them join NATO. The Bucharest April 3, 2008 consensus Declaration has been standing for ten

years and reiterated during four NATO Summits .The formal and official NATO position reads as

follows

”... Therefore we agreed that an invitation to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

will be extended as soon as a mutually acceptable solution to the name issue has been

reached. We encourage the negotiations to be resumed without delay and expect them

to be concluded as soon as possible.”

As the “underdog theory” is omnipresent in Skopje, I already see that the quarter of century old

stratagem “Greece is responsible and accountable for our problems” is rebounding. After all, this is

exactly in line with the policies so far followed by Nikola Gruevski.

For sure, our friends in Skopje realize that neither Alexander the Great nor his father Philip and the

Macedonian phalanx proved to adequately serve the purpose to join NATO and to open

accession talks with the European Union.

I am aware that NATO membership is a priority of the new government .Accordingly, solving the

name issue on the compromise formula “a composite name with geographic denomination for

all uses” should normally be the top priority. This formula proposed by Athens as early as September

2007, is not unanimously accepted in Greece. Indeed the readiness for a compromise has been

eroding following Gruevski’s political primitivism and nationalism. Furthermore, the important and

powerful Hellenic Macedonian diaspora adamantly opposes this formula.

5. A fresh look at and return to the UNSC Resolutions

At this stage, Athens may contemplate with the option to distance itself with the outdated, rather

obsolete “Interim Accord” signed on September 13, 1995. This document has been seriously

undermined. Furthermore, Greece has no interest to stick to it. The December 5, 2011 Ruling of the



Page 11

International Court of Justice while condemning Greece has also given a negative interpretation

of its fundamental provisions detrimental to Greece’s interests and concerns .On paper, the

“Interim Accord” is still valid.

The roadmap to the solution of the name lies with two key UN Security Council Resolutions .The first

is the UNSC 817 (April, 7 1993).

This unanimous Resolution referring to the application and admission to the UN under the

provisional name “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (to be seated between Togo and

Thailand) states that: “Noting however that a difference has arisen over the name of the State,

which needs to be resolved in the interest of the maintenance of peaceful and good-neighborly

relations in the region”. This is exactly how and when the issue became of an international nature .It

is always in the Security Council’s agenda.

Following the “Proposal for a Draft Treaty “ tabled in May 1993 by Lord David Owen and the late

Cyrus Vance ,while taking into account the initial reactions of the respective governments in

Athens and Skopje, the Security Council by its unanimous Resolution 845( of June,18 1993) :

1. Expresses its appreciation to the Co-Chairmen of the Steering Committee of the

International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia for their efforts and commends to the

parties as a sound basis for the settlement of their difference the proposals set forth in annex

V to the report of the Secretary-General;

2. Urges the parties to continue their efforts under the auspices of the Secretary-General to

arrive at a speedy settlement of the remaining issues between them;”

By doing so, the United Nations Security Council “commended” to Greece and to the Former

Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia draft Treaty with the proposed composite name “Nova

Makedonija” for all uses. The need and aim for a composite name stems directly from the UN

Security Council.

6. Establishing the Rule of Law

There are also many critical issues at stake for the new government. The Department of State’s

Spoke-person in her May 31, 2017 Statement congratulated Prime Minister Zoran Zaev and the

parliamentary majority on the formation of a new government stressing inter alia that” As a friend

and partner the United States looks forward to working with the new government as it strives to fulfill

the country’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations by implementing urgent reforms that strengthen rule of law

and judicial independence, media freedom, and government accountability.”


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Athens should feel comfortable with this Statement. Indeed these elements precisely were always

included in the Greek analysis and rationale though often questioned by some partners and allies.

Time and timing are of essence.

The enumeration of the existing fundamental deficiencies and shortcomings in the Former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia that need to be addressed is impressive. The list is long and hard to

achieve without a change in the mentality and priorities.

Wishful thinking will not be sufficient per se to move the Country ahead.

I hope that all those in Skopje, including Prime Minister Zoran Zaev, who preferred for a decade to

close their eyes and their ears to Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski’s policies toward Greece, realize

now that they were also wrong.

We need deeds, not words .While words will evaporate positive deeds will be reciprocated.

Abraham Lincoln was absolutely right .He insisted that: “Passion has helped us, but can do so no

more. It will in future be our enemy. Reason, cold calculating, unimpassioned reason, must furnish

all the materials for our future support and defense”

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