The Development_Change_and_Transformation of Rhetorical Style

8/16/2019 The Development_Change_and_Transformation of Rhetorical Style

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The Development , Change , and Transformat ion of

R he tor ica l S tyle in M agazine A dvertisem en ts 1954^1999

Barbara J. Phillips and Edward F. McQuarrie

Rhetorical advertising style consists of the method or manner by which ad content is expressed; an example is

the use of rhetorical figures such as metaphor or rhyme. Two studies of rhetorical style in U.S. magazine

advertisements from 1954 to 1999 are reported. A qualitative content assessment suggests that rhetorical

figures were prevalent throughout the period In addition the content assessment sug gests more layering of

multiple figures and less explanation of figures over time. The content analysis supports these trends and

clarifies that one kind of figure

—

a destabilization trope that includes pun metaphor and irony

—

increased in

inciderice. Several possible explanations for these observed trends are considered with a focus on how chan ges

in rhetorical style may reflect the mutual adaptation of consumer and advertiser to changes in the advertising

environment over this time

period

Barbara J. Phillips

(Ph

,

University of Texas at Austin) is

Associate Professor of Marke ting,

University of Saskatchew an.

Edw ard F. McQ uarrie Ph.D.,

University of Cincinnati) is Professor

of Marketing, the Leavey School of

Business, Santa Clara U niversity.

Journal of Advertising

Volume XXXI Number 4

\/iiiter 2 2

Looking at ads in an issue of

Good Housekeeping

from 1954, a reader is

struck by the unfamiliar im ages and odd turn s of phra se. For example, an ad

for carpets shows a fashionable woman draped in a rug while proclaiming, "A

carpet beautiful enough to wear - but try and wear it out " In another ad for

toot hpa ste, a wo man 's m outh is covered with a glass plate, accompanied by copy

th at reads: "Colgate den tal cream contains Gardol to form an invisible, protective

shield around your tooth tha t fights tooth decay." These ads fi om h e 1950s seem

stran ge; it is difficult to imagine these im ages or the opy being used today.

Anyone who has looked at old ads is familiar with this experience of

strangeness or historical distance. Conversely, someone may glance at these

old ads and experience instead a shock of recognition, an awareness that the

ads '

appeals to fashion and health are, at their root, entirely familiar. Here,

the initial sense of age proves superficial, and an underlying continuity

emerges as the dominant impression. But which intuition is correct? Have

ads changed a great deal in the past 50 years, or have the underlying

persuasive strategies remained basically the same?

This paper explores issues of continuity and change in m ass m edia advertis-

ing using the method of historical analysis (Smith and Lux 1993). Our focus is

on the ways the rhetorical strategies used in magazine ads evolved over the

last half of the tw entieth century. Generally speaking, rhetoric pertains to the

method or manner by which persuasion is attempted (Ong 1982). Rhetorical

strategy also comprises specific stylistic devices (e.g., metaphor, rhyme) that

may be used to attrac t th e attentio n of consumers, provide pleasure, and evoke

elaboration of the message (McQuarrie and Mick 1996). A focus on rhetorical

strategy guides our inquiry into aspects of advertising that have changed

versus those that have remained constant over the time period of the study.

A primary motivation for undertaking an examination of ads from decades

past is to gain the kind of perspective t ha t only comes from distance. Tha t i s, a s

scholars, we are unlikely to grasp the distinctive characteristics of contempo-

rary advertising unless we have something against which to compare it. Ads

from man y years ago offer a uniqu e perspective on the ad s produced today and

may suggest new avenues for research into persuasive strategies. Moreover,

though we cannot go back in time to conduct reader response studies with

consumers of the past, observed changes in ads over time may reflect, in part,


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The Journal of dvertising

actual changes in consum er behavior GPollay 1987). Con-

sequently, identifying cban ges in ads can potentially illu-

minate w ays in w hich consumer response to advertisements

has changed- In sum mary , the goal of this pa per is to gain

a more complete und erstan ding of the range of possibili-

ties for persuasion by exam ining changes over time in th e

rhetorical strategies used by advertisers.

The Diachronic Perspective

For tbe most part, tbe study of cbanges and develop-

me nts in a dvertising over time—the diachronic dimen-

sion of advertising — has been neglected in advertising

research. Synchronic perspectives that emphasize ei

the r th e timeles s asp ects of ads or cross-sectional com-

par isons across cul tures or med ia vehicles have

predominated (Rassuli and Holland er 1987). Most of

tbe diachronic studies

of

advertising that bave been

published t rea t ads as windows onto social values su cb

as health (Lears 1983), time orientation (Gross

and

Sheth 1989), materialism (Belk

and

Pollay 1985),

or

consum ption (Leiss, Kline, and Jh ally 1986; Twitcbell

1996).

Similarly, ads hav e been studied as m irrors whose

changes over time reflect changes

in the

presentation

of social groups, such

as the

elderly (Ursic, Ursic,

and

Ursic 1986), women (Busby

and

Leichy 1993),

or mi

norities (Hum phrey

and

Schu ma n 1984). Finally, his-

torical studies, which

by

definition adopt

a

diachronic

perspective, have tended

to

focus

on a

particular,

nar

row time frame (e.g., Ma rchand 1985); key ad vertising

individuals (e.g..

Fox

1984);

or

specific products

or

brands (e.g., Goodrum

and

Dahymple 1990; Sivulka

2001;

Twitchell 2000; West 2000)

or

bave taken

an

institutional perspective on the evolution of advertis-

in g in society (e.g., Schudson 1984). In cont ras t ,

diacbronic studies that focus on the advertisements

themselves, such as PoUay s (1985) grou ndbre aking

description of changes in the size and layout of ad

elements, have remained the exception rather than the

rule (see also Phillips and Gyoerick 1999).

Existing diaehronic studies have shown that much

can

be

learned about changes

in

consumption

and

society by trea ting a dvertise m ents as windows or mir-

rors onto external culture. We believe tbe diacbronic

perspective can be equ ally fruitful wb en tbe focus is

on changes intern al to tbe ad vertisemen ts themselves.

Altbougb ads may bave many individual and social

use s (e.g., Belk 200 1; Ritson and Elliott 1999), tbey

are conceived by tbe i r m akers as multifaceted at

tem pts to influence consu me rs favorably. Th us, cbange

over time

in tbe

rbetorical s tratage ms at temp ted

by

advert isers

may

expand

our

unders tanding

of tbe

ran ge of possibilities

for

persuading consumers.

dvertising Style

When

we

look

at ads

over time,

the

examination

can focus

on

content

or

style

or

botb (Messaris 1997,

p. 209}. W bereas

ad

content consists

of

verbal s tate-

m ents of attr ibu te possession and v isual depictions of

objects, people,

and

set t ings,

ad

style consists

of

t he

method or ma nne r by wbicb tbat content is expressed.

Tbe essence

of

tbe distinction

is

t ha t

the

same

con

tent, sucb

as a

part icular brand at tr ibute,

can be

expressed in multiple ways. For example,

an

a t t r ibute

can

be

claimed witb lengtby body copy

or a

pithy

beadline; likewise,

an

object can b e depicted close-up

or from

a

distance, alone

or

as part of an assem blage.

Ad content,

as

described bere, should

not be con

fused with either information

or

bran d information

per se. Style can carry

a

great deal of information,

as

bas been argued

by

semioticians,

art

tbeorists ,

and

literary critics (Mick 1986; Scott 1994; Stern 1992).

Moreover, consum ers can use style to infer p roper ties

of bra nd s. For exam ple, consume rs may consider tb at

products appearing

in ads

t ba t

use a

matter-of-fact,

plain-spoken style

and a

simple font

are

inexpensive

and everyday, whereas products appearing

in ads

t ha t

use an

embellisbed, grandiloquent design

are

expensive

and

fasbionable. R atber,

tbe

usefulness

of

tbe content/style distinction rests on tbe intrin sic sepa-

rat ion between wbat is said about and shown witb

tbe brand versus bow it is said or sbown.

A rbetorical perspective emph asizes tbe importance

and persuasive power

of ad

style. Tbus, wbereas

a

diacbronic investigation focused

on

advert isements

tbemselves could,

in

principle, examine either content

or style, the present study focuses on changes

in

style.

Previous researcb

has

tended

to

focus

on

cbanges

in

content (M essaris 1992) and left op portun ities to iden-

tify stylistic cboices not yet described or given theoreti-

cal interpretation. From a rhetorical perspective, an

advertiser s style decision repres ents a choice from

amon g a set of available persu asive tac tics, and it is the

potentially dynam ic na tur e of tbis cboice over time tba t

is of interest. A diachronic study of tbis type has tbe

potential to reveal important cbanges in bow advertisers

crafl tbeir appeals, given tbe constant underlying con-

straints and opportunities posed by baving a two-dimen-

sional surface on wbich to arran ge pictures an d w ords .

Rhetorical Figures

Rhetorical figures are one of the few e lements of

advertising style that bave received sustained theo-

re t i ca l a t t en t ion (Le igb

1994;

M c G u i r e 2 0 0 0 ;

McQuarrie and Mick 1996; Motbersbaugh, Huhmann,


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Winter 2 2

and F rank e 2002; Stern 1988; Toncar and M unch

2001). Rhetorical figures, which include metaphor,

rhyme, pun, and other devices, can be defined as

a r t f u l d e v i a t i o n s f ro m a u d i e n c e e x p e c t a t i o n .

Synchronic, cross-sectional analyses show rhetorical

figures to be a common feature in magazine adver-

tisements in the early 1990s; Leigh (1994) finds that

74% of all ads with a headline contained a rhetorical

figure. However, the use of rhetorical figures in ads

over time ha s not been exam ined. There are scattered

hints that rhetorical figures have been a staple of

magazine ads for decades (Corbett 1990; Sheldon

1956),

but it is not known w heth er th e use of rheto ri-

cal figures has held constant or varied over time.

We use McQuarrie and Mick's (1996) taxonomy to

distingTaish different types of rhetorical figures. This

taxonomy distinguishes schemes (e.g., rhyme) and

tropes (e.g., metaphor) as two major categories of

figure. By defmition, schemes deviate from expecta-

tion by relying on excessive regularity; in turn, their

redun danc y or overcoding makes the m e asier to com-

prehend than tropes. An example of a scheme would

be tbe rhyming headline for a diet drink from a 1981

issue of

ood Housekeeping

The chocolate taste with-

out the chocolate waist. Tropes, in contras t, deviate

by lacking order; they are incomplete and undercoded

and require closure by the audience. Therefore, tropes

are more demanding and run a greater risk of incom-

prehen sion. For exam ple, the ad for Colgate in the first

parag raph of this pap er co ntains a trope (in this case, a

metaphor) by which the consum er is invited to equa te

toothpaste with a protective shield. Another trope (a

pun) is found in the carpet ad that is described in the

same para grap h with a play on the word wear.

Schemes and tropes can be further d istinguished in

terms of the underlying rhetorical operation that con-

structs the figure. Thus, there are simple schemes of

repetition, such as rhyme; complex schemes of rever-

sal, such as antithesis; simple tropes that rest on a

substitution of meaning, such as ellipsis; and complex

tropes that rest on a destabilization of meaning, sucb

as metaphor or pun. McQuarrie and Mick (1996) pro-

vide an extensive listing and classification of rhetorical

figures commonly found in ads. Note that rhetorical

figures can occur in either the words or the pictures of

an ad (McQuarrie and Mick 1999; Phillips 1997).

Content ssessment and Content nalysis

We conducted two stud ies to investiga te chan ges in

the use of rhetorical strategies over time. We began

with a discovery-oriented procedure known as con-

tent assessment. The purpose was to take an open-

ended look at advertisements across time to identify

aspects of rhetorical strategies not heretofore dis-

cussed in the litera ture on ad style. A secondary pur-

pose was to mak e a preliminary identification of tren ds

in the use of rhetorical s trateg ies over time. We then

conducted a content analysis to validate trends un-

covered in the content assessment.

First proposed by historical researchers in journal-

ism, content assessme nt requires extensive reading

of gre at qu an ti t ie s of [publicat ion s], usin g the

histor ian's m ethod of reading , sifting, weighing, com-

parin g, and analyzing the evidence in order to tell the

story (Marzolf

1978,

p. 15). Although c ontent assess-

me nt has been used in journalism to analyze maga-

zine images (e.g., Kitcb 1998), adve rtising resea rche rs

bave tended to emphasize the more quanti tat ive ap-

proaches associated w ith content analy sis (Kolbe and

Burnett 1991). A key advantage of content assess-

me nt is th at it allows an integrate d perspective, based

on all ofthe elem ents of an ad , to emerge as a re sult of

an extended period of imm ersion. In addition, wh ereas

content an alysis works best at quan tifying previously

identified ad components, content assessm ent can serve

as a discovery procedure and re veal asp ects of the rh e-

torical structure of advertisements that had not been

previously noted. What con tent assessm ent cannot do,

of course, is provide quantified da ta su itable for statis -

tical analysis. For this reason, a content analysis was

und ertaken following the content assessm ent.

Selection of Time Period

crucial decision in any historical inquiry is the

choice of a time in terv al (S mith and Lux 1993). A

finding of change over time is likely to be obtained if

res ear ch ers choose a sufficiently long interva l of tim e.

Few would be surprise d, for examp le, if pat ent medi-

cine ads from t he 1870s used different rh etorica l str at-

egies than today's pharmaceutical ads. At the other

extreme, selection of a time interval that is too short

would ultimately blur into a more traditional cross-

sectional analysis, providing no opportunity to ob-

serve the variations that might exist. Thus, for our

purposes, a good time interval is one that is long

enough to allow variation to surface if present but

short enough to ensure that a finding of invariance

remains a realistic possibility.

In light ofthe preceding, the inte rval following World

W ar II and th e Korean Wa r, from 1954 to 1999 in the

United States, was selected for study. Hirschman,

Scott, and Wells (1998) suggest that the years from

the early 1950s through the end ofthe century can be

identified as a time period when p roduct discourse is


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h Journal of dvertising

centered in mass media texts. Other researchers h ave

similarly argued th at thi s time frame provides

an

era

in which we can examine

the

changing face

of

adver-

tising (Humphrey and Schu man 1984; Ursic, Ursic,

and U rsic 1986). This time period, almost 50 yea rs in

length, also ensures that trends

in the

stylistic

de-

vices app earin g in ads have an oppo rtunity to emerge.

Magazine Sample

Ads in magazines were selected

for

examination in

this study; throughout

the

time period, magazines

were

an

imp ortant advertising medium, constituting

8.4%

and

8.7

of

all national

ad

spending

in 1950

and 1999, respectively (McCann-Erickson WorldGroup

2000). In addition, the tw o-dimensional physical char-

acter of magazine ads did not fundamentally change

during this time; ads throughout the period are gen-

erally

the

sam e size

and

rely prim arily

on

photogra-

phy {Pollay 1985). Another advantage

of

m agazines

is that, though most are national in scope, many titles

are targeted toward specific audiences

and can he

examined on th at basis. Three magazines w ere se-

lected for this study:

Time,

a general interest maga-

zine; Sports Illustrated Sl), a magazine traditionally

targeted toward men; and ood Housekeeping GH), a

magazine traditionally targeted toward women. There

is some evidence that male and female audiences read

ads differently (Mick and Politi 1989; Stern 1993). Con-

sequently, we wanted to examine whether advertisers

changed the types of rhetorical figures directed

at

men

and women to exploit these differences. Finally, the se

magazines were selected because they were some ofthe

only titles that had heen pu blished continuously

throughou t th e entire period of interest.

One issue from each title was seleeted in turn from

th e yea rs 1954 to 1999 for a total of 46 issues (16 issues

of

GH

15 issues

of Time, and

15 issues of

SI).

Selec-

tions were rotated across months

to

ensure that

the

broadest possible mix of products was represented in

th e ads studied. Selecting all of the magazine issues

from the same season might have limited the number o

different products that appeared

in

the ads; for example,

ad s

for

cold remedies appear

in

the winter, whereas

ads

for ice cream appear

in the

summer. All

the

ads

in

each

selected issu e were examined, for a total of 3758 ads.

Study 1: Content Assessment

Procedure

One ofthe researchers analyzed all ofthe sample issues

of Tiine

to formulate the initial propositions ofthe study.

The researcher moved back and forth across time, fi-om

earlier to later issues of the magazine and from later t

earlier, examining the visual and verbal styles of the ads

and looking for changing and unchanging elements over

time. Particular attention w as paid to the major categories

of rhetorical figure noted in McQ uarrie and Mick's (1996)

taxonomy. The resulting propositions regarding changes

and constancies over tim e were allowed to eme rge from

the data in a grounded theory approach to content

assessment (Strauss and Corbin 1998). Once prelimi-

nary propositions were gene rated (e.g., rhetorical ques-

tions appear

to be

used across all time periods ), they

were discussed by both autho rs, tested, expanded, an

refined when the researcher returned

to

the same is

sues

of Time

in an iterative process.

When the first research er was satisfied th at th e set

of preliminary propositions arising from the content

assessment

of

Time

was

complete,

the

second

re

searcher similarly examined these magazines, cross-

checking the preliminary propositions and generatin g

new possibilities. Then the first researc her analyzed

the sample ads from GH a nd SI in the same manner .

Comparisons were made, and the propositions were

expanded

on

the basis of the types

of

stylistic v aria-

tion found over time

in

each magazine.

The

second

researcher then examined these two magazines. Th

researchers revisited the propositions and the ad

many times over a two-year period, in keeping with t he

imm ersion approach typical of grounded stud ies gener-

ally and content assessment studies in particular.

By their very nature, rhetorical figures are open to

many different interpre tation s, called weak im plicatures

(McQuarrie and Mick 2002; Phillips 1997; Sperber and

Wilson 1986). As part of our discussion o fthe content

assessment, we introduce

a

variety of ads as exam ples

and presen t our interp retation s of their m eanings. These

interpretations are primarily intended to suggest how

consumers might have received these ads. We do n

intend to imply that these interpretations are the only

possible or correct

ones.

The interpretations serve sim-

ply to illustrate w hat

the

rhetorical strategies in th

ads m ight have accomplished.

Results

Continuity: Rhetorical Figures Are Present Through-

out the

Period. The content assessment indicates that

rhetorical figures, in both pictures and words, were

an important stylistic device in advertising through-

out the period. The schemes and tropes defined b

McQuarrie

and

Mick (1996) can

be

identified

in t

earliest to latest editions

of Time, G H,

and S7 and

i

both verbal

and

visua l form. Co ntrary

to

expecta-


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Winter 2 2

t ions,

there did not appear to be any major differ-

ences between tbe rhetorical figures used in the gen-

eral or specialized magazines, whether directed to

men or viromen.

Change: Ixiyering and Anchoring. Although tbe ex-

istence of rhetorical figures rem ains invaria nt over time,

the way in wbich tbese figures are used has undergone

a dramatic shift. In general, when more complex rhe-

torical figures, such as tropes, are used in ads of the

1950s, they seem to be used alone. By the end of the

1990s, mo re tha n one complex rhetorical figure may be

used in an ad, a phenomenon th at we term layering.

In addition, in tbe earlier part of our sample, rbe-

torical figures tend to be accompanied hy non rbetorica l

verbal copy (i.e., literal headlines and body copy) that

explain bow consumers should interp ret tbe ad 's mes-

sage. Tb is sort of accompan ying explanation h as been

term ed verbal ancho ring (Barth es 1977; Phillips

2000) because it anchors in place the meaning ofthe

ad's rhetorical figures. Tb at i s, verbal anch oring helps

ensure consumer com prehension of the advert is ing

message. In contrast to tbe extensive verbal ancbor-

ing of the early decades of our sample, less verbal

anchoring is noted by tbe end ofthe 1990s.

An example that i l lustrates this progression is a

comparison of metap horical a ds from earlier and later

time periods. Tbe example ad from an earlier time

period appeared in a 1956 issue of Time. The ad in-

corporates one type of trope, a visual metap hor, which

compares the image ofa man's shoe to the image ofa

dog. Tbis comparison is explicitly explained in the

verbal copy; consumers are instructed to equate tbe

two imag es on tbe basis of tbe cba racteristics built

for action, soft, light, an d btb e. No add itiona l

tropes are present in the ad, though the ad uses the

scheme of alliteration in discussing the shoe's Fa-

mous Four Features.

In contrast , the metaphor in a Dannon yogurt ad

from a 1989 issue

of Time

lacks verbal explan ation of

its main message and is layered witb otber tropes.

Tbe ad show s a carton of yogurt d angling from a book

surro und ed by cans of tu na witb tail fins. Tbe ad us es

a f isbing metapbor to suggest that Dannon is the

bait tb at will attr ac t cans of tu na fisb; tbe ad's

message seems to be that yogurt works well with

tuna in a sandwich. However, more tban one can of

tuna is present , perhaps implying tbat tbe tuna/yo-

gurt combination should be eaten more often. Nei-

the r of thes e m essages is explained in the verbal copy

of tbe ad. Instead, the copy offers three puns. Tbe

first two are pu rely verbal p uns: A New School of

Tb oug ht and If you're fisbing for a way to ea t

bealtbier . . . These phras es could imply tba t using

yogurt in tuna is innovat ive and healthier than the

alternat ive, mayonnaise, though mayonnaise is not

men tioned. The last pun , you'll be booked, is verbal

hut references tbe ad's image and reinforces tbe vi-

sua l messa ge: Ea t tu na a nd yogu rt more often. Fi-

nally, the copy ofthe ad is set in waves, bighligbting

tbe overall fishing metapbor.

Beginning in the 1980s, advertisers started layer-

ing figures across multiple ads in the sam e issue. For

example, on page 15 of tbe April 1, 1991, issue

of SI,

the head line for an Isuzu Trooper ad read s Cargo

Ship and is accompanied by a realistic picture of tbe

sport utility vebicle. Tbe ad uses a verbal metaphor

to equate the Trooper to a cargo ship because it has

tbe most cargo space in its class. Tbe copy layers a

verbal pun, saying the Trooper is a best buy for a

boatload of reason s.

When the reader turns over the page ofthe maga-

zine, be or she encounters another Isuzu ad on page

17 . Although this ad is for the Isuzu Rodeo wagon, it

is the same as tbe previous ad in terms of layout,

background, and typograpby. Tbe headline on page

17 read s Kin Ship and uses a pun to imply th at tb e

Rodeo is for families. In effect, the ad on page 17

layers onto tbe ad on page 15 to create a verbal

epistropb e in whicb the word ship is repeate d at the

end of each hea dline. The copy ofthe second ad points

out this extra layering by adding another pun: When

you compare the Isuzu Rodeo to our Trooper, you

quickly realize tha t it 's all reiative.

As these examples i l lustrate, the content assess-

me nt suggests tb at, over time, advertisers moved from

employing single rhetorical figures to usin g mu ltiple,

layered figures. In addition, extensive, explicit verbal

anchoring of rhetorical figures seems to give way to

less complete anchoring and ultimately to ads tbat

offer no literal, verbal exp lanation ofth e figures.

Change: Increased Reliance on Consumers Contex-

tual Knowledge.

Over time, verbal anchoring of rbe-

torical images, or the us e of literal wo rds to explain a

rhetorical figure, seems to decrease. In essence, ad-

vertisers rely more and more on consumers to con-

struct the appropriate conclusion. At the same time,

reliance on consumers' knowledge of context to trig-

ger a rhetorical figure increases. Advertisers seem

more and more willing to ru n tbe risk tha t c onsum ers

will fail to get it; tb at is, adv ertisers ap pear w illing

to assume more and more contextual knowledge on

tbe p art of consumers.

For example, an ad for Mercury Cougar appeared

in a 1991 issue of SI . The ad features a realistic

image of the car witb the headline, 8 Mean Pistons

From Detroit, and copy th at discusses the car's fea-


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The Journal of Advertising

tu res . At first glance, the ad does not appear to use a

rhetorical figure. However, consumers who possess

knowledge of the context of the ad (i.e., in a sports

magazine) will understand that the headline is a meta-

phor comparing the car to the D etroit Pistons basketball

team. Note that no literal words are provided to anchor

tbis interpretation; the audience's interest in sports is

assumed to e sufficient to enable comprehension.

Ads that rely on consumers' knowledge of context

make their initial appearance in the 1970s. Not sur-

prisingly, many such ads are found in SI because

this magazine has the narrowest content ofthe three

magazines in the sample and perhaps the most ho-

mogeneous motivation for readership. One type of

rhetorical figure from

SI

that relies on contextual

knowledge is the use of a sports celebrity as part of a

me taph or. Celebrities are found in the sample ads across

all time periods and are used for attention, to transfer

liking to the product, and to transfer cultural mean ings

to the produ ct (McC racken 1989). It is in the lat ter role

that advertisers increasingly rely on consumers' con-

textu al knowledge to trigger or layer a figure.

For

example.

Jack N icklaus was featured in an ad for

Murray riding mowers in a 1973 issue of

SI.

This ad

creates a visual metaphor between Jack Nicklaus and

the m ower. The ad requires re ade rs to use their contex-

tual knowledge of sports to understand who Jack

Nicklaus is and w hat he stan ds for; this information is

not provided. The headline, Winners have a style all

their own, instruc ts reade rs

to

transfer these attributes

from Nicklaus to the mower. The copy then adds a

verbal m etaphor, com paring the handling of the mower

to th at o fa golf cart, and creates an other link between

the mower and the world of golf Although more com-

mon in

SI

relying on the context ofthe ad to anchor a

rhetorical figure occurs in G H as well.

Stating the Unspeakable: Avoiding Anchoring.

One

possible reason advertise rs m ay vrish to eschew verbal

explanation is that rhetorical figures in ads, in the

absence of an explanation, can be employed to effec-

tively convey a message that is otherwise problematic

or unsp eakab le. Advertising resea rcbers and practitio-

ners have long noted that specific advertising tech-

niques, especially visual images (Marchand 1985;

Rossite r and Percy 1983; W hite 1981) and rhetor ical

figures (Stern 1992), may imply more tha n can be le-

gally expressed in literal words. These techniques are

thought to encourage consumers to draw conclusions

about the product and the advertising message that go

beyond what is stated in the ad (Messaris 1997, p . 225).

A handful of ads from

GH

an d

Sl

support the idea

that rhetorical figures can be used to extend the in-

ferences that can be drawn from the ad's literal mes-

sage.

As suggested by Mes saris (1997, p. 225), mos t of

the noted ads' messages relate to sex and romance.

For example, an ad for Naturflex lingerie appeared in

a 1960 issue

of

GH

It features four women clad only

in unde rwe ar sitting on powder kegs labeled Dyna-

mite while the fifth woman sparks a lighter. Al-

though the scene is rife with sexual innuendo, the

copy refers only to exploding once and for all th e

notion tb at fashion mea ns high prices. Instead of

anchoring the rhetoric, the copy is used to mask the

unspoken message ofthe ad.

Some messages implied by rhetorical figures in o ther

ads go beyond sex and romance but remain within

the sphere of potentially embarrassing topics. In an

ad for prescription medication in a 1987 issue

of GH

the Aesop character of a tortoise is pictured as a

visual metaphor for constipation and a rabbit is pic-

tured for diarrhea. Although these examples are tak en

from GH the use of rhetorical figures to imply an

unspeakable message is not hmited to women's maga-

zines but appears throughout the sample across all

time periods. More generally, these exam ples illu strate

how, despite the increased risk of incomprehension,

unanchored figures may be useful to the advertiser

insofar as they cause consumers to self-generate infer-

ences that could not be stated o utright or tha t might be

overly vulnerable to coun terargu ing if so stated .

Discussion

The content assessment supports the proposition

that the use of rhetorical style in magazine ads has

grown increasingly more complex and elaborate over

t ime. Whereas ads from the early part of the study's

period tend to use only one rhetorical figure and ex-

plain it in words, ads from the later part ofthe period

tend to use unanchored rhetorical figures and layer

them more thickly. It appears that advertisers in-

creasingly have assumed a greater degree of compe-

tency with respect to consumers' ability to read and

understand rhetorical figures and other stylistic de-

vices (cf O'Donohoe 2001 , on adve rtisin g literacy, p.

97). By providing less verbal anchoring of these fig-

ur es over tim e, advertis ers have sim ilarly moved from

telling consumers how to interp ret rhetorical figures

to showing them the figures and leaving the inte rpre-

tation up to them. The overall change in expected

consumer competency is considerable, as advertisers

have moved from assuming that even a simple figure

mu st be explained to assum ing that no explanation is

required for even a complex layering of figures.

Why would ad vertisers choose to reduce the verbal

explana tion offered to consume rs over time, thu s risk-


7/14

Winter 2 2

ing incomprehension

of

their advertising messages?

So me r e c e n t r e s e a r c h s u g g e s t s th a t c o mp le x ,

nonanchored rhetorical figures may provide benefits

th at outweigh this risk. In general, these figures have

heen found to increase elaboration hecause the con-

sumer must figure

out the ad s

message (McQuarrie

and Mick

1999;

Mothershaugh, Huhmann, and Franke

2002}' increased elaboration in turn may increase the

memorability

of the ad

(Kardes 1988).

In

addition,

consumers' pleasure

in

solving the puzzle of

a

rhe-

to r ica l f igure can lead to in c r e a s e d a t t e n t io n

(McQuarrie and Mick 1996) and a positive attitude

toward the ad (M cQuarrie and Mick 1992; Peracchio

and Meyers-Levy 1994). In contrast, ads tb at explic-

itly spell out the meaning of a rhetorical figure to

consum ers may lead to dislike of tbe

ad

(Phillips 2000).

Before considering all

tbe

possible explanations

for

the observed changes

in ad

style over tim e, we

set

ou t

to quantify

tbe

preliminary trends identified

in tbe

content assessment hy means of a content analysis.

Tbe content analysis enables both a more reliable

es t imate of trend s trengtb and a more fine-grained

analysis of change at the level of specific types of

figures tban

is

permitted

by a

content assessme nt.

On

tbe

basis of tbe findings from

tbe

content assess-

ment ,

tbe

following rese arch propositions w ere devel-

oped for exam ination in the content analysis:

RPl: Rbetorical figures appear in all time

periods

in

verbal

as

well as visual form.

RP2: Layering has increased over time.

RP3: Anchoring has decreased over time.

Study 2: Content Analysis

Procedure

Because the content analysis had the limit ed objec-

tive of validating tbe insigbts uncovered in tbe con-

tent assessment, only

a

subset

of

tbe

ads was

used.

Because

the

content assessm ent

had

indicated tba t

the trends were general across tbe m agazines.

Time

magazine, the one general magazine in the sample,

appeared

the

best candidate

for

analysis.

All

15

is-

sues of Time m agazine that h ad been examined in the

content asse ssme nt w ere included in the content analy-

sis;

in total, 816 ads from Time magazine were examined.

For reasons explained suhsequently, an additional 85 ad s

from SI

all of

whicb advertised automobiles, also were

included in the content analysis.

Two judges, doctoral candidates in English litera-

ture ,

were trained to conduct tbe content analysis.

Doctoral students were selected hecause the coding

task

was

difficult

and

require d specialized knowl-

edge of rhetorica l figures. The coders were not informed

of tbe conclusions d raw n from the content assessment

unt il after the y bad com pleted all of tbe co ntent coding.

Tbe coders analyzed

the

headline

and

picture

of

each

of

tb e

ads for the

presence of rheto rical figures.

If

a

figure

was

determined

to

he

present,

it

was cat-

egorized as a scheme or trope. Schemes or tropes

were tben differentiated as to the underlying rhetori-

cal operation on tbe basis of McQuarrie and M ick's

(1996) typology: repetition or reversal for schemes

and substitutio n or destabilization for

tropes.

For those

ads

in

which

a

rhetorical figure was determined to

be

present,

the

judges examined

the

body copy

for the

presence

of

addition al figures

and

categorized these

as schemes or tropes. The presence of additional fig-

ures in the body copy provided an ind icator of wh ether

the ad was layered. The judges then examined the

body copy of ads with figures for anchoring. They

coded anchoring

as

present

if

the body copy spelled

out in literal terms tbe m eaning of a figure a ppearing

in tbe headline or picture. Perreau lt and Leigh's (1989)

reliability index values

for the

coding judgments

ranged from .82 to .95, suggesting th at satisfactory

reliability w as achieved. Differences b etween tbe cod-

ers were resolved by discussion.

Analysis

We graphically portray trends of interest in the

data using moving averages

of

three issues

in

Fig-

ures

and 2. We test the significance of tbese chang es

by dividing the sample approximately at the mid-

point

and

conducting chi-square analyses

of

the inci-

dence

of

specific t ype s

of

f igures

in the

ear ly

(1956-1974 issues) versus late (1977-1998 issues)

time periods (see Tahle 1).

Results

Incidence o f Rhetorical F igures

Over the entire pe-

riod, 54.3% of ad s in

Time

magazine contained one or

more figures in tbe headline or picture. As expected

from RPl, rhetorical figures appeared in all time pe-

riods across the sample. Figures were more common

in the beadline (44%) than in the picture, but visual

figures were far from rare (17.3%). Schemes were

found

in

25.6% of ads

and

tropes

in

36.4%. Almost

all

of

the

visual figures were tropes. These results

are

consistent witb content analyses of ads app earing

in

the late 1980s and 1990s, as reported by Leigh (1994)

and McQuarrie and Mick (1996). Our results extend

previous work hy demon strating tha t rhetor ical fig-

ures have been a staple of magazine advertising for


8/14


Figure 1

Types of Rhetorical Figures Appearing in the Headiine or Picture

50 .0

-,

40 .0

2 30.0

o

o

'€

g. 20.0

P

10.0

-

0,0

6 7

Time Period

10 11 12 13

Schemes

Tropes -Destabilization tropes

Notes: Each point represents a moving average taken across three issues of Time magazine.

1977, 1980, and 1983.

1980, 1983, and 1986,

1983, 1986, and 1989.

1986, 1989, and 1992.

1989, 1992,

and 1995,

1992, 1995. and 1998,

Time period 1:

Time period 2:

Time period 3;

Time period 4:

Time period 5;

Time period 6;

Time period 7:

1956, 1959. and

1959.

1962. and

1962, 1965, and

1965. 1968. and

1968, 1971, a nd

1971, 1974, and

1974,197 7. and

1962.

1965.

1968.

1971.

1974,

1977,

1980,

Time period

Time period

Time period

Time period

Time period

Time period

8:

9:

10:

11 :

12:

13:

many decades and by providing the first estimate of

the incidence of visual figures.

In terms of tren ds, the content analysis shows th at

the incidence of tropes increases over time, hut the

incidence of schemes show s no consistent pa tte rn (see

Figure

and Tahle 1). Closer exam ination of the trope

data shows that the increased incidence over time

stems mostly from an increased usage of more com-

plex destabilization tropes (e.g., meta phor, pun , irony)

r a th e r th a n s imp le r s u b s t i tu t io n t r o p e s ( e .g . ,

metonym, rhetorical question, hyperbole). The inci-

dence of destabilization tropes increases in both the

headline and the picture, but the increase is more

marked in the case of visual figures.

Incidence of Layering of Figures

The content as-

sessment suggested th at layering became more com-

mon over time (RP2). For the content analysis, we

examined the incidence of tropes in the body copy of

ads that had a figure in the headline or picture. The

incidence of ads with figures (N=450) that also layer

tropes into the body copy increases with time, from

31.8 in the early period to 42.7 in the later period

(see Table 1). The content an alysis ag ain supp orts

the thrust of the content assessment and quantifies

the ahsolute level of the layering phenomenon. Just

as ads have incorporated more and more of the most

demanding kind of trope over time, so have they

tended to layer more tropes into the hody copy.

Incidence of Anchoring

The content assessment fi-

nally suggested that, even as the layering of figures in

ads became more common, the use of body copy to

anchor the meanings of these figures decreased (RP3).

In light of the preceding results, we focus our test of

this proposition on ads that feature a destabilization

trope in the h eadhn e or picture (N=200). Schemes, un-

like tropes, do not really require anchoring; it is the


9/14

Winter 2 2

Table 1

Change in the Incidence of R hetorical Figures in ime Magazine Ad s

Incidence

1954 1974

Incidence

1975 1999

Trend

A.

C.

D.

Headline and Picture

Trope^

Scheme^

Destabilization trope (pun, metaphor, irony)

Substitution trope (metonym, rhetorical question, hyperbole)

Headline Only

Destabilization trope

Picture Only

Destabilization trope

Body Copy

Trope layering (given a figure in the headline or picture) ̂

Trope layering and no anchoring in body^

Anchoring (given a destabilization trope in the headline or picture)*^

Anchoring and no trope layering in

32.9

27.0

19.7

15.3

8.8

11.3

31.8

17.8

41.5

24.5

41.3

23.6

31.3

13.3

13.0

2 1

42.7

30.7

22,6

10.4

6.01**

1 24

14.30***

< 1

3 66

11.90***

5.67*

10.24***

8.20**

7.01**

^ See the text for a definition of tropes, schemes, and other key terms.

° Except where noted, the analysis is based on 477 ads appearing in the 1954-1974 portion of the sample and 339 ads appearing in the

1975-1999 portion, for a total N=816.

This analysis is based on the 258 ads containing a figure in the headline or picture in the 195 4-197 4 portion and the 192 such ads in the

1975-1999 portion, for a total N=450.

This analysis is based on the 94 ads containing a destabilization trope in the headline or picture in the 1956-74 portion and the 106 such ads

in the 1975-1999 portion, for a total N=200.

irregularity of tropes, the violation of ordinary canons

of usage, that makes anchoring hoth possible and po-

tentially desirable for the advertiser. Moreover, it is

destabilization tropes, as the label suggests, that most

thr eat en consumer comprehension; therefore, most call

for anchoring. The trend data show that anchoring in

the body copy of ads w ith a destabih z ation trope in th e

headline or picture declines over time, from 41.5% in

the e arlier period to 22.6% in the la ter period (see Tahle

l j ,

consistent with the content assessment.

Note, however, that body copy in an ad can contain

dozens of sentences and hundreds of words. Thus, it

is possible in principle for a given ad to be scored as

both anchored and layered, and this occurred in many

cases in our sample. For a more precise estimate of

tren ds in anchoring and layering, we refined the analy-

sis by identifying ads that were anchored but not

layered with tropes in the body copy, confining the

analysis again to ads with a destabilization trope in

the headline or picture (N=200). We similarly identi-

fied ads with figures in the hea dline or pictur e (N=450}

that were layered in the hody copy with tropes but

not anchored. The incidence of pure ancho ring de-

clines even more markedly over time, and likewise,

the incidence of pure trope layering increases even

more markedly relative to the raw coding of anchor-

ing and layering {see Table 1 and Figure 2). The

content analysis thus supports the content assess-

ment in documenting both more layering and less

anchoring of figures over time.

Finally, the analyses just reported could he con-

founded if the mix of products advertised in

im e

magazine changed over the period. If some product

categories make heavy use of figures in their adver-

tising, independent of the time period, because of

some intrinsic characteristic ofthe product, whereas

othe rs do not, and if the former category becam e more

common in the later period, then what appears to be a

trend in overall advertising strategy (i.e., a growing reli-

ance on the most demanding kind of trope) may only


10/14

1


Figure

Layering Versus Anchoring

T3

o

r

o

a

50

n

40

30 -

20 -

10

0

n

6 7

Time Period

10

12 13

•Trope Layering Without Anchoring

n -Anch oring Without Trope Layering

Notes: Each point represents a m oving average taken across three issues of T;me magazine. (See Figure for the issues for each time period.

reflect a cha nging mix of produc ts adve rtised in Time

magazine. To rule out this threat, we repeated the

analyses using 179 ads for automobiles appearing in

both

Time

and

Sl

The trend data for automobile ads

replicated the pa tte rn of res ults found for ads for a

broad spectrum of products app earing in

Time

maga-

zine. Thus, it appears unlikely tha t the trend da ta for

Time magazine can be dismissed as resulting from a

change in the m ix of produ cts adve rtised in Time over

the period.

Discussion

Evolution of Rhetorical Strategies

The content

analysis refines and adjusts the findings of the con-

tent asse ssme nt in one imp ortant respect: The use of

complex destabilization tropes such as puns, meta-

phor, and irony has increased in the headlines and

pictures of

ads.

Advertisers appear to have developed

an increasing preference for the kind of figure most

hkely to evoke elaboration on the part of consumers

and m ost able to support a subs tanti al degree of elabo-

ration Mothershaugh, Hu hm ann, and Fran ke 2002).

By the same token, destabilization tropes place the

greatest demands on consumer processing resources

McQuarrie and Mick 1996) and are most likely to fail

to be comprehend ed by consum ers Mc Quarrie and

Mick 1992, Experiment 2).

The content analysis also extends und erstan din g

o

rhetorical strategies hy reinforcing the necessity of

distin guis hing among different types of rhetoric al fig-

ures. More exactly, the simple fact that one type of

trope hecomes more common while the other does not

argues for the importance of making distinctions at

th e level of wh at M cQua rrie and Mick 1996) charac-

terized as the rhetorical operation—tropes constructed

by the operation of destabilization versus tropes con-

structed by substitution. Mothersbaugh, Huhmann,

and Fra nk e 2002, p. 597) similarly find significant

differences hetween substitution and destabilization

tropes. Thus, the present study add s to the weight of

evidence that hierarchical taxonomies of rhetorical

figures that make distinctions at multiple levels are

empirically useful.


11/14

Winter 2 2

Changes n Advertising Over Time The content

assessment identified layering of multiple rhetorical

figures and absence of ancho ring as rhetorical stra te-

gies

not

previously discussed

in the

li terature

and

suggested that layering became more common even

as anchoring became less frequent. The content analy-

sis confirmed thes e propositions, which indicates t hat ,

in later periods, advertisers increased their usage of

the most demanding kind of figure, placed further

demands on consumers by adding tropes to the body

copy, and hiked t hese d em and s still further by offer-

ing fewer literal explanations of these figures. Why

did this occur?

Although the trend seems well established, its in-

terpretation can only he speculative at this point.

Our preferred explanation is th a t a mutual adapta-

tion of advertisers and consumers to a changed ad-

vertising environm ent underlies the observed trends.

That is over the period 1954-1999, consumption be-

came ever more central to U.S. society (Cross 2000),

and as a consequence, there grew to he more adver-

tisements for more products through more avenues to

consumers who had more and more discretionary in-

come. Consumers, as they w ere exposed to more and

more advertising, adapted to this change hy becom-

ing more

and

more competent

at

processing ads,

but

at the same tim e, they became more disinterested in

advertising in general. Consumers became more re-

luctant to attend to any particular advertisement.

Advertisers in turn adapted to these changes hy plac-

ing increasing emphasis

on the

most deviant

of

rhe-

torical figures, layering these figures, and removing

explanatory anchoring. Less anchoring was needed in

light of increased consum er competence. More layering

of devian t trop es wa s adva ntageo us for overcoming con-

sumer ennui with the surfeit of advertising; layered,

deviant tropes offered both an aesthetic reward for

processing the ad and a means of provoking the con-

sumer to self-generate the desired message rath er t ha n

counterargue the advertiser's statement of it.

Some other possible explanations of the trends un-

covered in this study, not mutually exclusive to the

first explanation, would include the following. In-

creased professionalization among advertising copy-

write rs, combined w ith competition for prestige within

the profession, may have led to more and more em-

phasis

on

cute, clever,

or

tricky formulations th at

would interest and impress professional peers. A re-

lated explanation would argue that, as the history of

modern advertising lengthened—Marchand (1985)

su^ests that modern adver tis ing and consumer cul-

tu re w ere fully developed hy some point in th e 1920s—

boredom with straightforward appeals drove a search

for novelty on the par t of copywriters. This horedom

manifested itself in an increased use of me taph or, pu ns,

an d the like, as well as in an unwillingness to anchor

these novel formulations (because professional peers

needed no such assistance). At the same time, enor-

mous strides following 1980

in

comp uter graph ics soft-

ware, such as Adobe Photoshop and Quark Express,

made it possible to produce new k ind s of elabo rate and

complex images easily. The argument would he that,

once these technologies became available, adve rtisers

were wont to try them.

In summary, this a lternative suggests that a self-

focused professional com mun ity of copyw riters, bored

with established persuasive approaches, might have

been responsible for a perceived change in the direc-

tion of increased usage of more complex rhetorical

strategies, aided by the advent of new technologies.

However, this explanation fails to explain why it is

only destabilization tropes, and not figures per se

that increase in usage over time. Several types of

schemes, such as an t im etabo le (e .g . . Pres iden t

Ken nedy's appeal; Ask not w hat your country can do

for you, ask what you can do for your country ), are

surely clever enough to please professional peers. Simi-

larly, it is hard to understand how graph ics software

per se could drive an increase in a particular type of

verbal expression (i.e., trope layering) in the hody copy.

somewhat different alternative explanation, again

not mutually exclusive, would point to the increased

diffusion of visual media in U.S. society over the pe-

riod, most notably the drastic increase in time spent

watching television. Metaphorical thinking often is

said to he analogous to pictures; likewise, pictorial

metaphorical thinking is contrasted with literal, lin-

ear, verbal thinking. If as a consequenc e of th e diffu-

sion of television, consumers now spend m ore tim e

processing visual stimuli, it s tands to reason tha t

print advertising, along with many other aspects of

culture, would tend to become more pictorial, in th is

case, by making greater use of tropes such as meta-

phor. However, the notion tha t a metaphor is a word

picture is hardly a scientific proposition, and in any

case,

it

begs

the

question

of

why

the

increase

is ob-

served

at the

level

of

destabilization tropes,

as

this

category includes pun and irony as well as metaphor .

Although no less speculative, the initial explana-

tion regarding a mutual adaptation by consumers

and advertisers appears to be the only alternative

that accounts for all the stylistic changes noted in the

content analysis. More specifically, the diachronic data

are consistent with

the

idea tha t consum ers became

less and less inclined to engage advertisem ents over

the period, The consequence for advertisers was tha t


12/14

The Journal of dvertising

it became more and more imperative to motivate con-

sumer engagement with the ad per se , in addition to

whatev er was done to promote the brand through the

ad. Therefore, all forms of aesthetic enhancement

became more pertinent in devising ad stratagems.

Rhetorical figures, and in particula r destabilization

tropes, which can convey bran d information even as

they provide

an

aesthetic award, became m ore

and

more central to ad strategy.

Early research on rhetorical figures in advertising

built an argument for their theoretical importance by

pointing

to the

ubiquity

of

this styhstic device (e.g.,

Leigh 1994; McQuarrie and Mick 1996). The present

study adds to this hody of evidence by establishing both

the long-term persistence of rhetoric al figures and a

steady increase in the usage of complex tropes. Main-

stream theories of consumer response to advertising

have few explanations for the ubiquity of rhetorical

figures; no extant theory

has a

good explanation

for

their persistence

and

steady increase. T he idea of con-

sumers who adapted to a changed advertising environ-

men t and the resulting growth of an aesthetic imperative

thus suggests avenues along which present theories of

consumer response to advertising might he expanded to

bett er account for the role played hy rhetorical figures.

Limitations

The sample of ads used in this study was drawn

from only three U.S. magazines and is limited to the

kinds of products m arketed

to the

audiences ofthose

magazines . In addition, only one issue of one m aga-

zine was examined per calendar year. Future research

might examine a broader range of magazines, with a

broader consumer and product representatio n, and

sample a larger num ber of issues.

A more hasic limitation, shared hy virtually all

diachronic analyses, is that the sample is fundamen-

tally incomplete. This is obvious when we look back-

ward; modern advertising long predate s 1954, and it is

possible that a larger sample gathered over a longer

time fi ame would provide a difFerent perspective on the

trends noted here. More subtly, there can he no assurance

that 1999 m arks any kind of real terminu s to the phenom-

ena identified in this study; the trend s identified here

mig ht look very different after 20 more years have elapsed.

Conclusion

The pr esen t study is one ofthe few to link a qualita-

tive content assessment to a quantita tive content

analysis of the same ads. The combination of these

two methodologies appears to have much to recom-

mend it. A content ana lysis alone could not have iden-

tified increases

in

layering

and

decreases

in

anchor-

ing, inasmuch as a content analysis can only count

wh a t is already known to exist. Conversely, the con

ten t assess me nt alone could never have produced con-

vincing evidence of eithe r trend . Trend presupp oses

a set of numerical data tha t covary in magnitude

with distance on a time line, and a content assess-

ment does not yield quantitative data of this sort. We

hope this study will motivate other advertising

re

searchers to adopt a critical pluralistic approach to

methodology, combining as needed qualitative and

quantitative techniques applied to diachronic as wel

as synchronic data.

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