THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 7, 1969 Interest Rate Policy · and the Industrialisation of Under...

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 7, 1969 Interest Rate Policy MONETARY policy in India has slipped into a groove: the bank rate has remained between 3 and 4 per cent over a period of 25 years— a period marked by a world war and the introduction of planning in the economy. The Reserve Bank has acquired a variety of detailed powers for interference in the banking sphere, without adding to the nature or extent of its control over the economy. We have, in- stead of a coherent direction of the economy, ad hoc sporadic inter- ferences to meet particular changes in the situation as they occur. (In 1957, the Reserve Bank issued more than ten circulars to banks on the subject of grant of credits — ad- vances against various commodities sugar, cloth, foodgrains; the Governor also wrote letters to banks on the same and other subjects; Cf 'Trend and Progress of Banking in India during the Year 1957.' pp 90-116. This was continued dur- ing 1958 and later; Cf 'Report on Currency and Finance 1958-59/ pp 30-32.) No fundamental thinking has been done on the subject at the offi- cial and the non-official levels, since the Reserve Bank was set up, (At the Forty-first Indian Economic Conference, the handling of the monetary policy came in for gene- ral approbation: the most revolu- tionary criticism was the sugges- tion to raise the bank rate from 4 per cent to 5.) The advent of planning, instead of provoking new thinking, appears to have led to an abdication of monetary policy, it being assumed tacitly that invest- ment decisions are related to phy- sical needs as laid down under the plans and no longer subject to monetary policy. The influence of planning has been so all-pervasive that in the form of directives (amounting in recent times to lay- ing down by the Reserve Bank Governor by what exact figure cre- dit should be brought down in the Black season!) the concept has also been Incorporated in central bank- ing policy. (Cf 'Reserve Bank of India Bulletin,' June, 1959, p 716; also 'Trend and Progress of Bank- ing in India during the year 1957', para 7.) Planning and Monetary Policy So planning has to pull, besides the weight of a heavy investment The interest-rate structure in India is generally assumed to be built round the bank rate which at present is 4 per cent. However, what is immediately noticeable from the table is the width of the range and the clear gap in the middle range The latter also marks a qualitative difference in the money market in India that between the organised sector and the unorganised sector of the eco- nomy . (For an analysis of the factors leading to the emergence of the dual market for capital, Cf George Rosen, "Capital Markets and the Industrialisation of Under- developed Economies." Indian Eco- nomic Journal,' October 1958.) The organised sector comprises banks, stock exchanges, large industries and supporting sections (commerce and transport) of the economy, contributing to less than a quarter of the national income; the un- organised sector comprises the rest of the economy, including most of agriculture (excluding plantations), rural moneylenders, rural crafts and industries and supporting commerce and transport. The in- terest rate structure in the orga- nised sector is built around the bank rate; in the unorganised sec- tor, on the basis of demand and supply in agriculture. The organised sector affords a low rate of return to the saver. The return foregone by not saving is small and not sufficient to in- duce even those who save to in- vest, thereby inhibiting full mobili- sation of savings. A saver who seeks a higher return has to be- come directly a lender in the un- organised sector— there is no organisation enabling him to do so. 'Reserve Bank of India Bulletin, June 1959. †Calculated from "Finances of In- dian Joint Stock Companies," 'Reserve Bank of India Bulletin." October 1958. Dividend on prefer- ence shares is not shown separately. †Based on recent offers and pros- pectuses. * *Report of the Rural Credit Sur- vey; the Survey also refers to other objectives (for example, acquisition of land or purchase of produce) in the grant of such loans. 1497 P B M programme, the burden of a mone- tary policy which, by providing in- adequate reward for saving, prevents mobilisation of resources and, by concealing the real cost of different kinds of investment, sub- verts decisions on investment prio- rities. Monetary policy, instead of helping the planning effort, acts as a drag on it and frustrates it. The need for re-thinking on the subject, particularly in view of the greater investment effort envisaged under the Third Plan, is therefore urgent. This paper is concerned with in- terest rate policy. A treatment of interest rate touches at once mone- tary policy and pricing policy. This paper does not deal with the wider issues of monetary policy and pric- ing policy. Interest rate, however, is an important means of monetary control in an economy. Moreover, it is a key price, particularly in an economy seeking to accumulate capital. The impact of interest rate policy is therefore pervasive and its independent treatment justified.

Transcript of THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 7, 1969 Interest Rate Policy · and the Industrialisation of Under...

Page 1: THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 7, 1969 Interest Rate Policy · and the Industrialisation of Under developed Economies." Indian Eco nomic Journal,' October 1958.) The organised sector

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 7, 1969

Interest Rate Policy M O N E T A R Y pol icy i n I n d i a has

slipped in to a groove: the bank rate has remained between 3 and 4 per cent over a period of 25 years— a period m a r k e d by a w o r l d w a r and the in t roduc t ion o f p l ann ing in the economy. The Reserve B a n k has acquired a va r ie ty of detailed powers fo r interference in the b a n k i n g sphere, w i t h o u t add ing to the na ture or extent of i t s cont ro l over the economy. We have, in­stead of a coherent d i rec t ion of the economy, ad hoc sporadic inter­ferences to meet pa r t i cu la r changes in the s i tua t ion as they occur. ( I n 1957, the Reserve B a n k issued more t h a n ten circulars to banks on the subject of g ran t of credits — ad-vances against various commodities sugar, c loth , foodgrains; the Governor also wrote letters to banks on the same and other subjects; Cf 'Trend and Progress o f B a n k i n g in I n d i a du r ing the Year 1957.' pp 90-116. This was continued dur­ing 1958 and later ; Cf 'Report on Currency and Finance 1958-59/ pp 30-32.)

No fundamenta l t h i n k i n g has been done on the subject at the offi­c ial and the non-official levels, since the Reserve B a n k was set up, ( A t the Fo r ty - f i r s t I n d i a n Economic Conference, the hand l ing of the mone ta ry policy came in for gene­r a l approbat ion: the most revolu­t i ona ry c r i t i c i sm was the sugges­t i o n to raise the bank rate f r o m 4 per cent to 5.) The advent of p lanning , instead of p r o v o k i n g new t h i n k i n g , appears to have led to an abdicat ion of moneta ry policy, i t being assumed t ac i t l y t h a t invest-ment decisions are related to phy­sical needs as l a i d down under the plans and no longer subject to mone ta ry policy. The influence of p l ann ing has been so all-pervasive t h a t i n the f o r m o f directives ( a m o u n t i n g in recent t imes to lay­i n g d o w n by the Reserve B a n k Governor by w h a t exact f igure cre­d i t should be brought down in the Black season!) the concept has also been Incorporated in cen t ra l bank­i n g pol icy. (Cf 'Reserve B a n k o f I n d i a B u l l e t i n , ' June, 1959, p 716; also ' T r e n d and Progress o f B a n k ­i n g in I n d i a d u r i n g the year 1957', pa ra 7.)

P l a n n i n g and M o n e t a r y Pol icy So p l a n n i n g has to pu l l , besides

the w e i g h t of a heavy investment

The interest-rate s t ructure in I n d i a is general ly assumed to be bu i l t round the bank rate w h i c h a t present is 4 per cent. However, w h a t is immedia te ly noticeable f r o m the table is the w i d t h of the range and the clear gap in the middle range The la t te r also marks a qual i ta t ive difference in the money marke t in I n d i a — tha t between the organised sector and the unorganised sector of the eco­nomy . (For an analysis of the factors leading to the emergence of the dual m a r k e t fo r capi ta l , Cf George Rosen, "Capi ta l Marke t s and the Indus t r i a l i sa t ion of Under­developed Economies." I n d i a n Eco­nomic Journal , ' October 1958.) The organised sector comprises banks, stock exchanges, large industries and support ing sections (commerce and t ranspor t ) of the economy, con t r ibu t ing to less than a quarter of the na t ional income; the un­organised sector comprises the rest of the economy, inc lud ing most of agr icul ture (excluding p lan ta t ions) , r u r a l moneylenders, r u r a l crafts and industries and support ing commerce and t ransport . The i n ­terest rate structure in the orga­nised sector is bu i l t a round the bank rate; in the unorganised sec­tor, on the basis of demand and supply in agr icul ture .

The organised sector affords a low rate of r e tu rn to the saver. The re tu rn foregone by not sav ing is smal l and not sufficient to i n ­duce even those who save to i n ­vest, thereby i n h i b i t i n g fu l l mob i l i ­sa t ion of savings. A saver who seeks a higher r e tu rn has to be­come di rec t ly a lender in the un­organised sector— there is no organisat ion enabl ing h i m to do so.

'Reserve B a n k o f I n d i a B u l l e t i n , June 1959.

†Calculated f r o m "Finances o f I n ­d ian Jo in t Stock Companies,"

'Reserve Bank of I n d i a B u l l e t i n . " October 1958. Div idend on prefer­ence shares is no t shown separately.

†Based on recent offers and pros­pectuses.

* *Report of the R u r a l Credit Sur­vey; the Survey also refers to other objectives ( fo r example, acquisi t ion of l and or purchase of produce) in the g r a n t of such loans.

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P B M programme, the burden of a mone­t a r y policy wh ich , by p rov id ing i n ­adequate r eward for saving, prevents mobi l i sa t ion of resources and, by concealing the real cost of different k inds of investment, sub­ver ts decisions on investment pr io­r i t ies . Mone ta ry policy, instead of helping the p l ann ing effort, acts as a d r ag on i t and frustrates i t . The need for r e - t h i n k i n g on the subject, pa r t i cu l a r ly in view of the greater investment effort envisaged under the T h i r d Plan , is therefore urgent .

This paper is concerned w i t h i n ­terest rate policy. A t rea tment of interest rate touches at once mone­t a r y policy and p r i c ing policy. This paper does not deal w i t h the wider issues of monetary policy and pric­i n g policy. In teres t rate, however, is an impor t an t means of monetary cont ro l in an economy. Moreover, i t is a key price, pa r t i cu l a r l y in an economy seeking to accumulate capi ta l . The impact of interest ra te policy is therefore pervasive and its independent t reatment justif ied.

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Lenders in the unorganised sector therefore have a m a r k e t of the i r own , in w h i c h they enjoy a k i n d of monopoly. At the same t ime, they cannot extr icate themselves f r o m the unorganised m a r k e t w i t h o u t a large loss in re tu rn (equal to the difference between the rate of i n ­terest in the unorganised marke t and t h a t i n the organised m a r k e t ) , The dua l i sm in the money m a r k e t is thus a direct consequence of the a t t empt to m a i n t a i n the bank rate a t i ts ex i s t ing l ow level.

Credit Needs of Rural Sector The credit requirements of the

r u r a l sector ( w h i c h i s the most i m ­p o r t a n t const i tuent of the unorga­nised sector) were placed by the R u r a l Credi t Survey at Rs. 750 crores a n d are placed by the De­pu ty Governor of the Reserve B a n k at Rs 1,000 crores at current prices, equivalent rough ly to about 20 per cent of the value of output in the a g r i c u l t u r a l sector. ('Reserve B a n k of I n d i a B u l l e t i n ; August 1958. p 900.) Of these requirements, pro­fessional moneylenders supplied a l i t t l e less t h a n half, and ag r i cu l tu ra l moneylenders a quarter . The Gov­ernment, the co-operatives and the commercia l banks ( w h i c h m a y be assumed to provide a l i n k between the organised and the unorganised sectors) between them provided on ly 7 per cent of the credit re­quired for agr icul ture .

W h e n the Reserve B a n k was set up, i t was expected to b r i n g the Shroffs (indigenous bankers) under i ts umbrel la , by m a k i n g t h e m con­f o r m to i t s o w n notions o f proper b a n k i n g practices. Recently, i t has t r i ed to offer loans at low rates fo r a g r i c u l t u r a l purposes, w i t h o u t being able to scra tch the surface. The a t t empt to in tegra te the rest of the economy in to the Reserve Bank ' s m o u l d o f t h i n k i n g was, by the very nature of the i n s t i t u t i ona l set-up in Ind i a , doomed to fa i lure — it was l i ke the t a i l t r y i n g t o w a g the dog.

Reserve Bank Control on the Economy

A coro l l a ry of th i s dua l i sm in the money m a r k e t i s l ack of con t ro l o f the Reserve B a n k over the eco­nomy. The Reserve Bank ' s policy ( inc lud ing i ts directives) now affects the organised sector only . I t s actions, f o r example, do no t affect the ho ld ing of ag r i cu l t u r a l produce by farmers , moneylenders a n d agr icul tur is t -moneylenders i n the unorganised sector. The Re­serve B a n k manipulates a steering

wheel wh ich has no l i n k w i t h most of the economy.

Moreover, a low rate of interest i s ineffective in con t ro l l i ng the ho ld ing of goods in an in f l a t ionary s i tua t ion . Even a sma l l expected rise in prices w i l l neutralise the i n ­terest-cost of ho ld ing goods. The exis t ing policy at once increases chances of in f l a t ionary pressures and reduces the efficacy of the Re­serve B a n k in meet ing the s i tuat ion so created.

Incentive to Save The rate of sav ing in the eco­

nomy remains s tagnant a n d has fa i led to keep pace w i t h the g r o w t h in investment , Sma l l savings have fai led to go up despite organised efforts, being a round Rs. 70 crores d u r i n g the last four years

In the F i r s t F l an , the rise in na t ional income was 18 per cent, against 11 per cent planned; how­ever, the m a r g i n a l rate of saving on na t iona l income was on ly 20 per cent as planned. The F i r s t P l an postulated the m a r g i n a l rate of saving f r o m 1956-57 at 50 per cent; the reliance on fore ign assis­tance and the cut in t o t a l invest­ment target w i t h i n the f i r s t three years of the Second P lan imp ly t h a t this has not been achieved. The deficiency in sav ing is met by deficit f inancing, increase in foreign indebtedness and lower ing of in ­vestment targets. The basic factor i n h i b i t i n g saving in the economy the inadequate inducement to save in the organised sector is hard­ly given any a t t en t ion .

Investment and Its Pattern I t is argued t h a t Capi ta l Issues

Con t ro l channels investment in de­sired di rect ion and t h a t physical p lanning sanctions (as under the Industr ies Development and Regu­l a t i on A c t ) cover investment of funds l ike retained profits w h i c h do not pass t h r o u g h the capi ta l mar­ket. Therefore, i t i s impl ied t ha t pr ior i t ies in investment are gov-erned by physiclal p lann ing needs, and not by the ra te of interest in the economy. (Curiously, th is argu­ment can be inver ted to say t ha t a higher interest rate would equally not detract investment f r o m its path!) These pr ior i t ies are often just i f ied by re la t ing the expected r e tu rn to interest cost. A higher i n ­terest rate wou ld in such a case d i rec t ly affect the de te rmina t ion of pr ior i t ies .

Moreover, even w i t h g iven pr ior i -tles, the method of product ion adop­ted would i tself depend upon the interest cost of investment. The exis t ing low rate of interest (a id­ed by a labour policy w h i c h keeps cost of engaging and disengaging labour h igh) favours the adopt ion of capi ta l - intensive methods of product ion. I t leads to the perverse s i tua t ion of subsidising methods of product ion w h i c h use factors of product ion in proport ions unrelated to the i r supply-conditions.

As the interest foregone by misuse of capi ta l is smal l , a low rate of interest leads to low for­m a t i o n of capi ta l and waste of capi tal formed. Such 'waste' arises when revenue is not saved but used. for example, in competi t ive adver­t i s ing ." Fur ther , even when capi­t a l is formed, i t is used in low-pr io­r i t y investments, for example, in the case of the cot ton text i le i n ­dust ry in which capacity is not a l ­lowed to be expanded, in ' f inishing ' processes.

Disparity: Profit-Rate and Interest

The p ro f i t ab i l i ty of investment, as measured by earnings in re la t ion to paid-up capi tal of exis t ing com­panies and by earning-prospects of new companies g iven in prospec­tuses, is far higher t han the yield on corresponding securities in the organised marke t Such a s i tua t ion places a p remium on access to the capi ta l marke t , w i t h the result that an investment tha t is sanctioned gets an unearned bonus represented by the difference between the real p roduc t iv i ty of capi ta l and the mar­ket rate of interest. Such access to cheap capi ta l leads either to ap­preciat ion in the value of shares

The. most fr ivolous instance of such use is the Calico Dome. Other instances are adver t i s ing in the soap indus t ry where the t o t a l product ion of organised producers has remained constant d u r i n g the last five years and the oi l indus t ry where the m a r k e t is d ivided by i n ­te rna t ional cartel agreements and demand is g r o w i n g due to other na tu ra l factors. A h i g h rate of in ­come t axa t i on has also the same effect, A low rate of interest. moreover, leads to waste in the public sector, for example, through "prestige expenditure" of the Gov­ernment and the Reserve Bank, re-fer red to by many economists, among them V K R v Rao and D R Gadgi l .

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or to a d iv is ion of such ex t ra pro­f i ts a m o n g a few t h r o u g h var ious means ( l ike f o r m a t i o n of closely-held buy ing, sel l ing or m a n a g i n g agency companies to wh i ch pay­ments are made f o r 'services' ren­dered). † The reward fo r sav ing is t ranscr ibed in to r ewa rd fo r invest­ment wh i ch is hard ly just i f ied in the present s i tua t ion in I nd ia — a s i tua t ion of cap i ta l scarci ty, guaranteed marke ts w h i c h reduce the r i s k of investment , and the se­pa ra t i on o f sav ing and invest ing classes,

A coro l la ry is the adverse effect of such a d ispar i ty on the impor t and use of fore ign c a p i t a l Fo re ign companies wh i ch are induced to i n ­vest in I n d i a by the h igh rea l pro­f i tab i l i t y o f investment in Ind ia , f ind i t advantageous to employ I n ­d ian cap i ta l wh i ch is ava i lab le a t the same interest cost as in the home country . (Fore ign com­panies are not subject to the same pressure to pad labour employment as the I n d i a n companies and fo l l ow ing 'home' practices, a t tempt to use the same complement of labour f o r g iven output as in 'home' factor ies. Th is f u r t he r adds to the i r p ro f i t -earn ing capaci ty. The h igher pro f i t ra te of fo re ign companies is reflected in the h igher salaries and wage-rates paid by them to the i r staf f and in bonuses to workers wh i ch range f r o m 3 to 6 months ' basic wages against 2 to 3 months ' basic wages paid by I n d i a n com­panies.) The present low ra te of interest in the organised I n d i a n m a r k e t thus lead s to the absurd s i tua t ion where fo re ign companies f i nd i t more advantageous to w o r k w i t h I n d i a n capi ta l (o f ten w i t hou t even g i v i ng i t vo t i ng r igh ts , as when preference shares or deben­tures are issued or loans taken) t h a n to b r i n g in the i r own funds. The most conspicuous example of th is tendency is tha t of F i restone (Cf T a r i f f Commiss ion: 'Report on the T y r e I n d u s t r y ' ) ; the o i l com­panies are other instances. Th is tendency arises not so m u c h f r o m the low ra te of interest in I n d i a as f r o m the rough equal i ty o f the ra te of in terest between the organised

†Cap i ta l issued on the basis of a re tu rn h igher t han the ex is t ing low y ie ld on shares ( re la ted to a low bank ra te) immed ia te ly appre­ciates in va lue, f o r example, as in the case of Guest, Keen, W i l l i ams , Ph i l ips and some other issues in recent t imes.

I n d i a n and fo re ign money marke ts . I t s net effect is to reduce the i m ­por t o f fo re ign capi ta l and to In ­crease the d r a i n on fo re ign exchange as represented by the difference between earnings on i n ­vestment in I n d i a and the rate o f interest in I n d i a (except to the extent t h a t the earnings are siphoned off to labour by way of h igher wages or bonuses).

Why Low Bank Rate?

To go in to the causes fo r the low interest ra te pol icy, one has to go outside the f ield of economic rea­soning proper. A low Interest ra te is assumed to foster investment and in th is Keynes ian era, i t is u n ­fashionable to advocate a h igh ra te wh ich is supposed to discourage investment . A h i g h interest ra te immedia te ly singles out a count ry as less advanced, as les s ent i t led to respect. Moreover, a h i gh in terest rate is equated w i t h usury, and re­vives medieval Ch r i s t i an antago­nism to such a pol icy.

A low bank ra te has a c h a r m of its o w n . A lmos t a l l advanced coun­tr ies have in recent t imes (except f o r shor t periods as in the case of the U K dur ing the seven per cent period) had low bank rates, r ang ing between three and f ive per cent (West Germany being one excep­t ion w h i c h fo l lowed a h i gh bank rate pol icy consistent ly f o r a long t ime du r i ng the post -war per iod) . The Reserve B a n k l ikes to belong to the elite — the club of the low bank ra te countr ies. Appearances are sought to be kept up, and the Reserve B a n k ma in ta ins a low i n ­terest ra te s t ruc ture as an index of advance.

Th is facade of modern i ty , how­ever, can ha rd l y conceal the rea l i t y of the s i tuat ion w i t h i n the count ry , wh ich is one of cap i ta l scarc i ty re­lat ive to labour supply. Abundance of labour is ref lected in the re la­t i ve ly low level wages wh ich , in i ts t u r n , reflects the low level of labour p roduc t i v i t y in the count ry , caused by the lack of complementary cap i ta l investment ( lower mechan i ­sat ion) in the economy. Cap i ta l scarc i ty , however, is not recognised in the price offered fo r cap i ta l : the la t te r bears the same pr ice- tag of f i ­c ia l ly as in advanced countr ies.

I f i t is argued t h a t price is a resul t o f in te r -ac t ion of demand and supply (and no t o f supply a lone) , i t cannot be denied t h a t de­m a n d f o r cap i ta l has r isen m a n i ­f o l d in recent years and supply has

fa i led to respond in the same measure** th is s i tua t ion has been sought to be met not by a change in the pr ice of cap i ta l but by eco­nomica l l y dubious expedients, among t hem defici t f i nanc ing , fo re ign bo r row ing and h igher t axa t i on .

I n t eg ra t i on of the T w o Sectors As in the foreseeable fu tu re , the

rate of interest in the unorganised sector (wh ich is the rea l ra te) is not l i ke ly to f a l l to t ha t in the organised m a r k e t (wh ich t r ies to m a i n t a i n an unrea l facade) , an ad jus tment of the l a t te r wou ld be the on ly possible means of in tegra­t i ng the two sectors. The ma jo r effect of a more real ist ic interest rate policy wou ld be to remove the dua l ism in the economy,

Wou ld th is be an advantage? Such a step m i g h t be construed to be re t rograde—a bending down to­wards the ' backward ' sector of the economy. To reject i t on th is g round would be to give in to fa lse not ions o f prestige. An Ins t i tu t ion l ike the Reserve B a n k should seek to meet, adjust to and solve the s i tuat ion in the count ry as i t exists, instead of adher ing to some fanc i ­f u l concepts of propr ie ty (wh ich , in this case, means on ly w h a t exists in other countr ies wh ich are taken as the model ) . The p r i m a r y objec­t ive of the Reserve B a n k In regard to the unorganised sector should be not to g r a n t credi t to i t at the low rate of interest p reva i l ing in the organised marke t , as is now being a t tempted this is an unat ta inab le objective, as shown by the fa i lu re of the organised sector to sat isfy even one-tenth of the credit require­ments of the r u r a l sector—, i t should ra ther be to b r i n g the unor­ganised sector w i t h i n i ts f o l d and thus make i t more amenable to the influence of the Reserve B a n k . Th is can be done only by a h igh interest rate policy.

(To be Concluded)

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* * " T h e cur rent phase of f inanc ia l s t r ingency does not reflect absolute shortage of money but expanded demand fo r i t . A basic solut ion to the prob lem of s t r ingency is to be sought in increase in savings so as to effect a bet ter balance between the demand fo r funds ( f o r invest­ment ) and the i r supply ( t h r o u g h sav ings ) . " P a r a 32, Reserve B a n k of I nd i a , 'Repor t o f the Cen t ra l Boa rd o f D i rec tors f o r the year ended June 30,1957/