The Del Grande and Paolini Families

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The Del Grande and Paolini Families

Transcript of The Del Grande and Paolini Families

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The Del Grande and Paolini Families

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The Del Grande and Paolini Families

written by

Armand Roderick Paolini

Original 2011Updated 2013

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Prologue

As our two grown children, Nicole and Jared, have yet to start families of their own, they havebeen able to join my w ife and me on our family vacations: California, Wyoming, and our respectivehometow ns of Bloomington and Chicago, Illinois. Wanting to take advantage of their freedom to travel, I

proposed another family vacation at Christmas, 2006. I was thinking of another national park in theUnited States, but Jared proposed South America. My response was em phatic: if we were to considerforeign travel, there were only two possibilities: Türkiye and Italy. The latter choice was unanimou s.

In planning the trip, I started to read several travel guides to Italy, and so became overwhelmedat the possibilities. I had no idea how to organize a trip that would not be a blur of train rides, hotels,piazzas and churches. I discussed the problem with my wife Kathy, who immediately said that Nicoleand Jared would want to see the hometown of their great grandpar ents. I considered the possibility.

My grandparents were born in a town in the Abruzzo, a mountainous region on the eastern edgeof the Italian peninsula. Kathy and I had visited the town in 1973, and while quain t, it certainly was not remark able. My grandparen ts had moved to the city of Naples upon their marriage, and they lived therefor ten years before immigrating to America. To visit this city gave me apprehension to say the least.Kathy and I had traveled in Italy in 2003, and w e have spent a day in Nap les, terrified that we were goingto be mugged and our purses stolen. While no such event occurred, the warning s and stories of personswho had not been so fortunate gave me pause.

To make the visits to both Popoli and Naples mean ingful, I had hoped to identify the houseswhere my grandmother, Maria Beatrice Del Grande, and my grandfather, Ildebrando Alfredo Paolini, hadlived. I thought that their birth and marriage records would have their family's address, and that suchrecords were maintained by both civil and church authorities. In Naples, Alfredo and Beatrice operateda tailor shop for wom en's clothes, and they lived in an apartment above the shop. Since five sons wereborn in Naples, records of their births would be recorded by both civil and church authorities. I

therefore plunged into the labyrinth of family genealogy.

I knew that the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) has collected birth recordsfrom all over the world so that their adherents could rescue the departed souls of their ancestors whohad never learned of Jesus Christ and who were languishing in purgatory. The Church had establishedthe Family History Library in Salt Lake City to coordinate and hold these records that had been capturedon microfilm. I located the film of the Registri dello stato civile (1809-19100)  and began my search, but Iwas soon overwh elmed. The quality of the image was poor , and I could hardly decipher, let alonetranslate, the Italian script. I therefore turned to a professional in the field.

Residing in the city of L’Aquila in the Abruzzo region where the town of Popoli is located,Pierangela Badia responded to my inquiry: "Popoli is not a large place. In some indexes I have I found

the birth of Del Grande Gilda in the year 1882, a Del Grande Donato in 1887, a Del Grande Ungaro (yourHugo?) in 1889." She sounded as though she knew these people! She provided a report of her findings,mainly the birth records of the Del Grande children, that is, the siblings of my grandmother, her fatherFrancesco Paolo Del Grande and her mother Gemma Castricone. She did provide addresses from theirbirth records, but none of the streets could be found on a current map of the town.

For records in Naples, I employed the services of Joe De Simone who was able to locate the civil

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marriage record of Alfredo and Beatrice, and the birth records of their children born in Naples.

Apparently I wore out my welcome. I wanted to focus on identifying the churches of mygrandparents, and uncovering several mysteries and gaps in the histories of my immediate ancestors.Pierangela seemed to want to identify Del Grande's and Paolini's back to the beginning of time. So Iemployed another researcher, Carolyn B. Ugolini, who resides in Salt Lake City. She reads Italian, and of 

course, has immediate access to the documents in the Family History Center. She provided informationthat filled several gaps in the record, and also correc ted some false conclusions that Piera ngela and I hadmade. But again, when requested to do research outside the bounds of "birth, marriage, and death," shedemurred. And so I was on my own.

I did receive enormous assistance through the local chapter of POINTers (Pursuing Our ItalianNames Together) called Il Circolo Filippo Ma zzei, particularly from Donna Dengler and Daniel Else, who,in addition to doing genealogical research, lived in the area of Naples while serving in the U.S. Navy.They were esp ecially helpful in locating the addresses of the residences in Naples, and in rea ding repliesfrom inquiries that I had made from Italian agencies. But most assistance was rendered and is still beingreceived from Norma M ilas, whose mother was a Paolini from Popoli and whom I met through theItalian Genealogical Group. As she pursues her research, we are constantly sharing our findings, stories,triumphs, failures and always adding little bits and pieces of information as though we were putting ajigsaw puzzle together. She is my mento r and a constant source of inspiration and encouragem ent.

After our trip to Italy in 2008, I wrote three pap ers:  A Tr ip to Italy 2008 : Tracing the Ro ots o f our 

Italian Ancestors, a travelogue; Tracing Our Italian Roots, the history of the Del Grande and P aolinifamilies in Italy; The Family of Beatrice and A lfredo Paolini, the history of the Del Grande and Pa olinifamilies in America.

A genealogical history is never complete but in 2008, I wanted to get what I had on paper. Sincethe trip, I have continued my investigation and have found errors in the first edition plus solved some of the mysteries at the time of those writings. Amon g the most noteworthy was the elimination of non-

existent Marie Marie Paolini who was mistaken for Marie Ines Paolini; the discovery of the birth placeand parents of Donato(#2) Del Grande; and the identity and burial place of Arcangela Del Grande.

Over these past three years as my investigation continued, I have come in contact with severalhitherto unknow n relatives. Before the trip to Italy, I had used a 14-day trial subscription toAncestry.com an d I had entered three names into its online database. Upon m y return, I purchased anongoing subscrip tion, and I deleted one of the names in the database. Within a day, I received an E-mailfrom Karen Alfano, a second cousin and a descendant of Angiolina Del Grande, one of my grandmother’ssisters. As we both searched census records of descendants, we found Robert Sirimarco, a second cousinonce removed and his wife Alice Roche, Kathryn Lynn Leuke, a second cousin and descendant of one of my grandmother’s brother, and lastly, Ellen Ann O’Connor, a first cousin once removed and a descendant of my aunt Emily. As we continue to share facts, stories, photographs, we are deepening our knowledge

and perpetuating the history of the Del Grande and Paolini families.

The facts of this genealogical research are stored in a database management system calledRootsMag ic that I maintain. Periodically, I upload the essential facts of birth, marriage, and death, to myDel Grande - Paolini database that is maintained on the Ancestry.com website where it can be viewedpublically.

Ti Voglio Bene,

Armando Rod PaoliniJanuary, 2011

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The Family of Alfredo and Beatrice Paolini

Ildebrando Alfredo PaoliniBeatrice Maria Del Grande

Armando

Arturo (Arthur Sr.)Adolfo (Adolph)

Aldo Attilio (Otto, Ottie)Amelia (Emily)

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Table of Contents

Introduction

1. Return to Italy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

2. Ildebrando Alfredo Paolini. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

3. Emigration of the Del Grande. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

4. Life for the Paolini in Naples. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

5. The Del Grande in Utica, New York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

6. The Del Grande Move to Chicago. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

7. Arcangela Del Grande. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

8. The Paolini Decide to Emigrate to Am erica. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

9. The Emigration of the Paolini. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

10. Donato Del Grande . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 05

11. Early Years in Chicago. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109

12. Discovery of Donato Paolini. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

13. Work and Play. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

14. The Great War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

15. The Family Reunited. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153

16. Five Weddings and Two Funerals. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165

17. Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187

Epilogue. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199

A p p e n d i c e s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 9 9A: Manifest of the ship SS Moltke

B: Italy’s Comm issariat of EmigrationC: Ethnic Territories of the Near West SideD: Arrigo ParkE: Italian Funeral CustomsF: St. Mary Training School for BoysG: Descendant List of Francesco Paolo Del G rande

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Introduction

Quelli che manca di scrivere delle vite di loro antenati merita li è dimenticati.(Those who fail to write about the lives of their ancestors deserve to be forgotten themselves.)

Genealogy has no beginning point save perhaps Adam and Eve–or L ucy–depending upon yourreligious beliefs–and the end point is always a moving forward . My purpose was not to trace my pedigreeto some distant ancestor who, of course, would be of noble birth. I wanted to know more about the peoplethat I had known in my childhood: my grandmother, my aunt and uncles. Therefore this family historycovers only three generations: their life in Italy, their passage to America, and their life in Americ a.

Genealogy is primarily concerned with three basic facts: birth, marriage and death. I havegathered that data, and I present the essential in these pages; but I wan ted to capture the  storia  of thePaolini and Del Grande families – the Italian language using one word for both concepts. Over the course of my own life, I had heard legends, stories, little incidents, and opinionated descriptions of my relatives. Iheard the many stories of my father so often that they became somewhat tiresome; now I worry that they

will never be told again. And so I decided to write them in order that they may be preserved.

As I began to gather the stories and write them, another purpose evolved: to put their story inthe context of time and place. I attempt to describe the historical events, movemen ts, and conditions of theperiod that impacted or at least influenced the decisions and the lives of these people. They lived inmomentous times! Their lives were emblematic of what some consider the largest mass migration of contem porary times. They struggled out of poverty. They integrated themselves into Amer ican life andculture. No doubt the basic theme of the struggle of imm igrants in America has been told many times bymany nationalities. But this is my history. These were my ancestors. I knew them. Before this writing, Ihad not the awareness to express my gratitude.

Most historiography is written about great men and wom en doing extraordinary things. This is

the  storia  of ordinary people seemingly doing ordinary things at the time and from their own point of view.It is when we, their heirs and b eneficiaries, look over such a life, we appreciate their extraord inaryaccomplishments.

While much of the factual information comes from archival sources such as birth records,naturalization petitions, census data, and ship manifests, the accounts of incidents and the description of events stem from two principle sources: my mother, Isabel Flavia Daniels Paolini, who was thoughtful andkind enough to inquire and listen to her mother-in-law tell her stories over the years; and my father, Attilio(Otto) Paolini who told his stories to me since I was a child, but who also wrote them in his autobiography.Since m y father's story is part of the family's history, and because it provide s a perspective of the family, Ihave included, to a considerable degree, direct quotes from his autobiography.

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This is my third effort in trying to capture and report the  storia  of my Italian ancestors. My first attempt was when I w as a sophomore at Beloit College when I was given an assignment to interview aperson and write their autobiograph y. I attempted to interview my grandmo ther, but I had not the skill toconduct an interview, and she was too modest to extol her own story. It was a lost opportunity I sorelyregret. Over the years, I did learn her story from my father and mother, and so I wrote her a card:

Dear Grandmother Paolini,

Someo ne suggested that I change my name. Paolini is adifficult name to spell correctly, and no one can pronounce it.But after hearing of all that you have done in your life, I'mvery proud to be a Paolini.

I hope that this  storia  explains why.

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Chapter 1

Return to Italy

Reflection in Naples

The caretaker asked whether or not she wished to see her son. Beatrice thought a moment, and1

then declined. When he dies, his little body had been embalm ed and supposedly preserved; but whenshe saw him last–just before departing for America, she had notice a spot of decay. No, she thought Shedid not want to see her child with any disfigurem ent. She asked to remain awhile in the littlemausoleum as she wished to be alone with her beloved son, Attilio, who had died at age six months.

Beatrice had returned to Naples after emigrating from Italy forty-seven years earlier in 1906. Asshe sat in the quiet of this solitary space, she reflected on her life: its milestones, its tragedies, its great contrasts, and the great events within her lifetime.

She was born and raised in the small town of Popoli in the mountainous region of the Abruzzo,and now she lived in the second largest city in Amer ica–Chicago. She had worked as a little girl in herfather’s tailor shop cleaning the hems of ladies’ dresses. When only seventeen, she married and she andher husband started their own tailoring shop in Naples. After tens years, the family had joined one of thegreatest flood of emigrants the world has ever seen. In leaving Italy, she had crossed the Atlantic on theSS M oltke, berthed in steerage, and now she had returned on the luxury liner, the SS Andrea Doria, in herown cabin. She had lost a husband and two sons. She had endured deprivation and hardship throughtwo world wars and the Great Depression. She had been a union organizer and striker in the movement to improve working conditions in the great industrial age while becoming head of the household andchief wage earner for her family of five sons and one daughter. She had worked forty-three years in thegarment industry, and now she was retired and could afford to take a European vacation, including a tripto her country of origin and the two towns in which she had lived.

The Region of Abruzzo

"Listen to him talk about the Abruzzi. There's more snow there than here. He doesn't want to

 see peasants. Let him go to centres o f culture and c ivi lization." 

Hemingway, Ernest, A Farewell to Arms

Beatrice had returned a few days prior from a visit to her hometown of Popoli, in the Abruzzo,which is a region located midway along the Italian peninsula and adjacent to the Adriatic Sea; it is east of Rome and northeast of Naples (see maps).

As the train rolled eastward, it began its slow ascen t, first meandering through the v alleys, andthen cutting directly through the mountains in tunnels that seemed to be miles in length. Thesemountains surrounded the town of Popoli as the walls of her village.

‘Beatrice' is not a p articularly beautiful name in English, but in Italian it is pronounced,1

"ba-ä-'tre-(,)cha," or "bee a' tree' che", which I think is quite beautiful. It is the name of the wom an idealizedby Dante Alighieri in his masterpiece, the Divine Comedy. In a work by Paget Toynbee entitled, Dante

 Aligh ier i: H is L ife and W orks , the author men tions that Beatrice Portinari was called Bice (pronounced Bee’che), and my grandm other was called by this nickname as well.

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They reflected the seasons of the year: green in summ er, then turning bright red and yellow inautumn then brown, and finally white when laden with snow in winter. The mountains were dottedwith little villages that made the scenery so picturesque. She wished she cou ld visit every one of them,but she was anxious to reach Popoli. The train lumbered through the Apennines mountains, and then

braced itself as it descended into the inter-mountain basin of Sulmona. The winding descent of the trainreminded her of a trip she had taken with her father when she was a child. Traveling by the diligenza orstagecoach, the road switched back and forth, thus allowing the passengers to view the valley below onone side of the coach and then the other. With each turn, they viewed the little town that was theirdestination. Obviously unaware of this contortion, a wom an passenger remark ed: "My! There are somany tow ns on this road!" Beatrice and her father just smiled at each other.

The mountains didn’t seem as high as when she was a little girl,but she knew that they had greatly influenced life in the Abruzzo. Untilthe building of the railroad, they had been a barrier to travel and tocommerce such that the Abruzzese were isolated. They lagged ineconom ic developm ent and awareness of the changing social and

political ideas. They were viewed by their countrymen as provincials.Much of the po verty of the South of Italy has been attributed to the largelandowners who did not introduce modern farming methods; but evenif they had done so, it would have been impossible to transport theirproduce to the markets of Naples, Rome, and Pescara because therewere few roads around and out of this mountainous region.

From time im memorial, the economy of the region had been based on sheep farming andagriculture, practiced according to age-old methods. Abruzzo was the summ er feeding grounds for thegreat transhumance, the seasonal movement of livestock, mainly sheep, that started in spring fromFoggia in the region of Puglia, almost 185 miles (300km) to the southeast. Now, since World War II, the2

transhuma nce has been replaced by sedentary forms of sheep-breeding integrated with agriculture.3

After the unification of Italy in 1860-1870, there was a great expectation of agrarian reform but because of collusion between the large landowners of the south and the industrialists of the north, thereform never took place, and many farme rs lost their property as they could not pay their taxes. Many,along with former soldiers of the army of Garibaldi (Red Shirts) and the army of the Bourbons, turned tobrigandag e. Viewed by their supporters, past and present, their activity was not just thievery but aninsurrection. Reprisals were cruel and bloody on both sides and often the poor were caught in themiddle of fights; whole villages were destroyed and hundreds of peasants were shot without a trialunder the unfounded accusation of protecting the brigands. In the end, it was brutally suppressedending about 1878–a year before Beatrice was born.

The isolation of the Abruzzo was finally broken by the introduction of the railway network which

connected Pescara, Ancona and Foggia, and later in the Sangro area, to Naples.

Diligenza

Luigi, “Transhumance in cen tral Italy”, Agricultural Biodiversity Weblog, August 3 0, 2007.2

http://agro.biodiver.se/2007/08/transhumance-in-central-italy/

Avram, Maria, “The Legacy of Transhuman ce in National Park of Abruzzo Lazio and Molise (PNALM):3

Rediscovery and Exploitation,” GeoJournal of Tourism and G eosites, Year II, no. 2, vol. 4, 2009 , pag. 153-159.http://gtg.webhost.uoradea.ro/PDF/GTG-2-2009/06_OK_Avram.pdf , online November 30, 2009.

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Maps of Italy, Abruzzo, and Popoli

Map of Popoli

Abruzzo region

Italy and the region of Abruzzo

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Popoli

Photos courtesy of GiovanniLattanzi at www.inabruzzo.it/fotoabruzzo

Popoli in the MountainsPopoli by the Pescara River

Popoli in the morning

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In ancient times Abruzz o was inhabited by several peoples, including the Equi, Marsi, Vestini andPraetutii, who were conquered by the Romans before the third century BCE. After the decline of theRom an Empire, the region broke up into small feudal states, and during the early Middle Ages, the Abruzzowas under the control of the Lombard duchy of Spoleto. In the 12th century the Normans conquered the

territory, which became part of the Kingdom of Sicily and then under Frederick II of Hohenstaufen whichhad the neighboring city of Sulmon a as the regional capital.

After the fall of the Hohenstaufen dynasty in the 13th century, the regions of Abruzzo and M olise inturn came under the control of the Anjou (Charles of Anjou), the Aragonese (Alfonso V of Aragon), theSpanish Hapsbur gs (Charles VIII), and finally, in the 18th century, the Bourbon Kingdom of Naples (1735-1796), under whose rule the region was divided into sub-regions of Molise, Abruzzo Ulteriore I, Abruzzo4

Ulteriore II, Abruzzo Citra–henc e it was, and is, often referenced in the plural: Abruzzi. By the early 19thcentury small liberal groups were taking part in revolutionary activities, and in 1860 the region becamepart of the united Kingdom of Italy.

The Town of Popoli

After passing through the city of Sulmona, Beatrice could see in the distance, onMonte Rotondo , the ruins of the Castello di

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Popoli  (see photograph), originally built in1016. In a few minutes, she arrived at thetrain station. When a little girl, she was at thisvery station whe n the first train came toPopoli in the late 1800s. A smile came to herlips as she recalled an old man warning her:"Don't ever go on that machine–that's the

work of the Devil." The Catholic Church alsodid not have a favorable opinion of thisnewfangled contraption, and it had forbiddenits followers to use the railways as it was believed to promote public indecency. Pope Gregory XVI6

(1831–1846) prevented the construction of railways in the Papal States, and was reputed to have said"chemin de fer, chemin d'enfer" ("the iron road, the road to hell"). Pope Pius IX (1792-1878) was more7

sympathetic to modern times, especially after independence and unification, and allowed the introductionof railways--and even gas lighting–in 1860.

Photo courtesy of Paolo Mulazzani at www .fotomulazzani.com

 In 1953 there were five provinces comprising the region: L'Aquila, Pescara, Teramo, Chieti and4

Campobasso, the latter being split-off to from the region of Molise in 1963.

Di Gregorio, Luciano,  Abruzzo, Bradt Travel Guides Ltd, Bucks, England, January 2010, p.89.5

A more cynical explanation is that the pope opposed basic technological innovations because he6

believed that they would promote comm erce and increase the power of the bourgeoisie, leading to demandsfor liberal reforms which would undermine the m onarchical power of the papacy over in the Papal States(central Italy). http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pope_Gregory_XVI

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rail_transport_in_Vatican_City#cite_note-37

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Beatrice exited the station and walked along the street that had since been renamed Viale Bruno

Buozzi. She crossed over the confluence of the rivers Aterno and Pescara on the bridge called the Ponte8

Risorgimento . The rivers ran as clear now as they did when she lived here as there are numerous springsthat form a small, crystal-clear lake, surrounded by woods and reedbeds. 9

She entered the town from the west, and stopped to rest in the Piazza Giuseppe Paolini (seephotograph), a public square dedicated to an infantry commander of the Italian Army and recognized forhis actions during the Great War. In addition to recognition by his countrymen, he was recognized by theUnited States:

Army Distinguished Service Medal

Awarded for actions during the World War I

The President of the United S tates of America, authorized by Act of Congress, July 9,

1918, takes pleasure in presenting the Army D istinguished Service Medal to Lieutenant

General Giuseppe Paolini, Italian Army, for exceptionally meritorious and distinguished 

service in a position of great responsibility to the Government of the United States,during World War I. While Commanding the 11th Army Corps, 3d Italian Army, General

Paolini rendered services of inestimable value to the American Expeditionary Forces and 

to the cause in which the U nited States has been engaged.

General Orders: War Department, General Orders No. 45 (1919)

  While she now bore the same name,Paolini, she knew that it was doubtful that herhusband was a relation to so prominent of person.

She resumed her travel on Via Capponi.10

She noted that there was a whole new section of thetown to the south, but she proceeded directly to theold section and the main square: the Piazza della

Libertà  (see photograph).11

Piazza Paolini and the Monumen t to the Fallen circa 1950

Courtesy of Norma Milas

A trade unionist and Italian politician who openly defied fascism by leading strikes in 1925. He was8

persecuted by the regime and threatened many times to death, forcing him to move to France. He returned toItaly and was active in the Resistance; on the run, he was arrested and shot by the Germans in 1944.

The area is now the Pescara Springs Nature Reserve.9

Marquis Gino Capponi (1792-18 76) was an Italian statesman and historian.10

http://www.tavernaducalepopoli.beniculturali.it/index.php?en/92/the-collection11

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Popoli

Sorgenti_del_PescaraCourtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzo

http://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/

Monument to the Fallen with a statue to Liberty

Courtesy of RABoe/Wikipedia; photo found at http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Popoli_36.jpgLicense requirements at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/legalcode

Piazza Duchi Cantelmo

Courtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzohttp://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/

Piazza della LibertàCourtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzo

http://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/

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Popoli

Scalinata Trinità dei Monti e Santissima TrinitàCourtesy of Antonio Di Bacco

http://www.flickr.com/photos/vulkan/136390017/in/photostream/

Piazza San Lorenzo

Santi Lorenzo e Biagio

Campanile di Santissima Trinità

Via Cavour 

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It might have been called Piazza Margherita  when she lived in Popoli, but it probably appeared12

much the sam e to her then as it did when sh e was a little girl, having maintained its original 15th centurycharacter with its apartment buildings,  palazzi , and the church of San Francesco all surrounding the pavedsquare with a fountain in the middle.

Though she traveled lightly, her arm was beginning to ache from carrying her suitcase. She foundthe hotel and approached the front desk: “Mi chiamo Beatrice Paolini. Ho una prenotazione.” Without hesitation, the desk clerk replied, “Ah sì, sì, signora Paolini. L’ho!” It was such a pleasure to be able to sayher name only once to have it understood, and not having to spell it two or three times. She quicklyfreshened herself and then resumed her tour of the town.

She walked up Via Cavour   and past13

the Piazza Duchi Cantelmo to the Scalinata

Trinità dei Monti (the Flight of steps o f thetrinity of mountains) to view once again thechurches Santissima Trinità and the adjacent

Santi Lorenzo e Biagio  (see photographs).The flight of stairs seemed higher and longernow than when she scampered up and downthem as a young girl. She gazed up at thecampanile of Santissima Trinità to read thedate: 1648. As she reached the top,memories flooded her mind.

One day she and her sister Gildaentered the bell tower and r ang the bells.They secreted themselves so that no onecould see them. When the townspeople

came to the church to determine who hadrung the bells, they found no one, and then declared: "A miracle, a miracle!"

Beatrice and Gilda performed another miracle when they went into the church and hid behind thestatue of the Virgin Mary. When an old and crippled wom an, walking with the aid of a cane, came to pray tothe Virgin, Beatrice and Gilda whispered from behind the statue in order to sound as though the Virgin wasspeaking. The old woman became hysterical, and even though she was not able to walk, she hobbled andstumbled out of the church. The old woman and townspeople again declared a miracle had occurred .Unfortunately, a week later, the poor wom en died. Beatrice thought sadly, but with a touch of whimsy:"We killed that lady!"

Via Cavour  and the Scalinata Trinità dei Monti

Courtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzohttp://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/

Margherita of Savoy (Margherita Maria Teresa Giovanna (1851– 192 6)), was the Queen consort of 12

the Kingdom of Italy during the reign (1878-1900) of her husband, Um berto I; she was quite popular amongthe Italian people. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Queen_Margherita

Camillo Paolo Filippo Giulio Benso, Count of Cavour (1810 –1861) was a leading figure in the13

movement toward Italian unification.

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Beatrice visited the many houses in which her family–the Del Grande–had resided. They were14

easily remembered by the births of the Del Grande children, including her own:

  Name Date of Birth Date of Death Address where born

Maria Beatrice 2 May 1879 6 Jan 1969 Via Offia, No. 30

15

Maria Gilda 30 Jan 1882 26 Aug 1944| Via Offia, No. 30Maria Angiolina 8 Feb 1884 5 Jan 1968 Via Attoia, No. 5Maria Nazzarena 6 Mar 1886 8 Dec 1887 Via San Lorenzo 20Inez Guistina 29 Jun 1887 7 Feb 1889 Via San Lorenzo 45Ungaro Tarquinio 31 Ju1 1889 3 Nov 1943 Via di Sopra 45Maria Ines 14 Dec 1891 May 1971Carlo Alberto 23 Dec 1893 4 Jul 1973 Vico Venti Aurelio Saffi, n. 10Italia 24 Apr 1896 20 Jul 1887Italia Arminda (Lillian) 27 Feb 1899 16 Apr 1987 Born in the United StatesDonato 26 Jan 1904 6 Jan 1909 Born in the United States

None of the names of the streets now exist (year 2010), and they may have been changed evenbefore Beatrice returned in 1953. With the exception of Vico Venti Aurelio Saffi, all the addresses wereprobably around the Piazza San Lorenzo (see map andphotograp h) of today. It is surprising how many timesthe Del Grande family moved in the course of twenty-five years.

Beatrice searched for familiar faces, and askedseveral people that she met whether or not theyremembered the Del Grande family. Only one old manthought that he remembered them. No Del Grandereside in the town now.

Family Legends

The ancestors of the Del Grande family residedin the hill town of Pacentro, southeast of Popoli and16

Sulmona; but the family name m ay go back even farther.One legend is that the Del Grande were Frencharistocracy and had to flee the country during the French Revolution (1789–1799), but a descendant of thefamily was dissolute and dissipated the family fortune. As described, the legend is obviously false as theDel Grande, or De Grandis as the surname is listed in several birth records, were residing in Italy as early as1735–well before the French Revolution.

Scalinata Trinità dei Monti

Courtesy of Antonio Di Baccowww.flickr.com/photos/vulkan/2179889009/

The dates and add resses of the births in Italy were taken from the Registri dello Stato Civile, 1809-14

1910 by genealogist Pierangela Badia wh o lives in the capital of the region, L’Aquila.

Records that were created based upon d eclarations by Beatrice have the year of 1880, but her birth15

record ( Atto di Na scita) is in the year 1879.

The ancestral home of Madonna Ciccone–better know as “Madonna.”16

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Another legend is that they came from Spain. Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain,17

gained control of most of Italy in the 16 century, and brought Spaniards to be administrators of territoriesth

and cities, such as the famous Pedro Álvarez de Toledo who was appo inted Viceroy of Naples. It is possiblethat a Del Grande came for such a position or as a retainer to someone. How and why he and/or his

descendants settled in a poor and isolated town in the Abruzzo is a mystery.

The earliest record of the De Grandis is an atto di matrimonio for the son of Vincenzo De Grandis.18

Vincenzo, at the year of his death, was sixty-nine in 1804, and thus he was born about 1735. He had a19

father named Paolo, so the De Grandis were in Pacentro at an even earlier date.

The son of Vincenzo De Grandis w as Raffaele, and he married M aria Carmina D’Inocenzzo in 1823;they had at least two children: Donato and Arcangela. Donato married Ang ela Moscia in 1849 and they hads even chi ld re n :20

  Name Date of BirthMarianna 18 Jan 1851

Maria Raffaela 5 Jul 1852Anna 26 Feb 1854F ra nc esc o P aolo 11 M ar 18 56Lucia 26 Dec 1857Maria Grazia 30 Nov 1859Angiolo 13 Apr 1862

The genealogist that was retained to provide extracts of the birth, marriage, and death records of the Del Grande and Paolini families in Popoli stated “there is no Del Grande any more.” However, as21

further research has shown and will be described later in chapter 10, there were other Del Grande fromPopoli that immigrated to America.

This legend was told by Carol Jean Paolini [Tallon] in a private conversation with the author.17

E-mail correspondence w ith Pierangela Badia, genealogical researcher in L’Aquila, Abruzzo, Italy,18

June 20, 2007: “12. 1823 10 July – marriage act of Raffaele de Grandis yo 43 born in Pacentro son of lateVincenzo and late Francesca Paola Iezzi with Carmina D'Innocenzo born in Popoli of Silvestro and GiocondaCastricone.”

E-mail correspondence w ith Pierangela Badia, genealogical researcher in L’Aquila, Abruzzo, Italy,19

June 20, 2007: 15. 1804 18 Decem ber – death-extract of Vincenzo de Grandis of late Paolo, husband of Francesca Paola Iezzi, age 69 birth about 17 35 (attached in 18 23 marriage acts).

E-mail correspondence w ith Pierangela Badia, genealogical researcher in L'Aquila, Abruzzo, Italy,20

June 20, 2007.

E-mail from Pierangela Badia, February 23, 2007.21

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Beatrice's father was Francesco Paolo Del Grande, but respectfully addressed as ‘Don Francesco.'22

The title "Don" (and Donna for wom en) is an honorific originally reserved for royalty, select nobles, andchurch hierarchs, possibly originating in Spain but adopted by other Latin countries. It was/is often used as

a mark of esteem for a person of personal, social or official distinction, such as a community leader of longstanding or a person of significant wealth.

Infant Mortality

Beatrice came to the cemetery. Her mother, Gemma Castricone, bore eleven children. Three of 23

them died before the age of two: Maria Nazzar ena, Ines Guistina, and Italia. She still felt the loss as she hadplayed and cared for them all. She looked briefly for the graves but decided that their graves had beenremoved and the site reused. Land for cemeteries in Italy is limited, and grave sites are reused.

Infant mortality was very high in Italy before the late 1900s. In 1911 it was 151/1,000 mean ing

that 151 babies out of 1,000 born h ad died before they w ere a year old; in 1950, about the tim e of Beatrice’svisit, the figure had greatly decreased though still relatively high: 70/1,000. These high rates encourage dpeople to have sever al children, especially those living in rural areas.24

There were several causes of infant mortality, the primary being intestinal infections, especiallyduring the summer. Infants were sometimes fed a formula of pabulum consisting of animal’s milk mixed25

with grain, and if it were given repeatedly during a period of fourteen hours or more, there was anincreased likelihood of gastroenteritis, diarrhea, or constipation. The mixture should have been cookeduntil thickened in order to soften the grain and kill bacteria. Were it not baked, either to conserve fueland/or to not bother to make a fire, especially on a hot day, the pabulum would be even more difficult todigest and be more susceptible to bacterial growth.26

In the course of my genealogical research, I discovered several names for my great grandfather. Of 22

course his birth name was Francesco Paolo Del G rande, but I remember that my father referred to him as DonFrancesco. This title was probably used in formal settings and before small children upon whom theirparents wished to instill a sense of respect for elders. On the manifest of his first voyage to America, he islisted as "Franc. Del Grande" and on census sheet and on his tomb, his name is w ritten as "Frank Del Grande."His grandson, Robert Sirimarco, said that he was called "Chico Paolo," probably a nickname in informalsettings among close friends.

In the biography of Lily, it states that she "had three brothers and eight sisters.” Thus, there would23

be a total of twelve children, including Lily. The eleven listed are confirmed by birth records.

John Davidson, The Dem ographic Transition Model: Italy and Kenya Com pared, GeoActive Online,24

Series 14 Autumn issue Unit 276 The Dem ographic Transition Model: Italy and Kenya Compared © 20 02Nelson Thornes. http://www .nelsonthornes.com/secondary/geography/geoactive/series14/ga276.pdf 

Arlacchi, Pino, Mafia, Peasants, and Great Estates: Society in Traditional Calabria, Press Syndicate of 25

the University of Cambridge, 1980, p. 182.

Bell, Rudolph M., Fate and Honor, Family and Village: Demographic and Cultural Change in Rural 26

Italy Since 1800, University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London , 1979, p. 40.

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Several studies found that the contamination of milk led to several medical complications:

Even sterile milk contains saprophytic bacteria, and if milk is left standing in warm weather,

counts rise very rapidly to more than one million per milliliter. One group of these bacteriacauses the souring of milk, which is harmless, but other strains evoke vomiting and diarrhea.

Even when death did not follow, the standard treatment of providing the infant with no food until

it recovered served to weaken further its resistance to a variety of infectious diseases.27

In addition to contam inated food, there were infectious diseases: malaria, bacterial meningitis,cholera, smallpox, and typhoid.

Lastly, and somewhat surprisingly, poor care by mother substitutes was found to be a factor incontributing to infant mortality. Mothers som etimes had to leave the care of an infant and younger childrento that of an older child for a short time to either shop or tend the garde n; or, in the case of a farmer’s wife,to bring in the harvest, in which case, she may be absent the entire day. Incomp etent or inattentive care

might include improper or inadequate feeding; failure to maintain sanitary conditions, such as not washinghands with soap and water; and tying the baby with bands of cloth, either too tightly thereby cutting off circulation, or too loosely so that the baby may have pried the band to its neck and then choked.

A case of poor care by a mother substitute was told innocently by Beatrice herself. As the oldest,she was often entrusted with the care of her younger siblings. One day she was given the care of Ungaro,who was a baby at the time. There was a shed for animals nearby, and she put Ungaro in a manger–“just like the baby Jesus,” she said--and then went out to play. Forgetting all about him, she spent the entire dayplaying, and did not remember her charge until it was time to return home. She rushed to the shed andfound him comp letely covered with hay. Fearing that he was dead, she frantically brushed away the hayonly to find him well and happy. She carefully brushed off all the hay and solemnly returned him to hermother.

Improvements in various aspects of infant health and care have greatly reduced infant mortality inItaly and the world: “advances in medical knowledge of disease transmission, rising concern with publichealth, widespread pasturization of milk (which alone may have cut infant mortality from 150 per 1,000 toless than 100 per 1,000), development of vaccination programs, and better nutrition due both toagricultural production increases and reduced population pressure resulting from emigration.” Italy now28

has one of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world: 5.51 (compared 6.26 for the United States). As a29

consequen ce, Italians are now having small families.

Ibid., p. 41 .27

Ibid, p.56.28

The World Fact Book , U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Infant mortality rates as of February 19,29

2010. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/2091.html

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Beatrice thought about her own close call as a bambina. The family was returning home late onenight with a group of friends. With the exception of the driver, all were laying on the straw of the wagonwith baby Beatrice asleep on a white pillow. Lulled by the plodding pace of the ox and the swaying motion

of the cart, everyone dozed off. Someo ne awoke and noticed that the pillow and Beatrice were gone. Anawakened Don Francesco looked back down the road and saw a small white spot in the distance. Racingback, he found he r still asleep on her pillow.

Popoli the Name

The use of oxen, mules and donkeys were still in evidence as Beatrice proceeded on her tour of Popoli. She came to the Taverna Ducale, also known as the Taverna Vecchia (see photograph ), built in the14 century. It was originally built by Giovanni Cantelmo, Count of Popoli. It was built to collect theth 30 31

decima , a tithe or the tenth part of a property’s value, which the vassals (subjects) had to give to theirsuzerain. Later the building became a taverna  and then a hotel, using the rooms on the upper floor as guest

rooms. It is one of the most historical medieval buildings in Abruzz o with its remark able facade full of emblems and decorations.

As a settlement, the town has pre-Roman origins, though its current layout dates from the 13 th

century. Lying along the main transportation routes from the Adriatic coasts to Naples, the so-called Via

degli Abruzzi, the town has always had strategic importance. It was a prosperou s town during the MiddleAges, with a thriving wool industry and basking in the patronage of the wealthy families of the Kingdom of Naples.32

The name Popoli can be simply translated as ‘peoples', but the etymology of the name is uncertain.It's name has been said to derive from the Latin word "populus" for the  pio ppo plant that grows inabundan ce around the area. How ever, this theory is not widely accepted because the  pio ppo plant grows all

over Italy, makin g it an inadequate reason to name a town. Another theory is based on the ancient name of Castrum pauperum , recorded in the Chronicon Casauriense a document that links the name to the m eaningof "poor"–an impoverished or persecuted population. In the local vernacular, the town was often calledPuòpere.33

“History of a family: the Cantelmos,” Jou rna l of th e A bruzzo World Clu b, Year II, No. 7, May 2001.30

http://www.abruzzoheritage.com/magazine/2001_05/0105_b.htm

“His remaining lands in Alvito and Popoli w ere assigned to his brother Giovanni Cantelmo with the31

title of Count.” Article entitled, Duchy of Sora, W ikipedia. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Duchy_of_Sora

Di Gregorio, Luciano, Abruzzo, p.88.32

“Abruzzo Today: The Ab ruzzo Travel Information,”33

http://abruzzotoday.com/towns/towns-and-villages-in-abruzzo/popoli.html

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Popoli

Taverna Ducale and Salita Courtesy of RABoe/Wikipedia; photo found at http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Popoli_18.jpgLicense requirements at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/legalcode

San Domenico

(now the city hall)

Piazza della Libertà

Courtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzohttp://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/Taverna Ducale

Salita

Reliefs of the Taverna Ducale

Nicola Costantini

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Beatrice retraced her steps and returned to the Piazza San Lorenzo and then south along the street named Giordano Bruno  until she arrived at the monastery of San Domenico   (see photograph). She rested34 35

in the tranquil green that is enclosed by the surrounding buildings.

She had heard that Popoli was bombarded twice during World War II by the British Air Force. Onthe 20 of January, 1944, the bridge over the Aterno River was destroyed. It was the most important bridgeth

in the region, called the "Julius Caesar" bridge, because in lay on the road that connected Rome with the cityof Pescara on the Adriatic coast. Then on March 22, 1944 at noon, the city center and city hall weredestroyed by substantial bombin g by the British. Unfortunately, it was a day that rations were beingdistributed to populace at the city hall, and there were long lines of women and children, many of whomwere killed or wounded. The day is still remembered with sorrow by the Popolese.

Class Structure in Italy

Beatrice’s father, Don Francesco, was probably a ‘merchant tailor,’ that is, one who made and sold

clothes in his shop. It is not know whether the shop w as on the first floor of his house with living quarterson the second–a casa bottega–or he had a separate shop in the business section. If the latter, then it wasprobably located somewhere along Corso Antonio Gramsci  or Via Giuseppe Mazzini, or perhaps a little36 37

side street (a vicolo) between these two parallel streets.

The class structure of Italy in the 1800's can be catego rized as follows: 1) the nobility; 2) the largelandholders (also labeled the aristocracy when including the nobility); 3) the bourgeoisie  or middle-classand the nouveau riche; 4) the professionals, including the clergy; 5)  petit -bou rgeoisie composed of artisansand small shopkeepers; 6) the contandini  or small farmers; and 7) the  gio rnalieri or day workers, themajority of whom w orked on farms of the large landowners or for the nouveau riche who had leased farms.Clearly the Del Grande family were members of the  petit -bou rgeoisie or, in Italian,  pic cola bo rghesia .

Even as a little girl, Beatrice work ed in the shop as she was first given the task o f cleaning the hem sof ladies' skirts. Since wom en wore long dresses in those days, their hems dragged along the ground. It must have been a laborious task for a little girl, one that would steel her for the future. Nothing is know nabout her early adolescence but it is likely that she worked as a cucitrice or seamstress, the title of theprofession of tailoring performed by women as noted in the register of births, marriages and deaths of thetown–the Registri dell stato civile.

He was burned at the stake by authorities in 1600 after the Roman Inqu isition found him guilty of 34

heresy.

In the 1960's, the complex w as used as a barracks for the Carabinieri. In 1975, barracks were built 35

at a new location, and the complex w as transferred to the comune   and made the municipio (city hall).

Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) was an Italian philosopher, writer, politician and political theorist. A36

founding mem ber and onetime leader of the Com munist Party of Italy, he was imprisoned by BenitoMussolini's Fascist regime. His writings mostly deal with the analysis of culture and political leadership. Heis notable as a highly original thinker within the Marxist tradition. He is renowned for his concept of culturalhegemony as a m eans of maintaining the state in a capitalist society.

Giuseppe Mazzini (1805–1872), w as an Italian patriot, philosopher and politician. His efforts37

helped bring about the modern Italian state in place of the several separate states, many dominated by foreign

powers, that existed until the 19th century. He also helped define the modern European m ovement forpopular democracy in a republican state.

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Beatrice probab ly helped her mother in the garden as well. It’s quite likely that the Del Grande hada little field or ma rket garden o utside the town so as to supplem ent the food that they had to purc hase intown. Often these gardens were not owned individually but held ‘in commo n’ by the comune di Popoli.

The Miracle Workers

Beatrice still had time to play with her best friend: her sister Gilda. They didn’t just providemiracles to Popoli, but portents as well. Playing outside one day, Beatrice and Gilda went down to thecorner house, knocked on the door, then ran and hid. A man cam e to the door and looked out, but seeing noone, he withdrew and closed the door. They did this a second and a third time with the same results. A fewdays later, Beatrice accompanied her father to the corner house as he was making a garment for a lady inthe family. When the man answ ered the door, he said, "Oh, Mr. Del Grande, we have a tragedy in the family.My dear mother just passed away. Of course, the Lord warned us–just a few days ago, there were threeknocks on the door, and we knew it was a messenger of death."

No one seems to doubt the existence of miracles–or at least there is no voice of denial. Perhaps thebelief in miracles stems for the need for help of a people who have little control of their lives. Miracles offerhope; they offer explanation for events that are mysterious; and they provide a feeling of closeness withGod. To doubt these miracles is to negate a structural element of the society. And so it is necessary tobelieve even when the evidence would norm ally cause doubt or denial. When Beatrice w as a little girl, hergrandmother brought her to a religious shrine at which miracles were being performed. Beatrice wormedher way through the crowd to the front in order see what was really happening. A man w ho could not speak was first to be brought forward to the healer. The man mum bled a bit, and the crowd shouted, "Amiracle, a miracle–he can speak." Beatrice returned to her grandm other and said, "Oh Nonna , he didn't speak; he just went bluh bluh bluh." Whap ! Her grandm other had given her a sharp slap across her mouth.The voice of a disbeliever had been silenced.

Beatrice did reveal one truth to the world–or at least to her mother. Gilda loved to eat, and shewould climb on a chair and help herself to the dried sausages, meats and cheeses that were hung from therafters of their home. When her m other Gemma saw that someone had been taking food and accused Gilda,Gilda denied culpability and said that Beatrice had taken the food. Her mother kn ew that Beatrice had avery small appetite, and Gilda was always eating, so she really knew the truth; but Beatrice wanted to provethat Gilda was guilty. The next time Gilda climbed on a chair and held onto the rafters to take somedelicacy, Beatrice pulled the chair away, leaving Gilda hanging from the rafters so that when Gemmareturned, Gilda was caught in the act.

Education

Beatrice was the beneficiary of progressive legislation enacted even before the Risorgemento. “In1859, the Casati Law laid down the provisions for the organization of state education.” It made primary38

education comp ulsory, having the goal of reducing illiteracy. This law gave responsibility for primaryeducation to the single towns, secondary education to the provinces (counties), and higher education, that is, the universities, to the central government. The law specified only two years of compulsory education39

because lawmakers believed that parents, especially in rural farm areas, would not have cooperated and

 The Education System in Italy 2007/08, Eurybase: The Information Database on Education Systems38

in Europe, European Comm ission, 2008, p. 1.http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/eurydice/ressources/eurydice/eurybase/pdf/section/IT_EN_C2_1.pdf 

“Education in Italy”,39 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Education_in_Italy

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that there was an insufficient number of schools and teachers to meet a larger school population. In 1876,40

the Coppino law made education free and compulsory for children between the ages of six and nine.Beatrice attended school until she reached the age of nine and completed the fifth grade. This so-calledelementary education included reading the works of Dante Alighieri as required by law.

The law was quite successful in promoting the education of the middle class but seems to have41

failed in the rural and southern areas as children often were not sent to school. In addition, the country lostthe use of its existing school system. Still smarting from the loss of its territory, and opposed to the wholenotion of liberalism and its concomitant, the liberty of the individual, the Catholic Church demurred at thespread of lay education as a po ssible threat to the faith, especially as the Coppino Law abolishedcompulsory religious teaching in elementary schools. Correspondingly, the Italian government enacted42

policies designed to reduce the influence of the Catholic Church and made it illegal for any prelate, orreligious person of any sort, to teach. Consequ ently, many children in the south, for which the Church andits clergy were the only source of schooling, though certainly limited, were denied an education. The rate ofchildren enrolled in primary education wo uld reach 90% only after 70 years and the illiteracy rate, whichwas near 80% in 1861, took more than 50 years to halve.43

Beatrice achieved a small degree of education because her father and mother encouraged her andallowed her to attend school, and the comune di Popoli provided the school and teachers, a relativelyprogressive policy in a rural and isolated region.

It is unlikely that Beatrice was aware of the political concerns and conflicts of policy regarding theeducation of Italians during this period. The liberal leaders of the new Italian state wanted educationalinstitutions to educate the populace not only to provide more skilled workers, but to engender feelings of nationalism and patriotism. Italy was a new nation if not a new country; most people identified only withtheir village or town, not the new notion of ‘Italy.’ As stated by the Italian statesman [Massimo Tapare lli,marqu is] d'Azeglio (1798–1866) after Unification: "We have made Italy. Now we must make Italians.”Therefore the Coppino Law included a provision entitled First Notions on the Duties of Men and Citizens

44

that defined the content of education.

Return to Naples

Beatrice must have concluded her sojourn with a sad smile: so many w onderful memories in thislittle town. Now it was time to m ove on; she had to return to Naples to relive the next chapter in her life.

Smith, Denis Mack, Italy: A Modern History , The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1959, p.55.40

Cowen, Robert, International handbook of comparative education, Part 1 ,p.201.41

 Smith, p.114.42

“Education in Italy”.43

Cowen, p.201.44

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*****

Records in Italy

As mentioned in the introduction, the records that I examined were ph otocopied and put on m icrofilm

by the Mormon church. The photocopies of the register for Popoli were taken in the early 1980s.

As I perused the records of the Registri dello stato civile, 1809-1910 for the comune di Popoli , I came to

appreciate this record-keeping system in a country not known for its efficiency. By year, there are separate

records of:

• Birth (atto di nascita)

• Marriage (atto di matrimonio),

• Proclamation, allegations, or banns [notificazioni, pubblicazioni, memorandu m]: These notifications

were made a few wee ks before a couple planned to marry. The couple may hav e been required to

announce their intended marriage to give mem bers of the community an o pportunity to raise any

objections to the marriage.45

• Supporting documents [ processett i or a llegati ]. These documents were often filed by the bride and

groom in support of their intent or “solemn promise” to marry. Often these were copies of the46

birth records of the bride and groom , and the birth and death records of their parents.

• Death (atto di morte)

Since divorce was illegal in Italy prior to 1970, there were no records of divorce.

In some instances, I even found notations of the marriage of a m an and a w oman in the ma rgin of theirbirth records, even when they married in another city, and sometimes even in another country. The marriage to

Ildebrando Paolini is record on the birth record of Bea trice (see photo image).

Apparently this record-keeping system was quite uniform throughout Italy, though certainly with

exceptions, and I discovered that it originated with the conquest of Italy by Napoleon Bonaparte in 179 6-1799.

Napoleon abolished the feudalistic fiefdoms and created two kingdoms: the Kingdom of Italy in the north with

himself as king; and the Kingdom of Naples in the south, w hich by tradition included the region of Abruzzo.

Napoleon introduced centralized fiscal and adm inistrative systems that brought Italy into the 19th

century. Most relevant for genealogical purposes, he introduced civil record-keeping; prior to that time, vital

records were maintained by the Church.

Napoleon’s purpose w as not to bring progressive government to the people of Italy as an end in itself,

but to enable him to draft Italian men for his army and to increase public revenue by m aking tax collection more

Research Outline: Italy , Family History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, Salt 45

Lake City, Utah, 1999, p.17.

Ibid.46

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effective and efficient. These two goals–those of all empires–were to support his wars of conquest and

aggrandizement.47

After Napoleon's defeat in 1815, m any areas discontinued civil registration, but in southern Italy, the

towns and prov inces continued to keep civil registration records: Regno di Napoli  (comprising most of southernItaly from Napoli and Campania down to Ca labria and Puglia), Toscana, and the Abruzzo region. Thus the registri

for Popoli has records dating from 180 9.

Two sets of records were m aintained: the original by the town, and a copy sent to, and filed by the

provincial capital. For Popoli, the regional capital was L’Aquila, but then changed to the newly created province

of Pescara in 1927.

Italian civil registration resumed throughout the country w hen Italy became a unified country, starting in

1860.

*****

Birth Record of Maria Beatrice Del Grande (page 1 of 2)Registri dell stato civile 1809-191 0

Davis, John A., ed., Italy in the Nineteenth Century 1796-1900 , The Short Oxford History of Italy,47

Oxford Un iversity Press, 2000, p.35.

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Chapter 2

Ildebrando Alfredo Paolini

Ildebrando Alfredo Paolini was a close friend of the Del Grande family, and he frequented theirhome. Perhaps he worked as a tailor in Don Francesc o’s shop. Beatrice said that she sat on his lap as achild as he was eleven years her senior. On May 1, 1897, they were married in Naples. She was48

seventeen years of age and he was twenty-nine.

Following the cu stom of the time, Beatrice, as the oldest, was the first daugh ter of the family tomarry. It is not known whether or not the marriage was arranged, but more probably it was encouraged byher parents though not for the purpose of advancing the family fortune or social prestige. IldebrandoAlfredo probably brought little to the table and certainly no family legacy.

It was family legend that Alfredo was born in the Piedmont–the northeast portion of Italy; and that49

he was a soldier in the Italian Army. This version of his backgro und was related by Beatrice and by her son,Attilio (Otto) Paolini, my father. Whether or not they were aware of his actual origin is not know n. His atto

di nascita (record of birth) reveals his true origin:

- Copy of birth declaration of Alighieri Ildebrando, 1867 21 december - act no. 250 - Com plete

transcription: "before us Mancini Ciro mayor, appeared Camillo di Felice of late Antonio, 44 ,

farmer domiciled in Popoli who declared that on 21 december year 1867, at nine hours, alone, he

found in the street called  Madonna delle Grazie  an infant enveloped in white cotton bands, that50

he shows us. After examining the baby, we acknowledged he was alive, male, approximately 2

days old, with no special marks on himself. So we delivered the baby to the Commissioner of 

Foundlings, and gave to the baby the name of Ildebrando and the surname Alighieri "-- to the left51

side [in the margin] is the registration of marriage: on 1 may 1897 in  Napoli he married Del

Grande M aria Beatrice act n. 46 - transcription tribunal of Sulmona 6 Sept 189852

-MR #4 6 dated 24 M AY 1897, S.Lorenzo D istrict, Naples: Ildebrando Paolini age 30, born in Pop oli,48

resident in Naples on Vico Francesco Del Giudice, son of unknown father and of Angiola Paolini, MARRIESMaria Beatrice Del Grande age 18, born in Popoli, daughter of Francesco Paolo Del Grande and of Gem maCastricone. 2. I also conducted a search of the church marriage records at the Archdiocese of Naples. I

checked marriages from 1896 to 1898 but found no church marriage record for Ildebrando. This could meanthat they didn't marry in church at all, or that they didn't marry in a church in Naples.E-mail from genealogical researcher Joe de Simone in Quadrelle, Italy, March 15, 2007.

His birth record and all subsequent records found in Italy refer to him as Ildebrando. While some49

have thought Alfredo to be his middle name, it is more likely that he adopted it and thus it is a nickname.

The street name no longer exists but it was probably near the church of the same nam e.50

Alighieri is the surname of the famous Italian poet, Dante Alighieri.51

E-mail from Pierangela Badia, genealogical researcher in L'Aquila, Abruzzo, Italy; sent February 23,52

2007 2:42 pm. Attached was a photographic image in .jpg format of the atto di nascita.

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One wonders whether a child ‘found’ in the street in the morning in December in the Abruzzo would bealive. A more probable scenario is that the farmer,

Camillo di Felice, was given the baby by the mother so asto avoid the stigma of an unmarried mother and/or tohave him placed in an orphanage because she could not care for the him.

Since Beatrice married Alfredo Paolini, there had53

to be a record of a name change as Alfredo would havehad to produc e a birth record to the civil authorities forhis marriage. Such a record was found through an inquiryto the Comune di Popoli which revealed a happyresolution:

Pag. 2

(witness).. eligible under the law, Nicola Rico, son of Francesco, tailor, and Francesco Rico, son

of Nicola, shoemaker, both born and living in Popoli, by me notary personally known; appeared 

 before me Angiola Paolini, embro iderer, daughter of the late Cassiodoro, born and res ident in

Popoli, by me notary personally known. The same person has declared that on 21st of December 

1867 gave birth to a boy , who was presented to the bailiff of the civil status in Popoli by Cam illo

di Felice, son of the late Antonio from Popoli, on 22nd of that month and year at 6:00 p.m. and 

registered in the register of births in the serial number 250, to whom was given the name of 

Ildebrando and the surname of Alighieri. The same Paolini stated that really the afore-said 54

Ildebrando Alighieri was born from herself, so she kept him always with her and took care and 

felt responsible of his education, and by this Act she recognizes him as a real son. As a result of 

this recognition the afore-said Ildebrando, just Article 185 of the Civil Code in force, will assume

the name of the Paolini's family, called by the name of Ildebrando and w ith the surname of 

Paolini. This was stated and accepted by Angiola Paolini. From that it has been conceived the

 present act that is undersigned by me notary and the w itnesses but not by (Mrs) Paolini, having

declared does not know how to write. Made and received by me, …...

Verified in this day 2nd of September 188455

Chiesa Madonna della Grazia

A notation of the marriage was recorded the Registri dello stato civile on the birth record of Beatrice53

Del Grande in both Sulmona, then the administrative district, and in Popoli. Two inquiries were made of theparish of San Lorenzo Martire in Popoli as to the existence of a marriage in the church; no such record wasfound by the parish priest.

In the book entitled, The Normans in Sicily  by John Norwich (who also wrote A S hort History of 54

Byzantium), mention is made of an Archdeacon Hildebrand, who later became Pope Gregory VII. A footnotestates: “Hildebrand, or Hildeprand, was a common Lombard nam e. The Piedmont is adjacent to Lombardy.From the website “Behind the N ame: the etymology and history of first names” Hildebrand is German

meaning "battle sword" from Germanic hild  "battle" combined with brand  "sword". 

Copy of acts sent by Dott. Paolo Muzi, Director of the Ministero per I Benie Le Attivita Cultural,55

 Archivio D i Stat o D i Pescara,  June 5, 2009; translated by Prof. Gesualdo Carozza.

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In short, she states that “she kept him always with he r” and “felt responsible for his education.”How she did this is unknown; perhaps a relative such an uncle or aunt were appointed guardian; or Angiolaherself had been appointed as his “foster” mother. In any case, he took the surname of his mother: Paolini.

In Alfredo’s application for a passpo rt, his father is cited as “ignoto”: unknown. While his mothermay have told him the identity of his father, it is concluded that his father never publically acknowledgepaternity and probably never provided any financial support.

An illegitimate child at this period of time and place bore a stigma that was impossible to erase,even though the child was completely innocent of any misdeed. An illegitimate child was not recognized asa fully constituted member of society. To this injustice was added the lack of recognition by his fatherwhich also must have been interpreted by Alfredo as a lack of worth and honor. The consequence seem s tohave been a heighten sensitivity to slights and indignities, however unintended.

No records have been located to determine whether or not he was a ward of the C ommissioner of Foundlings.

Since every male is registered for the draft, there had to be a lista di leva , or record of 56

conscription. After several inquiries to various state archives, Alfredo’s conscription record was providedby the  Archivio di Stato di L’A quila .  Alfredo was conscripted in Popoli, probably betwe en the age of eighteen and twenty or about the year 1885. His occupation is given as falegna me  or carpenter. A writtenentry states: “Declared in review o r special inspection in the nearby [civil] District of Aquila to be lacking/failing in his

measurements of height and chest which were 1,69(80),”  that is, height 5' 5" (chest: 31"). Thus he appears to havebeen rejected for service for his lack of physical stature and/or, though unstated, because he may have beenthe sole support for his mother who did not remarry.

Sometime before the birth of their first child, Beatrice and Alfredo moved to Naples and opened atailor shop, probably in late 1896. To initiate this new enterprise in a large city would have required

courage and possibly som e assistance. If Alfredo had been a tailor in the employ of Don Francesco , it ispossible that he, along with Beatrice, had learned the trade and business well enough to open a shop. Hemay have had some savings that served as capital to start the enterprise. More than likely, they had somefinancial assistance from Don Francesco.

For Beatrice, age seventeen, adulthood was reached quite early and in a very short interval of time.

“Conscription of all ma les at the age of eighteen was instituted in 1865. Every Italian56

male—even those obviously disabled—was and still is required to report to the draft board for aphysical exam. Therefore, draft records list every native Italian male who was born from about 1850 to the present and do who did not leave the country at an early age.” Italy Military Records,https://wiki.familysearch.org/en/Italy_Military_Records

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Chapter 3

The Emigration of the Del Grande Fam ily

“Barbers and tailors we raise chiefly for export.”Giuseppe Marotta, Return to Naples

In 1886, Don Francesco emigrated from Italy to the United States; two years later, his family and hisaunt, Arcangela Del Grande, followed him.

The conditions that caused the massive and widespread emigration from Italy around the turn of the 20 century have been widely studied and are generally known: corruption, oppression, poverty, andth

ignorance, with no better prospect for the future. These studies have focused on the effect of these factorson the largest and lowest classes of the socio-econo mic scale: the contandini  (farmers/ cultivators) and thebraccianti (laborers).

The Del Grande were not of these classes. Don Francesco was an artisan and a merchant, a memberof the  pic colo borghese . It is likely that until the time of his decision to emigrate, he was makin g a decent living, certainly better than his countrym en working in the fields. What was the change that affected hisclass or his profession that made him decide to emigrate?

Many studies identify causes irrespective of their locality, leaving the impression that these causesprevailed throughout the Italian peninsula, when very often they were prevalent in only one or two regions.What conditions peculiar to the region of Abruzzo and the Comune di Popoli changed that affected DonFrancesco and his family?

At the time the Del Gran de lived in Italy, and until the industrialization started in the 1960's, Italyhas been mainly an agrarian country. The productivity of agriculture affected all classes of Italian society,and so it must have affected the Del Grande, but how it was manifested in Popoli and how did it come toaffect the Del Grande?

The Del Grande family were tailors of women’s clothes, specializing in women’s riding habits. Theirclientele had to be women o f the middle class and the aristocracy. It is likely that this clientele eitherdecreased in number and/or their wealth so that they could no longer afford the luxury of riding horses forpleasure.

Ideally, a measure of wealth, such as annual income or size of property by periods of time forindividuals or families in the area of Popoli would provide the means of analysis that would determinewhether or not the clientele of the Del Grande were affected. As of this writing, no such data has been

found; however, one study was found that characterizes the structure of land ownership and labor relationsby areas and over time with a description of the consequences for the aristocracy and middle class.Interestingly enough, this article was based principally on a study made in Italy in 1953 by an Australian,J.S. McDonald of the Australian National University, Canberra. 57

McDonald, J.S., “Some Socio-economic Emigration Differentials in R ural Italy, 1902-1913, Economic57

Development and Cultural Change , Vol. 7, Issue 1, October 1958, pp. 55-72 .

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Popoli

The author of this photographs is "RaBoe/Wikipedia” The original image is providedat:http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Popoli_18_(RaBoe).jpg.  A copy of, or the UniformResource Identifier is at:http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/legalcode

Courtesy of Viaggio in Abruzzohttp://www.viaggioinabruzzo.it/

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McDonald studied sixteen regions of Italy and then combined them into four groups or territories,one he called “The Deep South, namely, Abruzzi-Molise, Basilicata, Calabria, and Sicily’s east, north, andwest coasts.”

In the Deep South, he found a somewhat even distribution of sizes of land holdings, andconsequently there was a somewhat even distribution of wealth, that is, not a great deal of differencebetween rich and poor. This was a consequence of policies instituted by the government after ItalianUnification (1860-1870). Large landholdings of families and the Church were confiscated and distributedto the peasants. In many territories, these new, small landholders lost their land as they could not pay theirproperty taxes; the old, wealthy landholders paid the back taxes or purchased the land and increased theirlandholdings. This occurred in all territories but to a lesser extent in the Deep South. In addition, membersof the growing middle class residing in the city purchased land as an investment.

Both the old wealthy landholders–who often weren’t very wealthy–and the nouveau riche– leasedtheir land to contractors or middlemen who in turn hired  giornalieri  (day-laborers) or sharecroppers tocultivate the farmland. Both owner and contractor looked for an immediate return on their investment, and

so the contracts were annual–an insufficient period of time for a contractor, cultivator, or sharecropper toinvest time and money in more productive technology. The owners provided little working capital andpractically no managerial direction. Consequ ently, yields and income were low but apparently acceptable.

Having little interest in the business and the land, most landown ers moved to the cities. They werecontent to earn a meager income with a safe investment in land rather than risk their capital on agriculturalenterprise. In short, the Deep South lacked entrepreneurs, not capital. McDo nald states:

The non-cultivators generally lounged in the piazza, operated small shops, took white-collar 

 jobs, o r m oved to the c ities.

Many sm all rentiers moved to Naples or secured office jobs with the civil service throughout

Italy.

It is concluded that the Del Grand e family lost its clientele in that they declined in wealth and/or themoved to the city. This change may also explain why Beatrice and Alfredo relocated to Naples and opened ashop there rather than remain in Popoli.

An analysis of emigration usually considers causes that “pushed” out émigrés and those that “pulled” or attracted them to the receiving country. The attractions of America were well known byItalians, not only from newspaper reports but from friends and relatives that had immigrated and thenreturned, either for a visit or for repatriation.

Given the many persons and families that emigrated from Popoli and the Abruzzo, it is quite likely

that the Del Grande learned of the opportunities in America. As listed on many ship’s manifest, relatives of Gemm a–a Castricone–had emigra ted and settled in Utica, New York. Another tailor in Popoli, AchilleCiferni, proceeded Don Francesco in immigr ating to America in 1893 and settling in Utica as well. The wayto America was prepared for the Del Grande family. Still, the decision must have been made with muchtrepidation.

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The thought of emigration mu st have weighed heavily on Don Francesco. To leave Popoli meantleaving friends and extended family–bro thers and sisters, aunts, uncles, and grandparents. For DonFrancesco , it meant leaving all that he had invested in his home, his business and his town. He was arespected member of the community with an established business and a clientele even though diminished.

As an immigran t, he would have to start anew at the bottom rung of the ladder. Perhaps mor e painful, hewould be leaving his homeland . How ever poor, however corrupt, however plagued by catastrophes, Italywas still a glorious land with a rich cultural heritage that made every Italian proud.

It would mean that he w ould no longerwake to the bells of the churches as they soundedthe call to prayer throughout the town. He wouldno longer see the surrounding mountains in theirvarious colors of the season no r see the hues of the Castello di Popoli depending upon the angle of the sun. He would no longer attend the church inwhich he and his w ife were married and their

children baptized as had his parents andgrandparents before him.

He w ould no longer spend a few minutes talkingto the Ottos–those men in their eighties–as they sat on thebenches in the piazza to play cards or simply doze in thesun. He would no longer hear the boys and girls shout and laugh as they poured out of the school each day. He

would no longer walk the vicoli and le scale in pietrewhich he knew by heart.

All these sights and sounds would only be a memory.

Courtesy of Vulk.anwww.flickr.com/photos/vulkan/135299277/

Photo courtesy of Giovanni Lattanzi at www.inabruzzo.it/fotoabruzzo

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Chapter 4

Life for the Paolini in Naples

The History of Naples

Greek settlers founded a city they called Parthenópç  along a bay on the w est side of the Italian58

peninsula in the 8 century BCE. Next to Parthenópç, they later they built a new city–a new p olis orth

Neapolis; hence the Italian name of Napoli.

The city became the capital of the Angevin Dynasty. When overthrow n, it becam e a possession of the Spanish Empire during which time Spanish viceroys were installed to govern the city and southernItaly, the most notable being “Pedro Álvarez de Toldedo, who was responsible for considerable social,economic and urban progress in the city.” During this period Naples became the second largest city in59

Europe and a center of artistic creativity.

After a brief loss of control to the Hab sburg Em pire, the city returned to the rule and capital of theSpanish Bourbo ns in 1738 under Charles VII. For a brief period, it was a republic when the pro-Republicanaristocracy revolted; however, it was overthrown by a counter-revolutionary religious army, and theBourbons were restored.

It again fell to Napoleon and was ruled by his brother-in-law Jochim Murat as the capital of theKingdom of Naples. Upon Napoleon’s defeat, it was returned to the Bourbons and the kingdoms of southernItaly and Sicily were combined as the Kingdom of Two Sicilies and served as the capital.

Naples was a city with a little over a half a million population when Beatrice and Alfredo arrived60

in 1896. It was a city of great contrasts of rich and poor. The palaces of the rich and powerful were

magn ificent. There were three large castles which probably could be seen from almost anywh ere: CastelloSant'Elmo, Castello dell'Ovo, Castello Nuovo . Looking down and south from Piazza Dante, one would see theport and the Bay of Naples; looking up and north, one would see the Palazzo Capodimonte (the summerresidence and hunting lodge of the kings of the Two Sicilies). Down town, one could walk in the grandPiazza Plebiscito, past the Palazzo Reale (one of the four residences used by the Bourbon K ings) and thechurch of San Francesco di Paola. A few steps away was the Galleria Umberto I , a public shopping galleryrecently built (1887-1891) and across the street was the Reale Teatro di San Carlo .

Parthenópe- was nam ed after the siren in Greek mythology said to have washed ashore at Megaride58

after throwing herself into the sea when she failed to bewitch Ulysses with her song.

59http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naples#Quarters

“Largest Cities of the Earth” (includes the population of Naples in 1899: 544,057), The World 60

 Alma nac a nd Encyclop edia , Press Publishing Co., Pulitzer Building, New York, 1901, p.384.

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Napoli

Palazzo Reale

Castel Nuovo

Piazza Dante circa 1956

Palazzo Capodimonte

Port’AlbaCastello dell'Ovo

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Naples about 1900

Photo courtesy of Mary Melfi at http://www.italyrevisited.org/

Bread Vendor

Provision Store

Washing Clothes

Tenements

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Spaccanopoli

In contrast to the grandiose downtown, the area in which the Paolini family resided was the historiccenter of Naples, where the pattern of the streets still reflects the Greco-Rom an city of Neapolis. The main

street was, and is, Spaccanapoli , literally translated as the "Naples splitter". The street is relatively wide, asit was the lower decumanus   –the main east-west avenue of the city in its Roman period. When viewed61

from on-high, as from Castello Sant’Elmo, the street seems to be a narrow ch asm through the area. Thestreet also gives its name to this indistinctly defined area. It is a densely inhabited with apartm entbuilding, churches, monasteries, convents, shops,  piazzas, and fountains. With raised roll-up doors, theshops spill their wares into the streets selling dolce and coffee, books, produce, jewelry, flowers, souvenirs,Christmas and nativity scenes. Artisans work in their shops creating their wares, slowly shifting theirattention to attend to potential buyers. Men sit on stools and chairs planted outside their shops chattingwith neighbors and fellow-shopkeep ers. Shopper s and tourist shuffle along the narrow streets as there areno sidewalks.

Three of the four addresses of the Paolini family are within this area. As in Popoli, the addresses are

given in the birth record s of their children plus a certificate from the city regard ing Alfredo:

Children’s Names Date of Birth Address/Country62

Armando 15 Feb 1897 36 Via Salita Ventaglieri, [Avvocata quarter]Ad olfo (A dolph) 23 F eb 1899 6 V ico Francesco D el Giudice [S an Lorenzo quarter]Arturo (Arthur) 23 Dec 1900 29 Via Sapienza [San Lorenzo quarter]Aldo 2 Feb 1902 29 Via Sapienza [San Lorenzo quarter]Attilio 1904 died in infancy (about 6 months)

1 90 6 2 Via Un iversità [San Lore nzo qua rte r]Amelia (Emily) 27 Oct 1906 Chicago, IllinoisAttilio (Otto) 31 July 1908 Chicago, IllinoisDonato 18 Jan 1910 Chicago, Illinois

Their first home was in the  Av vocata  (advocate or attorney) quarter and on a hill, hence the name‘ salita’ meaning ascent or climb (see map). Not far from Piazza Dante, it is a steep climb from dow ntownbut more easily reached by a funicular to Montesanto, built during the Paolini residency in Naples. 63

In Roman city planning, a decumanus was an east-west-oriented road in a Rom an city, castra61

(military camp), or colonia. The main decumanus was the Decumanus Maximus.

As many immigrants to American in those days, foreign names were "Am ericanized", either because62

non-Italians could not pronounce the foreign name and/or because the imm igrant wanted to adopt a newidentity as an American. Adolfo and Arturo were Americanized to Adolph and Arthur, Amelia became Emily.My father's name was Attilio but his family and friends called him "Ottie" (pronounced "Aha-tee) for short.When h e went to school, he gave the name of "Otto" as he didn't like "Attilio."

Naples has four funiculars. The Chiaia Funicular was built in 1889, followed within two years by the63

Funicolare of Montesanto (Montesanto Funicular), and after some years by Central Funicular and Mergellina.The most famous funicular in Naples was the Mount Vesuvius Fu nicular (1880–1944), the first railway trackin the world built on an active volcano, and destroyed various times by V esuvius eruptions. It achievedworldwide fame, in part, because the Neapolitan song F uniculì Funiculà was dedicated to it.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Funicular

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Napoli

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Napoli 2008

Spaccanapoli

Via Benedetto Croce

Via San Gregorio

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Adolfo was born at 6 Vico Francesco Del Guidice  in the Quartiere San Lorenzo. Vico is short for vicol64

which means narrow street or alley, and indeed it is anarrow street with almost no entrances to buildings norshops. At one end is the Campanile of Santa Maria

Maggiore della Pietrasanta, the bell tower of a church.

65

Due to the narrowness of the street, it is rather dark andgloomy. The building is recessed with two entrances. It may w ell have been their hom e but it is doubtful that it haserved as a tailor shop.

Arturo and Aldo were born at  29 Sapie nza

(wisdom), about a block from their former residence at 6

Vico Francesco Del Guidice. The name maybe derived fromthe fact that the  Accademia di Be lla Arti  is about a hundredmeters to the west, and the Universitá digli Studi di Napoli

Federico II   is about two blocks south.66

When Beatrice returned in 1953, she said that shefound the building of the tailor shop in which the familylived; she specifically said that she recognized the doo rthat they had installed. It was especially heavy with prettyplate glass. Their business and living quarters were in the

same building. Most likely it is the building at 29 Sapie nza as it has an enclosed courtyard with recesses thaare now used as individual garages for automobiles but which certainly could have functioned as smallshops.

Family and Business

When she was unmarried, Beatrice had to take care of her brothers and sisters which she seems tohave considered a dem anding and unpleasant task; so much so that she vowed that she would never havechildren, or at least no more than one. In the period of thirteen years, Beatrice had eight children.

Contrary to most men , especially in that period, Alfredo always wanted a daughter. Not only was hedisappointed at the birth of eac h of his five sons, he actually refused to look at them or sp eak to his wife for atime. Beatrice had to endure this contemptible behavior despite the fact that she had extremely painfulchildbirths as she was quite small (under 5 feet) and all her babies were large. My father Attilio weighedover 12 pounds at birth!

Alfredo's mother Angiola, who w ent by the name Angelina, accompanied Beatrice and Alfredo’s

move to Naples and lived with them. Beatrice said that her mother-in-law had been a professional cook, butdid not mention where she had been employed. She commented that Angelina was able to take a freshly

Spaccanopoli circa 1900

A Roman Catholic cardinal (l (1647-1725).64

The church was named after a holy stone ( pietrasa nta ) that was said to grant indulgences when65

kissed.

It was founded in 1224 and is the world's oldest state university; it is also one of the oldest 66

academic institutions in continuous operation. The un iversity is named after its founder Frederick II, king of the Holy Roman Empire.

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killed chicken and debone it, and then put the parts back in place to form a whole chicken, then decorate it tomake it an attractive dish on the table.

Apparently Alfredo’s mother suffered some form of mental debilitation as she was somewhat inept,

and Beatrice could never completely trust her with the children. Angelina did help with household chores,and she also worked in the tailor shop; but Beatrice had to keep an eye on her as well as her four young sonsand so it must have been stressful for her at times.

As mentioned above , children between the ages of six and nine were required to attend school. In1903 and 1905, Arman do and Adolfo probably attended school.

Evidently the tailoring business went well–at least for awhile--because Beatrice mentioned that thehad a couple of employees. As the shop of the Del Grande in Popoli, Alfredo and Beatrice were tailors forwom en’s clothing, specializing in women’s riding habits. Thus their patrons were of the middle class andaristocracy, who deemed it their privilege to pay for their purchases when it suited them and not theshopkeepe r. Know ing his place, and not willing to embarrass or demean himself, Alfredo refused to request

payment even when urged to do so by Beatrice. They had debts of wages, rent and materials plus income fothemselves to live; delay in payment often put them in a bind.

Alfredo seemed not to worry about these problems.Apparently he enjoyed his status of ‘merchant tailor’ and owner.As with ma ny Italians, he was content to just get by and enjoy thesimple pleasures of life. For him, it was playing cards with hisfriends, either in the  pia zza  or at home. Social etiquettedemanded the serving of food and drink, to the annoyance of Beatrice, who once remarked to one of his guests, “Just once I’dlike to dirty a plate at your house.”

A Night at the Opera

In spite of these aggravations, Beatrice loved life inNaples. She attended operas at the famou s Reale Teatro San

Carlo , enjoyed the many festivals and religious celebrations,and had seafood dinner at restaurants on the docks of the Bayof Naples. There was always some informal entertainmen t onthe beach. The famous tenor, Enrico Caruso (1873-1921),started his career singing on the beach at Naples.

Beatrice liked to go to the opera and to go dancing.Alfredo had no ability to dance and preferred to stay homewith his card-playing friends. One Sunday after church, shepassed the Reale Teatro San Carlo  and bought two tickets tothe opera. She returned home, and laying one ticket on thetable, said to Alfredo, "I bought two tickets for the op eratonight. Here is your ticket if you want to come. I’m going." Inthose days, it was unthinkable for a woman to attend a socialfunction without an escort, and so Alfredo had no choice but tattend.

Men playing cards in Naples

Phonograph Album

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Big-Time Players

As the cultural environment of Naples inculcated her love of classical music and opera, the politicalculture must have influenced her orientation and attitudes as well. Politics in Naples, as in many large cities

was a mixture of political ideas, political factions, and socio-econo mic groups. Naples added one that is lessoften included: a criminal organization.

Naples was, and is, well-known for its criminal elements, which range from street urchins ( scug nizzi

and swindlers (imbroglione) to thieves (lazzaroni), and organized crime (the Neapolitan Mafia is called theCamora). Beatrice never men tioned falling victim to these criminals when she lived in Italy, but she didrelate an amusing incident when she visited in 1953.

As she was walking, she spied a ring on the pavemen t, and as she approached it, a man came forth

and snatched up the ring. "Look what we found!" he exclaimed. “This is an expensive ring,

 probably worth at least ^^^^ lire. Why don't you give me half as I'm sure that you can sell it for 

more than twice that amount?" Beatrice smiled sweetly and replied, "They were trying to pull that

trick when I was here in 1906, and it was old then!"

One could outwit swindlers, parry street urchins, and ward off robbers, but Neapolitans could not,and still, can not, avoid the Camorra. Many of their ‘enterprises’ pander to people’s foibles, such as, drug67

trafficking, smuggling, bribery, prostitution, etc., but extortion takes money from any profitable businessenterprise, honest or otherwise. It may not make direct demands for cash but just impose the requirem ent that materials be purchased from certain dealers which demand slightly higher prices due to an “excise tax.”

There are several historical versions as to how the Camorra came into existence. Suffice it to say thain the period of Boubon rule in which there was some economic growth, albeit slow and lagging behind theNorth, the lazzaroni seem to have become organized and earned m oney, not only from gambling and theft,but also from extortion of goods arriving at the port and passing through the city gates–about 10 percent of 

the value.

At this time, there was a great influx of pe ople to Naples because it offered the possibility of wo rk.However the supply of workers greatly exceeded demand, and so there was very high unemployment andimpove rishment. This was a dangerous and threatening situation for the aristocracy, and so they employedthe Camorra as a means of suppressing potential mob violence which was for many of the populace was theonly way to express their discontent and/or seek a living.

While the camorristi were of the poor, they became tools of the Bourbon [Ferdinand II] ruling class,and were used to betray revolutionaries and liberal Republicans in the establishment of a Republic (23January 1799 to 13 June 1799). Even after Italian Unification, the new ruling circle of middle class businessowners and professionals turned to the Camorra to maintain ‘law and order.’ This enabled the camorristi  to

learn the levers of political power, in other words, more and more, they extorted money from personswanting governmental actions, such as contracts, building permits, etc.

“Their position as policemen naturally gave them greater freedom to manoeuver and they quickly

moved into the contraband industry, not only extorting money from those already smuggling

goods, but also obliging shopkeepers and merchants to take smuggled instead of official goods.

The description of the affect of the Camorra on Naples in the 19 and early 20 century is takenth th67

largely from The Camorra, written by Tom Behan, Routledge, New York, 1996.

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Once they had paid off the Camorra, traders found that they were still paying far less than the

official price.”68

In the post-Unification period, the Camorra infiltrated many sectors of Neapolitan society. The city’s

economy became increasingly dominated by council contracts, especially construction projects forrebuilding many of the city’s oldest areas.69

During this same period, the policies and programs based upon socialism were transforming thepolitical discourse, and unions were organizing workers of trade and industry:

“The socialist tradition in Naples goes back as far as December 1868, w hen a branch of Karl

Marx’s First International was founded, with a reported membership in August 1872 of 800-1,000

members.”70

The Camorra w as often used to breakup strikes and protest marches.

Confronting the socialists were not only the owners of companies, governmental leaders, and theCamorra, the Roman Catholic Church was opposed to m ost of the ‘-isms’ of the day and was particularly71

scornful of socialism. “In 1904 the Camorra, led by a priest named Vito Vittozzi, managed to stop theelection of socialist deputy Ettore Cicco tti in the Vicaria area. A few years later Ciccotti wrote that thecamp aign: ‘had a clear aim... of breaking the working-class movemen t and the Trades Council in Naples.’”72

This conflict among the government, the owners of businesses, the Church and the unions must haveformed Beatrice’s own values and judgments that would be the basis for her own involvement in the majorissue of her time in America. Chicago and Naples had much in common.

Behan, p.18.

68

Ibid, p.20.69

Ibid, p.22.70

From the en d of the 18th century the Papacy found itself in conflict with the liberal philosophical,71

political, and economic theories flowing from the Enlightenment, the French Revolution, and the industrialrevolution, which all emphasized freedom from restraint. A series of popes from Pius VI (1775-1799) to PiusIX (1846-1878) challenged w hat they perceived as liberalism's dogma of hum an freedom and its assumptionthat society and state existed for the self-fulfillment on the individual. What the liberals praised as self maximization, the Papacy perceived as selfishness and license.Coppa, Frank J., "From Liberalism to Fascism: The Church-State Conflict over Italy's Schools," The History

Teacher, Volume 28, Number 2, February 1995, p. 135. http://www.jstor.org/stable/494482

“In December 186 4 the papal encyclical Quanta cura appeared, together with a Syllabus of Errors. Among theeighty propositions advanced, number 79 asserted that freedom of discussion corrupted the soul, and num ber32 said that the clergy had a natural right to avoid military service. Religious toleration, freedom of conscience and the press, the validity of secularist legislation, were all challenged along w ith socialism,rationalism, and B ible societies, and it was denied that the Pope could or should come to terms w ith“progress, liberalism, and modern civilization.” [Smith, Denis Mack, Italy: A Mod ern History, The U niversity of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 1959, p.90-91]

Behan,p.23.72

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Napoli

Castello Sant'Elmo Napoli-Guglia

dell'Immacolata

Reale Teatro San Carlo

View of Mount Vesuvius from Castello Sant'Elmo

View from Castello Sant'Elmo

Cloister of San Gregorio Armeno

Church of Gesu Nuovo

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Chapter 5

Del Grande in Utica, New York 

Don Francesco Em igrates

Francesco Paolo Del Grande sailed from the Port of Naples on the SS Italia about April 25, 1896. Hewas good to himself, for rather than steerage, he booked himself on the upperdeck, which probably meant asecond class cabin. He arrived at the Port of New York on May 7, 1896 and probably proceeded directly7 3, 7 4

to Utica, New York.

The City of Utica, New York

The city of Utica was built near the MohawkRiver in upstate New York. The river was a majortransportation route before 1800 that enabled thetransport of agricultural products to Albany on theHudson River, and then on to New York City. In 1825,the Erie Canal was completed which enabledcommerce to extend across the state to the city of Buffalo on Lake Erie. It then grew into a major textile75

manufactur ing center and later a major player in thetool and die industry, wh ich thrived in the late 19thand early 20th centuries. In the late 1800s and early1900s, the city grew becau se of the expansion of the railroads. With the great influx of imm igrants in thelate 1800s, many Italians labored in railroad construction and brickyards. It was a boomtown with a76

sizeable Italian colony when Don Fran cesco arrived in 1896. By 1900, the population of Utica was 56,383making it the 66 largest city in the United States with an Italian population of 1,661 or about 3%.th 77 78

A Busy Corner, Utica, New York (circa 1900)

Source Citation: Year: 1896; Microfilm Serial: M237; Microfilm Roll: M237_658 ; Line: 8; Page73

Number: 6. Ancestry.com. New York Passenger Lists, 1820-1957 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA:Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2010.

He is not know n to have traveled with anyon e, but an Ang. (probably Angelo) Zaino is listed on the74

manifest, and Zaino is a common name in P opoli, and the name Zaino is still found in the Utica telephonedirectory.

Gersmehl, Carol A., New York: Transportation Connectins Along the Erie Canal Rou te, Prepared by:75

National Council for Geographic Education (NCGE), 2009.http://www.ncge.org/files/public/NY-TeacherGuide.pdf 

Schiro, George, Am erica ns by choic e : his tor y of the Ita lians in Ut ica , Arno Press, 1975 [c1940]76

‘U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the Un ited States: 2003'77

http://www.census.gov/statab/hist/HS-07.pdf 

Briggs, John W., An Ita lian P assage: Immigrants to T hree A merican Cit ies , 189 0-19 30 , Yale U niversity78

Press, New Haven, 1978., p. 178.

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Socio-Economic Patterns of Italian Immigrants

Much of the socio-economic history in this section is taken from a study entitled,  An Ita lian Pa ssa ge:

Immigrants to Three American Cities, 1890-1930, written by John W. Briggs. One of the cities studied was

Utica, New York.

The settlement of Italians in Utica went through three stages in the period of 1890-1930: Asettlement of largely unmarried male laborers, a colony of families with young children, and a finally amature community of single men and w omen im migrants, families and second-generation adults.79

“Mens’ clothing was an important industry...” in Utica, offering both skilled and semi-skilled jobs;80

quoting Briggs:

Textile production was the leading industry of Utica, and a number of manufacturers and 

wholesalers of ready-made clothing were located within the district along Lower Genesee Street

during the nineteenth century.81

Combination artisan-merchants included seven custom tailor shops...82

Obviously Don Fran cesco saw the opportunities for himself and his family. In a little less than twoyears after his imm igration, he filed his Declaration of Intention ("first papers") on Feb ruary 8, 1898 tobecome a naturalized citizen. The decision was made three months before the arrival of his wife and83

children. Clearly, he was not a “bird of passage” ; his immigration to America was permanent.84 85

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, p. 187.79

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, p. 113.80

“Lower Gen esee Street Historic District”, The Low er Genesee S treet Historic District was listed on81

the National Register of Historic Places in 1983. Portions of the text were adapted from a copy of the originalnomination document: John Harwood, New Y ork State Division for Historic Preservation, Lower GeneseeStreet Historic District, nomination documen t, 1982, National Park Service, National Register of H istoricPlaces, Washington, D.C.

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, p. 166.82

Petition for Naturalization, and Oath of Renunciation and Allegiance of Francesco Paolo D el Grande,83

September 26, 1906.

Historians use the phrase "birds of passage" to describe immigrants who never intended to m ake84

the United States their permanent hom e. Unable to earn a livelihood in their home countries, they weremigratory laborers. Most were young men in their teens and twenties, who planned to work, save money, and

return home. “Italian Immigration,”http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/historyonline/italian_immigration.cfm

Overall, 20 to 30 percent of Italian immigrants returned to Italy permanently. Many Italians85

emigrated to America hoping to earn enough money to return to Italy and buy land. Among imm igrant groupsto America, Italians had the highest rate of returning to the old country.http://wapedia.mobi/en/Italian_American

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Manifest of the SS Italia

listingFranc. Del Grande

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Manifest of the Tartar PrinceApril 3, 1898

Listing Gemma Castricone and Family

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The Family Follows

Gemma and the children arrived April 3, 1898 along w ith Don Francesco’s aunt, Arcangela Del Grande.[Her story is described in a separate chapter.] Their pattern of moving frequently in Popoli is repeated in Utica:

439 Bleecker Street [according to the manifest of Gemma and the family; 17 March 1898]

28 Second Street [according to the city directories of 1897 and 1899]

59 Jay Street [according to the 1900 census: 13 June 1900]86

32 Devereux Street [according to the birth record of Donato Del Grande: January 22, 1902]

63 Catherine Street [according to the marriage record of a daughter: April 3, 1903]

The first address is characterized as an “Italian Boarding Ho use” as listed in the Utica City Directory forthe year 1898. It is probable that Don Francesco resided in the boarding house, but rented an apartment or87

house just prior to the arrival of his family.

All these residences are in what is now the old section of Utica, New York. Accordin g to the ethnicity ofthe names on the 1900 census sheets for this area, it was populated mainly by Italian, Irish, and German.

While Don Francesco was in America, and Gemma and the children were still in Italy, their infant daughter Italia died. She had been born the day after he sailed from Naples. He never saw her. As is a commonItalian custom, they gave the same name–Italia with the middle name of Arminda -- to their next daughter88 89

who was born Mar ch 1, 1899 in Utica. It is generally reported that her family called her Lily while herbiography records her name as Lillian.

Preferred Positions

While Don Francesco stated that his occupation was a tailor in the 1900 census, there is no indication owhere or how he was employed, that is, whether he worked as a merchant tailor, a tailor in a clothing store, afactory, etc. It is most likely that he work ed in a garment factory for at least the first few years until he couldestablish his reputation as a skilled craftsman.

Somewhat surprisingly, Italian immigrants were able to advance quite quickly either into supervisorypositions within large companies or to establish their own companies:

The census indicates that the house was rented.86

Utica City Directory, 1898 , The Utica Directory Publishing Company, Utica, New York, p. 92.87

Her name is recorded in the 1900 census as Italy.88

This name is very probably a misinterpretation or mis-spelling by the recorder as I have never seen89

it listed in the Registri dello stato civile nor in any on-line listing of Italian names.

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The prominence of the textile and clothing industries in Utica attracted skilled Italian tailors,

some of whom moved into entrepreneurial roles. These independent shops ranged from one-person

organizations which served a neighborhood clientele, to the sizable establishment of Vito Pietrafessa

in the central business district of the city. Pietrafessa came to Utica in 1899 to serve as a

superintendent in a large American firm, which by 1902 employed more than 300 Italian tailors.90

Utica, ..., had a prominent contingent of tailors who provided important leadership in the early

organization of the [Italian] colony.91

Briggs makes an interesting observation though he provides no hard evidence:

To be sure, Italians served as foremen and in similar supervisory positions in the textile and 

construction industries, but they much preferred to be independent shop owners or contractors.92

This characterization was also made by an Italian author, Giuseppe Marotta, in describing artisans in Naples:

 Naples is poor in industr ies and rich in sun. It is a c ity of cra ftsmen, who have no need for 

other quarters than a sunlit balcony large enough to hold themselves and their tools, their songs, their 

debts and their ineradicable melancholy.93

Briggs continues: “Striving for success through moving up in the emerging corporate and bureaucraticorganizations of modern industrial society was delayed for Italians by this early reinforcement of moretraditional routes to status and power.”94

The 1900 census lists no occupation for Gemma Castricone but it was common for wives to contributeto the household income by taking in laundry or helping their husbands run a small business or boarding houseIf Don Francesco was a ‘merchant tailor,’ she may well have assisted him in this enterprise. In all probab ility,she was the primary caretaker of four children under the age of twelve.

The Del Grande children seemed to have adapted well and been received by the community, for theirdaughter Gilda, now working as a tailoress and age 22, married Dom enico Del Vecchio, a foreman in the CurleeClothing Com pany, in 1902. A year later, Angiolina, now probably called Angeline, and also a tailoress, marriedCarm ino Alfano, on April 3, 1903. Both men were Italian immigrants who had arrived in the prior ten years.

  The extract of the birth record of the Del Vecchio’s first child, Francesco, born June 26, 1902, shows thesame address as the residence of Angiolina when she married; thus the Del Vecchio and the Del Grande wereliving in the same building though whether they shared the same living quarters is unknown.

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, 166-167.90

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, p. 113.91

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age,, p. 190.92

Marotta, Giuseppe, Return to Naples, E.P. Duton & Co., 1951.93

Briggs, An Ita lian P ass age, p. 190.94

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Map of Utica (2010)

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1900 Census Sheet for the

Del Grande Family

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Italian-American Colonies: Com munity or Amoral Fam ilism

Several researchers, both Italian and American, have proposed explanations for the poverty of Italians in Italy, particularly for the period after Italian Unification from 1860 to the beginn ing of the Great 

War in 1914. Amo ng the explanations was the notion that Italians, especially the poor and uneducatedcontandini  and braccianti, held firm to the guiding principle of La famiglia sopra tutto–the family above all.Rather than being civic-minded and working for the benefit of one’s community, region, nation, etc., it wasbelieved that Italians evaluated any prospec tive action or policy solely in terms o f its benefits or liabilitiesfor one’s family. This characteristic was thought to persist in the Italians that immigrated. This hypothesis95

of immigrant behavior is often held by some who view the immigrants of today, primarily of Latinos, ashaving the same attitude, commonly labeled amoral familism .96

While not explaining the condition of poverty in villages in southern Italy, John W. Briggs presents97

evidence that Italian villagers did not act solely for the ben efit of their family, and that they did cooperateamong them selves to impro ve their condition and the future of their children. He identifies the types of people who did cooperate and then documents the extent to which Italians in Italy cooperated in supportingthe establishment of schools for their children and expressing concern for attendance; he also identifies theexistence of self-help societies. He exam ines the extent of cooperation within Italian enclaves in Americaand the extent of involvement in the wider commun ity. In short, he provides evidence that Italians, both inItaly and America, were active in civic affairs.

He also identifies the socio-economic structure from when these immigrants came and their socio-econom ic classification. The following presents a partial picture of his findings for Utica, New York.

First, it was found that, as described in cha pter 3, the type of property distribution exp lained ordetermined the rates of emigration:

In areas of mixed property distribution, with a large proportion of small landholders and withtenants participating through share-farming contracts in the capitalization and managem ent of the

enterprise, rates of emigration were high [such as the Abruzzo]. In areas of highly concentrated 

landholdings, large and rather discrete classes of landless laborers were at odds with the magnates

and developed greater laboring-class solidarity. The poor in these areas resorted to militant

defensive activities, such as strikes and political organization, and had low rates of transoceanic

migration.98

Secondly, the émigrés were not solely contadini  and laborers:

Banfield, Edward, The Moral Basis of a Backward Society , 1958). 95

Auster, Lawrence, “Exposing the Open-Borders Argumen ts Part Two: False Parallels with Other96

Cultures,” The Myth of H ispanic Family Values, http://www.amnation.com/vfr/archives/006103.html

Briggs, John W., An Ita lian P assage: Immigrants to T hree A merican Cit ies , 189 0-19 30 , Yale U niversity97

Press, New Haven, 1978.

Ibid, p. 4.98

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Larger size and high incidence of literacy and franchise holding also characterized the families of 

emigrants of the artisan class, a group that p rovided more than their proportional share of the

emigrants.

The emigrants, then, came largely from the upper levels of the working classes in the town

and from the middle range of the agriculturalists (emphasis added).99

Here again, the Del Grande and Paolini families fit this description.

Outlook: campanilismo  or country

Another commonly held belief was the Italian immigrants were very parochial, that is, they wereconcerned only with local matters and compelled to maintained their local ways, an attitude and behaviorlabeled campanilismo , that is, to be concern ed with only that which is within the sounds of the chur ch bells.

If such an attitude and behavior was so ingrained, then marriages of Italian immigrants would havebeen restricted to spouses from the same village or town. There was even the option of returning to Italy insearch of a bride or by arranging to have a potential bride sent. Briggs found that when there was asignificantly large population from a village or town, endogamous marriages did occur, but since such largepopulations from a particular village was rare, endogamy rarely occurred though Italians immigrants didtend to marry those of the same region. Again, the Del Grande are illustrative:100

Del Grande

ChildrenMarriedItalian

SameRegion

Paolini

ChildrenMarriedItalian

SameRegion

Beatrice Yes South Armando Yes Yes

Gilda Yes South Adolph No

Angiolina Yes South Arthur Yes Yes

Hugo n/a Aldo n/a

Maria Ines Yes South Emily No

Carl Albert Yes unknown Otto No

Italia (Lily) n/a

Ibid, p. 9.99

Ibid., p. 81.100

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Mutual-Aid Societies

As in Italy, Italian-Americans formed local organizations to deal with social, economic, and culturalproblem s, and provided a social framework for mutual assistance. They often grew out of the informal

associations fostered in the local saloon which served as a social and recreational center and union hall. It was here that men learned of job opportunities, passed their idle time in conversation, and played cardgames such as briscola and tresette, or bowled Italian style called bocce.

The first function of these organizations was to provide money that offered sick benefits and burialcost. Many of them owned sections in cemeteries. How ever, unlike American worker societies, benefitswere solely at the discretion of the society and not by a fixed amount as an insurance policy.

They formed committees to promote benevolence and charity by visiting, aiding and caring for thesick and destitute mem bers. They encouraged each other in their businesses, and they provided points of contact for obtaining employment–networking, in today’s parlance.

These organizations also sponsored self-improvement activities such as lectures and evening classesfor learning the English language. Finally, they sponsored social occasions such as an annual ball or dance,picnics, sports competitions and festivals.

The first such organization in Utica was called Società Italiana di Progesso ed Aiuto  (The ItalianSociety for Progress and Aid) in 1889, followed six years later by a second society called the Società Capi dei

Famigli Italo-Americana di Mutto Soccorso  (Heads of Family Society for Mutual Aid). Briggs describes them“clearly worker initiated and led.” Their leaders tended to have some employable skill and to be upwardly101

mobile.”

Boosterism

There were also organizations of Italian Americans that were formed in order to defend ‘the goodname of Italians,’ and correspondingly to improve the manners and morals of Italians so that they would not defame the name but reflect positively on the colony. Creation of such organizations was in reaction to newstories and editorials in the American press. At first, the Italian enclaves were treated as exotic tribal areasin the American press, providing special interest stories; later, however, the press became more critical of Italians by emphasizing crime, social dysfunction, crowded and ill-kept housing condition, and finallyradicalism, that is, anarchism and socialism.

A primary example of this type of organization was and–and still is–the Order Sons of Italy inAmerica . Such an organization usually had a house organ, that is, a newspap er that published articles that 

refuted editorials in the community-wide newspapers that were critical of Italians or that seem tooverem phasize stories that reflected negatively on Italians. The paper would also publish articles andeditorials that urged its Italian readers to improve themselves and to behave in a manner that would reflect positively on the Italian community.

Ibid., p. 142.101

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There was also the issue of identity and acceptance that placed Italian immigrants and theirsucceeding gene rations in a quandary. They were proud to be Italian, and they wished to maintain theirheritage. At the same time, they wanted to be accepted as part of American society. A focal point for thisissue was that of language. Those who had imm igrated spoke Italian, and they wanted to learn English, not 

only to function in American society but to be accepted by it. Their first-generation offspring learned102

Italian as their parents spoke Italian in the home but learned English in their school, play, and work. Thesecond-gen eration often did not learn Italian. Some urg ed that it be taught at home or in the schools or in aclub or church while others believed that they were Americans and should speak only English.

Proving Fealty as Italian-Americans

To be accepted as an American required some act of fealty by Italians yet one that would not be seenas rejecting themselves and their heritage. Cristoforo Colombo was adopted and promulgated as both anItalian and American hero that both the local colony and the wider comm unity could accept and which bothcould celebrate as one people.

Relocation to Chicago

The birth of Don Francesco and Gemma’s eleventh child and third son is recorded on his baptismalrecord as January 26, 1902 and the baptism on August 2, 1903. The baptism was performed and recorded103

in the church of Holy Guardian An geles in Chicago. No record of birth was found in Chicago. It is likely that the Del Grande family, along with Angiolina and Carmino Alfano, and Gilda and Domenico Del Vecchio,moved to Chicago after the two weddings and the birth of Donato, probably in 1903.

On September 26, 1906, after having moved to C hicago, Don Francesco became a naturalized citizen,

and by law, his wife and children became naturalized as well. Two witnesses listed on his naturalizationcard: Dom enico Del Vecchio, now his son-in-law, and Achille Ciferni, a fellow Popolese and tailor, bothhaving emigra ted from Italy to Utica, had also moved to Chicago. Why did they move at this time and to thisplace?

I use the d efinition for first-generation as those born in Am erica of immigrants.102

Baptismal record of Donato Del Grande b y the Church of Holy G uardian Angels, Chicago, Illinois;103

Family History Library microfilm 1503304, Page 353, Entry number 17 62.

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Petition for Naturalization of Francesco Paolo Del Grande(Page 1 of 4)

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Del Grande Family

Gemma Castricone [DelGrande]

Francesco Paolo Del Grande

Gilda Del Grande

Ungaro Tarquinio Del Grande

Maria Beatrice Del Grande

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Alfano Family

Maria Angiolina Del Grande[Alfano]

Carmino Alfano

Carmine Alfano

Angeline (Nean) Alfano

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Alfano

Front row left to right: Delores Thurston, unknown, Carmino Alfano,Angiolina (Angeline) Del Grande [Alfano]

Backrow left to right: unknown Angeline (Nean) Alfano, Anne Alfano,Guiseppe (Joseph) Zegarelli, Grazia (Grace) Zegarelli

Front row: Annie Alfano [Thurston], Angeline [Nean] Alfano;Middle row: Angeline Del Grande [Alfano], Delores Thurston, Carmine Alfano,

 Alice Mallen [Fitzpatrick];

Back row: Florence Alfano [Pecheone], Red Thurston, Alice Fitzpatrick [Alfano],Kathleen Fitzpatrick [Pettinelli]

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Chapter 6

The Del Grande Move to Ch icago

Changes in the Garment Industry favored the Del Grande

Having no written document nor any remembrance by a descendent, only the likely possibilities can beconsidered as to the why the Del Grande m oved to Chicago. It is doubtful that they were drawn by encourag ingreports of a mild climate, low crime rates, and little corruption. The most likely possibility was econom icopportunity much more favorable to that of Utica.

It is known that Don Francesco was a tailor by profession his whole life, but it is not known whether hewas self-employed or work ed for a company. In Popoli, he worked as a ‘mercha nt tailor,’ that is, one who m adeand sold the clothing on a made-to-o rder basis. He made wo men’s clothing, and he specialized it lady’s ridinghabits. While it is quite likely that Don France sco continued to make clothes-to-order for clients throughpersonal contacts in Chicago, it seems extremely unlikely that he would have moved to Chicago in order tooperate solely in such a fashion. He would hav e had no established clientele as he did in Popoli; and it wouldtake years for him and his family to develop such a clientele base.

He certainly must have been aware of the new methods of production, marketing, and selling. He must have been awa re of the growth of business opportun ities in the city of Chicago. It is therefore likely that hemoved to Chic ago in order to take advantage of the possibilities that it offered. Again, it cannot be statedexactly what Don Francesco, Gem ma, and the children did, for they were all tailors at one time. At best, only anoutline can be drawn as to the economic and business situation that existed at the time, and how that situationafforded them opportunities.

The first general factor that favored the cho ice of Chicago was the size and gr owth of the city’spopulation.

As the city's population grew, internal multiplier effects came into play: more people meant more

construction, provisions, services, entertainment, etc., which, in turn, led to more jobs and more

 people, and perforce to ite ration after ite ration of the same process . Ch icago 's population grew from

 just under 30,000 in 1850 to about 300,000 by 1870 then to alm ost 1 .1 million by 1890. By 1910 the

city's population had doubled again to almost 2.2 million, and Chicago's population grew by another 

55 percent or so over the next two decades, approaching 3.4 million by 1930. Some of this growth

came from annexation, but most w as “real,” the result of natural increase (an excess of births over 

deaths among the resident population), rural migration (from the Midwest and, increasingly, from the

South), and from foreign immigration (particularly from Southern and Eastern Europe).104

The growth in the clothing sector was not due to just population growth. It was due to changes in themethod of production, in marketing, and in sales.

Encyclopedia of Chicago,104 http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/198.html, TheElectronic Encyclopedia of Chicago © 20 05 Chicago Historical Society.

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Prior to 1860, clothing had been made at home or custom made by tailors in their shops. “After the CivWar, an increasing number of companies began to manufacture ready-to-wear suits, and more men began toconsider these suits acceptable substitutes for custom-tailored clothing. One historian estimated that in 1880less than half of men's clothing was purchased ready-to-wear, but by the mid-1890s the figure had grown to

more than 90 percent.” The process was described as being thoroughly systematized:105

“... Charles Cist reported on a Cincinnati business that had subdivided the work of making a pair of 

 pants among seventeen people. And at the end of the century, Jesse Pope reported on a company that

used thirty-nine steps–and thirty-nine workers–to manufacture a man's coat.106

The company described above by Jesse Pope is afactory, but before the introduction of factories, clothingcompanies often used middlemen called  sw eaters that served as subcontractors to pay for the sewing of garments or parts of a garment on a piecework basis toindividual workers or small groups of workers,sometimes families. The workers were usuallyimmigrants who had few other employment opportunitiesand thus were forced to produce large numbers of units of clothing for very small rates. The workers either workedin their homes and/or in small rooms in tenement buildings that were crowded and dangerous. There wasno job security and the pay was minim al. It is not clearwhether the name  sw eatshop was derived from theconditions or the name of the middleman. Factories werethought to be an improvement but it is obvious that they could be as demanding and as uncomfortable as asweatshop.

Another innovation in the marketing and selling of clothing was the introduction of made-to-measuresuits called “tailor to the trade.” Starting in the 1890s, these clothing compan ies supplied to local merchants inrural areas with sample books and measurin g instructions. The desired style suit and the measurem ents takenwere then sent to the comp any’s central location were the suit was sewn. By the turn of the century, hundredsof these operations inundated small-town retailers with solicitations for business.107

Schorman, Rob, Selling Style: Clothing and Social Change at the Turn of the Century , University of 105

Pennsylvania Press, 2003, p. 22.

Ibid , page 23.106

Ibid, page 41.107

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The heyday of the mail-order business occurred between the1890s and the 1910s, when it was dominated by Montgomery Wardand Sears which sold many types of products, but also included strictlyclothing manufactures such as Spiegel, Kuppenheimer and Harry and

Max Hart, Marcus Marx, and Joseph Schaffner (later Hart, Schaffnerand Marx), L. Abt & Sons, and M. Born & Co.

This growth in the garment industry in the United States isreflected in the census figures for the occu pation of tailor andtailoresses :108

1970 1960 1950 1940 1930 1920 1910 1900

Tailors & Tailoresses 71 43 86 120 169 192 205 134

Percentage change from prior year 65% -50% -2% -29% -12% -6% 53%

(In Thousands of persons 14 years old and over, except as indicated)

With the growth of commerce came a social revolution: employed women. No longer content to stayon the farm or in the small home town, they flocked to the city to enter the workforce as administrativesupport personnel: secretaries, typists, junior editors, etc. As a woman in business, they wanted to dress forbusiness and that meant a suit, albeit one designed for a woman.

Another garment sold ready-made to women by the end of the century was the “tailor-made suit,”

a special variant of women’s outerwear that borrowed fabrics, cut, padding, pressing, and styling

from tailoring techniques most associated with men’s wear. In fact, men made most of these suits

 because the job required skills that dressmakers ordinarily did not possess. Perhaps because

making them had never been within the normal scope of the homemaker or professional

dressmaker, these garments gained earlier entrée into a factory system of production.

Advertisements occasionally featured ready-made tailored suits in the 1800s, and they appeared 

more frequently in the 1890s, though they did not achieve widespread acceptance as ready-made

goods until the early 1900s.109

Don Francesco’s specialty was wom en’s riding habits, which is a suit. He would have been perfectly suited[pardon the pun] to help design and tailor this new fashion. In addition, a corollary change in fashion alsomatched the tailoring experience of Don Francesco:

The breakthrough garment in the women’s ready-made industry was the shirtwaist, a blouse

fashioned along the lines of a man’s shirt (“a man’s shirt transformed into a thing of beauty,”

according to one observer). The tailor-made suit had a removable jacket worn over such a waist,

and in the 1890s it began to be acceptable to wear the waist and skirt as a complete outfit. The

 popular sty le had great advantages in terms of flex ibili ty and economy, since skirts and waists

could be mixed and matched in ways that would expand a woman’s wardrobe options far beyond 

Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1 970, Part I , U.S. Department of 108

Commerce, Bureau of the Census, September 1975. Series D 233-682: Detailed Occupation of theEconomically Active Population: 1900 - 1970 - Con , page 43.

Ibid, p. 50.109

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what was possible when each costume needed to be complete unto itself. The shirtwaist’s

 popular ity surged throughout the 1890's and 1900s, ach iev ing its peak between 1909 and 1914.110

Based upon the above, what can we surmise as to the work of Don Francesco and the Del Grande

family, particularly his sons, Ungaro an d Carlo Alber to who are also listed as tailors in the clothing industry inthe 1910 and 1920 census? According to the 1910 census, they are tailors and they all are working in a111

tailor shop. Unfortunately, in the 1920 census, while they report their occupation as tailors, they specify onlythat they are work ing in the ‘clothing’ industry.

The Encyclopedia of Chicago describes the Near West Side, where the Del Grande and Paolini familieslocated, as one of the three areas of the city that had a high concentration of sweatsho ps. Although mo st sweatshops had been closed due to the opening of factories, it is possible that Don Francesco worked in asweatshop for a few years and possibly joined by his sons Ungaro and Carlo Alberto. It is more likely that they found work in a factory which provided better working conditions, higher pay, and some protectionthrough union me mbership . Beatrice and her son Arturo also worked in a factory, first for Alfred Decker &Cohn and later Hart, Schaffner and Marx. Perhaps later the Del Grande men found work in a tailor shop.

In the early years, many Italian women and girls also worked at home, sewing m ountains of coats or pants in dim light for pennies an hour. This was referred to as the "putting out system" and helpless imm igrants were often cheated by fast-talking agents. By 1900, largeclothing factories replaced the homework and sweatshops. Both men and w omen wereengaged in the needle trades at such establishments as Hart, Schaffner, and Marx. Thisbrought together on the Near West Side a critical mass of perhaps 40,000 clothing workers, agood number of them of Italian background.112

Extended Family Members Move to Chicago

Domenico Del Vecchio and Gilda also moved toChicago with their two children, Francesco and Nancy.They lived at 512 Centre Avenue (now Racine Avenue).They had four additional children: Mary, Louisa, Carloand Paul. They then moved to St. Louis sometimebetween 1910 and 1920 as they are found on the 1910census in Chicago and on the 1920 census in St. Louis. Noreason is known for the move to St. Louis.

Ibid, page 51.110

Gilda and An gela were also listed as tailors in the 1900 census in U tica.111

Candeloro, Dominic Lawrence, Chicago's Italians: Immigrants, Ethnics, Americans, The Making of 112

America Series, Arcadia Publishing, Chicago, 2003, p. 1 3.

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Angiolina (Angeline) Del Grande and her husband Carmino Alfano had their first child, Florence, inChicago on Septemb er 25, 1903. Their next child, Angeline Jean (Nean) Alfano was born in Utica, New Yorkon June 8, 1907, and so it is concluded that they move back to Utica some time in this period. The rest of their children, Marie, Ann, Patsy, Carmen an d Lillian, were also born in Utica. The families maintained

contact, and it is know n that both Carlo Alberto and Ungaro traveled to Utica for special occasions. Many of the photographs that are now shared among their descendants are those taken by the families in Chicago andsent to the Alfano’s in New York.

There is no evidence to indicate whether or not the family of Achille Ciferni accompanied his move toChicago. All that is known is that he and the Del Grande family resided at 210 W. Taylor Street on September26, 1906. Sometime between 1906 and 1910, he returned to Utica as he and his family are listed on the113

1910 census. No reason is know for the return of the Alfano and the Ciferni, but in all likelihood, it waspersonal and not financial.

Maria Ines Del Grande married Antonio Sirimarco in 1909, and they lived at 635 S. Centre Avenue(now Racine Avenu e) in Chicago along with Tony’s brother Saverio. Tony emigrated from San Sosti, Calabria,Italy in 1904. He had come alone when he was just a teenager. All he had with him was his clarinet.114

His first jobs were playing in funeral processions at which bands would play as was the custom duringthis period. He then worked in a theater orchestra for many years, that is, live theater--not a movie theater.115

Even if a play was not a musical, there would be an orchestra. Attilo Paolini said that he played at theErlanger Theatre which did present musicals, and Isabel Daniels Paolini recalled that he played in "No No116

Nanette" which had a long run. The theaters did well in the Roaring Twenties, and he made good mo ney.Later on, he gave clarinet lessons.

Petition for Naturalization, and Oath of Renunciation and Allegiance of Francesco Paolo D el113

Grande, September 26, 1906

Ship's manifest for the Prince Adalbert that departed Naples, Italy on April 19, 1904 and arrived at 114

Ellis Island May 4, 19 04 listing Antonio Sirimarco.

The only corroboration found was the following statement concerning Banda Ionica, an Italian folk115

group focused on the brass band traditions of Sicily. The roots of the music played by the band can be tracedto Holy Week and funeral marches. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banda_Ionica

Originally called the Palace Music Hall located in the City H all Square Building, at 127-139 N. Clark116

Street. Operated from the 1930's into the early ‘60s when it closed. The City Hall Square Building/ErlangerTheatre was demolished starting in May of 1962. The site is now the Richard J. Daley Center. “CinemaTreasures,” http://cinematreasures.org/theater/984/

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Anthony Sirimarco withCarol Jean and Patricia

Louise Sirimarco

Marie Ines Del Grande and AnthonySirimarco

Marie Ines Del Grande [Sirimarco]

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Chapter 7

 Arcangela De l Grande

My first awareness of Arcangela Del Grande was the appearance of her nam e on the manifest of the

Regina di Italia which arrived at the Port of New York on April 3, 1898. She had accompanied Gemm a and the Del

Grande children on their voyage of immigration to America. On the manifest was the notation that she was going

to join her daughter and son-in-law. My Italian genealogist Pierangela Badia had found this record as well, and

she asserted that Arcangela was the mother of Gemma:

Gemm a takes also her 70-year-old mother Del Grande Arcangela, 70 years old -

all dirested (sic ) to Utica NY to Francesco Paolo.

I initially accepted this judgment as she was traveling with Gemma but I wondered why she was listed as

a Del Grande. Normally Italian women use their maiden name, which I didn’t know then, or her married name

which would be Castricone if she was Gemm a’s mother. I assumed that the name written was a mistake, and Ihypothesized that either Arcangela misinterpreted the question or the ship’s recorder misunderstood the answ er;

after all, probably the Del Grand e spoke no English.

I found the 1900 cen sus for the Del Grande fam ily living in Utica, New York, but Arcangela was not listed.

I assumed that she had died between h er date of arrival and the date of the census; after all, it had been noted on

the ship’s manifest that she had been in the hospital at Ellis Island.

I requested a search of the records from the Registrar of Vital Statistics of the city of Utica, New York. A

search is purchased for three consecutive years at a cost of $20, so I requested a search for the years 1 898, 189 9

and 1900. No record of death was found. I then identified the churches in Utica and their location relative to the

address of the Del Grande fam ily, in order to locate the church that she and the Del Grande w ould have attended.

I assumed that there would be a record of the mass given in her remembrance at her passing. The most likely

churches were St. Mary of M ount Carmel, Old St. John’s Church in St. John Parish, and St. Agnes (now

incorporated in St. Anthony of Padua). I contacted each but none had a record of her.

I started to worry about this woma n. Had she died alone? Was there no memorial for her? I was

surprised at my own feeling in this matter: that I cared about a woman who I never met and who had probably

died a hundred years ago. Genealogical research does strange things to the researcher.

I continued to formulate hypotheses to guide my search. If she was in the hospital at Ellis Island, perhaps

she passed away on the island. During its half-century of operation, over 3,500 immigrants died at Ellis Island.117

Where would she have been buried? I learned that persons who died at Ellis Island were buried in the cemetery

for Manha ttan, and wrote of letter of inquiry; again, the reply was negative.

For the sake of a com plete genealogical record, I sought the birth record of Arcangela. I found the record

on Family History Library film number 1384889 containing birth records for the years 1827 and 1828 . The index

lists an “Angiola Del Grande” which I noted but did not consider her to be Arcangela. However, an inspection of 

the actual Atto d’N ascita stipulates il nome di Arcangela while in the column Indicazione, she is listed as

“Arcangiola del Grande.” This indeed was the birth record of Arcangela, and that her maiden name was in fact

Hamblin, B. Colin, Ellis Island: The Official Souvenir Guide , Aramark, 1991, p.xx. Also found at 117

http://sydaby.eget.net/swe/ellis_island.htm.

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Del Grande! If she was the mother of Gemma, then this finding had an unfortunate consequence. Her father was

Raffaele Del Grande, and he was the father of Donato Del Grande, Francesco Paolo Del Grande’s father: Gemm a

and Francesco were first cousins! I thought that I had better find the birth record of Gemma to make certain of 

this conclusion.

I found both the birth record of Gemma a nd her record of marriage to Francesco Paolo: both identified

one Carmina Giovani as the mother of Gemma. With relief, I had determined that Don Francesco and Gemma

were not first cousins; Arcangela was an aunt to Don Fra ncesco.

Carmina Giovani had married Berardino Castricone. I therefore hypothesized that Carmina had died, and

that Berardino had married Arcangela; Gemma had ‘ado pted’ Arcangela as her mother, or perhaps Carmina had

died at childbirth and Gemma did not even know that Arcangela was not her birth mother. My imagination knew

no bounds.

I again returned to a year-by-year search of the atti di morti  of the Registri dello stato civile for Popoli,

and–ah-ha! I was right: Caterina Giovani died thirteen years after her marriage on March 24, 1869. Now to findthe marriage record of Berardino and Arcangela! It didn’t take long; Berardino had overcome his grief quickly: he

married in the same year–Septem ber 17, 1869. Unfortunately for me, he had married Anna Rosa Liberatore.

I had hit a brick wall. I didn’t know where Arcangela had died or been buried; and I had no idea of h er

relationship to Gemma . I needed a fresh perspective. I called for help.

When I em barked on my adv entures in genealogical research, I became aw are of several websites that

invited membership, but only one had a local chapter of m embers. Il Circolo Filippo M azzei  is the local chapter of 

Pursuing Our Italian Nam es Together (POINT). I joined in 2007 where I met the couple Donna Dengler and Daniel

Else. Over the years, we have sha red dinners and travel adventures in Italy as well as our investigations of our

Italian ancestors.

I explained my puzzle to them. “Perhaps Arcangela was just accompanying the Del Grande family. Maybe

she wasn’t joining them but another family–her real daughter and son-in-law,” suggested Donna. “I see,” said the

blind man.” A whole new pathway opened.

At about this same time, I pursued another avenue to finding Arcangela: a daughter of Don Francesco

and Gemm a who had married and settled in Utica rather than Chicago. Her name was Ma ria Angiolina (Angeline)

Del Grande, and she had married Carmino Alfano. Through an obituary of Angeline, as she was known in

America, I learned the names of her children, and I began to contact them, though m ost had passed away or were

mentally incapacitated. Also about this time, I subscribed to www.Ancestry.com,  a website that provides access

to records such as the Social Security Death Index, census records, naturalization records, etc. It also provides an

online genealogical database that enables a subscriber to record information and store records found. About a

year early, I had started a database of the Del G rande - Paolini family in a fo urteen-day trial period, but I had not

subscribed. The database was still there when I returned as a subscriber one year later, and I made a m inor

modification to it–deleting an erroneous record to be specific. Within a day or two, I received an E-ma il from one

Karen Alfano, inquiring whether or not I was related to a Beatrice Del Grande. I had a new cousin!

Since the discovery of our kinship, we h ave shared ou r genealogical research findings, photographs,

questions, and leads. She was unaware of Arcangela, but I now had an ally. I told her about Arcangela, and she

did a search of Ancestry.com. Instead of finding just the manifest record of Arcangela’s passage with the Del

Grande family in 1898, she found a man ifest record in 1899. Arcangela had sailed with Lucia Del Grande, her

niece and a sister of Don Francesco on the ship Saale; and this time she and Lucia stated with whom they w ere

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 joinin g in U tica: Achil le wh atever. The last nam e w as ind eciphera ble but–a nd this is difficult to expla in but after

reading hundreds of handwritten records of the style of that time period, one would understand–I would

recognize it if I knew it.

I began to search for Arcangela’s marriage record and the marriage record(s) of her daughter(s). In

searching for Del Grande earlier in my genealogical research, I had found a birth record of Antonio d’Aurelio of 

Stefano d’Aurelio and Arcangela Del G rande, though I wasn’t sure then that he was related to my Del G rande

family. Antonio’s birth was in 1858. I proceeded to search backwards. In the year 1855, I found the birth record

of Maria Grazia d’Aurelio. Since Stefano and Arcangela could have additional daughters, I continued my search

but I also then began to search for a m arriage record of Grazia, starting seventeen years a fter her birth.

I found it: June 3, 1881–but to Gennaro Di Pillo. The name Achille whatever could not be read as

Gennaro Di Pillo. Maybe it was another daughter and son-in-law of Arcangela. [I later confirmed that Gennaro

died in 1883.]

Left side of the ship’s manifest showing names of Arcangela Del Grande and Lucia Del Grande

Right side of the ship’s manifest showing to whom Arcangela and Lucia were going to join

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In every great mystery or de tective story, the investigator needs a break–some une xpected piece of luck

to bridge to the next step; and now mine cam e. Karen Alfano had receive a trove of photographs from her

mother and aunts, and she wa s passing them to me and other new cousins that we had co ntacted in our search

for long-lost relatives. We were trying to identify persons in the photographs as most of them had no

identification, and it was difficult to determine whether one picture of a man of about age twenty-five was same

man in a picture of a man of age sixty-five. The man in question was Don Francesco, and so Karen asked me to

send her a photograph of a younger Don Francesco.

I knew that I had such a photograph in m y computer folder of 

images. Mixed with images of people were images of documents in a

format called .jpg (jay-peg). These were docume nts that I had

gathered over time in my research. Rather than reading the title of 

each image, I simply invoked the image viewer a nd looked through

the folder. The image of Don Francesco’s naturalization card

appeared–a small, 2" x 3" document. I glanced at it, and then my eyes

slowly focused on the name of the second witness for Don Francesco:Achille Ciferni–in typewritten print! I had my man!

I immediately notified Karen, and then I began to search the

census records on www.Ancestry.com.   Bang! A 1930 census record for 608 Second Street in Utica, New York for

Achille Ciferni and Grace Ciferni. The Italian name for Grace is Grazia. I was getting close.

Before I could start the search again for an earlier census record, Karen sent me an E-mail: she had found

the 1920 census record for Ciferni. I clicked the link she had sent, and up came the record; the third mem ber of 

the Cirfeni household was Arcangela Del Grande! The indexed name was misspelled, and so Karen had used

some creative alternatives to retrieve the record. I thought that there even might be a 1910 census record and

indeed there was; I had found it by perusing each census sheet in the same w ard as the 1920 cen sus.

Since Arcangela’s name hadn’t appea red in the 1930 census, and she wa s ninety-two years of age in

1920, I assumed that she had died between the two decennial censuses. I fired off a request for a genealogical

search of death records with my $2 2.00 money order to the Registrar of Utica, asking for the standard three-year

search of the years 1920 -22. Within a week, I received a verified transcript from the register of deaths:

Arcangela Del Grande, age 81 (sic) years , 9 months, 26 days, had died on April 28, 1920; her place of burial is118

Calvary Cemetery in Utica, New York.

I have no doubt that she was buried by he r daughter and son-in-law as they are buried in the same

cemetery. She is with family. Now she and her second great grandnephew can both rest peacefully.

Peace be upon her!

Naturalization card of Francesco PaoloDel Grande

The num ber of years is incorrect as the birth record clearly states: L’anno m ille ottocento ventisette,118

il di ventitre del mese di luglio": the year 1827 of the 23 of the month of July. She was 92 years old when sherd

died.

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Chapter 8

The Paolini Decide to Emigrate to Am erica

It is not known ex actly when, but prob ably about 1905, Alfredo Pa olini suffered a serious illness, afever of some sort; the doctor did not know the cause or nature of the problem. In any case, he inquired of Beatrice as to whether she had family that could provide support for her and her family in the event of hisincapacitation or death. “They are all in America,” answered Beatrice. "Then I think you should be nearthem," replied the doctor.

Getting Papers in Order

On March 24, 1905, Ildebrando Paolini submitted an application for a passport to the119

headquarters of the Casellario Di Polizia Amministrativa which in turn requested approval that a passport beissued from the governmental and police offices of Sulmona, the administrative seat for his home town of Popoli. Signed by the major of Naples, the passport was valid for three years; the noted destination wasChicago. Alfredo is described by his date of birth, (21 Dec 1867), occupation, (tailor), and parents: “ fig lio di

Ignoto” (son of unknown father) and of Angiola Paolini.

Included are the émigrés that will accomp any him: wife, sons and mother:

-wife, Maria Beatrice Del Grande (daughter of Francesco Paolo Del Grande) born in Popoli on 2 MAY

1879

-son, Armando Paolini age 9, born in Naples

-son, Adolfo Paolini, age 7, born in Naples

-son, Arturo Paolini, age 5, born in Naples

-son, Aldo Paolini, age 3, born in Naples

-mother, Angiola Paolini age 71, born in Popoli, daughter of Cassiodoro

Also listed on the record are Ildebrando’s physical traits:

Height: 1.65 m t. [5' 5"]

Age: 39

Forehead: normal dimension

Eyes:

 Nose : "Greek" form

Mouth: normal size

Hair: dark brown

Clean shaved with brown moustache

Body size: normal

 Noticeable signs: scar on his forehead 

The requirement of a passport was established by a law establishing the Comm issariat of 119

Emigration in 1901. Foerster, Robert F., The Italian Emigration of Our Times , Harvard U niversity Press,Cambridge, 1919.

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Descriptions of Italian emigration often give the impression of a rather unregulated and haphazardprocedure–that emigrants were solely on their own and that they were at the mercy of miserly shipownersand uncaring bureau crats. Certainly there were abuses, but based upon legislation of the Italian and

American governments and the experience of the Paolini family as will be described, there were regulationsand procedures that aided and protected emigrants before, during, and after passage.

The process was initiated by the submission of a Domanda di Passaporto per L’Estero , a request tothe major of Naples for a passport for foreign travel. Inquiry by the Naples police department was thenmade to the administrative district for his home town of Popoli which was the city of Sulmona . It was askedwhether there was any “impedim ent” to his leaving, with a specific inquiry as to whether he owed taxes. Theresponse was “Nulla Osta”–no impediment.

There was then issued a Certificato Municipale from the  pretore (magistrate) of Naples in which hedeclared the following:

Paolini Ildebrando, natural son of Angiola Paolini is resident in Naples on 2 Via Università and 

that he is poor and doesn't own any kind of property nor does he contribute to the tax system and 

he doesn't do any kind of business activity (shop, etc.), nor has a profession or trade; nor shop, no

manufacture, nor an artist, but lives only with day to day work with his own arms and hands.

The certificate is dated 7 Mar 1906.

This statement is in direct contradiction to that which Beatrice described as to their profession andfinancial position. Did the family experience some financial set back? Or did they just sell their business inanticipation of their emigration and move to  2 V ia Università? Was Alfredo incapacitated? Did he declarethat he was poor and worked only as a laborer because he thought that only in this way could he obtain apassport and receive permission to leave? There are no answers to these questions.

A Last Visit 

When their departure was certain, Beatrice visited the mausoleum of her beloved son Attilio. Hewas entombed in a mausoleum which is believe to be in Poggioreale Cemetery, located on the east side of 120

the city in an area also called Poggioreale . Poggioreale is more that a cemetery: it is a necropolis of large121

tombstones and mausoleums.

Two earlier built cemeteries, Santa Maria del Pianto and the adjacent Cimitero Monumen tale, were120

combined to become the Pog gioreale Cemetery.

“Poggioreale” means “royal hill”, and there was a Villa Poggioreale begun in 1487.121

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Attilio had died two years prior in 1904; hehad lived only about six months. His body had been

embalmed so that it would be preserved.

As she held her son, she must havepondered the future. She was pregnant, and thevoyage would be about ten days. They would be insteerage, and she probably had heard of thediscomfort of that accommodation. They wouldthen be processed for admittance at a place calledEllis Island. Wou ld they be allowed to enter?Would Alfredo hold his temper? Then a two-daytrain ride to Chicago, hopefully into the home andcomfort of her father and mother.

The Paolini family embarked from Naples, Italy on May 20, 1906.

Cimitero Poggioreale

Napoli - Panorama da S. Martino

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Chapter 9

Emigration of the Paolini Family

The Voyage

Unlike m ost of the passengers that day, the Paolini family had o nly to walk to the Port of N aples toembark. It must have been crowded, because the number of Neapolitan émigrés had grown in the past fewyears: from 3,165 in 1876, to 76,000 in 1901, to 90,000 in 1906.122

Their ship was the SS (steamship)  Moltke, a modern ship of the time, built for the Hamburg-AmericanLine in 1902, and sailed under a German flag. The ship could accommodate 2,102 passengers: 333 first 123

class; 169 second class; and 1,600 third class.124

The ship’s manifest does not use the terms of class but rather the terms “saloon, cabin and steeragepassengers.” The word ‘saloon’ seems to be an Americanization of the British term ‘salon,’ meaning elegant or fashionable apartmen t. A cabin, obviously, was a single room accommo dation. Steerage, the namederived from the place that housed the steering mechanism of sailing ships, was, for the most part, an open,dormitory space in the lowest part of the ship.

The price of a ticket varied according to the class. In one account, a passenger sailed from New Yo rkto Naples, booked in steerage, for $30 while first class cost $90. Accoun ting for inflation to the present (2009), $30 and $90 has the ‘purchasing power' of $738 and $2,210, respectively. Based upon the125

photographs of the SS Moltke, it seems to have been quite elegant and sp acious–at least above the water line.No photographs or written descriptions of its steerage were found.

Most of the descriptions of the passage on ships and the processing of Ellis Island are based upon

descriptions by other émigrés. Beatrice never complained abou t the conditions nor her treatment, and sowhat follows is only a suggestion of the conditions the Paolini family might have encountered and/or wastypical for other immigrant passengers.

Based upon several descriptions, the long narrow compartment were divided into separatedormitor ies for single men, single women , and families. It is quite likely that there was a commo n eatingarea with tables. There may have been chairs or benches and tables, affixed to the bulkhead by cables toprevent their shifting with the rolling of the ship. One male passenger, sailing in 1898, described hisaccommodations:

Behan, p.23.122

Flying under a flag of a country m eans that it operates under the maritime regulations and123

inspection of that country.

“Ellis Island Ship List,” hosted by RootsWeb,124

http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~knappdb/ships_M.htm]

Measuring Worth: Purchasing Power of Money in the U nited States from 1774 to 2000,125

http://www.measuringworth.com/ppowerus/

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The remaining space is filled with iron bunks,

row after row, tier upon tier, all running fore

and aft in double banks. A thin iron rod is all

that separates one sleeper from another. In each

 bunk are placed « a donkey's breakfast (a s traw

mattress), a blanket of the horse variety, a

 battered tin pla te and pannikin, a knife, a126

fork, and a spoon. This completes the

emigrant's « kit,» which in former days had to

 be found by himself.127

Before getting underway, a manifest of the ship’spassengers was completed through interviews w ith eachpassenger. As additional regulations were instituted so asto improve conditions for passengers and improve the efficiency of the processing upon arrival, the forms

were changed to some degree. In the case of the Paolini’s passage, form 1500B designe d by the Imm igrationService, Department of Com merce and Labor, w as used to record the names and various personalinformation. For a more thorough description and use of the manifest, see appendix A.

The names of the Paolini family are listed on lines 22-28. In the column entitled, “Whether going tojoin a relative or friend; and if so, what relative or friend, and his nam e and com plete address,” entered is thename Francesco Paolo Del Grand at 321 A [nothing more], Chicago, Illinois (see image of manifest on next page). The manifest also indicates that Don Francesc o paid for the passage of all mem bers of the Paolinifamily.

Rather than the immigration officials at Ellis Island, it was the recording the names of émigrés by theship’s personnel that most likely was the cause of change in name, or the misspelling of names. Most likely,the person recording the information was different from the émigré; in this case, German and Italian.

Prior to casting off, all passengers were inspected by the surgeon. This procedure was instituted bythe shipping companies so as to avoid having an émigré rejected by the Immigration Service as the émigréwould have to be returned to his/her home port at the company’s expense.

Departure

At this point, the vessel was ready to set sail, and it must have b een one of the m ost heartbreakingpoints in the journey, for surely below on the dock were friends who had come to see them off. One such

description is more than the heart can take :

Open Berths in Steerage

A small pan or cup.126

Whitmarsh, H. Phelps, “The Steerage of To-Day - A P ersonal Experience by H. Phelps127

Whitmarsh w ith 13 Illustrations by A . Castaigne.” 1898 Century Magazine, Volume LV, Number67, Pages 528-543.

  http://www.gjenvick.com/Steerage/1898-SteerageConditions-APersonalExperience.html

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SS Moltke

Photos courtesy of Gjenvick-Gjønvik Archiveshttp://www.gjenvick.com/Steerage/index.html

Promenade Deck

Deck life on the SS Moltke, steerage passengers approaching the

wharf in New YorkPhoto purchased from Norw ay-Heritage: Hands Across the Sea

Cupola and Main Saloon

Smoking Room

SS Moltke

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Steerage Accommodations128

It is quite likely that the Paolini family were assigned these third class cabin accommodations insteerage as opposed to the open birth area that was assigned to single men.

“Passengers are now allotted 

enclosed cabins with berths of 

modern type for two or four 

 persons, w hile there are also a

number of six-berthed rooms for 

the use of families. These cabins

are all lighted by electricity, and 

the light can be switched on or off 

as required by the occupants. In

addition to a washstand the rooms

are also provided with a mirror,

towels, and a plentiful supply of 

other toilet requisites.”

Cunard Lanconia I and Franconia I Rare 1912Brochure

Photos courtesy of Gjenvick-Gjønvik Archiveshttp://www.gjenvick.com/Steerage/index.html

Four-berth Cabin in Steerage

Italian Immigrants Aboard Ship

Washroom for Steerage Passengers

Steerage Dinning Room

None of these photographs are of the SS Mo ltke.128

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 One picture of that day stands out more strongly than all the rest. It is the picture of two women

waving a last good-by to some loved one aboard. I shall never forget the agonized expression that

came over the younger one's face when the ship began to move. Hiding her head on her companion's

shoulder, she wept as though her heart would b reak. Then, suddenly calming herself, she lifted her 

 brave l itt le face, smiled through her tears, and waved us out of sight129

To see Naples fadin g in the distance; to think of all the friends and fam iliar faces; to think of the sights,sounds and sm ells of a vibrant city; to wonder if she we re doing the right thing; all these thoughts must havecrossed Beatrice’s mind as the Moltke  set forth from the Bay of Nap les.

Treatment 

The servicing of people en masse is a situation that can easily lead to indignities, real or imagined . Theprocedures of loading people onto the ship, directing them to their accommodation, providing amenities, etc.are fraught with potential errors in conduct that can disgruntle the most patient persons. Add to this situationthe human elem ent of distinctions of class, ethnicity, language, status (émigré versus citizen), and relationship(passenger versus crew), behavior can change, both real and perceived.

The class distinction was quickly revealed to Phelps H. Whitmarsh, probab ly a British gentleman. Hewas traveling from Liverpool to New York to determine conditions in steerage, probably with the intent of writing a story for a magaz ine. As he stepped aboard, he was greeted pleasantly enough:

“Second cabin, sir?” said the master-at-arms by the gangway.

“No; steerage,” I replied.

His polite tone changed, and he invited me to “Step for'ard lively!” in a manner that left no doubt in my mind

as to what part of the ship I belonged.130

Rather than bein g served at a table, steerage passengers passed in a line, cafeteria-style bu t without choice. It was not the food that were the subject of complaints, but the manner in which it was served. As onepassenger explained:

The first steward was a dirty, middle-aged Italian in a filthy shirt. A hand soiled with all kinds o f dirt

-- ship dirt, kitchen dirt and human dirt -- pulled a great "cob" or biscuit out of a burlap sack and 

shoved it towards me. There is no complaint about the quantity of the food, but the quality, and the

way that it was served was not fit for human beings.131

Ibid.129

Ibid.130

Durland, Kellogg, “Urgency of Improved Steerage Cond itions 1906,”131

http://www.gjenvick.com/Steerage/1907-11-UrgencyOfImprovedSteerageConditions.html; original source:Durland, Kellogg, The Chautauquan: The Magazine of System in Reading, Chautauqua Press, Chautauqua, NewYork, November 1907, Volume 48, Pages 383-390+.

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To which he added:

The great drawback was the way in which, to quote one of my friends, it was slung at you.132

An dThe steerage is not provided with means for sitting down so usually the meals are eaten on the

floor.133

On his return voyage, he complained:

There was no dining room at all provided, and we had to wash our own dishes -- which w ere of tin --

and absolutely no other provision w as made for this than a barrel of cold sea water ! Sometimes I tried 

to scrape the greasy macaroni off my plate with my finger nails. Several times I was lucky enough to

 pick up a b it of newspaper somewhere for a d ish clo th.134

Of course seasickness was the most prevalent affliction to all passengers, but due to the location of steerage, its chances of affecting these people were more likely as the rolling of the ship was magnified. The

consequenc e made for a fetid atmosphere. Even the best efforts did not prove effective:

To the credit of the ship, it must be said that everything was clean. Sweet it was not. Spotless, sanded 

decks, scrubbed paint-work, and iron bunks could not hide the sour, shippy, reminiscent odor that

hung about the steerages, one and all.135

Another reported:

...the air in steerage became rank with the heavy odor of spoiled food, sea-sickness, and unwashed 

 bodies. There was lit tle privacy, and the lack of adequate toi let facili ties m ade it d iff icu lt to keep

clean.136

It shouldn’t be surprising that there were complaints of crude behavior towards single woman–what,today, would be called sexual harassment.137

Lastly, apparently on some ships, there were definite restrictions to where steerage passengers couldwander, though it is doubtful that they had to remain below de ck the entire time. Beatrice was pregnan t withAmelia at the time that she was on the ship, and she was permitted to come up and stay on the deck to get somefresh air.

  Ibid.132

Ibid.133

Ibid.134

Whitmarsh, “The Steerage of To-Day.”135

“Ellis Island”136

http://sydaby.eget.net/swe/ellis_island.htm Excerpted from Ellis Island: The OfficialSouvenir Guide, by B. Colin Hamblin, published by Aramark, 2004 .

“Women in Steerage Grossly Ill Used,” New York Times, 14 December 1909, Page 3, Column 2.137

http://www.gjenvick.com/Steerage/1909-WomenInSteerage-ConditionsCalledAppalling.html

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Declaring restrictions as to areas of the ship might inhibit adult steerage passengers ‘who would knowtheir place,’ but children are usually unaware nor inhibited. As Beatrice was taking the air on deck, peoplebegan looking up and saying, “There’s a little boy way up there on the superstructure.” Beatrice looked up, andsure enough, there was a little boy: her son, Adolfo. One of the seamen climbed up and brought him down

safely.

While there were reports of unhealthy and uncomfortable conditions for steerage passengers duringthe period of immigration, plus personal tales of wretchedness and abuse, one is often left with the impressionthat little or nothing was done to improve the situation nor aid the immigrant traveler. In my readings, I didfind evidence that the governments of both Italy and America did m uch in both regards (see appendix B: Italy'sCommissariat of E migration).

Arrival at the Port of New York

The SS Moltke docked at the Port of New York on June 1,1906. The ship docked at either the Hudson or East River piers. Bythe time it arrived, the first and second class passeng ers had alreadybeen inspected on board and, if cleared, allow to disembark; if not,they joined the steerage passengers who were to be processed bythe U.S. Bureau of Immigration and the U.S. Public Health Service at Ellis Island where they were to undergo medical and legalinspection.138

As Ellis Island was surrounded by relatively shallow water, thepassengers were discharged at the main dock, and those requiringprocessing at Ellis Island were transported in a ferry or barge.

Since other ships may have recentlydischarged their steerage passengers, a ship’spassengers may have had to wait, possibly forseveral days, before debarking . The handwrittenentry, probab ly by the ship’s purser, has the date o

arrival of June 1 , while above is a stamped date,st 

probably by an imm igration officer, of June 2. Thuit is concluded that the Paolini family had to w ait aday in port before being transported to Ellis Island

Statue of Liberty (1900-1910)

Immigrants walking from the b arges to the main building. Inthe background is a hospital where ill passengers were treated.

“Presidential Arrivals Through the Port of New York,”138

http://www.ellisisland.org/genealogy/ellis_island_presidential_arrivals.asp

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Processing Through Ellis Island

At some point in this process, each passenger was affixed with a name tag that included the name of theship, the manifest sheet numb er or alphabetic letter, and sheet list numb er. Beatrice’s tag stated: SS Moltke,

Sheet 213; List No. 23.

They entered the Registry Room or Great Hall where the inspections took place. The Great Hall wasdivided by steel bar fencing that created twenty-tw o aisles. As each batch of thirty-two imm igrants entered thehall, they would have been shunted by ushers into the aisle corresponding to the manifest number or letter ontheir tag. A doctor would perform a cursory inspe ction of each person, and if they passed, send them dow n theaisle to the desk of an inspector for consideration. It was said that “doctors at Ellis Island soon becam e veryadept at conducting these "six second physicals." 139

At the end of the aisle, there was an inspector who interrogated the would-be immigrant regarding hislegal standing and moral character. The ship's manifest, which had recorded the immigran t's name and his/heanswers to twenty-nine questions, was used as the basis for the cross examination, which was to determinewhether or not the immigrant would be law-abiding and able to support himself/herself so as not likely to be apublic charge (with the acronym LPC), that is, welfare.

Imagine the cacophony of sounds of perhaps a thousand people talking in a multitude of languagestrying to communicate in the most earnest manner their answers to question, while in the background babiescried, small children ran hither and yon, and mothers scream ed for their children to obey. Imagine being eyedsuspiciously for having some contagious disease, mental defect or moral depravity. Imagine having to wait inline–sometim es sitting but mostly standing, not just for minutes, but for hours. At best, the process took fivehours. Imagine the worry of your luggage being lost or stolen–not only your most valuable possessions but nowyour only possessions. And then to fail to be admitted! It had to be a most stressful and exhausting experience

Alfredo was suspected of having an illness or condition that prevented the family from proceeding tothe legal inspector. On each line number of the manifest is a handw ritten abbreviation of “SI” meaning Sp ecialInquiry (see manifest), probably for a medical examination and then an appearance before a Board of Inquiry.This probably caused Alfredo much embarrassm ent, and for Beatrice, uncertainty, worry and fear. Quite likelythey had disposed of their household goods and sold their business. Beatrice’s father and family were inAmerica and w ould be of limited assistance if they had to return. They had staked their future and their fortunto come to Am erica, and now it was in jeopardy.

The doctor had noted that Angiola, Alfredo’s mother, was “cert. senile disability & double cataracts;”however, this illness does not seemed to have denied her entry, probably because the inspector believed that her family would take care of her.

Rather than being processed in the norm al five hours, the family was delayed for three days. Aseparate listing entitled, “Record of Aliens Held for Special Inquiry” indicates Alfredo’s referral. His entry islisted as: “[age] 39 m(ale] 40 [entry] Paolini, Ildebrand o, 4ch mother and wf(Del Grade ( sic )) LPC” (Seeappendix A: Manifest–Special Inquiry Register).

“Ellis Island - History,”139 http://www.ellisisland.org/genealogy/ellis_island_history.asp

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Ellis Island

Immigrant Tag

Main Registry Building on Ellis Island circa 1905

National Park Servicewww.nps.gov

Eye InspectionLibrary of Congress

Immigrants Debarking from Ferryhttp://www.old-picture.com/

Mental Test 

www.Ellis Island.orghttp://www.ellisisland.org/photoalbums/Albu

m1/14.jpg

Great Hallwww.Oocites.org

http://www.oocities.com/thereillyfamily/ellisisl.jpg

Inspectors’ Desks

National Park Servicehttp://www.nps.gov/elis/photosmultimedia/Ellis-

Island-Photos.htm

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Manifest Sheet of the SS Moltke  showing Paolini Family

Manifest with middle section cutout 

Blowup of right side of Paolini family

Left side of manifest showing names of Paolini family

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It is possible that the illness Alfredo suffered in Naples had lingerin g signs, although it is difficult tounderstand how a further inspection could have taken three days. Medical cond itions could be a cause forrejection as it could incapacitate a person and thus “likely to be a public charge” (LPC). It is possible that there

were so m any immigrants needing to be exam ined that they simply had to w ait three days for Alfredo to beexamine d. There is also the possibility that he was simply sick and needed three days to recover, and perhapsadmitted to the 125-bed hospital. If the Board of Special Inquiry suspected that the Paolini family would140

become a public charge should Alfredo be incapacitated or die, they might have requested evidence that Beatrice could be supported. Perhaps a telegram was sent to Don Francesco requesting assurance that hewould be responsible for the Paolini family.

Obviously there was a happy ending as Alfredo was given a medical certification as noted: (“Dr. Cert.”)The next column indicates the name of the doctor (“English”) and the next three columns indicate the date of the hearing (“6/5") as June 5 ; the page number of the recording secretary/stenographer’s notebook; and theth

initials of the recording secretary; and the time of day (“3 "). The final three columns for which there are05

entries “21, 28, and 21" indicate the number of meals–breakfast, lunch and dinner– had by Paolini family forwhich the steamship company would have been charged. Companies were charged by the Bureau of Immigration for delays and deportations as an incentive for applying standards meant to reduce the number ofrejected immigrants.141

Ellis Island was known both as the ‘Island of Hope’ and the ‘Island of Tears’ depending upon whether ornot a would-be immigrant was admitted. For Alfredo, it had been a degrading process to be poked andprodded, forced to wait in long queues, asked embarrassing and demeaning questions, examined for illnessesand deformities, all by immigration authorities who were probably impatient and brusque given the enormityof their task. To Beatrice and to the children, this was the ‘Island of Hope.’ She was grateful for the food142

provided during their detention, and because they were admitted to the United States of America on June 5,1906. Their line numbe r of the manifest were duly stamped “ADMITTED.”

 Ham blin, op.cit.140

Explanation of ann otations on manifests found in article entitled, “Record of Aliens Held for Special141

Inquiry,” http://www.jewishgen.org/InfoFiles/Manifests/bsi/

Approximately 5,000 émigrés were processed each day. Hamlin, op.cit.142

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On to Chicago

To leave the island, they would have taken a ferry to the mainland, either Manhattan or New Jersey, andthen a train to Chicago. Quite probably they telegraphed Don Francesco in Chicago as to when they wouldarrive, as it was planned that he should meet them at the train station. It is not know whether it was at EllisIsland or at the train station, most probab ly the latter, that they lost Arturo in the crow d and confusion o f 

boarding; and so they missed their train. The travel time to Chicago was about eighteen hours, and there wereonly two trains per day. Thus they did not arrive as scheduled, and no one was there to meet them at the143

station when they did arrive.

Having no means of contacting Don Francesco on short notice, there being no telephones at this time,and not knowing how to reach his residence, they found transportation with the Parmelee Transfer Service, acompany that carried baggage by horse drawn carriage from one train station to another, for in those days, eachrailroad compan y had its own station. Again Alfredo found himself in the demeaning and undignified positionof sitting in the back of a baggage car riage and being p araded for all to see through the streets of Chicago.

One has to admire Beatrice for her fortitude and endurance durin g this journey of at least 17 days. Shehad to shepherd four small boys, a senile mother-in-law, and a disgruntled husband while being four and a half 

months pregnant.

Blowup o f left side of Paolini family

Special Inquiry Sheet listing Paolini family

Blowup of right side of Paolini family

“Railraod Speed: Notable Fast runs of Passenger Trains for Lon g Distances,” The World Almanac &143

Book of Facts, Facts on File, Inc., p. 242. “Chicago Passenger Stations,”http://www.ominousweather.com/ChicagoRailCapital.html

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Chapter 10

Donato Del Grande

I knew exactly where he was entombed. I had seen the vault with my own eyes. He rests in the same vault

as Don Francesco in the little mausoleum that also contains Don Fran cesco’s wife, Gemm a Castricone, and another

son who predeceased his father, Ungaro (Hugo) Tarquinio Del Grande. The mausoleum is in Mount Carmel

Cemetery in Hillside, Illinois.

Donato D el Grande died on January 6 , 1909 of endo carditis, an infection of the lining of the heart chambers

and heart valves.144

The only other evidence of Don ato Del Grande is an entry on a m anifest of the ship Regina d 'Italia, that

embarked from Na ples, Italy and arrived at the Port of New York on October 24, 1908. It states that he was four

years of age. Also listed on the manifest is Franc. Del Grande, age thirty-one. Under the heading of “whence alien145

came” is the name “Grazia Del Grande,” who is known to be a sister of Don Francesco. Strangely enough, the last

permanent address is given as “Aquila”–not Italy–while the town is, as expected, “Popoli.” In the last column of the

second page, under “Place of Birth,” is entered: Utica, N.Y.

My initial interpretation of his manifest was that Donato was immigrating. Don Francesco had imm igrated

twelve years prior in 1896; his wife and other children born in Italy had immigrated in 1898. If Donato was born in

America, why had his supposed father taken him on a trip to Italy when he was only six years old? If he was

immigrating, that is, coming to America for the first time, how could he have bee n conceived and born in Italy as Don

Francesco and Gemm a were in America? I could only hypothesize that Donato was the son of someone else,

probably a relative. Perhaps he was the child of an unwed mother who wished to save him the embarrassm ent of 

being an illegitimate child; or perhaps the mother or family were too poor to keep him. On the other hand, I knew

that Grazia Del Grande and her husba nd, Camillo Di Giulio, were childless and wanted a child; they surely would hav

adopted Donato. I had no hypotheses that explained the immigration of this child.

In my initial phase of genealogical research, my mother had listed the children of Don Francesco and

Gemm a, and she included Dante, perhaps an Americanization of Donato. She believe that Donato was about age

twelve when he died. Soon thereafter, my genealogical researcher in L’Aquila, Italy reported the birth record of a

Donato Del Grande, born in 1887. She also reported an entry on a ship’s manifest, the Manilla, that had arrived at

the Port of New York on June 8, 1901, bearing Donato Del Grande, age 13, from Popoli. Was this Donato the son of 

Don Francesco and Gemm a? I decided to label him Donato#1 , and the one that arrived in 1908 as Donato#2.

I then obtained a copy of Don France sco’s passport application, dated 21 August 1907 in wh ich he stated:

I, Francesco Paolo Del Grande, a NATURALIZED AND LO YAL CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES, do hereby apply

to the Department of State at Wa shington for a passport for myself and wife and m y minor children as

follows: minor child Donato Del Grande born at Popoli “Italy, on the 7 day of July 1903...th

The Und ertaker's Report of Death for Danato Del Grante (sic) issued by the Bureau of Vital144

Statistics, Department of Health, City of Chicago states, January 6, 1909 .

He was actually six years old at the time of his voyage.145

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So rather than Utica, New York as stated on the ma nifest, Don Francesco was stating that Donato w as born at Popol

Italy. From the 1910 census, it is recorded that Gemm a bore eleven children, seven of whom were still living. By my

records of date of b irths and deaths [which w as incorrect at the time], I accounted for all the children save one; a nd

so I continued to hold my hypothesis that Donato was not the child of Don Francesco and Gemm a.

I then began to search fo r birth records, both civil records and baptismal records in churches in Po poli, Italy

and in Utica, New York. No civil record was found in Popoli nor in Utica. I wrote to the parish priest in Popoli but

“niente.” I obtained a list of churches in Utica and located them on a map of the city along with the residences of th

Del Grande fam ily in an attempt to determine their parish church which I concluded to be either St. Mary of M t.

Carmel or St. Anthony of Padua. I contacted each but neither had a record of a baptism for Donato Del Grande.

I considered the possibility that Donato was b orn in Chicago, the final residence of the Del Grande. I was

especially hopeful that I would find a baptismal record at Holy Guardian Angels church in Chicago beca use my father

was baptized at this church in 1908, only four or five years after the birth of Donato. The church had been

demolished in the late 195 0's in order to allow the exp ansion of the Illinois Medical Center; but its records were held

by the Archdiocese of Chicago; and so I requested a search of their records for w hich I received the followingresponse:

Dear Mr. Paolini,

This office recently received your ema il of April 5. I checked the baptism records for Ho ly Guardian

Angeles from 19 03 to 19 05 and fo und nothing. It is possible that if the child was born in Italy, it was

baptized there as well.

I searched the parish for death records and found that none existed from 1903 to 1930 .

Sincerely,

Julie A. Satzik

Assistant Research Archivist

Archdiocese of Chicago's Joseph Cardinal Bernardin Archives and R ecords Center

I had hit the proverbial brick wall.

By this time in my genealogical research of the Del Grande and Paolini families, I was ordering microfilm of 

records from the Family History Library of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), m ainly the

Registri dello stato civile 1809-1910 for Popoli, Italy. If the Mormons were microfilming records of churches in Italy,

might they also have microfilmed records of Italian churches in America. Indeed they had! I had intended to contac

the churches in the Italian section of Chicago where the D el Grande and Pao lini family had resided, but now I could

examine the records my self and not ask the indulgence of church officials who had better things to do than look up

records a hundred years old. Best of all, these records would be written in English.

I ordered the film for the church Our Lady of Pompeii and Notre Dame de Chicago. The catalogue also listed

film for Holy Guardian Angels. At first I demurred as I had already checked this source through the Archdiocese; but

after a few weeks I thought, “Why not? It’s only $5.50” I ordered the film.

I received a call from the loca l Family History Center that the film had a rrived, and so I walked into the

Center at about 8:00pm that evening, only to be told, “We’re closing early tonight.” I was obviously somewha t upse

and disappointed, but I started my search through the films. I found no records of the Del Grande no r the Paolini in

other films.

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The records of Holy Gu ardian Angels had an index that was unusua l but logical: alphabetical and then by

year. I started with the year 1904 and found no entry for Donato, so I then began systematically going through each

year.

About 8:30pm, the staff and other patrons began to leave, but a new staff member had arrived. He was

there to install new software on ea ch of the computers, and it would take him quite a while. He said that I could sta

until he left; and so I continued my search long pa st the normal closing hour of 9:00pm ..

I found no en try in the index for Donato, an d so I scanned through the individual, handwritten entries,

usually five or six per page. Again, no result. I decided to abandon my effort, but since I had the film, I thought that

would look for the entry for my father, Attilio Paolini. I turned the crank of the microfilm to scroll forward. I reache

the end, but the entries did not extend to 1908. Then I thought that I would look for the entry for my aunt Amelia

who was born in 1906. I twirled the crank in reverse and stopped. Since there were no demarcations by year, I had

to read an entry to determine the year for the entries in that area of the film: Not back far enough. Whirl, whirl!

Another check: not far enough. Whirl, whirl! I picked an entry a random to determine the year. I read:

I was stunned–transfixed. I starred at the record for at least a minute. I had found him, and yet I had

difficulty believing it. All those hypotheses and systematic searches, and in the end, I found him by pure chance.

I decided to make a copy of the image of the page, and so I had to switched the film to another machine. I’m

sure I had a rather dazed look on my face. I was tremulous and I couldn’t think straight causing me to fumble in

threading the film into the machine. The technician installing the software must have recognized my look. “Find

something,” he asked. “Yes,” I replied, my voice somewhat shaky. “I’ve been searching for this child for over two

years, and tonight I found him.” “He wanted to be found,” said the technician.

I was overjoyed with my finding. I concluded that Donato had been born and baptized in Chicago, and so I

put the matter to rest. About six months later, I started writing this history of the Del Grande a nd Paolini families,

and I carefully noted the dates of marriages and relocations. Gilda was married in 1902, and Angiolina was married

in 1903; and by newspaper accou nts, Don Francesco had attended the weddings. It would have been a long trip bac

to Utica for those occasions. I had also read about baptisms: some denom inations believe that infants should be

baptized while others believe it should be delayed until the age of accountability. In reviewing the records of 

baptisms in the Registri dello Stato Civile for Popoli, I noted that there were intervals of several months and even

years between birth and baptism. Lastly, in the beginning stage of my search for the birthplace of Donato, I had

requested a search of the birth records of Cook County which included the city of Chicago: no record had been

found. In short, I suspected that while he was baptized in Chicago, he was born in Utica. Now, at least, I had a date

of birth on which to focus a search. The new date was two years earlier than the previously used date.

Entry for the Baptism of Donato Del Grande

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I requested a search by the Registrar of Vital Statistics of the city of Utica. Within a week, my h unch was

confirmed. Donato was born January 22, 1902 in Utica, New York.

It is likely that Don Francesco returned to Italy in order to accom plish some business transaction, possibly

the sale of his house (and possibly his shop) as his family resided there for two years after his departure. It still is a

mystery to me as to w hy Don Francesco w ould take his six year old son on a visit to Italy.

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Chapter 11

The Early Years in Chicago

"I have struck a city–a real city–and they c all it Chicago...Having seen it, Iurgently desire never to see it again. It is inhabited by savages."

Rudyard Kipling, cc. 1900Americanization of Italian Names

At some point in their lifetime, most Italians adopted an “Amer ican sounding nam e.” Hereafter, I wiluse the name that my ancestors called themselves with the exception of Francesco Paolo Del Grande whom will continue to call Don Francesco.

Italian Name American Name Nickname

Del Grande Family

Francesco Paolo Frank Chico Paolo

Gemma Gemma

Gilda Gilda

Angiolina Angeline

Ungaro Hugo

Carlo Alberto Albert  

Italia Arminda Lillian Lily; Sister Wilma

Donato Donato possibly Dante

Paolini Family

Ildebrando Alfredo Alfredo

Beatrice Beatrice Bice (Bee-chay)

Armando Armando

Adolfo Adolph

Arturo Arthur

Aldo Aldo

Attilio (I) Attilio

Amelia Emily

Attilio (II) Otto Ottie (Aah-Tee)

Donato Donato

Angiola Angelina

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Italian Enclaves

As in Utica, Italian immigrants had proceeded the Del Grande and Paolini families and had coalescedin some twenty neighborhoods, both in and around the city of Chicago. The largest of these enclaves was146

on the near west side relative to the downtown area and was called ‘Little Italy’ or ‘Taylor Street.’ This147

Italian section started on the west side of the South Branch of the Chicago River, and over time, it spreadwestward. The area was bounded by Harrison Street on the north and Roosevelt Road (12 street) on theth

south, and eventually reached Ashland Avenue on the west. It was roughly coincident with the 19 wardth

(see map) and had an Italian population of about 15,000 by the 1920s. For a description of the in and148

around the area, see appendix C: Ethnic Territories of the Near West Side.

The Del Grande moved often as they did in Utica as shown in the following table:

Date Indicated on

Document Address Source of Data

26 Jan 1 902 24 7 W . P olk Street Baptism al record of D on ato D elGrande

2 6 S ep 1 90 6 2 10 W . T ay lo r S tre et N atu ra liz atio n ca rd of F ran ce scoPaolo Del Grande

21 Aug 1907 388 S . Halst ed Stree t Passport a ppli ca ti on o f Fra nc escoPaolo Del Grande

24 Oct 1908 127* Vernon Park Place M anifest of Regina d ’Italia;Francesco Paolo and Donato

22 A pr 191 0 1 114 V ern on Park P lace 1 91 0 U .S . Cen sus149

1910-1920 921 S. Wenonah Avenue, OakPark, Illinois

1920 U.S. Census

*The streets of Chicago were renumbered in 1909. Thus the addresses of 127 and 1114 Vernon Park Place are for thesame house.150, 151

“Italians,” Encyclopedia of Chicago.146 http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/658.html

During the 1 920s, the Social Science Research Committee at the U niversity of Chicago designated147

seventy-five areas of the city as commun ities based on comm on social characteristics, such as ethnicity, race,

religion, and income. These community names and boundaries have not changed and thus do not reflect thecharacteristics of the population of the areas since that time. The comm unity containing the Italian sectionwas and is called the Near W est Side.

Pero, Peter N., Images of America: Chicago Italians at Work , Arcadia Publishing, Chicago, 2009, p. 9.148

Also listed at the same address are Oliver and Conado De Granditz (probably De Grandis which is a149

common surname in Popoli; also in the 1910 city directory are listed four Del Grande: Antonio, Conado, Frankand Olive, all with the occupation of tailor.

“Rationalization of Streets,” Encyclopedia of Chicago,150

http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/410052.html

Plan of Re-Numbering City of Chicago: Table Showing N ew and Old House Numbers, August, 1909, p. 161.151

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The Taylor Street area was never exclusively Italian as indicated by the names on the census152

sheets. Its population was quite mobile, and as one ethnic group moved into the area, the older, formerethnic group moved out, though a few residents of the older group remained. As residents became more153

prosperou s, they moved further west, both within the area and to outlying areas. This western movem ent is

illustrated by the relocations of the Del Grande [and the Paolini family] within the Near North Side,culminating in their final settlement in Oak Park, Illinois, a town adjacent to the western border of Chicago.Oak Park had, and still has, a significant Italian population.

These Italian neighborhoods attracted compaesani, that is, people from the same village or at least the same region of Italy. For example, the Near North Side was mainly settled by Sicilians while the TaylorStreet area was settled mainly by Italians from the South: Naples, Salerno, Bari, Messina, Palermo, Abruzzo ,Calabria, Basilicata, the Marche, and Lucca.154

Having been poor in Italy, and having spent most of their savings for their passage, the Italianimm igrants were extremely poor. As most were unskilled and illiterate workers, they had to take the

toughest and meanest jobs. They worked long hours and under poor conditions for small wages.Consequently they resided in the neighborhoods that afforded the most inexpensive housing which was themost run-down and poorly maintained.

At the time, Chicag o in general, was not a city beau tiful:

"According to English journalist William T. Stead, who lived in the city for five months (until

March 1894), ‘The first impression which a stranger receives on arriving in Chicago is that of the

dirt, the danger, and the inconvenience of the streets.'"155

Taylor Street was described in a newspaper article of March 30, 1893, under the headline, "FoulEwing Street: Italian Quarter that Invites Cholera and Other Diseases:”156

The street is lined with irregular rows of dingy frame houses; innocent of paint and blackened 

and soiled by time and close contact with the children of Italy. The garbage boxes along the

 broken wood sidewalks are fil led with ashes and rotting vegetables and are seldom emptied .

Heaps of trash, rags, and old fruit are alongside the garbage boxes already overflowing. The

 The area was also called by the intersecting streets in the center of the Italian population: Halsted152

and Taylor or just Taylor Street.

Candeloro, Dominic Lawrence, Chicago's Italians: Immigrants, Ethnics, Americans, The Making of 153

America Series, Arcadia Publishing, Chicago, 2003, p. 1 6.

Ibid, p. 22.154

Nelli, Humbert, The Italians in Chicago: A Study in Ethnic Mobility , Oxford University Press, New155

York, 1970, p. 9.

Ewing Street was later named West Cabrini Street and ran between G ilpin Place and Polk Street 156

according to a website that pictures a sculpture of a child and flowers on the exterior of the Mary Crane DayNursery building, located at 782 Ewing Street. The nursery was part of the Hull House Settlement.[Photographs from the Chicago Daily News, 1902-1933.http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/S?ammem/cdn:@field%28SUBJ+@od1%28782+Ewing+Street++Chicago,+Ill+++%29%29

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dwelling houses and big tenement buildings that line Ewing Street are occupied by thousands of 

Italians. Every doorstep is well alive with children and babies dressed in rags and grime, many of 

their olive skinned faces showing sallow and w an beneath the covering of dirt....Some of the dark 

complexioned men sit around tables through the day time hours and gamble at cards or dice with

huge mugs of beer beside them.”157

It was not uncomm on for Chicago newspapers to exaggerate and use plaintive and demeaninglanguage in describing the Italian neighborhoods, ascribing the refuse and crudely built dwellings to ethniccharacteristics. The Chicago Herald  stated, for example, that “it is not abject poverty which cau ses suchnasty and cheap living; it is simply an imported habit from Southern Italy.” 158

There is little doubt that Italian immigrants lived in over-crowded housing with poor sanitation:

The Near West Side contained some of the worst housing in the city. Structures facing the street

(most of them brick and three stories high) were unsoundly constructed, inadequately lighted,

 poorly ventila ted and dangerously overcrowded. Ow ners and managers utilized all available space

for living purposes. Each floor (including the basement) generally contained two apartments of 

four rooms each, although the district also provided many one- and two-room apartments. Each

apartment, in turn, housed one or more families, and frequently lodgers or boarders as well who

shared kitchen and bedroom facilities. Inhabitants often ate and slept in shifts.159

In the same vein:

A survey by the Commissioner of Labor in 1892-93 studied conditions in the district bounded byHalsted, Newb erry, State, Polk, and Twelfth streets, an area containing a large Italian element. TheCommissioner reported serious overcrowding in tenements, high rents for inferior housing, barely adequatesanitary conditions, and extremely poor social relationships.160

Indeed, Taylor Street must not have been a pleasant place at this period. Alfredo certainly thought so as he expressed his disgust. The great Chicago Fire of 1871 supposedly had started in Mrs. O’Leary’s barnat 137 DeKoven was in the southeastern section of the 19 ward and probably about six blocks from theth

house at 127/1114 Vernon Park Place. It had occurred not less than thirty-five years prior, and there werestill vacant lots, burned abandon buildings, unpaved streets, and only wooden sidewalks in some places.Overall, Taylor Street could only be viewed as somewhat disheveled and desolate, and so Alfredo thought they had come to an uncivilized place.

Ibid, p. 22.157

“In an Italian Patch,” Chicago Herald , July 16, 1887, as found in Nelli, Humbert, The Italians in158

Chicago, p. 11.

Jane Addams, "The Housing Problem in Chicago," Annals , XX (July, 1902), pp. 99-103 as found in159

Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930, pp. 33-34.

U.S. Commissioner of Labor, Seventh Special Report , and Ninth Special Report . The Italians in160

Chicago, a Social and economic Study  (1897) as found in Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 , p. 13.

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Chicago

Near 12th & Jefferson Street circa 1906www.publishing.cdlib.org

http://reference.findtarget.com/search/Little%20Italy,%20Chicago/

Quotation from an Italian immigrant upon reflection of 

his immigration to America: ”When I was coming to thiscountry, I was told that the streets were paved w ith gold.

When I arrived, I learned three things: One, the streets

weren’t paved w ith gold; second, the streets weren’t

paved; third, I was expected to pave them!”

Courtesy of Taylor Street Archiveswww.taylorstreetarchives.com

Courtesy of Taylor Street Archiveswww.taylorstreetarchives.com

Parmelee Transfer truckF. Parmalee & Co.

http://www.coachbuilt.com/bui/p/parmelee/parmelee.htm

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19 Ward (circa 1915) encompassing ‘Little Italy’Addresses for Map of 19 Wardth th

In Chicago, even numbered addresses for North/South streets is on the West side of the street and forWest/E ast streets it's on the South side of the street.

Del Grande Addresses210 W. Taylor Street 388 (now 923) S. Halsted Street 247 W. Polk Street127/1114 Vernon Park Place (renumbered in1909)

Paolini Addresses127/1114 Vernon Park Place635 S. Centre (Racine) Avenue1209 Gilpin Place (formerly Ewing; now St.

Cabrini)1423 Plum (Flournoy) Street 1739 W. Polk Street 5232 W. Altgeld Street 

InstitutionsThe Shrine of Our Lady of Pompeii1224 Macalister Place (now W. Lexington St.)Chicago, Illinois 60607

Notre Dame de Chicago1335 West Harrison Street Chicago, IL 60607(312) 243-7400

Holy Guardian Angel178 Forquer Street (renumbered 717 in 1909)

Hull House 800 South Halsted Street in 1856

Columbus Hospital Extension (now St. CabriniHospital)

Entrance formerly at 1220 Gilpin Place; now at 811 S. Lytle Street Chicago, IL 60607

McLaren Elementary School1500 Flournoy Street Chicago, IL 60607 US

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By most definitions and characteristics, the area was a slum. What is starling is that most newspapereports and social commentators, including some reformers with advanced college degrees, seem not tohave a clue as to why im migrants in gener al, for Italians weren’t the only residents of the area, lived as theydid. First, they wanted to be among residents with whom they could comm unicate, that is, speak Italian, and

who could help them deal with the normal transactions of living: finding a job, finding a place to stay, buyinfood, clothing and furniture, finding a doctor, etc.

Second , they need to live near their job in order to reduce the time and cost of travel. At the turn of the century, Taylor Street bordered the factories along the South Branch of the Chicago River where most of the Taylor Street residents had employment.

Third, they couldn’t afford housing for only one family, and so they could expend less money bysharing an apartment with other families.

The enclave served as a staging area in which the immigrants became acclimated and

“American ized” while accum ulating resources to improv e their situation. Immigr ants were not unawar e of the housing conditions under which they lived. When they had learned how to find their own way in thecity, and they had accumulated sufficient resources, they relocated to better housing which explains thehigh rate of mob ility, not just of the Del Grande a nd Paolini families, but of the most sing le persons andfamilies. While the Italian comm unity of Taylor Street seemed stable, or more negatively stated, not improv ing, the opposite was true. There was a constant relocation of residents both within the area andoutward to other areas while new Italian immigrants took their place. Reformer s and social critics oftendespaired as they saw no improvem ent, which was true of the area but not true of the people who, as theyprospered and/or followed employment opportunities, left the area.

While mobility reflected movem ent from an undesirable neighborhood and housing to one that wasmore pleasant, less crowded and with better accommodations, the daily commute to jobs dictated one’s

relocation. In the decades after 1900, improved and expanded mass transportation facilities, first surfacestreet cars and then elevated trains, made it possible for the lower income class to live beyond walkingdistance.

Housing and Family Expansion

When the Paolini family arrived in 1906, they moved in with the Del Grande family. At this time,161

the Del Grande family consisted of Don Francesco, Gemma, Hugo, Albert and Lily. The Paolini familyconsisted of Alfredo, Beatrice, Angelina, Armando, Adolph, Arthur, and Aldo; Emily was born four and a halfmonths later in October. Thus there were five adults and eight children in the household. No doubt that it was crowded, a com mon com plaint of immigrants by those who are well-established and able to afford

ample accom modation s. How ever, it was not a violation of a zoning ordinance: the city didn’t have one.162

Personal conversations w ith the author’s father, Attilio (Otto) Paolini.161

The city adopted its first zoning ordinance in 1923. The Encyclopedia of Chicago: Zoning,162

http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1401.html

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Two years later in 1908, Otto Paolini was born. His birth certificate states the family’s address was127 Vernon Park Place, which is the same house as the Del Grande family. Thus another member w as addedto the household. Thirty-two years later in 1941, at the outset of World W ar II, my father had to register forthe draft, and he had to obtain a copy of his birth certificate at city hall. In the process of making the request

for the document, the clerk mentioned his “twin sister.” He knew full well that he didn’t have one, and soinquired of his mother as to what might have happened. She explained that, unlike today when most birthstake place in a hospital, in those days the birth of a child took place in the home and delivered by a mid -wifeThe mid-wife was suppose to register the birth. It was surmised that she forgot to register Emily’s birth in1906, and so w hen she went to the reg istrar’s office to report the birth of Otto, she also reported the birth ofEmily but was unable to make clear–probably not having great command of the English language–the fact that Emily had been born two years prior. Their births were recorded as happening at the same time, that ias twins.

Beatrice was ab out five feet tall, but all of her children were b orn late and of abn ormally large size.Otto was over twelve pounds at delivery! Such large-baby births are recognized now as a sign of a163

pre-diabetic condition which Beatrice did develop in her later years.

One w onders whether or not such crowded conditions imposed a stress on the adults, particularlyAlfredo, who was use to having his own place and being the head of the household in Naples. He was alsothe proprietor of his own business and a craftsman at his trade. Now he resided in the house of his father-inlaw, and he probably worked in a factory doing routine, piecemeal tasks rather than making an entiregarment. His actual working conditions are unknown, but before 1910, there was no union of garment worke rs, and thus the garment manufacturers were able to extort their employees. One writer described thlength of the workday as an explanation for the creation of the union:

 "Since their take-home earnings in season for a 56- to 72-hour (6 day) week averaged around $3,

it's not surprising that workers began organizing the Garment Workers and the Amalgamated 

Clothing Workers with a strike in 1910."164

Alfredo went to work each day while Beatrice stayed home with the children. She said that each daywhen it was time for him to com e home, she w ould be cooking dinner and constantly looking out thewindow in order to see him com ing so as to assess whether or not he was in a terrible mood–which heusually was. When he broug ht home his first earnings and dropped the money on the table, he curtlyremark ed, "I earned this much in Italy." Beatrice retorted, "In Italy, you worked, I worked, and your m otherworked to earn this much money."

No more than 5' 6", he often quipped that he had his growth spurt in the womb.163

Candeloro, Chicago's Italians, p. 13.164

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By the time of the 1910 census, the Paolini family had moved to their own apartment at 635 S.165

Centre Avenue, since then renamed Racine Avenue. In December 1909, they had their166 167

eighth child, a boy named Do nato. It should have been a happy time with an optimistic outlook; but it wasnot to be.

Family Losses

Beatrice said that Alfredo suffered severe headaches and high blood pressure; and his temperamentdidn't help his condition. The stroke left him with a slight limp and mentally impaired at times, evenparanoid, to the extent that he went to the Italian consu late in Chicago and told the o fficials that he wantedto return to Italy but that his wife and mother were preventing him. Apparently the Chicago police werecalled, and Beatrice was summon ed. She explained that her husband had suffered a stroke, that he was ill,and not of sound mind. Conseque ntly, no further action was taken by the authorities.

The next incident was probably decisive for Alfredo: he came at Beatrice with scissors. One report ithat he did not harm her, but Carol Jean Sirimarco recalls that her Aunt Ann (Angelina Sirimarco) related theincident, saying that Beatrice had been work ing on her sister’s (Maria Ines Del Grande) weddin g dress at thtime, and that he did stab her with the scissors and hurt her quite badly. No other details of the incident areknow n except that Alfredo was confined to an institution for a period of time. He hated being confined, of course, and appealed to Beatrice to have him released to her care. With her great forbearance, she had himreleased, and he returned home. For how long is not known.

Whether he despaired of his situation, and/or realized that he was a danger tohis own family, he took his own life. His straight-razor had been withheld from him,but he asked his mother for it, and she acceded, but failed to stay and watch him. Heslit his own throat. His daughter Emily found him ‘sleeping'. "He won't wake up,” she

announce d to the family. Emily later recalled that he warm ly embraced her not longbefore he took his life as he always showed great affection for her. Ildebrando AlfredoPaolini died September 4, 1910 at the age of 44.

My father regaled me with the many stories of his childhood throughout his life, yet he nevermentioned how his father died. The story was revealed by my Aunt Emily and confirmed by the coroner’sreport.

 1910; Census Place: Chicago Ward 1 9, Cook, Illinois; Roll: T624_261; Page: 1B; Enumeration165

District: 1579; Image: 273. The exact date of the interview with the Paolini family was April 27, 1910.

This is the same address as that of Antonio Sirimarco and his wife, Maria Ines Del Grande as166

recorded in the 1910 census. There were fifteen households at this address and so it must have been atenement building.

Newman , Scott A., [Map of] Central Chicago and the Loop D istrict: Chicago, Illinois, 1907-1917,167

copyright 2006. http://www.jazzagechicago.com/

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Inquest No. 55848, upon the body of Alfredo Paolini  County of Cook, State of Illinois, on the 8th 

day of September  19 10VERDICT: The said Alfredo Paolini  now lying dead at County Morgue in said  City of ChicagoCounty of Cook, State of Illinois, came to his  death on the  4th  day of Sept. A.D. 1910. In the Cook 

County Hospital. From shock & hemorrage (  sic  ) d ue to ex ter nal vi ole nce , se lf inf lic ted , cu t in h is thr oat wi th a r azo r on

Sept. 3rd 1910 in house 635 Centre Ave, from the evidence offered at Cook County M orgue in the City of Chicagosuicidal. while the deceased was in a deranged state of mind.

At the time of his death, the local Catholic chu rch at first refused to have a mass for him nor allowhim to be buried in "sacred ground," because he had committed suicide. The policy of the Catholic Churchwas and is well established:

That suicide is unlawful is the teaching of Holy Scripture and of the C hurch, which conde mns the act as amost atrocious crime an d, in hatred of the sin and to a rouse the horror of its children, denies the suicide

Christian burial.

Further, Christian burial is to be refused to suicid es (this prohibition is as old as the fourth century; cf.

Cassian in P.L., XL, 573) except in case that the act was com mitted when they w ere of unsound mind or 

unless they showed signs of repentance before death occurred.168

Beatrice appealed the initial ruling and convinced the church authorities that Alfredo was ill and notresponsible for his actions, and so they finally relented. He was interred w ith ecclesiastical rites in theconsecrated ground of M ount Carmel Cemetery, a Rom an Catholic cemetery located in the Chicago suburb oHillside, Illinois.

Alfredo’s life and death reminds us of the stanza in a poem of A.E. Housman which might serve as hisepitaph:

And how am I to face the odds

Of man's bedevilment and God's?

I, a stranger and afraid

In a world I never made.

May peace be upon him.

A month later, on October 21, 1910, Donato Paolini, their youngest son, died at the age of nine

months.

New Ad vent: The Catholic Encyclopedia,168 http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/14326b.htm

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The Courage of Beatrice

The tragedy of these two events must have been crushing for the family. For Beatrice, it must havebeen that and more. Alfredo may have been peevish and self-centered, but he was the head of the household

who provided an incom e, and, by his mere presenc e, a sense of family and stability. Now her children hadno father–no one to serve as a male role model and to protect and guide them, especially the boys. The lossof a second child would have aroused the m emory of the lost of the first Attilio to double the pain. Thesewere two losses that could leave a person numb and w anting to withdraw from the world. At age thirty-oneBeatrice Paolini had no income, no job, six children ranging in ages from two to thirteen, and an aging andsomewhat senile mother-in-law. A lesser woman would have despaired and possibly surrendered.

Beatrice sat alone at her kitchen table and took the money from her purse -- $6.00 was all she had inthe world. She said to herself, "I have $6.00 here - $1.00 for each child, and I'll never ask anyone for a dollaragain."

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Chapter 12

The Discovery of Donato Paolini

In writing this chapter, I wanted to identify the addresses at which the P aolini family resided, and I

realized that I did not have the family’s census sheet for the year 1910 . In the initial stage of my genealogical

research, I used the fourteen-day free subscription from A ncestry.com to search and retrieve census data for

various ancestors, but I had not found one for the Paolini family for 1910 and decided to do without it. Now I wa

a fully-paid subscriber, and so I renewed my search.

After entering known search criteria, such as na me, age, na tionality, and location, Ancestry.com retrieve

the records that are ‘close’ matches. About the fiftieth name listed was ‘Alfreds Pauline.’ I didn’t immediately

recognize ‘Alfreds’ as a possible transliteration of ‘Alfredo’, but I thought it worth pursuing, and so I examined the

image of the census sheet. Indeed the Paolini family was listed, albeit with transcription errors: Alfreds, Bessie

(for Beatrice), Amando, Adolph, Arthur, Ado, Amelia, Atthtis, Donat, Ayyda (Angiola or Angelina). Obviously the

person who had done the transcription was n ot familiar with Italian names. [I entered corrections to each of thenames so that any future searches will retrieve the census record.]

“Why wa s Donato listed,” I wondered– thinking he was Donato Del Grande. Perhaps he was in the daily

care of Beatrice since she had young children–Emily and Otto–and perhaps Gem ma was wo rking outside the

home, though I never heard that she did. Then I realized the sequence of dates: the year was 1910. Donato Del

Grande died in 1909! Obviously it wasn’t him. My mind reeled. Did I have a ‘new’ uncle? In the past six months

I had been finding new cousins which I knew m ust have existed, but to discover a ‘new’ uncle was astonishing.

I read the entry for his age: “5/12". The census was taken on April 27, 1910, so Donato must have been

born in December 1909 or January 1910. My father always claimed that he was the baby of the family, and so he

must not have known, or at least forgot about this younger brother. There was only one inescapable conclusion:Donato had died at a very early age.

About a year prior to this discovery, my mother and I had traveled to Mount Carmel Ce metery in Hillside

Illinois in order to visit the grave site of the Paolini family. Marked by a large granite tombstone a re buried:

Alfredo, Beatrice, and Aldo. On each side of the tombstone is an urn (see photograph). I recalled reading the

symbolism of the urn as a grave marker. Researching the computerized files of the cemetery, we discovered169

‘Baby Zickgraff,’ born of Emily Paolini and Charles Zickgraff and who had lived only ten minutes according to the

burial records. In E-mail correspondence with the cemetery’s administrative staff, the burial notation is170

explained:

Keister, Douglas, Stories in Stone: A Field Guide to Cemetery Symb olism and Iconography, MJF Boo ks,169

New York, 2004, p. 137.

E-mail from Susana Vazquez, Susana, Queen of Heaven & Mount Carmel Cemetery, sent: Monday,170

August 10, 2009 9:46 AM.

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Mount Carmel Cemetery: Grave WT2; Lot S18; Block 7; Section 23. WT2 means West Top of 

grave 2. Usually when it dealt with babies they listed which part of the grave the baby was buried

in since they didn’t occupy the whole grave.

There was no mention of a second child in that previous correspondence. I now sent an E-mail of inquiry to the

Mount Carm el with the specific name of Donato Paolini. Within ten minutes, I received the following reply:

From: Susan Vazquez [mailto:[email protected]]

Sent: Thursday, November 18, 2010 4:35 PM

Subject: RE: Donato Paolini

Mr. Paolini,

I am showing a Donato Pa rolina (sic ) interred on this lot he was buried on Octob er 24, 1910 a t the age of

9 months. I am guessing it is the baby you are inquiring about just an incorrect last name. Thank You.

The Certificate and Record of Death states that Do nato Paolini, born January 18, 1910, died Octobe r 21,

1910 of chronic gastroenteritis.

 

My father w as only about fifteen months old when D onato was born, an d a little less than two years old

when he died; it is not unexpected that he would not remember his younger brother if he was even a ware of him

It is likely that this tragedy was neve r mentioned by his brothers an d sister for fear of upsetting their mother.

*****

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Chapter 13

Work and Play

Beatrice Becomes Head of the Fam ily

After Alfredo's death, Beatrice did receive some welfare funds for the care of the children, eitherfrom the city or the county. It was very little, especially since the welfare case worker w as pocketing part of the money.

Her m ain concern was the care of her children as she needed to workand earn money to support the family. She consulted her parents who advisedher to put the children in an orphanage. She was urged to do the same byMother Cabrini, who had started an orphanage and apparently wanted to fill171

it. She suggested to Beatrice that she place all the children in the orphanage of the Church, but Beatrice refused as she wanted to keep the family together.Though her mother-in-law was not completely reliable, Angelina providedjustification to keep the children at hom e as Beatrice could claim that theywere supervised by an adult. Believing that her daughter needed moreprotection, she sent Emily to live with her parents, the Del Grande, who hadmoved to Oak Park, Illinois.

It is not certain but it is probable that Beatrice began working in a garment factory as aseamstress, that is, sewing parts of garments using a treadle sewing machine. In this period of time, theworkday was considerably longer than today. She probably had to work about ten hours each weekdayand a half-day on Saturday, but her day started much earlier: getting the children dressed for school,172

preparing food, and parceling out chores, etc. She then took a streetcar in order to comm ute to her job.Not surprisingly, she was sometimes a little late. The work area was on an upper floor, and a part-ownerof the firm, one Mr. Goldstein, would stand at the elevator to identify any late workers and dock their pay.Even though the workers were probably paid piecework , they could still be penalized. Beatrice could not afford to lose any money, and so she would run up the backstairs–or possibly it was the outside fireescape–and a fellow worker would open the door for her. She would quickly assume her position at hersewing machine as though she had been there for quite some time, much to the puzzlement of Mr.Goldstein.

Sister Francesca Cabrini

 Francesa Saverio Cabrini, aka, Frances Xavier Cabrini, (1850-191 7), later canonized.171

“... the establishment of the 54-hour week, and the payment for overtime work at the rate of time172

and a half.” Documentary History of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, 1918-1920: Proceedings of 

the Fourth Biennial Convention of the Amalgamated Clothing Wo rkers of America, held in Boston,Massachusettes, May 10 to 15, 1920, p. 51.

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Later on, Beatrice went to work for Alfred Decker & Cohn, a manufacturer of high quality men'ssuits. It was a small firm, and she actually worke d with Mrs. Decker. The firm prospered and madeSociety Brand Clothes. She sewed the buttonholes of the coats, a more skilled job of the clothing trade.

At some point, Beatrice became a forelady, that is, a supervisor of theseamstresses. There are two contrasting views of foremen /foreladies:

If a worker was too good to lose, but yet showed a tendency

to rebellion and toward arousing the discontent of the others,

he or she would generally be made foreman or forelady.173

versus:

After the passage of the 10-hour law , for instance, foremen

in several shops managed to evade the law by requiring the

workers to work before and after punching the time clock,

and the workers did not dare complain.174

She obviously knew her trade. When my father was a youngman, he bought a coat for what he thought was a terrific bargain: $17. Heshowed it to his mother, and asked, "How much do think I paid for thiscoat?" Beatrice examined the coat a mom ent, turned over the skirt tolook at the lining and then said: "$17 ."

The Garment Industry and Unionization

The Del Grande and Paolini were typical of the

major social patterns and movements of their time.Italians were the largest majority of immigrants duringthis period, and they also became the largest ethnic groupin the garment industry with the possible exception of Jews. This industry was a major comm ercial enterprise of the time. By the end of the first decade of the 20 century,th

the garment industry was Chicago's third largest employerand the single largest employer of wom en.

As in Naples, socialistic ideas and its politicalmovement were demanding improved w orking conditionsfor workers. Soon Chicago became a leading center for

organizing the garment workers. Ultimately, the Wom en'sTrade Union League (organized in Chicago at Hull-House), the Amalgamated Garments Workers, and theNational Garment Workers Union were formed here. A most famous strike occurred from September 22,1910 to February 18, 1911, sometimes called the Hart, Schaffner, and Marx strike, the company at which

Courtesy of The New York PublicLibrary. www.nypl.org

Garment Factory Worksat Hart, Schaffner & Marx

Photo courtesy of Carolyn Faber at www.CarolynFaber.net/blog/

Ibid., p. 24.173

Ibid.174

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the strike was mainly directed. It was a massive strike that was started and led by women of diversepositions in the garment industry, and it demonstrated their ability to organize across ethnic lines in anindustry notorious for low wages and bad conditions.

This Chicago strike marked the start of what became the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of Americaof which Beatrice was an active mem ber. Such activitywas very courageous as she and her family were verydependen t on her job. She did her part on the picket line. Once, she said, the police harassed them and put them in the paddy w agon, but then just drove around theblock and let them out rather than putting them in jail.

The results of the strike of 1910 were mixed, but its primary feature was the establishment of “an

arbitration committee of three to be chosen, for thepurpose of considering adjusting all other grievances,and their rulings were to be binding.” This seemingly175

small concession was de facto recognition of the unionwhich was the foundation for an ongoing means of negotiating and resolving differences such as: arbitration of grievances; union representatives at grievance hearings; reduction in working hours; standards of pay for positions; limitations in overtime;union preference of workers. All these rules and standards of behavior between employee and176

employer seem almost “self-event” but in reviewing the conditions of the time, one can appreciate thelegacy of those who fought for worker rights.

While Beatrice and her fellow-workers were successful in organizing the union, working

conditions were never pleasant, but job opportunities were available and wages increased. With theincome she made as forelady, the family lived quite comfortably, even to extent that they were able to buya car when m y father was in high school. She even had a little money to invest in the stock ma rket, as somany people did during this prosperou s period. She invested in the utility stockholding compan yprom oted by Samuel Insull. The holding company collapsed during the Great Depression, wiping out theinvestment of the 600,000 shareholders. This was a scandal that was in the newspapers for years, andInsull fled to Greece and then Turkey to escape prosecution. He was extradited back to the United Statesby Turkey to face federal prosecution on mail fraud and antitrust charges. He was found not guilty on allcounts. In any event, Beatrice, along with the thousands of others, lost all they put into this stock.177

Garment Workers Strike (1910)

Ibid. p. 44.175

Ibid, pp. 69-70.176

Samuel Insull (1859–1938) was an An glo-American innovator and investor based in Chicago who177

was prominent in the development of Edison Electric. He invented the holding company which he controlled,owning shares in several utilities and railroads. Ironically for Beatrice, he was also responsible also for thebuilding of the Chicago Civic Opera House in 1929.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samuel_Insull

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The Paolini on Gilpin Place

About 1912, the Paolini family moved to 1209 Gilpin Place. My father said that it was across thestreet from the Columbus Extension Hospital, also known as the Mother Cabrini Hospital at 1220178 179

Gilpin place. It was here that my father had his famous tricycle incident:180

This incident happened when I was living on Gilpin Place. My godfather and godmother 

 presented me with a t ricycle, and after learn ing to ride i t, I would race up and down the

sidewalk. I noticed that the older boys were riding their bicycles on the street and occasionally

go over the sidewalk curb with the greatest of ease. I had been instructed never to ride my

tricycle in the street, but since in those days there were few automobiles, it didn't seem to me

that there was any danger.

My mother was watching me from our front room window, but because I rode with such

speed (It is amazing how a child of that age could travel so fast!), it was impossible for her to

come outside to warn me not to try to ride the tricycle over the curb. I decided to follow the

older boys with their bicycles and ride over the curb. On down the street, and at full speed, I

hit the curb. You can imagine the result. I landed head first over the tricycle and received two

large black eyes and a large lump on my forehead. My mother's warning was too late. I still

can hear her shouting, "No! No!" It's an experience I'll never forget.

The Passing of Angelina Paolini

It was at this period of time–ab out 1913-- that Angelina Paolini died. For some years she hadbeen in poor health and ate very little, so she was just "skin and bones." She died peacefully in her sleep.It had been Adolph's habit to take a cup of tea w ith some rum in it to his grandmother in her bed each

morning, and when he went in that morning, he thought she was still sleeping, but then realized she hadpassed away. My father recalls the events that followed:

I don't remember very much about my grandmother's funeral, but I do remember 

certain parts of it. I noticed one morning that all the family was up unusually early and 

talking very quietly and walking around in a confused fashion, so I got up and went to see

what this was all about. When I entered my grandmother's bedroom, I thought she was

asleep but was told that she was dead.

Not to be confused with Columbus Hospital, also founded by M other Cabrini and her Missionary178

Sisters of the Sacred Heart in 1905 and located at 2520 N. Lakeview Avenu e.

Later known as Mother Cabrini Memorial Hospital, and still later, probably after 1946 w hen she179

was canonized, as St. Cabrini Hospital.

Later renamed Cabrini Street.180

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Several features of the funeral I do remember. I remember the horse-drawn black 

 buggies (at that tim e few automobiles w ere used for funera ls) to transport the m ourners and 

my family to the church service. The next thing I remember was the railroad station. The

Mount Carmel Cemetery was about 30 miles away and at that time places of such a long

distance were reached by railroad. Lastly, I remember the casket on a caisson was drawn

 by horses to the grave.

See appendix E: Italian Funeral Customs.

The Del Grande in Oak Park

It is thought that the Del Grande fam ily moved to O ak Park, Illinois after 1910 (they are listed at 1114 Vernon Park Place, Chicago in the 1910 census), and rented a second floor flat of a two-flat buildingfrom friends. My father rememb ers that the owners of the building gave parties, and at one party, he saw

an elderly man with a very long white beard speaking Italian–something he had not seen before. Theonly men he had seen before wearing beards were Jewish.

The Don Francesco had a house builtat 921 South Wenonah A venue at the cost of $3,000 according to the building perm it. It was a large, two-story residence–and it had tobe large because it housed Don Francesco,Gemma, Hugo, Lily, Albert and his wife MaryLaframenta, their two daughters, Ethel andBernice, and Anthony Sirimarco and his wifeMary Ines Del Grande, and Emily Paolini.

Emily reported that Aunt Mary alwayscalled her "the orfana" in a verycondescending manner. My father alwaysthought it was Albert's Mary w ho wasinsulting to his sister, and consequently wasrather cold to her through the years. About 

1983, when Emily and my father were recalling their childhood, Emily declared, "Oh, no, Albert's Marywas very good to me–after all I babysat for her. It was Mary Sirimarco, (Beatrice's own sister) who wasso mean." After seventy years, the record was set straight.

The Sirimaro family then built their own home next door at 919 S. Wenonah. Their first daughter

was Angelina Yolanda who was delivered by a midwife and was stillborn. Anthony was naturally veryupset and said any further children of theirs would be born in the hospital. Their son "Bobby" was bornin 1920, and Tony was a doting father. His wife Mary said that when he went to work each day, he wouldsay to her, "Don't make Bobb y cry." Later they had a second daughter and named her Angelina as well.

921 S. Wenonah Avene, Oak Park, Illinois

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The Paolini Moving to Plum Street 

A short time after the passing of Angelina Paolini, the family moved to 1423 Plum Street [laterrenamed Flour noy], which was not very far from Gilpin Street (see map). It was only a block long,

bounded by Laflin Street on the west and by Loomis Street on the east. My father noticed the many fruit trees in the neighborhood–probably plum trees–and was told that the area was once an orchard.

Most of the neighborhood residents were of Italian origin, but there were also Irish. At one time,the area was mostly occupied by persons of French descent, and there were a few French families stillresiding in the neighborhood. The parish church was named Notre Dame, and for years the homily wasgiven in French [the mass at that time was given in Latin]. My father said that he preferred to attend theFrench church after his terrible experiences at Our Lady of Pompeii. So what were these terrible181

experiences?

Our Lady of Pompeii versus Notre Dame

I assume that attendance at Our Lady of Pompeii was my father’s first school experience, and that he was in kindergarten or first grade; he had not learned the masculine art of bladder control. He had touse the lavatory during class one day, and he asked the teacher–a nun–to be excused. Apparentlysuspecting some mischiev ous intent, the nun refused permission. Fortunately, my father did not have an‘accident.’ On the next occasion, after again being refused, he did have an ‘accident.’ When Beatricegathered the laundry that night, she noticed his soiled underclothing and asked him what had happened.My father told the truth which apparently disma yed and displeased Beatrice. She went to the school andconfronted the nun who did apologize.

I think it safe to say that my father was not overly studious nor particularly concerned with the

mysteries of religion and the doctrine of the Catholic Church. He was certainly not one to spend timemem orizing prayers and the answers to questions of the Catholic catechism. Yet he was expected toattend a catechism class that followed the nine o’clock mass, specifically designated for attendance bychildren, every Sunday morning. The nuns were insistent, and children were expected to obey. And thenuns were watchful! My father conceived a scheme for avoiding catechism class, and it worked for awhile. When all adults and children were leaving after mass, he would walk closely with a couple–a manand wom an--so that the nuns would think they were his parents. But after several Sundays, one of thenuns noticed that his parents were a different couple than previously. His escapades were ended, but it also ended his regular attendance. He was prohibited from attend ing mass and catechism classes, so laterhe wasn’t able to make his First Communion.

Two of the more significant landmarks of Little Italy were the Catholic churches of Our Lady of Pompeii and Holy Guardian181

Angel founded by Mother Cabrini. Holy Guardian Angel was the first Italian congregation in Chicago. The parish was established in 1898,and the church was built on Arthington Street in 1899. Due to the burgeoning population, a second major Italian church, Our Lady of Pompeii, was founded in 1911. The Holy Guardian Angel Church was razed for the construction of the expressway system. The OurLady of Pompeii Church is now a the Shrine of Our Lady of Pompeii.

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At school the following Monday morning, it was the procedure for the nun to ask those who hadmissed Sunday m ass to raise their hand. Being honest and trusting, my father raised his hand as didanother boy. The nun told them to go to the cloak room and wait for her. When she arrived in the cloakroom, she instructed them to kneel down and extend their hands upward. My father thought that the nun

was going to say a little prayer for them or perform a rite that would absolve them of their sin, which mayhave been true from her point of view. A loud “thwack” and then searing pain was sensed by my father asthe nun had struck them with a large ruler. My father said that the pain was extreme, but that he wasmore shock ed than physically hurt. He couldn’t believe that this nun, who he thought was supposed to bea saintly person, would do such a cruel thing. My father said that he kept this incident to himself and toldno one until many years later.

Being so unhappy at Our Lady of Pompeii, he begged his mother to cease attending this Catholicschool and attend a public school. Beatrice agreed even though it meant losing a full grade. He thereforeattended John McLaren, an elementary school only a block away from his new home on Plum S treet. Anadditional attraction was that most of the kids on his street attended John McLaren.

The difference in approach to discipline between Our Lady of Pom peii and Notre Dame deChicago is exemplified by an incident reported by my father. In the basem ent of the Notre Dame was agrotto with a cascade of holy water.

This water was a blessing (no pun intended ) because, after playing in hot weather, this cold 

and refreshing water satisfied our thirst. I remember one of the rituals before drinking was to

kneel down in front of the waterfall and say a prayer. Naturally, the prayer was very short.

The boys noticed people praying at the base of a saint’s statue and then placing a lighted candle in fron t of the statue.

We failed to notice that these people were also placing coins in a box by the candles. Later, ayoung priest noticed that we w ere placing candles at the base of the statue without placing

money in the coin box. He gathered us and explained the purpose of the ritual. He was

understanding and kind, and because of his kindness, we respected him and behaved p roperly

as we grew older. What a difference from Our Lady of Pompeii Church! Because of this

incident, my friends and I decided to attend mass at the French church instead.

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Life on Plum Street for Ottie

My father was given the Italian name of  Attil io , but he didn’t like the name an d so he used an

American, or perhaps more accurately, a German version: Otto . One day while playing, he hurt himself.His brother Arthur accompanied him to Columbus Extension Hospital where he was treated by M otherCabrini. He gave her the name of his brother, ‘Arthur.’ When asked by Arthur why he used his name, myfather replied that he didn’t like his. How ever, to his family and friends, he was Ottie.

Because Plum street was not a through street, that is, it was only a block long, and because therewere few car s in those days, it was safe to play in the street. Amon g the activities and games my fathermention ed were roller skating, tops, riding bicycles, and a game called “peg and stick.” He described it asfollows:

A peg is made from a piece of broomstick, about six to eight inches long. The peg is tapered at

each end like a pencil when sharpened at each end. The other part is the stick or bat. The bat

could be about 24 to 30 inches long, and also made from a broomstick. A goal is marked, usually

on a spot on the sidewalk or in any clear area. By using the stick/bat when striking the peg at one

of its ends, the peg would bounce up into the air. The batter would then swing and try to hit the

 peg while the peg was in the air. His opponents would place themselves in the open area and try

to retrieve it. The retriever would throw the peg toward the goal where the batter had placed the

stick upright. If the peg was thrown and landed within the length of the stick, or if it struck the

stick, the retriever would win the point and become the next batter. But if the retriever failed to hit

the stick or come within one length of the stick, then the batter would count the number of lengths

of stick from the goal and where the peg had landed. Whoever reached 200 points first would be

the winner.

My father made many friend s, and was able to appreciate their individual talents. As often the

case, there was an initiation ritual:

After we moved to Plum Street, I met Chuchu, who was about my age. Each day, when he

first caught sight of me, he would immediately wrestle me and pin me to the ground. He never 

caused any injury but it made me feel so helpless. At first I thought he disliked me, but this

didn’t seem to be the case. After he wrestled me to the ground, he would play with me, and we

enjoyed each others company. I tried to avoid this morning ritual, so when I came out to play, I

would open my door slightly and look carefully up and down the street to see if I could spot

him. This was a useless effort because sooner or later the inevitable happened. Chuchu really

took a great delight in this ritual.

The exception happened on my first day at John McLaren School. My mother had dressed 

me in a new white outfit. The other boys wore knickers and black stockings, but my mother insisted on me wearing shorts. It made me feel like a sissy. I rebelled, but to no avail. My

mother accompanied m e on the first day at school, and she instructed me to behave and to keep

clean. When the teacher met us, she complimented my mother on having such a nice boy, and 

she also commented on my white outfit.

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Taylor Street 

Mother Cabrini Hospital (circa 1930) Notre Dame de Chicago(built 1887)

Columbus statue in Arrigo Park (2010)(statue made for Columbia Exposition 1893)

Otto Paolini in front of 1423 P lumStreet (circa 1973)

Our Lady of Pompeii(Erected in 1923-1924)

Flickr user hedgehog3457

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At the first recess, there was Chuchu waiting anxiously to confront me. I warned him not to start

anything, remembering my mother’s admonition to behave and keep clean, but before I knew it, he

had pushed me down in a dirty puddle of water. This infuriated me so much that I jumped up and 

with a great charge, I nailed him, and down he went with me on top of him. Almost immed iately Ifelt someone yank m y collar, and when I turned, there was the teacher who w as supervising the

 playground. She gave m e a severe lec ture. When my classroom teacher saw the mess, she became

very upset and instructed me to tell my mother that she was not in charge of the schoolyard at

recess.

My father was always quite conscious of his appearance. He dressed for the occasion. This personaltrait may have stemmed from the fact that all members of the family were tailors at one time, and thereforeall were able to make their clothes and were conscious of fashion. This trait was in evidence in my father’schildhood and continued to adulthood. My mother told me of an incident described by my father. He waslate to school one morning, and gave the excuse that he had to iron a shirt that morning before coming toschool. When he gave this excuse to the teacher, she was very sympathetic–“You ironed your ow n shirt?”

Very touching! When Beatrice heard him tell this story one day, she hit the ceiling. “There was never a daywhen you didn’t have a clean shirt to wear to school. You mean you didn’t have the shirt you wanted towear.” My mother commented:

“I’m sure she was right. She not only kept the clothes washed and ironed, she made many of 

them. I can particularly identify with this situation as there have been instances in the past where

there might be at least six clean shirts in the closet, but Dad wanted the one that was no t ironed, or 

maybe even not washed, in wh ich case he would wash it, work at getting it dried as soon as

 possible, and iron it.”

As time passed, my father developed a group of friends on Plum Street, and it is obvious from hisdescription that he appreciated each in their own way:

Our bunch was small at first: Rocky, Chuchu, Tripoli, and Johnny Bear. Each one of us had a

certain ability and talent. Rocky, for instance, was a brilliant boy; he skipped a couple of grades in

grammar school, and we all respected his knowledge of the subjects of history, mathematics, etc.

Chuchu was the strong boy of the bunch. He was very athletic and very active, but he was a not a

 bully . Tripoli w as the great swimmer. When he was only about twelve years old, he swam from

the south end of Oak Street Beach to Belmont Harbor, quite a feat for a boy of that age. We all

admired him as this was about the time that Johnny Weissmuller was making his name at Oak 182

Street Beach where he was a lifeguard. Johnny Bear was the best athlete of all of us–a good 

 baseball player. He becam e a professional ballplayer; though he never made i t to the b ig leagues,

 bu t he came close. We alw ays followed his career and admired him. Johnny Bear never forgot his

old gang, and occasionally he would come over and talk about the good old days. He was very

modest and never showed any conceit. As for myself, I seemed to enjoy all sports and adapted so

that I wasn’t left behind, but I was never exceptional at any one sport.

Johnny Weissmuller (1904 - 1984) was an Austro-Hungarian-born American swimmer and actor.182

He was one of the world's best swimmers in the 1920s, winning five Olympic gold medals and one bronzemedal. He won fifty-two US National Championships and set sixty-seven world records. After his swimmingcareer, he became the sixth actor to p ortray Tarzan in films, a role he p layed in twelve m otion pictures.Dozens of other actors have also played Tarzan, but W eissmuller is by far the best know n. His character'sdistinctive, ululating Tarzan yell is still often used in films.

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I was able to organize the group, and was looked upon as a leader as they respected me and 

followed my suggestions. In those days, we entertained ourselves, and we never seemed to be

 bored . We p layed a lot of games, and we seemed to enjoy each others company and friendship.

There are many games we played, and at very little expense and equipment. We played tops and 

marbles, and we flew kites. We made our own kites as there were none to be purchased. We played a l itt le baseball although w e w ere sti ll too young to play any organized baseball .

Much of the play took place in the street as automobiles were not prevalent as today; most of thebaseball was played in Vernon Park, latter named Arrigo Park in 1974, but commonly called Peanut Park bymy father and his friends then as it is today. For a brief history, see appendix D: Arrigo Park .

Technologically Challenged

The telephone was a wonder in my early years. I remember when the telephone was installed in

our home. I observed members of my family using the phone, and one day, when I was alone, I

decided to try to phone my friend Rocky. I proceeded to lift the receiver and immediately heard the operator ask, “Number please.” I answered, “1423.” I didn’t know there was such a thing as a

telephone number, and I thought she wanted the house number of his street address. The operator 

said again, “Number please,” but I was so confused that I hung up the receiver. What I didn’t

realize is that I couldn’t have talked to Rocky anyw ay: he didn’t have a phone!

Shopping with Mom

Apparently Italian immigrants continued their native custom of negotiating the price of a product rather accepting that which was shown or initially stated. My father recalled that as a boy his mother wouldtake him shopping, and remembered one instance in which Beatrice was shopping for a new pair of shoesfor him. After finding a suitable pair, she inquired of the price. The quote not being acceptable, she grabbed

my father's hand and started for the door. The salesman argued that the price was reasonable for the shoesof such high quality. As each point in his argum ent was being made, Beatrice would pause, then at it'sconclusion, she pulled my father to the door. Halfway out the door, the salesman finally relented: "Okay,okay, lady. You win! How much ?" Finally an acceptable price was quoted, and the sale consummated.

Justice or the Lack Thereof 

I have mentioned previously that Plum Street was lined with beautiful trees. Unfortunately after 

a few years, most of these trees became diseased, and the city removed them and planted new

young saplings. Each home owner had the responsibility of caring for the tree in front of his/her 

 property. In fact, Rocky's father, Mr. Pacenti , not only watered his tree faithfully , but built a guard 

around the tree trunk and carefully watched and tended the tree. It just so happened that across

from Mr. Pacenti's home, there was a house owned by an absentee landlord, and therefore no one

cared for the newly planted tree in front of this house. We kids wou ld play on this property and 

would reach up and grab hold of the top branches and bend the trunk. We would then place our 

caps on the upper branches and then let go the branches wh ich would catapult our caps into the air.

You would think that treatment of this sort would damage the tree, but on the contrary, and much

to the consternation of the neighbors, this tree became the fastest growing and largest of the trees,

while Mr. Pacenti's tree which received love and care looked sickly and g rew very little.

Ironically, situations of this sort happen to many of us in our lifetime. You follow a certain,

 proper procedure very carefu lly wh ile another person is careless and ignores all the rules and ends

up with better results than you do.

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Life’s Mirror

One of the sports that I enjoyed a great deal and became quite skillful was the spinning of tops.

I learned to spin tops without the top landing on the ground. After winding the string around the

top, I would throw the top downw ard and just before the top reached the ground, I would pull thestring sharply upward so that the top would land on the palm of my hand. Once the top was

spinning in my palm, I could perform several tricks. I was so proud of my accomplishments that I

decided to show my mother.

I was in the living room when I called my mother to come and see my trick. She immediately

warned me not to spin the top inside the house. I disobeyed her instruction and proceeded to spin

the top. I was very confident of my skill as I had always been successful in performing this trick.

However, this time, instead of the string making the top spin, the string slipped from the top, and 

top shot straight forward and struck a large mirror which shattered. I can still see the expression

on my mother’s face. I dove underneath the couch because I feared that she would strike me. She

never did hit me, but she lectured me severely–a lesson I learned the hard way.

How to M ake a Golf Ball

Another thing I can remember is the golf ball incident. One day, while playing in the street,

some of the older boys were playing with a golf ball. Golf was not really popular at that time, and 

scarcely known to us in the inner city. It was the first time I had seen a golf ball, and I was

amazed by this little white ball that could bounce so high. The boys were having a lot of fun with

it. I asked one of the boys where I could get one, and he said, "Well, you can buy one." I said,

"Where could I buy it?" None of the boys knew where to purchase one, but one of them said,

"Why don't you make your own?" I said, "make my own? How do you do that?" Well, it just

happened that down the street they were repairing a roof and the workers were using black tar. He

suggested that I go over there and get a ball of black tar -- the same size as the golf ball, and then

take it home, put it in a glass and fill the glass with milk, and after a few days you would have a

nice white golf ball.

I ran over to the workers and asked for some tar. At first they told me to go away, but when I

told them I wanted to make a golf ball, they seemed amused and told me I could have some tar. I

shaped it into a ball and dashed home, put the ball of tar into a glass which I filled with milk as I

had been instructed, and put the glass on the bathroom window sill. My brother Art noticed this

glass of milk on the window sill and asked, "What the heck is this?" My other brothers knew,

 because I had told them of this pro jec t. They all laughed when I told them that this ball of tar 

would turn into a golf ball. My mother didn't want them to hurt my feelings, and she told them to

stop laughing. They stopped making fun of me as they realized that sooner or later I would find 

out that this was an idiotic thing to do.

Of course, every morning the first thing I did was to rush into the bathroom to see if my ball of 

tar had been transformed into a golf ball. After a week or so, I became very discouraged and my

 brothers seemed to sense it. Th is I d idn't know until later on. My bro thers talked i t over and 

decided to do something about it. They went and purchased a golf ball, and in place of my tar ball,

they put this nice new golf ball. Well, that morning when I woke up and discovered this real golf 

 ball, I was elated and sta rted yelling and shouting, "Look, look, -- i t d id turn into a golf ball ." My

mother was quite amazed as she knew it was impossible, but the boys explained what they had 

done. She thought it was a wonderful gesture on their part. They knew that later on, I would 

realize it was a big joke.

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A Close Call

One of the often stated platitudes of football is that it is a game of inches, by wh ich it is meant that the difference between succ ess and failure is quite close. It has been my experience that the same is true of 

death: it is only a few inches away, though we hardly notice it.

Adolph found some small bullets, and the boys tried to explode them by striking them with ahamm er. One of the bullets finally did explode, and struck Arthur in the leg. In my father’s telling of thisstory in his remin isces, he does not specifically identify who struck the bu llet that hit Arthur, but Arthur’sdaughter, Carol Jean Paolini, says that she was told it was my father. I believe that deed was too painful andembarrassing for him to admit.

Arthur did not heed Shakespeare’s advice that discretion was the better part of valor: he often tookchances. Once he was playing leapfrog over the hitching posts, and, being of small stature, failed to clear. Hefell on his arm and dislocated it. Later, he bought a motorcyc le for which he had to run along side to start and then leap forward in order to m ount; in so doing, he again once broke an arm .

In both cases of the dislocated arm and bullet wound, Arthur was taken to Columbus ExtensionHospital at which Mother Cabrini was the head official. Beatrice was again confronted by Mother Cabriniwho strongly suggested that the boys be sent to the orphanage; but again Beatrice refused.

Saintly

As Beatrice was pressured to place all the children in an orphanage, she had to be quite strong toresist In any article about Mother Cabrini, she is always described as a saint who answered God’s call to aidthe poor in the most loving and kindly manner. From m y mother’s conversations with Beatrice, one gains adifferent impression, that she practiced the type of charity that assumed that she knew best.

When m y father had his tonsils removed, and it came time for him to be discharged from thehospital, Beatrice had to get an authorization slip signed byMother Cabrini. Talking to another nun, Beatrice waitedpatiently though she could understand that they were just having an idle conversation in Italian. Finally, Beatriceinterjected, “Mother, my son is very tired. Could you signthis paper?” Mother Cabrini just waved her aside, and in avery annoyed tone said, "Don't interrupt!"

The Church and Italian Immigrants

The local church had been the a mainstay of thevillages and towns in Italy, and so the Italian imm igrants inAmerica supported the construction of a church for their‘village’ in the city. The notion of campanilismo–that theboundary of one’s home or neighborhood is that which iswithin earshot of the churc h's bell– included the festivalsand church ceremonies and w ere instituted in America as well.

The Daily Catholic ranked Frances Xavier

Cabrini the 45 of the top 100 Catholics of th

the century, and is considered the

"Patroness of Immigrants" as Pope Pius XII

declared on November 13, 1950 when he

established her feast day for the Church in

the United States. Pius XII had canonized

Saint Frances Xavier four years earlier on

June 7, 1946. Daily Catholic, October 8-10,

1999 vol. 10, no. 192.

I’m not sure that Beatrice would have

ranked her that high.

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Holy Guardian Angel (Sant'Angelo Custode) was the first Italian congregation in Chica go, establishedin 1898, and the church was built on Forquer (later Arthington) Street in 1899. When the population183

grew to such an extent that an additional church was needed, Our Lady of Pompeii was built on Macallister(later Lexington) Street in 1911. Both these churches were assisted in their foundation by the Scalabrini

Fathers. As indicated above, Notre Dame de Chicago was also in the area, and though built by French-184

speaking immigrants in 1887, it also served the Italian comm unity. See map for locations. These were‘national’ churches meaning they were established to serve a national/ethnic population; as such, thesermons and confessions were spoken in the national/ethnic language.

On the other hand, while Italians had a strong allegiance to their parish, they were suspicious andoften held anti-clerical attitudes toward the Catholic Church and the papacy due to the latter’s support of thfeudalistic and oppressive regimes over centuries in Italy, plus opposition to the unification and creation of the Italian state. This adverse attitude changed over time , and by the 1930s, allegiance to the Church wasquite was strong.

Beatrice did not quickly forgive and forget the Church’s initial denial of the mass and burial in sacred

ground of her husband Alfredo. She said that she ceased attending church until the baptism of hergranddaugh ter, Carla Zickgraff, in 1937–twen ty-seven years later. Still, she had maintained her religiousviews and belief in the need for religious instruction of her children as they were sent to Catholic schools.

The Catholic Church was one of five ethnic institutions that served the Italian community initially,that is, for those who had immigrated:

• the  padrone: persons who assisted Italian nationals in imm igrating, securing housing, find a job,etc. while charging a fee or taking a percentage of earnings;

• Italian ‘banks,’ which may or may not have been incorporated and legally constituted but lent money;

• mutual aid societies and fraternal organizations: while sometimes offering a variety of services,it was primarily constituted to provide for a decent burial or temporary financial support due to illness or injury;

• Italian-language newspapers, e.g., L’Italia, La Tribun a Italiana Transatlantica, La Parola dei

Socialisti, La Fiaccola;

• th e C ath olic Ch urc h

As native-born and next-generation Italian-Americans left the Italian enclave and became morefamiliar with American institutions–American newspapers, banks, insurance companies, and trade

unions–they forsook their ethnic counterparts save that of the Catholic Church. The parish was part of alarger institution that had operated in their n ative land, in the Italian enclave, and, starting in the 1920's, it was now operating in non-Italian neighborhoods of Chicago and its suburbs. It operated in much the samemanner, that is, the liturgy of the mass was in Latin and the rituals and vestments were similar or identicalto those in their Italian neighborhood. The Catholic Church had shown enoug h flexibility to meet their need

Churches listed in the 1900 Chicago Directory (also called "The Lakeside City Directory"),183

http://genealogytrails.com/ill/cook/churches.html

An order founded by John Baptist Scalabrini (1839-1905), bishop of Piacenza, Italy.184

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for which there was no strictly ‘American’ equivalent with which it competed as did the other Italianinstitutions that withered and died.

School Attendance–or the Lack Thereof 

Being sent to school did not necessarily mean attendance. The four boys–Arman do, Adolph, Arthurand Aldo– w ere often truant from school, and so at some indeterminate point in time, but probably around1914, they were sent to St. Mary Training School for Boys, a Catholic orphanage in Des Plaines, Illinois, a185

suburb of Chicago. Arthur mention ed years later that they really learned a great deal while at the school, buthey missed their home and often ran away in order to return home. They may also have been motivated186

to work because it gave them a sense of accomplishment and a sense of honor in contributing to the familyand helping their mother.

Although Beatrice preferred to have them continue their education, she finally acceded to theirwishes, and my father believed that they were all hired at his mother’s place of employm ent. In the 1920census, Beatrice, Ado lph, Arthur, Aldo, and Em ily list their occupation as tailor; Otto was still in school at age

eleven, and Armando was overseas.

Beatrice made most of her children’s clothes though she didn’t always have to make new outfits asthe boys grew older. As one grew too large for one shirt or pants, the next in line took possession. As shemade these clothe s, she taught her children the family craft of tailoring.

Social Life

The Italian comm unities of Chicago formed numerou s voluntary associations: mutual benefit associations, parish clubs, school organizations, marching bands, settlement house clubs, and even aProtestant vacation Bible schools was established on the Near West Side to complement the social network

of the extended family of the Italian community.187

Still in existence, it is now called Maryville Academy. The experience of the Paolini brothers is185

again representative of the socio-political policies and movement of the times. By 1890, there were twelveorphanages in Chicago, but reformers such as Jane Addam s were already attacking them as places that 

warehoused children in unhealthy, overcrowded buildings. Some reformers believed that children shouldremain in their home if available while still others contended that orphanages were needed but should be in arural setting as they presumed such a setting had been instrumental in the development of the Am ericancharacter and culture. Thus several orphanages of the inner city moved to spacious suburban campusesincluding The Catholic Boys Asylum in the Bridgeport neighborhood m oved to Des Plaines and became S t.Mary's Training School for Boys. See appendix F: St. Mary Training School for Boys.

No record of attendance was found in response to a request for Armando, Adolph, Arthur and Aldo186

on November 24, 2010.

Candeloro, Dominic, "Chicago's Italians: A Survey of the Ethnic Factor, 1850-1990, chapter 8 in187

Ethnic Chicago: A Mu lticultural Portrait  by Melvin G. Holli and Peter d'Alroy Jones, editors, Wm. B. EerdmansPublishing Co. Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1995, p. 239.

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No doubt there was an extensive informal social network woven throughout the Italian sections of Chicago. Often these relationships were based upon places of origin in Italy, so that Abruzzese, Camp aniansPugliese, etc. often congregated in the same neighborh ood. Relationships were also formed through

fraternal, mutual aid, and political organizations such as the  Associa tion of Pugliesi in Am erica , Società diUnione e Fratellanza , and the Order Sons of Italy .188

From the persons identified, the friends of the Del Grande and Paolini families seemed to have beenpersons and families operating small businesses. Throughout the years of troubles and hard work, Beatricemanage d to have good times and enjoy life. In all the pictures of her, she is very well dressed and all thefamily wore nice clothes and had excellent food.

When my father was a small child, his mother would often take him to parties with friends in theneighborho od. One family, named De Leone, he described as quite distinguished, the father being addresseas Don Carlo and his wife as Donna Rafaela, which are titles of respect reserved for the educated class.

My father recalled a little incident that embarrassed him and his mother:

These gatherings of our friends at the De Leone hom e were quite frequent, and of course we

were invited to be there at a certain time. My mother usually had so many chores at home that she

would occasionally be late. In one case she sent me on ahead, and when I arrived, they inquired 

where my mo ther was. I replied that she would arrive shortly, and that she had to put on her 

 sottana  and dress. They all laughed, and when my mother arrived, they greeted her with, “Oh

Donna Beatrice, we see that you have put on your  sottana and dress as Ottie told us.” They

laughed again. But my mo ther gave me a rather stern look, so I knew that I had said something

improper. The sottana , which is an Italian word, is a slip or petticoat–an undergarment, and then I

understood that I shouldn’t have mentioned such a thing.

My father remembered the fine dinners at the De Leone home. Mrs. De Leone was a gourmet cook,and she enjoyed having dinne r guests. Even if she was short of money and really couldn’t afford to give a bigdinner party, she would paw n some belonging to raise enough money for a party.

On the passage to America, Beatrice met the Vivianno family, headed by two brothers who startedmaking pasta in their basement and were so successful, they grew into the largest manufacturers of pasta inChicago, calling their company the Chicago Macaroni Company.

“Italians,” Encyclopedia of Chicago.188 http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/658.html

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A downside to the success for the Viviano family was that the they were extorted by La Mano Nera189

(The Black Hand), a criminal organization whose roots can be traced back to the Kingdom of Naples as earlyas the 1750s. Typical Black Hand tactics involved sending a letter to a victim threatening bodily harm,kidnaping , arson, or murder. The letter deman ded a specified amoun t of money to be delivered to a specific

place. It was decorated with threatening symbols like a smoking gun or hangman's noose and signed with ahand imprinted in black ink; hence the name. Beatrice said that a woman from the Black Hand lived with190

the Vivianno family as a potential threat to their children and to generally keep an eye on them.

Other close friends of the Del Grande’s were the Agnini brothers. They were engaged in themanufactur e of costume jewelry, and they were also musicians and singers. Actri Agnini sang small roles inopera, and Oresto played the piano. Usually the big gatherings were held at the home of Rafaella De Leone.She would serve an Italian gourmet dinner, and after the dinner, the guests would sing–mostly Neapolitansongs and also opera. My father remembers:

“... one day Oresto came dashing over to our house to play a new song on our piano

which had just arrived from Italy. It was called Rimpianto , and he got us to enjoy it191

long before it became popular all over the country for many years. Now I hardly ever hear it.”

When parties were given by these people, therewas good m usic and plenty of wonderful food, and withdiscussions of literature and opera. The only argumen tsmight be about an opera performance.

Beatrice always managed to attend the opera, nomatter how difficult life became. Until 1929,performances of the Chicago Civic Opera and the ChicagoSymphony O rchestra were held at the Auditorium

Theater, 50 East Congress Parkway.

Auditorium Theater

The biography of Salvatore Viviano states that “In 1910 he removed to Chicago, Illinois, where with189

four of his brothers, he opened another macaroni factory.”http://genforum.genealogy.com/pa/allegheny/messages/3352.html

Nash, Jay Robert, World encyclopedia of Organized Crime, Da Capo Press, 1993.190

The Black Hand was not a centrally organized criminal operation with blood-oaths and roots in Italyas was the Sicilian Mafia. It was a generic name of innumerable small groups of criminals. This operation of extortion and murder ceased due to the maturing of the Italian populace who sought remedy from the policeand Federal governmen t, the latter intervening through the power of the U.S. Postal Service as the notes towould-be victims were sent through the mail. Perhaps the most significant factor in its demise wasProhibition effected on January 16, 1920: the criminal saw a new and more lucrative source of revenue.

Rimpianto Serenata (Regret Serenade) was written by Enrico Toselli in 1900 when h e was only 17191

years of age. http://www.delcamp.us/viewtopic.php?f=12&t=46939&start=0.

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Visiting Relatives

Recollecting his visits to his relatives, my father wrote:

We spent most holidays, Fourth of July, Thanksgiving and Christmas, at my grandfather'shouse. My grandmother, with the help of my aunts, would prepare a huge and delicious dinner.

My g randfather sat at the head of the table and after we had finished the main course, my

grandfather would tell tales, mostly of his experiences in Italy.

There was a doctor who practiced his profession in a small fishing village in Italy.

One day his son, who was also a doctor, came to visit him. The son suggested that the

father take a vacation and that he would take care of his patients while he was away. The

old doctor took his son's suggestion. After the son had treated several patients, a

fisherman with a bandaged hand came in, bringing a large kettle of fish that he gave to

the doctor. When the young doctor removed the bandage, he noticed the hand was

slightly swollen and that there was a fish scale embedded underneath the skin. The

doctor asked him if his father had been treating him, and fisherman said, "Yes, he hadbeen treating him for a long time." This puzzled the young doctor for he could not

believe his father had not noticed the fish scale that was causing the infection. He

proceeded to remove the scale and in a few days the hand healed. When the father

returned from his vacation and asked his son if everything went well. The son said, "Yes,

except the fisherman's hand. Hadn’t he noticed the scale underneath his skin?” The

father said, "Yes, he had noticed it," and then asked his son if he had removed it. The son

said “Of course.” The old doctor sighed, "Well, now we'll have to buy our own fish!”

When he told some amusing story, everyone would laugh. I joined in the laughter although I

really didn't understand the stories, especially the punch lines. I laughed just to be part of this

 joyful fam ily group.

There were always bowls of nuts dates, figs and fruit on the table. I noticed on severaloccasions that my grandfather would peel a peach and slice it into small pieces and put them in a

large glass. He would then fill the glass with wine and let the peach absorb some of the wine. He

would then eat it and give one or two pieces to some of us children. I sort of enjoyed that.

One day, at home, while my brothers were outside playing, and I was alone, I saw some

 peaches in a bowl on the table, and I thought it would be a good idea to fix these peaches as my

grandfather did. I stood on a chair to reach the bottle of wine which was on a high shelf. I poured 

the wine over the sliced peaches and ate and drank the whole thing. You can imagine the results.

I became very groggy and fell asleep on the kitchen floor. When by brothers came in and saw me

lying on the floor, they were alarmed, thinking I was ill. I remember Aldo lifting me up and 

turning me over. I looked up at him with a dazed expression and grinned. He turned around to my

other brothers and said, "Why -- the little punk is drunk!" They tried to get me up, and I staggered and wavered. They thought my antics were hilarious. I wanted to get away from them, so I

grabbed the kitchen door to go outside. The door seemed to wobble from side to side, and I again

fell down. My brothers enjoyed this great comedy. They never told my mother of this incident. I

don't know whether they were protecting me, or if they thought they would be scolded for not

looking after me. Many years later, at a family gathering, when we were telling humorous stories,

they did relate this to my mother. My mother was flabbergasted to hear this, but since no harm

came of this, we all had a good laugh, including my mother.

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When I imagine the life of Beatrice in these years after the death of Alfredo, I think main ly of thedifficult, arduous, and probab ly lonely task of supporting her family: working long hours at a tedious job inharsh conditions under autocratic and niggardly m anagem ent. I think of the time and effort she had to

expend in order to feed and clothe her children . I think of the anxiety that she must have felt not knowingwhere her boys were and what they were doing when she was at work. Yet she seems to have been verysuccessful as a parent. The boys seemed to have been well-behaved, caring of each other and caring of theirfamily. They may have evaded school, but they did not shirk the jobs that supported their family.

I know that my father in later life realized the support and sacrifice of his mother and his brothers,but at the time, I believe that he was quite oblivious. To him, this was the best tim e of his life as he so oftensaid.

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Chapter 14

The Great War

Armando’s Odyssey

With the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria on June 28, 1914, the ‘war to end all wars'comm enced. Italy entered the Great War for a variety of reasons. The most prominent rationale put forth bits government was that of irredentism in which the claim was made that the Tyrolean region should be parof Italy as there was a high percentage of Italians in this Austrian held territory. To a certain degree, this waa sham. The Italians were still fearful of the Austrians who had crushed their attempts of achievingindependence, republicanism, and unification in the 19 century. The Austrians had maintained a standingth

army and launched their invasions from the Tyrol. Denying the Austrians this region would mean therelocation of their army beyond the Alps, a natural defensive barrier.

"To the victors belong the spoils," as the saying goes, and Italy wanted a seat at the victor's table

when it came time to award the spoils, particularly the lands of the Ottoman Empire. Italy delayed enteringthe war because it bargained with both sides, the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance, for the best pre-wardeal, that is, guarantees of territories and m ilitary assistance; it also tried to discern the winner based uponthe first year of fighting. Italy chose the Triple Entente of Great Britain, France and Russia, even thoughAustria was willing to yield to most of the demands for territory in the northeast. But for some, the war wasseen as a means by which Italy could achieve greatness:

"...After long years of national humiliation, God has been pleased to grant us proof of our 

 privileged blood....Blessed are they that have, for they have more to give and can burn with a

hotter flame....Blessed are those young men who hunger and thirst for glory, for they shall be

filled."192

Gabriele d'Annunzio poet and revolutionary born in the Abruzzo,

Italy declared war on the Austrian-Hungarian Empire on May 23, 1915. With the drain of manpowerdue to the flood of emigration in the preceding years, the Italian nation appealed to its departed sons:

“When the First World War broke out, the King of Italy advertised in the journals for nativesons to return and fight for their homeland. In return, and if they survived, they would begiven a thousand-dollar bonus and free passage back to America.”193

There were many organizations in America that were formed locally and/or by the instigation of theItalian government to aid and assist Italian immigrants in acclimating and succeeding in America. One of these organizations served to recruit soldiers for the Italian Army, and it succeeded in enlisting oneArman do Camillo Giovanni Paolini. Beatrice objected, but he departed anyway. With the help of friends,

Beatrice contacted the Italian Consulate and the International Red Cross in an effort to have him returnhome; however, because he was 18 years of age, he could not be released from his enlistment. 

Smith, Denis Mack, M odern Italy: A Political History, The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor,192

1959, p. 264.

Paolicelli, Paul, Under the Southern Sun: S tories of the Real Italy and the Am ericans It Created ,193

Thomas Dun ne Books, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 2003, p. 85.

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Arma ndo had been born in Italy, and emigrated at the age of nine. His parents were not naturalized,and thus they and he were still Italian citizens. Had they been naturalized, he would have derivedcitizenship. How ever, he would still have been obligated to serve:

“Although Italians lost their Italian citizenship when they acquired foreign citizenship, this did noteliminate the obligations of military service incumbent on all Italian-born males.”194

 During the period of the war, Italy had a conscript army–youngmen had no choice but to report for military duty when called. TheItalian governmen t identified its potential recruits for the Italianmilitary from the atti di nascite, the registry of births in eachprovince. A military record was found for the Del Grande’s oldest son, Carlo Alberto, who was born in Italy in 1893 and em igrated in1898; it can be deduced that he became a potential recruit,probably upon birth, but certainly by age five. Not having foundany military records of Armando, it is not known w hether or not 

the Italian government contacted him and recruited him, orwhether he answered the clarion call of his native land.

Surely his mother feared for his life and worried about himthroughout the war. But his mom ent of peril was short lived. In his first engagem ent, Armando wascaptured by the Austrians at the famous Battle of Caporetto , which was a disastrous defeat for the195

Italians. For Armand o, it must have seemed like a waste of time: he spent the remaining two years of thewar in a prisoner-of-war camp.

At the end of the war, the Italian prisoners were released, but afforded no transportation that wouldenable them to return to Italy. Arm ando and his comrades were forced to return to Italy as best they could.

Armando Paolini

Briggs, John W.,  An Ita lian P assage: Immigrants to T hree Am erica n C ities, 18 90 -193 0, Yale194

University Press, New Haven, 1978, p. 134.

There are no recollections of Armando in his capture in battle nor his imprisonment, but I did find195

a very interesting personal recollection of one such Italian. His story is provided in my monograph History of 

Italy  and is entitled: Virgilio’s Caporetto Odyssey .

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At this point, events and reasons are rather vague and somew hat conjectural. There is no doubt thaArmando wished to return home to America immediately, but he was unable to obtain his return as therewere com plications over his identification papers. When a prisoner of the Austrians, his identification

papers had been taken from him, and so he was unable to prove his identity to the satisfaction of officials,but it is not known which officials. Presum ably the Italian army could determine his identity, so it is likelythat it was the American government that raised objection as to his identity and therefore had not allowedhim to return to the United States immediately. It is possible that legislation enacted in 1917 madeimmigration more restrictive and docum entation m ore stringent.

In trying to re-establish his identity, he declared that his father’s name w as Alfredo, which w as theonly name he had heard his father called. “Ildebrando” was his father’s given name. It was recorded on hisbirth record, the record of recognition by his mother Angiola, and it was on the manifest of the ship (SS 

Moltke) on which the family had immigrated. I have not found any record originating in Italy with the nameAlfredo. More than likely, it was a nicknam e that he adopted. Therefore, attempts to equate Alfredo withIldebrando using the available existing public records in Italy and America failed, thus leaving Armando

stranded.

  To prove his identity, it may have been necessary for Bea trice to provide an affidavit that stated thaIldebrando and Alfredo were one and the same person, that he was the father of Armando, and that both hadimm igrated in 1906. In any case, this bureaucratic entanglement took more than two years to straightenout–lengthy even by Italian standards.

His location and movem ents during this time are again vague. It is known that there was aremaining sister of Don Francesco named Maria Grazia Del Grande that would have been Armando’s greataunt; and in fact it is known that he lived with a woman who was called `Zia,’ either because the name wasshort for Grazia or because  zia is the word for aunt. On the manifest record of the Braga, the ship on whichhe embarked for his second immigration to America, in the column entitled, ‘Name and Complete Address of 

 Nearest Friend or Relat ive in Country whence A lien Came ,’ it states: “uncle di Giulio Camillo POPOL I.” Amarriage record was found for Camillo di Giulio and M aria Grazia Del Grande.196

Camillo and Zia were childless, and she wanted Armando to stay with them, and she hinted that he197

would inherit their property. Not surprisingly though, Armando was hom esick for his family, and hewanted to return to Amer ica. One wond ers if he ever regretted this decision.

It is difficult to understand how a young man supposedly in the Italian Army, or possibly recentlydischarged, with no visible means of support, and living in the Abruzzo, would be able to take a trip to Paris.But the fact that he received a letter from a girl in Paris after his return to the Un ited States gives evidencethat he did so. Again, one can only imagine the nature of this relationship and what his life might have beenhad he pursued this woman.

Marriage record of Maria Grazia Del Grande and Camillo Di Giulio, 19 Dec 1888, in Popoli, Abruzzo,196

Italy, Registri dello stato civile, 1809-1910, 1888, Number 6 7, FHL INTL Film [ 2016265 ]

Maria Grazia was 61 years old when Arman do emigrated in December 1920. If she didn’t have197

children then, she certainly would not have had children after 1920.

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Obviously he returned from Fra nce, and traveled to the Port of Napoli in order to board a ship forAmer ica. As he related to his family, the day before he was scheduled to depart, he went down to the harborto see the ship on which he had booked passage. Apparently it did not inspire confidence. Another man walooking at the ship as well, and Armando remarked, “Tomorrow I’m going to the United States on that ship.”

The man replied doubtfully, “I don’t think you’ll make it.” But he did make it--returning on 5 January 1921on the ship called the Braga.

Other members of the Del Grande and Paolini families served in themilitary during the Great War, but none had a tale to tell as interesting asArmando’s.

American Service

Hugo Del Grande joined the American navy, being stationed at theGreat Lakes Naval Training Center, and Adolph Paolini joined the American

army, being stationed at Fort Snelling near St. Paul, Minnesota. Neither went overseas though Adolph's regiment was being readied to be sent to Europeand to sail from Boston, Massachusetts when the w ar ended.

My father vividly describes his brother Adolph's return:

While I was playing on the street, I saw my brother in his army uniform, walking in great

strides. I rushed to greet him, and when w e met, he tapped me on the head and said, "how‘re you

doing, Ottie?" I was sure proud of him, and later when some of the boys met me, I told them about

my brother. They asked me, "What was he in the army?" I told them, "probably a sergeant."

Well, I didn't know a sergeant from a colonel. But he did make corporal.

I kept saying, "Wait until you see my brother" to everyone. We were all anxious to see him, but - - oh my God, w hen he came downstai rs dressed in civ ilian clo thes, we w ere all stunned and 

disappointed, and I of course was the most disappointed of all.

Few Italians immigrants joined the Italian army, but many did register and serve in the armed forcesof their adopted country:

“...in the American Army , perhaps 300,000 men of Italian stock, or very conservatively, 245,000,

more than any other immigrant nationality, were enrolled.”198

“The Italians are about 4 per cent. of the whole population, but the list of casualties shows a

full 10 per cent. of Italian names.”199

“There was no shipyard, amm unition-factory, airplane-factory, steel-mill, mine, lumber-camp, or 

docks in which Italians did not p lay a large part, and often the most prominent part, in actual and 

efficient work.”200

Scoville Park, Oak Parkwith name of Hugo Del

Grande

Rose, Philip Marshman, Italians in America, George H. Doran Co., New York, 192 2, p. 97.198

Creel, George, How W e Advertised America, the first telling of the amazing story of the Com mittee on199

 public info rm ation tha t carried the gospel o f A meric anism to eve ry corner of the globe, Harper and Brothers,New York, 1920, p. 177.

Ibid.200

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This contribution and sacrifice increased ethnic pride among the Italian community and increasedprestige and honor in the eyes of all Americans. It also had a significant econom ic affect that benefitted theimmigrant community. The war caused an extreme decline in immigration and thus a decrease in the laborsupply; at the same time, it caused an increase in d emand for m anpower for the p roduction of war m atériel.

Therefore wages rose dramatically, thus providing those who remained a greater income.

Arthur’s Contribution

Sometime during this period of 1912-1915, Arthurbegan working as a tailor. While it was probably a factory201

and not a sw eatshop per se, he said that it a terrible p lace towork. It was cold in the winter and hot in the summer,especially for those who position was in the middle of theroom. As one gained seniority, he/she could move closer tothe window which afforded some cooler and fresher air. He

claimed that conditions in factories did not improve until theunions were formed and pressured the owners to improvethe workers situation. For this reason, Arthur was a memberof the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America and alwaysproclaimed that he was a ‘union man.’

Aldo Takes Otto Under His Wing

 With Armando and Adolph in military service, and Emily with their grandparents, only Aldo andOtto were left at home. Aldo was five years older than Otto, and no doubt was charged w ith his supervision.Correspon dently, my father grew exceptionally close to his brother Aldo and was someone he greatly

admired . In his memoirs, he wrote:

Aldo was my next oldest brother, and he and I had a great relationship. He took the most

responsibility for my safety and development. I was lucky to have a brother of this quality. When

Aldo was quite young, about fourteen years of age, he showed talent in art by drawing

continuously–drawing on any material he could get. One of his most astonishing drawings was

that of a battlefield of World War I that he drew on the asphalt pavement of the street. The picture

covered about 100 to 125 feet, and was a located a block from our school. Some of the school

classes were permitted a recess to see this work of art. Aldo never finished school–for a reason I

never knew. Even though he went to work, he continued to draw.

And now comes a turning point of his life. My mother was able to attend English classes

along with other immigrants during her lunch period at work. The teachers of these classes were

volunteers, mostly from the northern suburbs of Chicago. My mother was very anxious to learn

English, and she became close with one of the teachers. Naturally she often mentioned her family,

and her son Aldo who had great talent for drawing. This teacher was from a wealthy family, and 

she was very interested in art. She asked to see some of Aldo's work, and after she did, she

immediately wan ted to ask him if he would like to go to art school. Naturally he accepted, and so

she enrolled him in the Art Institute of Chicago. This made the entire family happy and proud.

Garment Factory Workers

His daughter, Carol Jean Paolini, stated that her father told her he started work at age twelve.201

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Since Aldo and I w ere very close and spent a lot of time together, he would pass some of the

secrets of art to me, and he tried to teach me the meaning of art. He tried to encourage me to draw,

 but even though he praised some of my work and would tell our m other that I had talent, I wasn't

ambitious enough to pursue it.

When I look back on those early years, I realize that it was a wonderful period of my life, and 

that my close and loving relationship with my brother Aldo was wonderful.

Hull House

The teaching of English by a volunteer and her intervention to have Aldo enrolled in the Art Instituteof Chicago suggests involvement with the Hull House, a settlement house founded by Jane Addams and LindGates Starr.

The original house for which the settlement was named

was an Italianate mansion built by real estate magnate Charles J.Hull at 800 South Halsted in 1856. By the time Jane Addams wassearching for a building to house her new enterprise, the househad become dilapidated. The settlement house was opened in202

1889 for which its founders had had very mod est goals. Theyimagined a place to offer art and literary education to their lessfortunate neighbors. The leaders and volunteers of theorganization were prominent and w ealthy women who resided inthe Gold Coast community and the northern suburbs of the city.203

Obviously they saw the need for education in the areas that they themselves had been educated so as to be refined and

cultivated women. It soon becam e obvious to them that more practical education and training were what the immigrants needed and wanted: English language, cooking, sewing and technical skills that could qualifthem for a job. To their credit, they recognized the needs and responded.

The influence and accomplishments of Hull House at the local, state, and Federal level were many:establishment of the city’s first playground and bathhouse, investigation of housing, working, and sanitationissues, the establishment of the first juvenile court, lobbying for protec tive legislation for women a ndchildren, child labor laws, occupational safety and health provisions, compulsory education, and protectionof immigrants to name a few. These leaders also became reformers in their own interest: women’s204

suffrage.

The Paolini family were part of this socio-political environment and movement that have built institutions that are now the everyday fabric of our society.

Hull House Mansion Dinning Room

The present-day building is but the residents dinning hall (dating to 1905) and rebuilt missing202

portions of the mansion which was m oved 200 yards from its original location in order to accommodate

buildings for the University of Illinois Chicago campus.  “Essential Architecture: Jane Addam s’ HullHouse” http://www .american-architecture.info/USA/CHICAGO/CHIC-LS/CHIC-LS-041.htm

One of the seventy-seven comm unities designated by the Social Science Research Committee at the203

University of Chicago as described previously.

Encyclopedia of Chicago, http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/615.html.204

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Paolini Familycirca 1915

Otto (Attie), Aldo, Beatrice, and Arthur Paolini(about 1915)

Emily and Beatrice Paolini

Emily Paolini

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Paolini Familycirca 1915

Arthur Paolini Sr.

Maria Beatrice Del Grande [Paolini]

Armando Paolini

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Chapter 15

The Family Reunited

Coming Home

On August 14, 1917, Don Francesco and Gemma said farewell to their youngest daughter Lily asshe boarded a train for Milwaukee, Wisconsin. She had decided to take vows to become a nun and w asenrolling in St. Joseph Convent. A year later on June 25, 1918, she pledged the Franciscan order and tookthe name of Wilma.205

Having lost her roommate and close friend, Emily Paolini asked to return to her family. AsArmando and Adolph were still away in service, there was a room for her, and, being ten years old, shewould attend school for much of the day and not need constant supervision. Expecting Adolph andArmando to return shortly, Beatrice relocated the family to larger quarters at 1739 Polk Street–slightlywest of the ‘Little Italy’/Taylor Street area and a block away from the West Side Grounds, then home of 206

the Chicago National League Ball Club (Cubs). The building was owned by the Dinella family, headed byVincenzo Dinella who had seven daughters, all of marriageable age.

Adolph return home in 1919, and Armando returned in 1921. The Paolini family was reunited forthe first time since the death of Alfredo in 1910. My father states: "We were happy to be together againand enjoyed many wonderful times." He describes family life:

It was a custom that the entire family sat together at the dinner table, and we wou ld have

some interesting conversations and some heated argumen ts, mostly about baseball--the Chicago

Cubs versus the White Sox. Art and Adolph were Cub fans and Aldo and I were White Sox

fans. Armand was not an enthusiastic baseball fan at that time, so he didn't participate in the

 baseball discussions, but loved to discuss polit ics and opera .

There is no saint recognized by the Catholic Church as Wilma. A reply to the inquiry regarding her205

name stated that it was assigned by the bishop. E-mail from Mary Ann Eichenseer, School Sisters of St.Frances, May 29, 2007.

The history of Italian settlements in urban centers is not the subject nor within the scope of this206

family history. Also, it is a subject that continues to evolve with various generalizations and explanations. It does seem to me that the Taylor Street neighborhood may have been disheveled and dirty, as the inhabitantsbecame more prosperous and as reformers clamored for more and better services, both to the people and the

infrastructure, the neighborhood b ecame quite livable. In the course of this time, its schools, churches,recreation facilities and settlement houses influenced and acculturated these foreign-born peoples toAmerican living patterns and values.

The consequence was its undoing. Many of the foreign-born immigrants and their second-generationoffspring moved out of the area, often for the suburbs wh ich depopulated the neighborhood and led to thedemand of ex pressways to bring them back to the city-center for their white-collar jobs. As substandardstructures were demolished, the vacant land becam e available for institutional development for the ChicagoMedical Center and the University of Illinois. Clearance of even the standard housing w as required for thepaving of the Dan Ryan and Congress expressways. Little remains of the Italian enclave save a few street of houses and some Italian restaurants.

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*****Characterization of Italian Immigrants

The literature on immigrants in general, and Italian imm igrants in particular, present a very

contrasting picture to the Del Grande and Paolini families. Consider the following quotes provided by Briggs:

The parents of these [immigrant] children work with the hands rather than the head;

therefore, the children whose experience is much more limited than that of average children

must have the latent power within them developed almost entirely in the schoolroom. They

have very little idea of law or obedience, some of them are half fed and most of them are very

dirty. About one-half do not speak English.207

A teacher in Utica, New York, 1906

Most of the Italian people are not interested in higher education, but wish their children to

go to work as soon as the law will permit. We aim, therefore, to include in the work of the first

six grades such knowledge and information as will be of most use in the kind of life they are

 planning to lead. It is also t rue that w e a re equally anxious that they secure an appreciation of music, drawing and poetry.

The home life of our children is bare, and from an American stand-point, unattractive. The

children receive little or no ethical instruction, there is no real social family inter-course and 

very little proper instruction in common household duties.208

A principal in Utica, New York, 1916

As I have described the Pa olini family, the contrast with the observations and generalizations of Italian

immigrants is quite stark. Beatrice wanted her children to continue their schooling, but they needed to wo rk

in order to support the family–clear evidence of family cohesion. While none of them save perhaps Aldo were

devoted to school work, all advanced in their occupations and all were knowledgeable of current events as

they avidly read the newspaper. All spoke English as well as Italian. All pitched-in with family chores, myfather maintaining the fuo co  (fire in the stove) as a prime exam ple. The incident of my father ironing his shirts

before school indicates both his cleanliness and neatness [for w hich I carry the family gene] an d his self-

reliance. Aldo certainly had an appreciation for drawing, and all had a love and knowledge of music. Their209

dinner conversation is evidence of fam ily inter-course.

I am no t certain as to whether the Del G rande and P aolini families were different from other Italian

families because they we re of a different social class, or that Italians were mis-characterized and/or over-

generalized based upon a few fam ilies, or that American schools were so successful that they instilled these

positive attitudes, behaviors, and knowledge. I have my ow n preferred explanation, but I leave it to the

reader to select his/her own.

*****

Briggs,  An Ita lian P assag e, p. 208.207

Briggs,  An Ita lian P assag e, p. 213.208

In relating these stories, my mother related, somewhat plaintively, that Italians were209

notorious for being dir ty, but she got one that was fastidiously clean.

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Challenges

Aldo was just a child h imself but he had the responsibility of preventing me from getting

into trouble or being hurt. He was also responsible for keeping our two coal stoves burning,

 bu t sometimes he became so involved in his p lay that he would let the s toves go out. Duringwinter days, it became dark in early evening, and order to get the stove started before our 

mother came home from work, he thought of scheme to get me to work as well. He challenged 

me to a race as to which of us could get a stove burning first. Hard coal was used in the stove

in the living room, while soft coal was used in the kitchen stove; the latter being much easier 

to start. He would first pick the kitchen stove, and of course, I would object and wanted the

kitchen stove which was fine with him because then I was helping him do his chore.

Another way he got me do things was to challenge my speed. He would bet me I couldn't

complete doing som e chore before he counted, for example, to 100, or whatever he thought

would be fair. Of course I raced as fast as I could and naturally he waited until I was just about

done and then he w ould start the final count.

Swimming in Lake Michigan

During the summer when we were about 10 or 11 years old, we would go to Oak Street

Beach on Lake Michigan, located just north of downtown. What fun we had because of the

spaciousness, and we were able to run along the shallow water and play gam es like wrestling

and leapfrogging, etc.

One day we decided on an adventure. Where the sandy part of the beach ends, the land juts

out towards the deep water from which there is a strip of concrete about 20 feet wide and a

 block long . We decided to swim from this str ip to a b reakwater about 300 to 400 feet away.

The breakwater ran parallel to the shore and was about the length of a football field. Most of 

us jumped in and started toward the breakwater. What we didn't know was that there was a

strong current running parallel to the shore.

Only one of the boys, Carmen Vitullo, didn't start swimming with us. He followed us a

little later, and after a few yards from shore, he yelled back to the peop le on shore to tell him

when he was halfway so he could decide whether or not he could swim the full distance. Later 

we realized that the distance of halfway and return to shore is equal to the full length.

We swam straight to the breakwater, but because of the current we drift sideway and had to

keep adjusting our direction in order to reach the breakwater. We all made it. We laughed 

afterwards, but we all knew that it was a foolish exhibition that cou ld have resulted in tragedy.

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Beach Dress Code

The popular style of bathing suits for men at that time was blue trunks with a wide white

canvas belt, together with a white sleeveless top. One day while at the beach, I became

uncomfortably hot, and I decided to remove the top of my swimming suit. Only a short timeelapsed when the lifeguard came over and ordered me to put my top on again as men were not

allowed to be shirtless. Now, at my retired age, when I visit the beach and see these young girls

so scantily clad and think back that an eleven-year old boy was told he must wear a top, I can only

laugh at the contrast.

Field of Dreams

This area on Polk Street was not a very prosperous section of the city. It was not a slum,

 but m ore or less a blue colla r neighborhood. A block away from our home w as the o ld Chicago

Cubs ball park–the original one–across the street from the Cook County Hospital. This

 ballpark had been built in the late 19th cen tury. The C ubs m oved from this park in 1916 to the

 present Wrig ley Field at Addison and Waveland which was built for a team in the Federa l

League which failed.

In front of the old stadium was a large parking area with posts about four feet high

anchored in the ground and about ten feet apart from one another. There were several row of 

these posts. These posts had been used years earlier to hitch the horses and buggies, prior to

the use of automobiles. Part of the parking area was cleared of the hitching posts, and therefore

we were able to play baseball. Most of the time we played softball or "piggy move-up" since

we usually had only seven or eight players–not enough to make two teams. Piggy move-up

was played with only a few batters and mostly fielders. When one of the batters made an out,

he would take the place of a fielder who would then move up and become a batter. We played 

until we got tired. Then we went across the street to the county morgue to get a drink of cold 

water at the drinking fountain. The water was always cold because Chicago's water supply isfrom Lake M ichigan which is always cold and doesn't need any refrigeration.

As I was a new boy on the block, I was the victim of a scheme by the others boys. The

other boys would wait while I was drinking, then they would all rush out and slam the door 

 behind them. I tried to rush out as fast as I could, realiz ing that the next room was where they

kept the cadavers. Naturally I was frightened. With all the speed and strength I could muster, I

 pu lled at the door to try to escape w hich I finally managed to do. This was the initiation of the

"new boy on the block." Whenever a new boy moved into the neighborhood, I was anxious to

see him go through this same o rdeal.

Another pastime of ours was to go over to the psychopathic hospital and lay on the grass in

the shade. We always looked up at the windows to see some of the patients. We never spoke

to them except one day on the first floor near the entrance, we noticed a very pretty girl, but allwe could see was her head. We started talking to her and found her to be very charming and 

 pleasant. We said to her, "You're such a n ice girl. You don't look like the rest o f them." We

talked to her several times, always asking why she was in there. She just smiled but never 

answered our questions. Then one day she came out of the side entrance and walked toward us.

To our amazement, she had on a nurse's uniform. We realized how stupid we had been. She

was gracious and just smiled at us and said a few words. From then on, whenever she passed 

us, we would have a little, pleasant conversation with her.

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When I was about twelve years of age, I joined the Duncan WMCA on Ashland 

Boulevard. Here I learned to become a better swimmer and diver, and also I learned to

 play billiards, tab le tennis and basketball . My greatest love was baseball. It was at that

time that I started to gain some recognition of my skills as a ballplayer. I would also

occasionally visit the Jane Addams Hull H ouse where I started to learn todance–something at which I never became very accomplished.

At Hull House I became acquainted with a boy for whom I had great admiration. He had 

 been in an accident and had lost a foot. He had an artificia l l imb, and we boys called him

"Leggy." This was probably a cruel thing to call him, but we didn't realize that, and we didn't

mean to hurt him. He accepted it in good humor, and it didn't seem to offend him at all. Even

with his handicap, he played basketball and baseball. He became fairly good as a baseball

 pitcher, and we accepted him as just another p layer. He didn't ask for any favors , and we didn 't

grant him any.

While I lived on Polk S treet, I became more active in baseball, and when I was abou t

twelve years of age I wanted to play on an organized team. Therefore I went back to my old 

neighborhood on Plum Street to see if there was an organized team. A few of us decided to

organize our own team. There was a youth center on Ashland Boulevard called Chase House.

This youth center occupied a large residence as were most of the houses on Ashland Boulevard 

 between Van Buren and P olk Street as they were owned by well-to-do people a t one tim e. As

the city grew, these people moved from this area, and some of these large homes were now

fraternity houses for the medical students of the university.

The Chase House was run by Episcopalian nuns who I respected very much. The were

dressed in habits like those of the Catholic orders, except that they wore gray. We boys had a

meeting with the head nun and a priest, and they were more than happy to sponsor our baseball

team by furnishing us with a supply of bats, balls, and uniforms with the "Chase House"

emblem on the back. This was a real godsend to us. They were responsible for our good 

 behavior, probably preventing us from getting into trouble. We respected them, and I guessthey tried to do their best to make us happy. They even furnished a meeting room for our 

occasional business meetings when we made our rules and regulations; also we would invite

some of our opponents when there was a tournament or contest that we wanted to organize. As

I reflect on Chase House, I believe that if more centers were organized as well as this place

without a lot of regimentation and preaching, young people would probably respond as we did.

Because we appreciated and respected them so much, we always tried to behave and please

them. This was one way we could show them our gratitude, and we were happy to do so.

After several years of playing for the Chase House Tigers, we boys decided to raise some

money to purchase more equipment and bats and balls, as there never seemed to be enough.

We didn't want to impose upon this wonderful organization who had been so kind and generous

in furnishing uniforms and equipment. After some discussion, we came to the conclusion that

we would sponsor a dance to raise the money we needed. Well, right down the street on PlumStreet, there lived a young man who played the drums with a small band. They played at

weddings and other neighborhood events. We asked him if his small orchestra would play at

our dance. He agreed. The next thing we had to do was make arrangements for a dancehall.

At that time, some of the city parks had recreation halls. The one we selected was out west --

Columbus Park. We went there and explained what we wished to do. The official said, "If you

do not charge admission, there will be no charge to you for the use of the hall."

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Of course we were going to charge admission, so the fee for the use of the hall was $25. We

decided to charge twenty-five cents admission per person. Each member of our team was given

an allotment of tickets to sell and the dance was to take place in about a month. Because of my

age, I had very little experience in selling tickets. I was able to sell only two tickets to a girl

and her friend who I had known in my early days in grammar school. I also sold tickets to mysister and her boy friend.

The orchestra arrived early prior to the eight o'clock starting time for the dance on a

Saturday night. All the ball players also showed up before eight o'clock and waited anxiously

for the people to start coming. A short time afterwards the two girls I sold tickets to arrived 

and a few minutes later my sister and her boyfriend came. None of the ballplayers brought any

girl friends. Since there were only four people there, the orchestra was reluctant to play but we

 persuaded them to sta rt. After quite som e tim e, no other guests appeared. As I w as president

of the club, I inquired of each member to account for how many tickets they had sold. The

confessed that they hadn't sold any. This experience was really a great fiasco, but it did teach

me a lesson in how to attend to the details of organizing a project.

Of course, we had no money to pay the orchestra. The orchestra leader would come to our 

meetings and demand payment. We promised him that we would pay in the future, knowing

full well that we had no way of raising the money. He wanted to know when we would pay

and we said that maybe at the end of the baseball season we would have enough money to pay

this debt. However, since we were never paid for playing ball, and we never bet on our games,

there was no way we could pay him. At the beginning of our association with Chase House,

we had discussed the matter of betting on gam es with the nun in charge and with a priest and 

they said they would not like to use the Chase House name in connection with such a thing as

 betting on games. I m ention this because betting on games was the custom at that tim e.

After several attempts to collect his money, the orchestra leader gave up, but for years,

whenever I saw him, he and I would enjoy a laugh about the dance. Later on, we became a

well-established ball team, and we were booked to play against church organizations such asthe Knights of Columbus and Veteran's Hospital. We were paid a small amount. A prize was

also given to the winning team, and fortunately we often won this prize. By that time, we lost

contact with the orchestra leader and so we couldn't pay him.

John McLaren Elementary School

At the John McLaren Grammar School, it had been the custom

of the graduating class to give a graduation present to the school.

Previous classes had given many fine pictures of King Arthur and 

the Knights of the Round Table, and some of the students

suggested that we give this same type of gift.

However, it was brought to our attention that the school office

windows were without any curtains, so we voted to give curtains

as our graduation gift. We had a contest for the best design which

was to be printed across the bottom of the curtains. The curtains

were to be made of a plain beige fabric called pongee. The student

who won the design contest also would do the work of printing the

design on the curtains. To my surprise, my design, which

consisted of a pear and two leaves, was selected as the winner.

John McLaren School

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A working place was set up in the manual training room, and I cut out my design from a

square piece of linoleum. Each section of the curtain was stretched onto a frame. I would add 

 paint to the design, reddish yellow on the pear and green on the leaves. I was cau tioned to be

very careful and not to hurry. One error meant that the section could not be used. I was happy

that I didn't make a single mistake. Everyone was very proud of our gift and I was so glad thatI was able to give something in return to John McLaren School, which I loved.

William McKinley High School: Two Strikes and You're Out 

I graduated from grammar school and entered the William McKinley High School where I

tried out for the baseball team in the spring. Some of the players on the team I already knew

and also had played against some of them in the past on sandlot baseball teams.

I believe that these players told the coach of my previous experience, and the coach though t

that I could fill the vacancy left by the previous star shortstop who had graduated. Everything

went well during practice and during the regular scheduled season. I was often complemen ted 

on my play, and I felt very confident and very happy. We won most of our games that season,

 but the very last game o f the season proved disas trous for me. In the latter innings of the game,

with the bases full, I struck out and to make things even w orse, I made an error in fielding.

McKinley High baseball team did win the West section championship that year but lost the

first round game against another section. In all that time, I was not the regular shortstop

 because of my poor performance at the last game of the regular season. In other words, I w as

"benched."

 Natural ly I was very disappointed and depressed because of this experience. I thought I

would never play baseball again with desire and confidence. I knew I had the ability and only

needed guidance from an understanding coach to reach my po tential in baseball.

At this time, I could have used some advice and some guidance. I never asked for any

 because, foolishly, I thought I knew all the answers. This was a terrib le, terrib le mistake,

 because I developed poor study habits, and I lacked ambition to improve myself.

The Tortoise and the Hare

At McKinley High School, in my first English class, I had a very young teacher who was

exceptionally competent. The first assignment she gave us was to write a fairy tale or a fable.

She said the story itself was not important as long as the gramm ar and sentence structure were

correct. We could take all the time we wanted to complete the assignment as long as it was

finished by the last week of the semester. I kept putting off this assignment until the very last

day. Then I panicked. I went to the library in desperation and looked for books of fables and fairy tales which I thought would fulfill the requirement. I copied one of the fables word for 

word and turned it in to my teacher. The next day when the teacher came to class, she

commented on the work that had been turned in, and she said that she would like to have some

of the students read their stories aloud. To my surprise, she called my name first. I was

reluctant to read my story. I said I would rather not read it aloud. I would prefer to have some

other student read theirs. She vigorously insisted on having me read my story and said if I

wanted to receive my credit in English, I would have to read it. I got up and sort of fumbled 

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and she said, "Wait a momen t. I want you to announce the title and read your story, word for 

word, as you have it on your paper."

I announced the title, "The Tortoise and the Hare." The entire class exploded with

laughter. The teacher tapped for attention, and I knew that I was going to be ridiculed throughout the whole thing, so I refused to go on. The teacher again threatened me with a

failing grade if I didn't go on. The further I read the more hysterical the class became. They

were rolling in the aisles by the time I finished. "How stupid could anyone be," they must have

thought. I received a zero on that paper, and also I failed that course.

As foolish as my father app ears, I think that it should be recogn ized that he takes the blameentirely on himself; he doesn't try to shift the blame to others nor offer excuses though he does come torealize that he could have used some help.

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Chicago

John McLaren ElementarySchool

Hull HouseThe original building of the Hull HouseSettlement was built in 1856, with the dining hallbeing built in 1906 (the above complexsurrounds the original building). The dining hallhas been relocated and was declared a ChicagoLandmark in 1976.Jane Addams Collection, Swarthmore College PeaceCollection

West Side Field (1906)The phrase "W ay out in left field" originated at the West Side Grounds, due to the location of apsychiatric hospital behind the ballpark's left field fence, where players and fans could hearpatients making odd and strange remarks

during games.

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Cook County Hospital (1900)(1876-1914)

McKinley High School (1901–1996)

2040 West Adams Street Chicago, IL 60612

Cook County H ospital(1914-2002)

Austin High School (circa 1920)(1898-1930)

231 North Pine Av  Chicago, IL 60644-2333

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Chapter 16

Five Weddings and Two Funerals

Return to Normalcy

In 1920, Warren G. Harding cam paigned for the presidency on the slogan of “Return to Norm alcy”and won. With two exceptions, the slogan seems to have been adopted as a plan of action for the decadeby the Paolini family.

Adolph returned from service toresume his job as a tailor. Aldo also workedas a tailor though he did pursu e studies at the Art Institute of Chicago for a w hile.

Arthur also continued his work as a tailorthough his daughter Carol Jean reports that he supplemented his income by becoming apool hall hustler. Emily and Otto continuedtheir high school education. It is believedthat Beatrice continued to work for AlfredDecker & Cohn.

All who immigrated save Aldo became naturalized citizens:

Beatrice 1 October 1935Armando 7 June 1927Adolph 17 June 1918Arthur 20 December 1934

Adolph was probably naturalized under provisions of nationality law for aliens serving in the U.S.military; specifically it waived the Declaration of Intention requirement and waived or reduced theresidency requirem ent. Thus a soldier could file a petition and be naturalized in the same day. Adolphwas naturalized during service while residing at Fort Snelling near St. Paul, Minnesota. Arm andosubmitted his petition for naturalization on February 23, 1921, a month after he returned from Italy, and

was naturalized six years later. Beatrice and Arthur submitted their declaration of intentions about the

210

same time (1934), probably in anticipation of the Social Security Act of 1935.

Emily and Otto

For the use of the man ifest of the SS Moltke in processing her request for citizenship, see210

appendix A.

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Arthur Paolini and Josephine Dinella

At the apartment building at 1739 W. Polk Street, theavailability of two young bachelors in their own building was

too tempting for the Dinella sisters, Anna and Josephine, to211

resist–and it’s doubtful that they tried. It was said by manyfamily members, who shall remain anonymous, that Anna andJosephine pursued Armando and Arthur, respectively.

According to Beatrice, Arthur had been going with ayoung lady who worked in the same shop. The two had aquarrel, and perhaps she overplayed her hand. Arthur starteddating Josephine and then married her. When the young girlheard the news of the marriage, she wept and said, "I didn't think he would do that."

Apparen tly Arthur needed to have one last fling. Two week s before the wedding, he and his uncleHugo drove to New York City "in order to try out his new car." Somehow he forgot to mention thisexcursion to anyone, including his mother, brothers and fiancée. Josephine was ready to kill them both.

Arthur and Josephine were married in front of a judge on December 31, 1923 ; but there was a212

second marriage cerem ony. Arthur had insisted that they be married by the civil authority as wasrequired in Italy. Josephine did not recognize the legitimacy of this marriage ceremony, and she213

insisted that they be married by a priest in a Catholic church. After the ceremo ny on New Year's Eve,Josephine continued to live in her parent’s apartment until the church marriage on January 19, 1924.

Vincenzo Dinella and AngelinaCostrina [Dinella]

Their father, Vincenzo (Vito) Dinella, had immigrated in 1883 from Pescasseroli, a medium size211

city in the Abruzzo. Initially he worked as a laborer in the construction of canals. Several canal projects wereundertaken in the period 1887 to 1922 such as that wh ich linked the Chicago River to the Des Plaines River.

Vito became a  padrone, meaning that he sponsored the passage of other immigrants and found them jobs forwhich he was repaid with interest; he helped the new imm igrant surmount the language barrier andexplained American labor practices. He also was a foreman in a construction company, and he determinedwhich men w orked and what jobs they were assigned. For this reason, families often gave him presents at Christmas time in order to gain or retain his favor.

He seems to have hon ored his ‘marital obligation’ as his wife Angelina Costrina who bore children in 1889 an d1890 in Italy, but he seems to have voluntarily committed to a relationship in America. His dalliance did not go unnoticed, and word got back to his wife who had remained in Italy. She and their daughters emigratedsoon thereafter so as to re-establish their marriage. There is a noticeable gap in the birth of children from1890 to 1902; otherwise, they regularly produced children reaching a total of eight.

Petition for Citizenship of Arthur Paolini, No. 122991, dated 20 Feb 193 4.212

Starting in 1809 with Napoleonic law and continuing to the present.213

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There are two pictures of Josephine and Arthur in New York; oneincludes a picture of a man that appears to be his uncle Hugo. Did heaccompany them on their honeymoon?

In his Petition for Citizenship recordedon February 20, 1934, Arthur recorded hisoccupation as tailor. In the 1950s, and 60's, heworked in a tailor shop, Leonard's Store ForMen, in Elmhurst, Illinois owned by a man214

named Leonard Shapiro.

His daughter, Car ol Jean, said that herfather worked six days a week, usually morethan nine hours a day. He was a perfectionist,and nothing left the back room until he had

inspected and approve d it. Carol said that he made suits for at least one

mobster, probably Sam Giancana. Two men w ould enter by the rearentrance; then two more would enter and stand at the entrance leadingto the front of the store; then two more would enter with Giancan a. Themobster would often buy several suits at a time costing thousands of dollars. Once he dropped a $100 bill on the floor while her father wasfitting him; when Arthur retrieve the bill and attempted to hand it back tohim, Gianca na refused to take it, saying that it was dirty because it hadbeen on the floor.

My father bought many of his suits at Leonard’s as he probably received some discount plus extraattention to his suits from his brother. He once bought not one, but twoBorsalino hats. They were beautiful hats, but he seem to have forgotten or not realized that he and my mother were planning to move to Florida where such

hats were not needed nor an appropriate style. Still, my father could neverbear to part with those hats.

Josephine had tuberc ulosis in the early part of her marr ied life, and shehad to undergo a treatment in which her lungs had to be collapsed and surgeryperform ed, which was successful. She was in a sanitarium for a time but exactly how long is not known.When she was in the sanitarium, her roommate was the sister of Baby Face Nelson, a notorious Chicagomobster. Josephine said that they loved it when he came to visit because he brought both of them allkinds of presents, such as candy, flowers, nightgowns, robes, etc. Apparen tly Josephine's lungs wereseverely damaged by the disease, and she was very susceptible to pneumonia, which she had a couple of times. Carol and her brother Art were checked periodically for tuberculosis.

Josephine bore her first child, a daughter named Mary Therese, on October 1, 1931, the Feast Dayof St. Therese, and hence the name. Sadly there was a complication in the pregnancy (placenta previa inwhich the placenta grows in the lowest part of the womb (uterus) and covers all or part of the cervix).Mary Therese lived only one day, dying on October 2nd, the day designated by the Catholic Church as acelebration of the Feast of The Guardian Angels. "My mother talked about her all the time as though shelived awhile," reports Carol.

Now called Leonard's Fine Mens Clothing, it is still in business as of this writing (2010).214

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Happ ily Josephine successfully bore two healthy children: Arthur jr. born in 1936, and Carol Jeanborn in 1941. Apparently there was frequent contact with the Dinella's because when Art jr. started totalk, he could speak Italian as well as English.

Uncle Art (or 'big Ar t' as I used to say, in order to distinguish him from his son, 'Little Art or Art,Jr.) was the most personable and the most amiable of my uncles. He usually had a cigar rolling around inhis mouth, and a twinkle in his eye.; and of course he was well dressed.

Armando Paolini and Anna Dinella

In 1924, Armando married Anna (Anne) Dinella. The photographs of the wedding couple and thegroomsmen and m aids of honor indicate quite an elaborate affair. The two couples, Armando and Anna,Arthur and Josephine, bought a two-flat at 5324 Crystal Street, which is located in the community215

called Austin on the city's far west side, a neighborhood to which many upwardly mobile Irish and216 217

Italians from the inner city were relocating.

It seems that Anna and Josephine had the idea of buying the two-flat, probably influenced by theirparents who invested in real estate. It was rumored that they practically made the deal before tellingtheir husbands, but Carol Jean remembers that it was the brothers, Armando and Arthur, that insistedthat they buy and live in the building. In 1947 or 1948, they bought a eight-flat building at 5467 W.Hirsch Street in Austin.

At the time these two families moved , Austin was still a strongly Republican ward . Uncle Art saidthat when he went to register for the first time for a primary election, there was a long line that movedvery slowly. Finally an election official came out and asked, "Does anyone want to register and vote in theDemocratic primary?" My uncle was the only one who raised his hand, and so allowed to proceed to thefront of the registration table for Democrats.

In addition to the two couples, a third sister, Edith, and her husband Glen, lived in the basement apartmen t. Carol Jean described her childhood as living in one household where the children (herbrother Arthur Jr., cousin Joan Marie, and herself) could enter any of their relative's apartments as thoughit was their own. When one didn 't care for the dinner being served by their mother, they could dine at one of their relatives.

My mo ther recalls that Mrs. Dinella reportedly had a heart condition and just sat in a chair. WhenJosephine and Anna had guests, she wouldn't (or couldn't) even come up to the second floor. When thetwo-couples moved to the two-flat in Austin, and Mrs. Dinella would come to a party, but she didn't sit at the dining table because there was a dish of mayonnaise on the table, and she said it made her sick to lookat it.

Census, 1930 - Chicago,Tract 214, precinct 39; Ward 37, Block No. 247.215

Austin was created in 1865, when developer Henry Austin purchased 470 acres for a temperance216

settlement named “Austinville.” It goal was to provide home ow nership, public amenities such as tree-linedparkways, and gracious living. In 1899, Austin was voted out of the township and into Chicago by residentsof other parts of the township.

Roughly bounded b y W. Ohio St., N. Waller, Parkside, W. West End & N. Mayfield Aves. & W.217

Corcoran Pl. in Chicago. http://www.hellochicago.com/HistoricPlaces.Cfm

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In his petition for naturalization in 1927, Arm ando lists his occupation as “insuran ce,” but in the1930 census his occupation is “tailor.” By 1940, he had become a chief water engineer for the city of Chicago, and worked at the water pumping station on Michigan Avenue, across the street from thefamous water tower which is one of Chicago's landmark s. Chicago affords such opportunities.

There was a time when the Republican Party was competitive in election campaigns for localoffices. In one campaign, Armando wo rked as a Republican precin ct worker, and successfully carried theprecinct for his candidate. The Democratic ward com mitteeman w as startled, and sent a flunky toArmando telling him that he wanted to see him. Armando became an Assistant Precinct Captain for theDemo cratic Party. There's little doubt that he had to work hard and deliver a majority vote for thealderman even before he achieved being Assistant Precinct Captain. There was a lot of competition forsuch a job, and it was essential to do the political work in order to become a city employee, even a verylow-ranking one.

His first job in the Water Departmen t was cleaning out the big furnaces. Periodically, the furnaceswould be shut down for cleaning and he would have to get inside and scrape the interior which had

becom e encrusted. Probably not a fun job! He did study and did good work at his job a well as being aprecinct worke r. He had a great personality and established a good rapport with voters in his precinct.

My impression of Armando was that he was quite handsome, but had a rather severe demeanor:he hardly smiled and rarely laughed in a jocular fashion. He was hardly taller than his brothers, yet hecarried himself with a m ilitary bearing; his movements w ere slow and dignified in the m anner describedby Dante as one who is due honors. And I often observed deference toward him by his relatives. Whilehis brothers Arthur and Ottie would raise their voices in order to be heard, Armando had a voice that hadstrength though he would maintain a low volume that would invoke his audience to pay attention.

  Armando and Anna had two children: a son Aldo for in 1925 and a daughter Joan Marie born in1935.

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Aldo Paolini (I)

In 1925, my father’s brother Aldo becam e ill. He suffered a great deal,my father describing him writhing in agony on the living room couch. He

underwent surgery for appendicitis, but the cause of his illness, which wascancer, was not diagnosed. He continued to suffer, and the doctors operated asecond time. He died on the same day of the surgery of “surgical shockfollowing operation for removal of sarcoma of the colon...” He died onSeptemb er 10, 1925 at the age of 22. My father wrote in his memoirs: “Even tothis day, I constantly remember those wonderful years with him, and I miss himdearly.”

Beatrice Moves to Austin

With less room needed and Beatrice making more money, she determined that she could afford a

nicer apartment. The family, now consisting of Beatrice, Adolph, Emily, and Otto, moved to 5232 W.Altgeld Street, probab ly about 1922. This apartment was also in the Austin area. With her greaterincome , Beatrice purchased a piano and had Emily take piano lessons. And she bought an automobile!

My father was quite happy with the move as well because it afforded him a new start to make thehigh school baseball team; unfortunately, he took some old baggage with him. He writes:

I was very happy to find that I could enroll at Austin High School, a lovely school,

considered to be one of the best in Chicago at that time. The grounds were nicely landscaped 

with many trees and bushes. The school building itself looked like a fortress or castle. I was

very proud to be a student of this school.

Some of the baseball players at Austin High School recognized me and knew that I had 

 played baseball at McKinley High . They asked if I were going to go out for the team at Austin.I never committed myself because I knew my poor academic grades would make me ineligible

for the team. The baseball coach saw me play basketball on the intramural team and asked me

if I wanted to go out for the school team. For the same reason, I didn't try out for this team.

 Now, the penalty I paid for not doing my school w ork was that I was never eligible to

 play on any school team s. I was always failing in one subjec t o r another. In other w ords, I

would pass in English and math, but fail in history because of not doing any homework. Then I

would study to bring my grades up in the failed subject and in doing so, would neg lect the

other subjects.

One of the times, when I took my report card home to my mother, she examined it, and 

 by this time she understood a l ittle English . However, she didn't quite understand what the

various grades meant. I told her that "G" meant good, and when she asked what "F" meant, I

said it meant "fine." My sister shouted to her:" ‘F' means failure!"

Aldo Paolini

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Iota Alpha Chi

One of my greatest experiences at Austin High w as when I was initiated into Iota

Alpha Chi, a new fraternity with only eight members. There were many old fraternities at

Austin, some originating at the beginn ing of this century.

The brothers of Iota Alpha Chi were of good moral character. None of us smoked and 

only drank moderately at some special occasions. This was during the prohibition era.

Because we were well-mannered, we gained a good deal of respect, especially from the girls

who were glad to date most of the fraternity brothers.

Fraternity Brothers

Red Speer 

Romeo Navigator 

Gene Hyer 

Charlie Hamn

Jack Trumbull

Don Westergreen

Jack Freeman

Jud Higgins

Don McDaniel

Girl Friends

Phyllis Freeman

Bea O'Rourke

Adele Shefte

Rosalyn Harris

Harriet Hakes

 

Our meetings were held every two weeks at one of the member's homes. Naturally, we

took turns in having these meetings. After our business was completed at these meetings, the

 parents of this member w ould serve refreshments and u sually it was quite a feas t. Al l the

 parents were delighted to serve us. This was a marvelous arrangement . We d idn 't need any

supervision. Any problems were usually minor and of little importance. The parents were glad 

to meet all of us and observe our activities which were honest and proper, something this

 present generation could imitate.

Some of the larger and older high school fraternities would give their annual dances at

some of the large hotels in downtown Chicago, with big name bands such as Guy Lombardo,

Ted Weems and Ted Lewis. Out fraternity decided to give a dance to be held at the Edgewater 

Beach Hotel. We engaged Husk O'Hare and his band to play. The Edgewater Beach Hotel was

 probably the best hotel in Ch icago at that tim e. It was located on the shore of Lake Mich igan

and Paul Whiteman's Band performed there for many years. Our dance was very successful

and produced a profit. With this money, we planned to have a dinner for our members and 

their dates at some popular roadhouse restaurant with a big band.

A most unusual event arose at the meeting just before we made our final arrangements

for this dinner, when on of the brothers requested that instead of having the dinner, we should 

give this money to an urgent cause. He demanded that no one ask why or what the money wasto be used for, that under no conditions could he divulge the name of the individual or the

 purpose. I believe each individual, even though it was not discussed among us, m ust have

realized that this cause involved someone close to our fraternity. We respected his request and 

voted unanimously for his request. It later turned out that the money was not needed. We

never discussed this among us. We kept our promise and to this day I don't know any of the

facts, and I don't wish ever to know.

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Our fraternity was constantly involved in many activities. Our Halloween parties were

especially enjoyable. We also had swimming parties every Wednesday night at Blackhawk 

Park located on Fullerton and Lavergne Avenues. We knew the lifeguard there who admitted 

us to the pool even though Wednesday night was supposed to be only for married couples.Since no married couples ever seemed to come to the pool, the fraternity brothers and their 

dates had the full use of the pool.

Aldo Paolini (II)

A son was born to Anna and Armando in 1925. To honor his younger brother who had passedaway that same month, he was given the same ill-fated name of Aldo. When , and for how long, is not know n, but he contracted rheumatic fever. My mother rem embers her visit during Aldo's illness:

They wan ted to make sure that it was quiet so Aldo could rest, and there was a sign on

the doorbell, "DO NO T RING." We obeyed the sign and did not ring, but while we were there

someone DID ring the bell, and Joe and Anna both shrieked, "Who is ringing that bell?" at the

top of their voices. Actually, I guess their voices only had a "top." I was quite amazed by the

fact that they would yell like that when they wanted quiet for Aldo.

Aldo Paolini died in 1940 at age 14.

Adolph Paolini and Evelyn Dassel

The only history of Adolph and Evelyn is that reported by my mother:

Adolph was in the drum and bugle corps of the U.S.Army. He joined the American Legion and was quite active

throughout his life, working for many worthwhile events in the

neighborhood and for young people.

The Legion rented a store for their meetings, and 

Evelyn's family had friends who occupied the next store. I did 

meet this couple later. I think they were in the upholstery

 business and were friends of Adolph and Evelyn for many

years. Adolph worked installing chain-link fences, and as with

so many jobs then, it was not steady income. Evelyn and 

Adolph lived in the second-floor flat of a two-flat owned by

Evelyn's Uncle Pete. Evelyn's Aunt Hattie also lived there, and 

Evelyn's younger sister, whose name I believe was Anna May.Then, of course Elaine was a small baby , so they had quite a

houseful and I'm sure quite difficult situations. Many families

had to live together like that during the Depression Era.

Cheryl is quite a few years younger than E laine--maybe nine years -- I'm not sure.

Anyway, when Cheryl was a very small child, Anna May took care of her quite a bit. Then

Anna M ay died near the time that Candy was born, so it was a difficult time for this family.

Adolph Paolini

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I don't know just when Adolph started to work for the streetcar company, but it

 probably was in the early 1940's. His work was in the barns in the m aintenance and repair 

division.

Evelyn's Aunt Hattie was a dignified and friendly person, always very nice.

Uncle Pete was a good fellow too, although I don't think I ever heard him speak to a

soul. If we were there, he would just walk in and go about his business and not say a word.

Apparently, as well as his streetcar job, he had a little store with a back room where m ostly

streetcar employees would play cards. [This information is all that I heard in bits and pieces.]

Apparently the card-playing led to loaning m oney at good rates, and Uncle Pete d id 

very well. He also had a friend (who rented his first-floor flat) who was a professional thief,

and occasionally at Evelyn's flat there would be a load of dresses and coats for sale, and I

 bought several d resses and coats there, but I hasten to add that I w asn 't very comfortable about

doing so.

As his daughter Elaine reports, her father hardly talked, even to her. My father said that he

hardly talked to him as well. But one time they were riding on their way to work on a CTA bus, and 

my father asked about Elaine, then A dolph talked the remainder of the trip.

As if to balance the act, Evelyn provided plenty of conversation; and she was unusually blunt. Forexamp le, she wasn't reticent about using the N-word , but then most people weren't in those days. Still, Iwas rather shocked at first and unfavorably impressed. While I didn't and don't condone it, I came tounderstand that it was more a part of her vocabulary rather than malevolent prejudice.

But her forthright statements were com ical as well–though not intended as such. At an extendedfamily gathering at our home in Northbrook in the 1950's, the women were socializing in the backyard,watching the children play. One of my aunts complemented by mother on her dress. "Oh she's had that 

for years," commented Evelyn.

In about 1969, there was at a large family gathering, and I was in a small group composed of Emily, Evelyn, and Linda Flowers Paolini (Arthur, Jr.'s wife). We were exchang ing greetings and makingthe usual inquiries of spouse and children. "How is Uncle Charlie doing," ask Linda of Emily. "Not well at all," blurted Aunt Evelyn, causing Aunt Emily to spin around in stricken grief.

She once uttered words that were wiser than she may have realized. My mother reported that at one family gathering, there was a ‘debate.'. Som eone defended their argument by saying they read somefact in a book. "You can't believe everything you read," retorted Evelyn."

Adolph and Evelyn had three daughters: Elaine, Cheryl, and Candace.

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My D ad's First Jobs

Despite his poor grades, my father did graduate from Austin High School in 1928½. He nowentered the workforce. In almost every case, he obtained his jobs through friends. Jack Trumbull was a

high school classmate at Austin H.S., and while he was working at the First National Bank of Chicago, hehelped my father get a job at the bank as well. My father described his job as a courier--collecting anddelivering documents of financial transactions, sometim es including money. When mone y was involved,he was to call the bank, and a bank guard was sent to accompany him. The first time he was told of thisprocedure, he responded, "How would anyone know that I was carrying money and attempt to rob me?"His supervisor responded, "We're not worried about anyone robbing you; we're worried about youstaggering in here claiming that you were robbed when in fact you stashed the money for yourself." Myfather was startled and a bit insulted that someone thought he was capable of such dishonest behavior.

Civilian Conservation Corp

It was the heart of the Great Depression: 1933. My father could not finda job, and so, to lessen the burden on h is mother, he joined the CivilianConservation Corp. The CCC's mission was two-fold: to reduce unemployment,especially among young men; and to preserve the nation's natural resources.Inducted in Chicago, his company was sent by rail to Oregon, and he w asstationed near the town of Tillamook on Mount Hebo. The main task of thiscompany was to clear forest for the creation of roads that would allowfirefighting men and equipment to reach forest fires.

My father told several stories ab out his year in the CCCs; I'll share two.While the supervisors were army and/or National Park Service rangers, thecomp any was comprised solely of young men, and city slickers at that. Whenone of them cam e upon a large, round blob hanging from a tree limb, he took a

swing at it with his axe. The bees swarme d out of the nest and attacked everycompany memb er it could find. The axe-swinger was stung the most; luckily hesurvived.

While the army and National Park service personnel operated the camp and supervised thecompany, there were also local men–mountain men–who provided, what today’s bureaucrats wouldterm, ‘technical assistance.’ In other words, they showed the corp memb ers how to swing an axe and usea saw. Sitting around the campfire one evening, the city slickers and the moun tain men were ‘chewingthe fat' when the conversation drifted to expertise with an axe. One of the moun tain men swung his axeand flung it where it stuck in a tree. "Pretty lucky toss," or something to that effect, said one of the cityslickers. "You think so," said the mountain man , retrieving his axe, and then hurling it a second time withthe same result.

Otto Paolini in CCC camp,Tillamook, Oregon

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Murray H ills Apartments

After one year, my father returned home and found a job at the Murray Hills Apartments, a luxuryapartmen t building on Chicago's north Lake Shore Drive. He was a garage attendant, that is, providing

valet service to the guests. His best story for this job was that the guests often asked the elevatoroperator to walk their dog. Pleased to accept the tip, the elevator operator was none to crazy about dogs;and so he would open the back doo r of the building and literally fling the dog into the alley. Naturally thedogs grew fearful of the elevator operator, and so when a guest and his/her dog would approach theelevator, the dog would resist and cower. The would explain and partly apologize: “Fido is so afraid of the elevator,’ not realizing that it was really the elevator operator of wh om the dog w as fearful.

Miami

A fraternity brother named Charlie Ham had established a construction and/or real estatebusiness in Miami, Florida. When Ch arlie and his mother first went to Florida, my father had driven

down with them. Needing a job and invited to stay, he went to Miami in order to work construction.

One of this jobs was laying tile roofs. Such work is back-bre aking to say the least; but my fatherhad unbelievable stamina all through his life. Laying tile roofs included mixing cem ent, then hauling thecement mixture in buckets up to the roof and spreading it; then hauling a batch of tiles up and layingthem. The tiles are half round tubes and about a foot and half long. Imagine doing this work in thesummer Florida sun!

My father recalls that on on e of his first jobs, the guy mixin g cemen t was told the ratio of sand tocemen t, maybe 1:3. Overlooke d was the fact that he used a different shovel for each ingredient–shovelsof a different size. Needless to say, the mixture didn't harden, and the next day when they arrive d, all thetiles had slid off the roof.

My father apparently made good money for Depression days. "Buy some land down here,"advised Charlie. But my father was homesic k, and he returned to Chicago. The land that Charlie advisedhim to buy is now incorporated by downtown M iami.

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Isabel ("Harmony") Daniels

My mother was born and raised in Harmony, a small town in218

southeastern Minnesota. Her father, Herb Daniels, had been a successful

businessman, but in the Great Depression, he had lost the business, and in1936 he died. Her mo ther moved to Chicago about a year later in the hopes of a new relationship. When my m other graduated in 1938, she moved toChicago to enroll in the Moser School of Business, but quit soon thereafter inorder to take a position at the Retail Credit Compa ny (now Equifax). She thenwrites of her meeting and courtship with my father:

Dad and I met in the fall of 1938. I lived on the south

side of Chicago, 6232 S. University Avenue at the time, and 

worked in the office of the Retailers Commercial Agency in the

loop. I was dating a boy named Bill Knaus at the time.

 Now it happened that Ot to had an insurance cal l to make

somewhere on the south side and he was early. He and Bill had 

 been in the CCC together, and since Bill lived on the south side,

Otto decided to stop and visit him. I guess Otto made his business

call and then drove Bill over to my place as Bill and I had a date.

Bill thought Otto was a wonderful person, sort of an older brother 

type who was a good friend, and I liked him too–I thought he was

a very interesting person.

I guess Dad liked me pretty much right away

too, because he made arrangements to date a girl he

knew who lived on the south side, Marge Murphy, and 

the four of us would go out. I recall Dad and Marge

 played tennis one tim e and Bill and I watched. Then Ithink Dad took us to a ballgame or maybe more than

one at Mills Stadium, as he w orked there as a cashier on

weekends.

Then it happened that B ill went to Florida in search of a job.

At that time, Jack Trumbull's grandmother had a room for 

rent in her house at 420 N. Saw yer, and the rent, with breakfast

included, was even less than the $3 .50 I was paying, so it seemed 

like it would be a good move for me, and Dad wasn't overlooking

the fact that it would be more convenient for him.

So we started dating and dad took me around to meet his

many friends and later on, his relatives. Emily invited me for 

dinner, and that's the story Dad likes to tell about how I ate the

spaghetti, and even had seconds (actually I had a second helping as

Isabel Flavia Daniels

Humboldt Park Boathouse andLagoon

Apparently my father gave my mother the nickname of “Harmony” after her hometown. All the218

relatives on my father’s side called her Harmony. I didn’t realize her given name was Isabel until I was in mytwenties.

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they encouraged me to, and I wanted to be agreeable--not that I was a glutton, which is the spin

he likes to put on it).

Then after the spaghetti, Emily brought out a roast and potatoes, a complete meal. I had never heard of 

such a thing. If we had spaghetti, that was the meal. Well, they all laughed at me and I felt a little

embarrassed and stupid.

I lived at Grandma "M ac's" for maybe 10 months or so, and although she was nice, I decided I

would prefer living alone; so I moved to 1647 N. Humboldt Blvd., a rooming house, but quite nice,

owned by a Swedish lady, Mrs. Olsen. Humboldt Park was lovely at that time, with a lagoon which

was used for ice skating in the winter and with p retty landscaping and walks.

 No t too long a fter I moved here , D ad and I decided to get marr ied .

We were married by the minister of the Austin Methodist Church in a private

ceremony attended only by the minister's lovely wife and daughters. Our 

wedding trip was to Milwaukee in a terrible snowstorm. We stayed at the

Schroeder Hotel, Milwaukee's finest and quite beyond our means--really.We even w ent all out and had dinner in their dining room with orchestra and 

all.

When we told our landlady, Mrs. Olsen, that we were married and 

Otto wou ld be living there also, she congratulated us and said, "Oh, isn't that

nice!" Then she added very politely, "Well, that will be $5.50 a week then (I

had been paying $5.00). Dad always says that he replied, "here's my fifty

cents" which of course is one of his jokes.

We stayed at Humboldt Boulevard a short time and then rented the attic apartment at 4855 W.

George Street. When we first moved there, Otto was still working as a salesman for Lumberman's

Mutual, but that was all commission and not too reliable an income. I still worked at Retailers

Commercial until I was pregnant.

Then, in 1941, Dad got the job with Pitney-

Bowes, which paid a very small salary but at least it was219

steady and we could manage.

You were born and I loved taking care of you and 

wheeling you around in the buggy. People would always

stop and admire my beautiful baby.Pitney-Bowes Mailing Machine

219

In 1902, Arthur Pitney patented his first "double-locking" hand-cranked postage-stamping machine, and , withpatent attorney Eugene A. Rummler, founded the Pitney Postal Machine Company. In 1908, English emigrant andfounder of the Universal Stamping Machine Company Walter Bowes began providing stamp-canceling machines tothe United States Postal Service. Bowes moved his operations to Stamford in 1917. A rapid increase in mailvolume in 1919 made the Post O ffice more receptive to metered mail, and Pitney subsequently traveled to meet Bowes. On March 15, 1920 , the United States House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing mechanicalstamps on First-Class Mail, and on Ap ril 23, 1920, the two companies m erged to form the Pitney Bow es PostageMeter Company, w ith the goal of producing a machine that would combine Pitney's "double-locking" counter withBowes's system for wrapping postage paym ent, postmarking and cancellation. The U.S. Post Office approved theirpostage meter on August 25, 1920.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pitney_Bowes

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Emily Paolini and Charlie Zickgraff 

My father was involved with two organizations that sponsored dances in order to raise money:his fraternity, Iota Alpha Chi, and the Gastaldo Boosters Club. For one of the dances, he sold tickets to hissister and her friend, and it was at one of these dances that she met Charles Zickgraff.

Emily had not dated much before meeting Charlie, and she fell in love with him quickly anddeeply. My father assisted in their weddin g plans. Having experience in renting halls for dances, herented a room for the reception at the Premier Hotel on the near westside of Chicago. Through his manycontacts, he was able to purchase flowers at a lower price, and he retained a band (most of whosemembers were m embers of his fraternity) at no charge. He was the driver of the wedding party, but hewas late to pick up Charlie and his best man. Perhaps this minor incident may have strained theirrelationship. Emily and Charlie wed on June 22, 1931.220

The couple moved in with Beatrice and my father at 5232 W. Altgeld but soon found a place of their own in Elmwood Park and then in Austin on M ayfield Avenue. They eventually bought a two-flat at 1710 Central Avenue where their children were born and raised, and lived for the remainder of their

lives.

 Emily was eager to have children, but her first child died ten minutes after birth. My mother221

remembers Emily sadly remarking while she was in hospital, "All the other mothers were holding theirbabies and I had none."

Their daughter Carla was born M ay 15, 1937. My mother remembers: "Carla was about two yearsold when I first saw her, and she was the prettiest, happiest, most intelligent child imaginable. Emily andCharlie worshiped her, and she captivated everyone."

Their second daughter was Linda who w as born October 11, 1940.My m other and Emily were in the sam e hospital–St. Anne's–at the same timeas I was born on October 8.

While much as been w ritten about prejudice and discriminationtoward Italians, neither I nor my cousins have ever knowingly experiencedit. The only incident of this kind–actually just the acknowledgm ent that discrimination existed–was when Charley and Emily were looking for ahouse to buy, the realtor pulled C harlie aside and said that there werecertain houses for which the owner would not sell to Italians even thoughthey might rent to them.

Linda Zickgraff 

He did so despite his mother’s admonishment for when he announ ced his intention to marry an220

Italian, his mother warned him that much wou ld be demanded of him as "Italian women w ere highly sexed."

E-mail response to inquiry by Vazquez, Susana, Queen of Heaven Cemetery, August 10, 2009.221

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I imagine that Charlie Zickgraff felt like an odd man out among his in-laws. Although Catholic, hewas a German among Italians. He wasn't crude, but he seemed a bit rough around the edges. As hisson-in-law Roger Lauten said of him, "he was a shot and beer type of guy." However, Charlie often had222

more than one of each and became inebriated, a condition not viewed favorably by Italians as it wasdeemed unmanly to lose control of oneself. He explained his drinking , to wit, that he had to have a223

drink at the tavern before going to work in order to have the courage to work the tall buildings as an ironworker. Poor Emily was torn between the two factions in defending her husband while still remainingloyal to her family and their Italian beliefs. From all reports, she succeeded with compo sure andconfidence.

As a child and as an adult, I was almost oblivious of relations amo ng the adults. I always enjoyedvisiting my in-laws and playing with my cousins. In actual fact, I played with Linda and Carol Jean, whowere my age, and I admired my older cousins, Arthur Jr., Elaine and Carla, who told stories and joshedone another. And then something happened!

It was about 1947, so I was about seven years old at the time. There was a family gatherin g at the

Zickgraff home, and I think that I was in a back room playing with Linda and Carol. Someone poked theirhead inside the room and said that my family was leaving. I got up and walked into the dinning roomwith everyone sitting silently at the dinning table and staring at me as I walked passed. I didn't thinkmuch of it at the time, and was unaware that diplomatic relations had been severed between theZickgraffs and my family; but then neither did Humbert and Peter, the legates of Pope Leo IX realize that they had just inaugurated the Great Schism in the Church in 1054.

I was told that there were two related incidents. The first occurred at Adolph and Evelyn's house.Beatrice, who often talked to Emily in Italian, said something in Italian to Emily. Probably thinking that something was being said so as not to include him, Charlie took offense, possibly saying something that insulted Beatrice. Naturally my father jumped into the fray, and an war of words ensued. Perhaps amonth or two passed, and apparently Emily thought that hard feelings had subsided. She invited myfamily to a gathering at her house. Charlie wasn't there when we arrived, but when he returned, hespotted my father and said: "I want that guy out of my house." Hence our abrupt departure.

Husband of Carla Zickgraff.222

As told to the author by Robert Gen zen, husband of Elaine Paolini, daughter of Adolph Paolini.223

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Elaine Paolini rememb ers the incident that was the spark the ignited the fire: Arthur Jr., Carla,and she wanted to go to the movies, but Charlie disallowed it. It seems to be the consensus of my motherand Elaine that my father said something to Beatrice in Italian. Charlie took offense and harsh wordswere said. Perhaps this was the first incident as reported by my mother.

As one can see, there is uncertainty as to the cause of the altercation. My father said that it concerne d the living arrangements of Beatrice and the Zickgraffs. When he went to Florida, Beatricecould no longer afford her apartment on Polk Street, and so she moved in the Charlie and Emily. Afterfifteen years, he was no longer content with the arrangeme nt. Whether this situation was the subject of an argument or an underlying cause of resentment and tension is unknown.

When m y father returned from Florida in 1933, he lived with Zickgraffs in their apartment onMayfield Avenue as his mother was living with them as well. It is difficult to conceive–an d certainly anddisconcerting to imagine–these two men occupy ing the same living quarters for about five years. It wasthe period of the Great Depression and economic necessity demanded comprom ise. Such a compromiseis truly indicative of those desperate times.

I have to say that I had/have som e sympathy for Charlie's position regarding Beatric e. If he felt it were an imposition, I think he– r better, Emily–should have gathered the Paolini family and asked for acomm itment of money to provide housing for their mother. I can't imagine Beatrice being completelycomfor table after this quarrel. Apparently none of the brothers or sister thought to do so, and so Beatricelived the rest of her life with her daughter and son-in-law in a small, dark bedroom in the Zickgraff flat.She deserved better!

All diplomatic relations were not broken between the two families. After a year or so, Emilyhelped my mother get a job working with her for Syrena's which was a restaurant and catering firm.Emily and my m other worked every weekend. They liked the work, and the tips were excellent so theywere able to save money, especially as my mother and father were looking forward to buying their ownhome.

When my father, mother and I were living in Northbrook, we would occasionally invite Beatrice tojoin us for a Sunday afternoon dinner. When I obtained my driver's license, I was given the assignmen t todrive to Chicago and pick her up. I was quite proud to be given this important responsibility as I thought that it was a demonstration of my par ent’s trust . I had no idea that it was done sim ply to avoid my fatherand uncle Charlie from m eeting.

Upon my return from the military service, I settled in Chicago in order to attend graduate school.I was invited to dinner at the Zickgraff house, and to meet Linda and her husband , John O'Conner. PoorCharlie was literally a skeleton. He was dying of some disease but I don't rememb er which one. Iremember him saying something to the effect: "Yeah, I'm dying" in a somewhat defiant tone whilepinching his shriveled skin. He was a man who looked dea th straight in the eye without blinking.

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About 1990, my father and I visited Emily who, like hermother, was staying with her daughter Linda and son-in-law JohnO’Conno r. I noticed that they had the ‘waffle iron,' which I laterlearned is called a  pizzelle  iron, that Beatrice had brought fromItaly. When I was a child, my father had borrowed this relic of theold country, and we actually made  pizzelle in our fireplace inNorthbrook, Illinois. Pizzelle is a traditional Italian waffle cookiesmade from flour, eggs, sugar, butter or vegetable oil, and flavoring(often vanilla, anise, or lemon zest).224

I mentioned to my father that if Linda and Johndid not want it, I would surly like to have it. I was so

very thankful and pleased to receive it, and I honor thememory of my grandparents, uncles and aunt by itsresting next to my fireplace to remind m e of them.

Emily developed Alzheimer's disease and passedaway in 2000. Tragically, Linda became afflicted withsame disease in 199 7 at the age of fifty-seven and had tobe placed in a nursing home. She died in 2008.

Relations Among the Relatives

For the most part, the families of the daughter and sons of Beatrice and Alfredo were close and infrequent contact. As mentioned above, the families of Armando and Arthur lived in the same building,and the children freely visited each others apartments. The Zickgraffs lived only about three blocks away,and Linda Zickgraff and Carol Jean Paolini were very close friends. Upon their marriages, Adolph and hisfamily were four blocks miles away from Arm ando and Arthur and Otto and his family were but threemiles away. In the course of time, Adolph moved about eight miles away and Otto moved twenty-twomiles away to the suburb of Northbrook, Illinois. These physical distances seem to reflect to somedegree the social distances of the families.

Obviously two brothers-two sisters families were quite close though they occasionally had theirdifferences with regard to the managemen t of the apartment building. They had close relations withEmily and Charlie because they all attended the same church and school: St. Angela; the two sets of daughters were about the same age; and the three brothers and sister still maintained contact with their

mother, Beatrice. However, Charlie may have considered himself odd-man-out as he did not attend manyof the Paolini social affairs and Emily often went alone. In such a circumstance, Emily had conflictingloyalties.

Pizzele Iron

Hunting scene design of the iron

“The first pizzelle makers w ere made of iron, in the Abruzzi region of Italy. Legend goes that some224

poor blacksmiths of the region used old railroad nails and pieces of track to forge the irons, called "ferratelle,"referring to the ferrous metal. Because they were used over open fires, they had very long handles to keep theuser from getting burned.” Fante's Kitchen Wares Shop www.fantes.com

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Adolph was quiet, and not particularly social. His wife Evelyn more than ma de up for his silence,but she was Lutheran. There seemed to be competition between Anna and Josephine versus Evelyn, e.g.,when Anna and Josephine sent their children to private Catholic school (St. Angela), Evelyn sent herchildren to a private Lutheran school (Luther North High School).

Otto Paolini perceived a great amount of jealously among the women and backbiting that madehim uncomfortable; they could out-talk him and at the same time prevented him from socializing with hisbrothers which prob ably left him frustrated and furious. He therefore did not attend social affairs to agreat extent though he always enjoyed being with his brothers, especially Arthur with whom he like toplay golf.

Being rather quiet and shy, my mother did not engage in the competition but being blonde, blue-eyes, and quite beautiful, she was envied and sometim es the object of catty remarks. As was typical of thetimes, the men usually congregated in the living room while the women, engaged in preparing food orwashing and cleaning after the meal, were assembled in the kitchen. My mothe r often said that shewished she could have joined the m en as their conversations seem to be much m ore interesting.

Apparen tly Beatrice was not above the fray. Anna and Josephine felt that Beatrice looked dow nupon them–that they were of a lower class. The Dinella were bracciante  (laborers) in Italy while Beatricewas  pic colo borghese . Her opinion of the Dinella seem not to have influenced her view of marriage. Oneday, Armando appeared at the home of his mother and declared that he could no longer live with his wifeAnna. Beatrice directed her son to return to his wife and work out their difference. The incident reflectson the marriage of Armando and Ann a which, by other accounts, was not harmonious. It also reflects onBeatrice who, not having the best of marriages as well, held loyalty and fidelity as supreme values.

To illustrate the aggravations and resentments that often arose, my mother described thedisagreeableness of one episode. Family gatherings were often held to celebrate an event such as achild's baptism, first comm union, confirmation, graduation, etc. Such a celebration required that guestsbring a gift, and not just a token but something substantial. Given the number of children multiplied bynumber of celebrations multiplied by the cost per gift, plus the expense of the party for one's own child,the cost was rather substantial for which none of the families could afford.

For one Christmas, it was decided that each family would draw the name of one child for aChristmas gift. My mother drew Joan Marie, the daughter of Armando and Anna. Emily had access toshop at the Bargain Room at Montgomery Wards because Charlie's father worked for Wards. Emilysuggested a gift: a child's portable phonograph that normally retailed for $5.00 was selling for a $1.66.They both bought one, and the next day Emily told Anna of the purchase. Anna harumphed: "Who'd want one of those tinny phonographs. I wanted a sweater." So my m other went downtown to the Fair storeand found a pullover sweater that normally sold for $2.79 that was on-sale for $1.79. After Christmas,Anna went to the store to exchange the pullover for a button-down sweater, and thus found out–and not discreet in mentioning it–that my mother had paid only a $1.79. My mother said that if they really want 

something in particular, they might as well buy it themselves. She pledged to herself that she would not participate in any such an arrangement again, but was not put to the test as none was suggested.

No doubt it was this type of pettiness and crassness that my father could not tolerate andtherefore was reluctant to maintain close relations with his brothers and their spouses.

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Paolini Family at Joan Marie’s Wedding (1955)

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Isabel Daniels and Otto Paolini

Josephine Dinella and Arthur Paolini

Armando Paolini and A nna Dinella

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Chapter 17

The Dissolution of the Del Grande Family

As stated earlier, Don Francesco and his wife Gemma moved to Oak Park, Illinois, a town that bordered the western boun dary of the city of Chicago. It is believed that they initially rented anapartment until they had their new house built at 921 S. Wenonah Avenue. Today, Wenonah is a225

beautiful, tree-lined street in a residential neighborho od not far from the east-w est lanes of theEisenhower Expressway.

In the period from about 1915 until 1931, at various times it was the home of Don Francesc o andhis wife, Gemma, their eldest son Hugo, their youngest daughter Lily, their second youngest son Albert and his wife Mary Laframenta, their two daughters, Ethel and Bernice, and their daughter Mary Ines DelGrande and her husband, Anthony Sirimarco, and their grandaughter, Emily Paolini.

Their second oldest daughter, Gilda, had married Dominic Del Vecchio in Utica, New York, and

they had relocated to Chicago with the Del Grande fam ily. They lived in Chicago for about fifteen years asthe 1920 census shows that they lived at 512 Centre Avenue (now Racine Avenue), but then moved to St.Louis Missouri as shown by the 1930 census. The Del Vecchios and the Del Grandes maintained contact by post and they visited each other. My father tells of taking his mother Beatrice to see her sister in St.Louis.

My father remembers driving around town with their youngest son, [Frank] Paul Del Vecchio,who greeted many police officers that they encountered. He apparently had many scrapes with the law,and it is recorded in the 193 0 census that Paul was in the St. Louis city wo rkhouse as a ‘prison er.'

The Del Grande also maintained contact with theirthird oldest daughter, Angiolina Del Grande who had marriedCarmin o Alfano. While they had moved to Chicago, probably at the same time as the Del Grande family, they had returned toUtica where they raised seven children. Many of thephotographs of Del Grande family members were in thepossession of the Alfano families. In the photograph here,Gemma Castricone [Del Grande] is with Angeline (Nean)Alfano, the second oldest daughter of Carmino and AngelineAlfano.

Angeline (Nean) Alfano, Jack Dempsey,and Gemma Castricone

 Building permit N546 dated November 13, 1914 for 921 S. W enonah Avenue, Oak Park, Illinois225

listing Francesco Del Grande as the ow ner and Borecca as the contractor for lot 43 & 44, block # 1, section 18;on file at the Buildings Section of the Village Clerk's Office, Oak Park, Illinois.

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Also mentioned earlier, Lily Del Grande enrolled in St. Joseph Convent where she was ordained226

June 25, 1918. She took, or, more accurately, was given, the name of Wilma. Her biographer writes:

...she then received her a degree from MarquetteUniversity as a licensed medical technician, and from 1918 to1964, she made the former St. Jude her work place. Many sistershave memories of having to go to St. Jude to have Sister Wilmadraw their blood. She also taught chemistry and microbiology toaspiring nurses attending Sacred Heart School of Nursing.227

In 1964, Sister Wilma took a vacation to Costa Ricaand stayed ten years. She learned how to operate a short-waveradio and by this means kept the U.S. comm unity informed of what was happening in Costa Rica and kept the Costa Rican com munityalerted to what was happening in the U.S. commun ity. In 1974Wilma returned to the United States, and taught Spanish.

By 1930, the Sirimarco family had moved to the house next door at 919 S. Wenonah Avenue. The 1920's was the age of jazzand musical theater, and so Anthony Sirimarco made a goodincome . The increase in the size of the family–the birth of Bobbyin 1920 and Angelina in 1922–probably warranted a home of theirown.

On January 4, 1931, the Del Grande family lost is matriarch, Gem ma Castricone. Nothing isreported as to the circumstan ces or cause of death. She died at the age of seventy-four.

Sometime between the early 1930's and the early 1940's, it is reported by Dorothy Mae DelGrande [Molen house] that a dispute arose among the Del Grande siblings. It is believed that the disputeinvolved Albert, and that it caused him to move his family from the neighborhood on Wenonah to anapartmen t at 6909 W. Roosevelt Road in Oak Park . In the 1940 census, the family is listed at this address,and in the colum n entitled, "In What Place Did This Person Live on Apr il 1, 1935," there is the entry"Same Place." If there was a connection betw een the dispute and their relocation, it occurred prior to1935. From Rob ert and/or Angelina (Ann) Sirimarco, Carol Jean Sirimarco reports that the dispute wasdue to the award of the house to Albert and not Hugo, the oldest son. How ever, It is strange that DonFrancesco would have made this bequest, or even notice of this bequest, so far in advance of hisrelocation and later passing. Therefore it is not entirely certain that this was the cause of the dispute.

By 1940, only Don F rancesco and Hugo resided at 921 S. W enonah, though Hugo is classified asthe head of household. Don Francesco had developed glaucom a, and therefore unable to work ; thecensus records Hugo was working as a tailor.

Sister Wilma

  The convent was later called St. Joseph Center and continues as a residence for nuns of the order226

of School Sisters of St. Francis. A portion of the building has been converted to apartments for seniors.“School Sisters of St. Francis to build apartments for seniors: 72 units planned for cam pus on Greenfield Ave.,”Georgia Pabst of the Journal Sentinel, December 11, 2011.

 Sister Ruthelda, “Sister Wilma Del Grande,” School Sisters of St. Francis, undated, received in an E-227

mail from Mary Ann Eichenseer, May 2007.

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My mother, Isabel Daniels [Paolini] reported that Hugo often remarked that, "When the old man(his father) dies, I am going to do thus and so with the house." Apparently he said this in such anunfeeling way that it gave the impression that he was looking forward to his father's death. As fate wouldhave it, Hugo died in 1943 , seven years before his father.228

Perhaps those heartless words got back to Don Francesco, for it is believed that he bequeathedthis house to Albert. It is also possible that there was another reason that may have strained relations229

with his father and brother: Hugo was a homosexual.230

As was his father, Hugo Del Grande was a tailor, and as one can seefrom the accompanying photograph, he dressed quite fashionably, and heis always well-dressed in all the photographs of him. Whether or not hewas miserly is not certain, but one of the family jokes was that Hugo alwayscarried a $50 bill, and when members of the family would go out for icecream or a drink, he would pull out his $50 bill and offer to pay. Of course,shops at that time couldn't chang e a $50 bill, so he would have to ap ologizeand put the money back in his pocket.

The above paragraphs present a rather disparaging portrait of Hugo Del Grand e. It is know n that he was a close friend as well as uncle toArthur Paolini Sr., and as such attests as to his good character. Asdescribed below, he made a very noble gesture in his passing.

Just prior to has passing, Hugo Del Grande composed his will inwhich he declared the following:

I, HUGO DELGRANDE, of the City of Chicago, County of Cook and State of Illinois, being

of sound and disposing mind and memory, do hereby make,, publish and declare ,this to be my

Last Will and Testament, hereby revoking all former Wills by me at any time made.

FIRST: I direct the payment of all my just debts, expenses of administration and 

funeral expenses, as soon as practicable after my decease.

SECO ND: I direct my administrator here in after named, to purchase a plot of ground 

in Mt. Carmel Cemetery, and to erect a Mosoleum (sic) upon said plot of ground for my burial

in said Mosoleum (sic), and to expend the sum of Five Thousand Dollars ($5,000.00), for said 

 plot of ground and Mosoleum.

THIRD: I give, devise and bequeath to the SACRED HEA RT SANITARIUM, of 

Milwaukee, Wisconsin, the sum of Five Hundred Dollars ($500.00).

Hugo Del Grande

 He died of rheum atic valvular heart disease according to the certificate of death issued by the228

Department of P ublic Health, State of Illinois, November 3, 194 3.

 In order to determine the transfer of the deed of 921 S. Wenon ah, on June 7, 2013, Karen Alfano229

and I visited the Recorder of Deeds of Cook County at 50 W est Washington Street, Room 1113, Chicago, IL60622. Staff persons were able to locate the book in which the transfers for the street/lots, but page 38 w asduplicated while page 36 was missing, and it is believed that page 36 contains the transfers for lot 43. (43 &44, block #1, section 18).

 Or so my father, Otto Paolini, believed.230

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FOURTH: I give, devise and bequeath to my nephew, GEORGE D ELGRAN DE, JR. ,

of Jersey City, New Jersey, the sum o f ' One hundred Dollars ($100.00).231

FIFTH: I give ,devise, and bequeath all the rest, residue and remainder of my

 property, whether personal o r real, of what natu re or kind whatsoever, to the following, share

and share alike:

To my sister, MARY SIRIMARCO;

To my sister, GILDA DEL VICCHIO (sic) of St. Louis Missouri;

To my sister, ANGELINA ALFA NO, of Utica, New York;

To my nephew, ARTHUR PAOLINI;

To my nephew, ADOLPH PAOLINI;

To my nephew, ARMANDO PAO LINI.

SIXTH: I nominate and appoint my nephew, ARTHUR PAOLINI, of Chicago,

Illinois, to be the executor of this, my Last Will and Testament, and request that he shall not be

required to give any bond to act as such executor.

This, my Last W ill and Testament, consists of two (2) typewritten pages, this page

included, both of which bear my signature on the margins thereof. Dated at Chicago, Illinois,

this 2 day of January, A. D. 1943.232

Carol Jean Paolini also reports that Beatrice Del Grande [Paolini] was required to identify thecorpses of those who were to be entombed, presumably Gemma and Donato, and that this was especiallydistressful for her.

Again we have no dates or exact chronology of events, but it is believed that the Del Grande homewas sold, and the Albert Del Grande family returned to the neighborhood, residing across the street at 920 S. Wenonah. Hugo then moved in w ith his sister Ines and brother-in-law Antony Sirimarco next doorat 919 S. Wenonah.

My mother reports visiting the Del Grande house in the early 1940s and seeing Don Francesco inhis bed. He was frail and possibly blind by this time. Sister Wilma told her Mother Superior that she hadto leave and care for her father. Not able to spare her, Mother Superior told Sister Wilma to bring herfather to live at the Sacred Heart Sanitarium , which was located adjacent to the St. Joseph Convent. ThusDon Francesco lived in the sanitarium in Milwaukee, Wisconsin until he passed away.

Perhaps Sister Wilma understated her father's financial position. When Don Fran cesco died in1950, he left mone y to her. Having taken a vow of poverty, she turned the money over to the Franciscanorder. Apparen tly the Mother Superior was chagrined by the amount received as she had discounted thecharge for the care of Don Francesco.

Francesco Paolo Del Grande died on D ecember 4, 1950.233

 George Del Grand e, Jr. is the grandson of A ngiolo (Angelo) Del Grande, the brother of Don231

Francesco Del Grande.

 The petition to the court by the executor, Arthur Paolini, was submitted on April 13 , 1944.232

According to the records of Mount Carmel Cemetery, Hugo was not entombed until March 30, 1945, and so it may be that the mau soleum was not completed un til that time.

 As of this writing (June 17, 2013), no will has been located.233

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The conclud ing paragraph s of the biography of Italia Del Grande, a.k.a. Lillian, Lily, and SisterWilma, provide a fitting eulogy:

Wilma was a simple person who lived simply but was always ready for a good time.

While she mingled well with the students at St. Clare who came from more affluent families,

she was very much at home with boys and girls who came from the poor to the very poor 

families. True, she was sometimes gruff in her ways, even offensive, but while she would not

go overboard in begging pardon for any offense she may have given , still her actions proved 

what her heart was saying.

On Holy Thursday [April 16, 1987] God looked down on Wilma's littleness and loved 

her and took her to Himself.234

In about 1943, the first of the three Albert Del Grande daughters, Bernice, moved to California,having vacationed in the state and liking the weather compar ed to the cold and wind of Chicago. Etheland Dorothy Mae followed, and their father and mother eventually moved there as well in 1953. Carlo

Alberto Del Grande died in 1973 in North Hollywood, California as did his wife, Mary Laframenta in 1988.

The Sirimarco family remained in Oak Park, and Antonio passed away in 1960 at the age of seventy-three and Maria Ines Del Grande [Sirimarc o] died in 1971. Both are buried at Queen of HeavenCeme tery in Hillside, Illinois. Their son Robert joined the army during the Second World War and wasstationed in Colorado for a time. Liking the area, he relocated there perman ently after the war. His sister,Angelina (Ann) joined the Navy during the war and m arried a sailor man, and moved often as his ordersdictated. Today she lives in Gulf Shores, Alabama.

The ending tale of the Del Vecchio family is indeed a sad one. The only information we havecomes from C arol Jean Sirimarco who probably heard reports from her father Robert who had heardreports from his father Antonio Sirimarco.

Dad [Robert Sirimarco] told me that Domenico (Dad alw ays referred to him as

Dominick) was an alcoholic and mean to Gilda and the children. When his daughter Nancy was

young, she went up to him when he came home and he pushed her away. She fell down some

stairs and injured her leg very badly. She walked with a limp for the rest of her life. When she

married, her husband cruelly referred to her as "the cripple". Although Gilda was unhappy in

her marriage, she would not leave him.

Aunt Ann [Angelina Sirimarco] told me of when Gilda came to Chicago for a State

Fair of some sort. Grandpa Sirimarco drove them there. Gilda had been treated for cancer of the

uterus, but was supposedly in remission. When they went to the ladies room and Gilda came

out, there was blood all over her dress. Aunt Ann went to call Grandpa to pick them up. Gilda

returned to St. Louis and passed away shortly thereafter.

After her death, Domenico w ould not let his daughters touch anything that had 

 belonged to Gilda. She passed away in Aug. 1944, Domenico in April, 1945.

 Sister Ruthelda, biography of Sister Wilma Del Grande.234

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Beatrice Del Grande [Paolini]

When O tto married in 1939, the Zickgraffs and Beatrice moved to 1710 N. Central Avenue inChicago. It was to be her home for the rest of her life.

Their daughter Carla Zickgraff was born in 1937 and Linda Zickgraff was born in 1940. As a live-in nanny, Beatrice helped raise these two girls. She even accomp anied them to their local church, St.Angela. Beatrice had not attended church since the death of Alfredo when the Church officials hadinitially ruled that Alfredo could not be buried in consecrated ground for having taken his own life. Eventhough the Church had overturned its initial ruling, the fight to have the decision reversed must have left Beatrice feeling somewhat bitter and disillusioned with the Church. She must have taken delight in hermany other grandchildren: Joan Marie, Elaine, Cheryl, Candace, Arthur, Carol Jean, and Armand Roderick.

It is not known when Beatrice retired, but she turned sixty-six in 1945 and would have been ableto retire from employm ent and collect social security and possibly a pension. She certainly retired before1952 for in that year she took a trip. Accom panied by her sons Armando and Arthur, the three of themtraveled to New York City. Apparently her sons argued with one another constantly, much to her

annoyanc e. During the trip, she concluded: "I can do this by myself," meaning that she could travel alone.The following year, she traveled to Utica, New York in order to visit her sister, Angeline Del Grande[Alfano]. It is likely that they had not seen each other for many years. Not bothering to write, she simplyarrived at the Alfano’s door unannounced: Angeline opened the door and exclaimed, "Beatrice!" Shehad recognized her sister immediately.

Her nephew Hugo Del Grande died in 1943, andunexpectedly, he willed her some money. With thisinheritance, she was able to afford a trip to Europe, primarilyItaly of course, in order to return to her ancestral home.Based upon the post cards that she sent to my family, shetraveled to Genoa, Pisa, Florence, Milan and Venezia as wellas Naples and Popoli. In Rome, she reported that she was inSt. Peter’s Square and received the blessing of the Pope [PiusXII]. She sailed on the Andrea Doria, the beautiful but ill-fated ship that was rammed broadside by the Swedishship Stockholm near Nantucket three years later on July 25,1956.

In telling people of her trip, some of her aud iencewould mak e a comparison to the United States or Chicago. Beatrice would always insist, "I think Chicagobest." Only she could appreciate the many attractions, cultural events, and availability to average peoplethat America affords: its art galleries, museums, concert halls and the means of getting to them via publictransit. She appreciated the many modern conv eniences that are sometim es take for granted or deridedas ‘commercialism ' or ‘materialism.' During a family gathering at our home in Northbrook , Illinois, a

suburb of Chicago, my father was going to cook meat on the barbeque grill in the backyard . Beatricewondered why anyone w ould use a cumbersome and sooty implement when one could use a clean andeasy to use oven in the kitchen. When living in Italy, she had to build and maintain a fire as the same timeas preparing the food, an onerous and time-consuming task that had no quaint nor culinary appeal.

Andrea Doria

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Beatrice often attended perform ances of the symphony and the opera. My mother reported:

I went to quite a few concerts with B eatrice at Grant Park and at the 8th Street Theater 

where WGN sponsored concerts by the Chicago Symphony Orchestra, so I saw how she

interacted with her friends and how m uch they liked and respected her.

My m other and father accompanied her to an opera [Faust] one evening at the Civic Opera House.She had friends from the clothing factory who also worked as ushers at the opera house. She would buy aticket for an inexpensive seat, and then one of her friends would move her in a much better location, oftenafter the first act. On the occasion w ith my parents, she complained to her colleague, "If you can't get mebetter seats than these, I'll have to see [another usher friend]."

Even in her later years, she continued to attend the opera even though her family didn't think that she should go alone. Her daughter Em ily, with whom she was living, tried to persuade to stay home.Beatrice retorted, "What better place to die than at the opera." In the end, her son Arthur accompan iedher.

My m other tells of this incident of which I vaguelyremember; I was p robably about six:

When you were very small, I took you

to one concert in Grant Park. I took you down

to the section where Beatrice and her friends

sat. Her friends immediately said, "There are

no seats here." Beatrice took my arm and said,

"There is a seat here for you–they just said that because they saw the child and thought he

would be noisy." Of course you were

enthralled by the orchestra and when they

 played Brahms' "Academic Festival O verture,"

you stood up and imitated the orchestra leader,

keeping perfect tempo. They were so

impressed and delighted by this, and of course

Beatrice was proud as could be, as was I.

Civic Opera H ouse Auditorium

Civic Opera Housewww.sillyamerica.com

James C. Petrillo band shell in Grant Par kcirca 1950

www.grantparkmusicfestival.com

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About 1968, I took my grandm other to the concert at Grant park one evening. The concert startedat 8:00pm, but we arrived about 6:00pm in order to get seats on the front row benches as these concertswere free, and there was no reserve seating. As there had been twenty-two years prior, a group of about fifteen to twenty aficionados of classical music and the symphony orchestra were already in place, manyof them munching on light fare and sipping wine. Greeting her by her nickname, “Bice”  they invited us tosit down and converse as we waited for the performance. It was a beautiful evening, and I could tell that my grandmother w as in her element.

In January 1969, Beatrice was admitted to the hospital. I visited her a few times, but I hardlyknew w hat to say or ask–another opp ortunity lost. “I die!” she said. It was as though she had hit me inthe forehead. Again, I didn’t know w hat to say and so I said nothing. I wanted to comfor t her. I wanted toask her what she thought of her life. I wanted to ask her if she was prepared. But I just stared at her.

The day after I last saw her, I received a telephone call early the next morning from my cousinCarol Jean Paolini: “Grandma died.”

There was the usual funeral at John A. Rago & Sons on Wester n Avenue in Chicago. Before this

funeral, those that I attended were always for people I hardly knew; so they were more like socialoccasions. This one felt as though I had lost something–that something had slipped through my fingers. Icouldn’t say much because I couldn’t feel anything. I was bewildered.

I may be m istaken, but it seems that these days there is a service for the decease d in whicheveryone has an opportunity to offer a eulogy–a remembrance of that person and an expression of appreciation for what they did and for who they were. I don’t remember a eulogy for my grandmother.This  storia  is the best I can do.

Maria Beatrice Del Grande [Paolini]

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Paolini Gravestonein

Mount Carmel Cemetery

Baby Zickgraff and Donato Paolini are also buried at the grave site asrepresented by the two urns.

Angiola Paolini, mother of Alfredo Paolini, is also buried in Mount CarmelCemeter y but not at this site. As of this writing, her gravestone has not befound.

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 Mausoleum in Mount Carmel Cem etery

There are three vaults in the mausoleum. Entombed areGemma Castricone [Del Grande], Ungaro [Hugo] Tarquinio Del Grande,together, Francesco Paolo Del Grande, and Donato Del Grande.

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Epilogue

After completing the research on my Italian ancestors–reading the history of Italian immigrants,hearing the stories of my grandm other, aunts and uncles, and reflecting on their lives–I wish that I had morinvolvemen t in my extended family. My father often said that he had the most wond erful childhoodimaginab le, and that he and his brothers always got along together. The four Paolini families and theZickgraff’s lived within walking distance of each other! Why had we not resided in the Italian neighborh oodof Austin as our relatives did?

Certainly the break with the Zickgraffs reduced our contact with the family. We did not attendevents at the Zickgraff house and probably avoided those at which Charlie was likely to attend.

A second factor was my father’s dislike of the rivalry among the spouses of his brothers such aswhose children were smarter, whether or not they were going to a private school, who had a new car, etc.This rivalry was due, in part, to the times. After the Depression and the Second World War, pent upconsumption ran rampant; and these working class Italians who had struggle before and during those

periods were now ready, willing and able to join the middle class.

While never said it directly, there was no doubt that we an d they had a different view o f religion ingeneral, and the Rom an Catholic Church in particular. Religion was a part of their life: in addition toattending church , all their children attended private, religious school: the Catholic Paolini’s and Zick graffs toSt. Angela while the Lutherans wen t to Luther North High School, a private Lutheran school. The Catholicchildren: Joan Marie, Carla, Linda and Carol were all married in St. Angela Church. They were devout believers while we thought they were superstitious; they would all be save, but for us Paolini’s with noreligion, we were going to hell.

The last and probably the most significant reason for our residence away from the Italianneighborho od was the influence of my father’s high school fraternity brothers. They were WASPS : JackTrumb ull, Don Westergre en, Jack Freeman, Charlie Ham, Gene Hyer, etc. My father attended high school inthe mid-1920's, a time when there was still residual prejudice toward Italian immigrants, and thenheightened by the connection with America’s most notorious mobster, the Italo-American Alphonse "Al"Gabriel Capone. Yet his fraternity brothers accepted my father as a brother. After graduation from AustinHigh School, they married and moved to the suburbs; my father followed suit.

After my father and mother married, they lived at 4855 W. George Street, just north of the Austinarea. We lived briefly–less than a year--in Glen Ellen, and then returned to Chicago in a Polish neighborhoo din a community [now] called Avondale. After about five years there, we moved to the suburb of Northbrookin 1951. Northbroo k had a different style than Austin.

One of my cousins said: “We were blue-collar workers and your Dad was white collar.” It’s true thatmy father wore a white collar, but he worked on Pitney-Bowes business machines as a service

technician–hard ly a white-collar job. We did live in a beautiful neighborho od with large homes occupied byfamilies whose heads of household were executives and lawyers. And so did we, but probably what wasn’t readily apparent is that my father and mother built most of that house, and that’s no figure of speech.

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The builder went bankrupt at the stage in which the kitchen was operable, the stairs to the secondfloor and basement were installed, and there was rough flooring for the second floor. We mov ed in and Iremem ber sleeping on a bed that was sitting on top of drywall sheets. My father installed the insulation,drywa ll, molding, hardwoo d flooring, doors, upstairs plumbing, and bathroom tile. My mother painted therooms and molding. The dirt from the foundation was piled about ten feet high in the backyard, and myfather, together with a guy with a tractor and a scoop, distributed the dirt over the entire lot. The equity inthe house was not from a large down payment but from sweat!

I felt–to a very limited extent--that we were imposters, especially when I attended Glenbrook [NorthHigh School and met the kids from Glenview who w ere even richer than the kids from Northbrook. Still, Ithink we carried it off quite well. My mo ther and father both seemed quite com fortable with this class andtheir life styles.

In 1994, there was a reunion with some of my cousins, and Elaine comm ented that we were viewedas ‘country cousins’. In contrast, when we visited at Arman do’s and Arthur’s six-flat on Hirsch Street, Ialways thought of them as ‘landlords’ who owned income-producing property.

There was a m arked contrast in the social occasions between those in Northbrook and those at thePaolini gatherings. The social gatherings in Northbrook were quiet affairs. One person talked; the otherslistened. Voices were hardly ever raised except for an occasional laugh. Everyone sat to form onegroup–men and wom en together. Of course, most of the time I was alone with just my parents.

In contrast, the Paolini gatherings were like a three-ring circus, and I wanted to watch all three ringsplay with my cousins; listen to the men in the living room; listen and watch the women preparing food in thekitchen. There were multiple conversations, and everyone had an opinion. I often thought that the menwere arguing based upon the tone of their voice; but when I actually listened to the words, they weren’t; it was just how the talked. I found that very confusing. The women were not much different. Once I wassitting at the dinning room table as we were preparing to eat, and I heard aunt Josie (Josephine) screechingin the kitchen and I becam e alarmed: was a violent argument about to ensue and ruin the occasion? Usuallyshe was yelling at her son Art jr., but no: she calmly walked into the dinning room continuing her summonsfor everyone to come to the table.

Aunt Evelyn was similar in that when she talked or argued–it was difficult for me to tell which–hereyes would narrow and her voice would grate like fingernails on a blackboard. These women were such acontrast to my own mother who I have never heard raise her voice to this day!

Often these conversations were carried on while eating buffet style as there were too many people tosit around a table. And so the conversation ranged across the room with responses coming from everydirection.

I loved the fact that there were so many other kids to play with, primarily Linda and Carol. Iwatched and listened to Art jr. who was my idol and who I thought was the coolest ‘dude’ to coin a current 

cliché.

I wonder what my life would have been like had we lived in this Italian milieu in the same way Iwonder what my life would have been like had we lived in my mother’s small home town of Harmony,Minneso ta, or the town of Popoli in the Abruzzo, or a Greek city on the Aegean coast of Anatolia–allmarvelous possibilities that I can only imagine.

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Appendix A

Manifest of the ship SS Moltke

The Manifest 

A ship's manifest was a list of the passengers on the ship for a particular voyage. Not consistent overtime, it was a form prepared by the U.S. Department of Commerce and Labor, and it contained some of thefollowing information:

• ship name and date of entry to the United States• nam e of passenger• age, height, eye and hair color• sex• m arital status• occupation• whether able to read and write [but not what language]

• one's nationality, place of birth• last place of last residence• seaport for landing in the United States• fina l d estin atio n• relationship to accompanied passenger(s)• name and address of relatives they are joining in the U.S.• amount of money they are carrying, etc.• Ever in prison or almshouse or supported by charity; if yes, which• W he th er a p oly ga mist  • Whether under contract, express or implied to labor in the United States• physical condition, i.e., mental, physical, deformed, cripple (this information was certified by a

doctor).

The top of the manifest form of the SS Moltke states: "Saloon, Cabin and Steerage Aliens must be CompletelyManifested. This Sheet is for Steerage passengers."

This information was recor ded by ship personnel. It is quite likely that the accuracy depended upo nthe language by which the ship's personnel commun icated with the imm igrant. A ship under an Italian flag,such as the Regina d'Italia by which the Del Grande family immigrated in 1898, probably had an Italianspeaking crew while a ship under a German flag, such as the SS Moltke by which the Paolini familyimmigrated in 1906, probably had a German speaking crew.

It is widely believed that the names of immigrants were changed by American immigration officials,but, as far as I have been able to determine d, immigr ation officials at Ellis Island did not issue any docum entThe only record used was that of the manifest, and so this was the source of unintended name chang es.

Many imm igrants changed their name of their own accord.

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Naturalization

I find it quite surprising that this rather sloven and group record became an ‘official’ document that was later used in the process of a person’s naturalization. In 1926, the occupation column was set aside forannotations relating to the verification of imm igration records for naturalization purposes. Since 1906, noimmigrant who arrived after June 29, 1906, could be naturalized until the government located theirimm igration record. Thus since 1906, after an immigra nt filed a Declaration of Intention or a Petition forNaturalization in a naturalization court, the Bureau of Naturalization was called upon to provide certificatioof the immigrant's arrival record. The certification, called a "Certificate of Arrival," was sent to thecourthouse to satisfy the naturalization requirement.

From 1906 to 1926 this activity took place without any notation made on the passenger list.Beginning in 1926, clerks began to record the verification (record check) and certification activity on eachpassenger list record. This change came about in response to a terrible scandal about a numb er of fraudulent naturalizations. By noting that a given imm igration record had been used to support anindividual naturalization, the annotation served in future to prevent anyone else from using that record foranother naturalization. While the annotations may be found on any passenger list, before or after 1926, the

will all relate to naturalization activity occurring in 1926 or later. Also, the passenger lists were micr ofilmedin 1942/43, so records of immigrants who arrived earlier but did not begin the naturalization process untilafter 1942 could not be annotated. All the verification for naturalization annotations follow a prescribedformat containing one or more of the following elements: District number where the application was filed,application number, form number, and date of verification.

Beatrice Paolini did not apply for naturalized citizenship until 1935, and did so probably in responseto the passage of the Social Security act in 1935 with FICA withholding starting in 1937. Notice in theoccupation column there is the written notation 11-87889-505-1-7-35 which means that she petitioned inthe 11th district (Chicago), her case number (87889), the document/form issued (505), and the date of verification (1-7-1935).

It is also noted that there is a hand-written letters ‘SI' next to each of the adults–Alfredo , Beatrice anGemm a–and the word ‘ADMITTE D' stamped on the manifest line numb ers. The ‘SI' stands for ‘specialinquiry' and that they had to undergo further investigation. On a subsequent page of the manifest entitled,‘Record of Aliens Held for Special Inquiry,' only Alfredo's nam e is listed. The reason for the inquiry isrecorded as ‘LPC' which stands for "Likely Public Charge." My guess is that he exhibited signs of his stroke.He was examined by an inspector named English and that he received a ‘Dr. Cert.' Obviously he wasdeemed not to become a public charge due to the support that could be provided by his wife and her family.

Angiola wa s not listed as having been selected for ‘special inquiry' bu t a note on her listing states:‘senile debility and double cataracts.'

The date of the ‘Special Inquiry' is record ed as ‘6/5' or June 5; the record of m eals shows 21breakfasts, 28 lunches, and 21 dinners for seven people. This data raises the question as to how long they

stayed at Ellis Island. The SS Moltke arrived on June 1st and the spe cial inquiry as on June 5th; thus they hadto have been there at least five days. If the story of missing the boat due to Arthur being lost, perhaps it wassix days. My guess is that the number of meals was only while they were in special inquiry. They may havebeen in special inquiry only four days and three nights based upon the meal record. So where were they theremainde r of the time? It is possible that they had to wait for processing on board the SS Moltke; my friendNorma explains:

there were many, many Special Inquiries and I'm sure they were so far behind that many of 

them had to remain on board the ship until there was room for them elsewhere. What a frightening

experience for them.

 

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  While the immigrant was held, someone (usually someone from an Immigrant Aid Society) at EllisIsland would send a telegram to relatives here in the USA and the relatives would send a letter or telegramback to let the authorities know that they would be responsible and would care for the family being held.The authorities then released the immigrant.

Last, it is interesting that the category of nationality for the family is not Italian but ‘Southern Italian

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Appendix B

Italy’s Commissariat of Emigration

On 31 January 1901 the Commissariat of Emigration was created, granting licenses to carriers, enforcingfixed ticket costs, keeping order at ports of embarkation, providing health inspection for those leaving,setting up hostels and care facilities and arranging agreements with receiving countries to help care forthose arriving. The Comm issariat tried to take care of emigran ts before they left and after they arrived. Thiincluded dealing with the labor laws in the US that discriminated against alien workers (the US aliencontract labor law of 1885) and even suspending, for a while, emigration to Brazil, where many migrantshad wound up as virtual slaves on large coffee plantations.

The Commissariat also helped to set up remittances sent by emigrants from the United States back to theirmotherland, which turned into a constant flow of m oney amounting, by some accounts, to about 5% of theItalian national product. In 1903 the Commissariat also set the available ports of embark ation as Palermo,Naples and Genoa, excluding the port of Venice which had previously also been used.

Italian diaspora, Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italian_diaspora#Emigration.2C_1870-1914

Having become a major social and econom ic phenomenon, and admittedly a very significant one, Italianemigration received special bureaucratic recognition in the law of January 31, 1901; this measure createdthe Commissariat of Emigration, a technical organ under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to unify migrationservices hitherto dispersed among various ministries. The law of 1901 and subsequent legislationempowered the Commissariat to grant licenses to carriers, fix cost of tickets, maintain order in ports of embarkation, establish and manage hostels for emigrants, provide information, suspend emigration, inspectemigrants on departure, grant permits to recruit workers for European countries (emigration agencieshaving been abolished by the law of 1901), ensure protection of emigrants on board ships through themedium of traveling commissioners, prepare international agreements on emigration and labor, and give aid

and protection to emigrants in foreign countries. Carriers were required to lodge emigrants in case of delayin departure, to meet safety and hygienic standards for transporting both expatriates and repatriates, and torestore transportation costs to migrants rejected by immigration authorities provided it could be provedthat the legal requirements were known to the undertaking before departure.

Com etti, Elizabeth, “Trends in Italian Emigration,” The W estern Political Quarterly, Vol. 11, Issue 4,December 1958, pp. 820-834.

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Appendix C

Ethnic Territories of the Near West Side

The Jews lived almo st entirely below Taylor Street an d, in later years, to the south of Roosevelt RoadThe Greeks settled around Harrison, Blue Island and Halsted on the northeast fringe of the area and

remained there until the 1940's when the construction of the Congress Expressway more or less destroyedtheir commu nity except for a few night clubs and coffee shops. The French Canadians were located mostlyaround Flournoy and Loom is where their church (Our Lady of Provins) still stands. The Poles, Bohem ians,and Germ ans seem to have been more dispersed. Italians filled up the open spots and gradually moved inuntil they almost entirely occupied the area between Roosevelt and Harrison, Ashland and Halsted. Then,between 1930 and 1960, the situation changed to what it is today (see map 2). This account of ethnicmovements has been garnered from Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House (New York: New Am ericanLibrary, 1961); E.W. Burgess, Urban Areas of Chicago , ed. T.V. Smith and L.D. White (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929); Frank Carney “Experimental Area III-X (Addams),” Unpublished Report (ChicagoYouth Development Project, 1961); Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956);Wlefare Council of Metropolitan Chicago, Community Area 28 –The Near West Side (1953).

Suttles, Gérald D., The Social Order of the Slum: Ethn icity and Territory in the Inner City , The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1968, p. 17, footnote 4.

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Appendix D

Arrigo Park

Arrigo Park, known as Vernon Park for much of its history, dates to 1857, when real estate developer HenryD. Gilpin donated the property to the City of Chicago. The city soon created a shaded "breathing spot" withan artificial lake and a few benches. In 1871, the modest residences surrounding Vern on Park fell to theflames of the Chicago Fire. Comm ercial institutions and transient rooming houses took their place. Thepark, too, deteriorated into a boggy mess as surrounding streets and structures were raised up to improvesewage removal and prevent flooding.

When the city transferred Vernon Park to the West Park Commission in 1885, rehabilitation beganimm ediately. To alleviate the drainage problem, the comm ission filled the artificial lake and raised theground level of the entire site with additional fill. In 1893, the commission undertoo k extensive landscapeimprov ements and electrified the park. The park was expanded to its present 6.14 acres the following year.

The West Park Commission transferred Vernon Park to the new ly-created

Chicago Park District in 1934. Forty years later, the greenspace wa s officiallyrenamed Arrigo Park in honor of Victor Arrigo (1908-1973). A vocal advocatefor the Italian-American community, Arrigo served as Illinois StateRepresentative for Chicago’s near southwest side from 1966 to 1973. Arrigowas instrumental in bringing sculptor Moses Ezekiel’s statue of ChristopherColumb us to the park in 1966. First exhibited in the Italian pavilion at the 1893 World’s ColumbianExposition, the bronze figure later graced a second-story alcove on State Street’s Columbus MemorialBuilding. After the building came down in 1959, the statue went into storage. Arrigo argued that Columbusshould find a new home in the city’s oldest continuously Italian-American neighborhood, which was thenexperiencing wrenching transformation due to the construction of the University of Illinois’ Circle Campus.

Chicago Park District:http://www.chicagoparkdistrict.com/index.cfm/fuseaction/parks.detail/object_id/8521FAD9-86B7-4B62-AC57-A8007EA1AD51.cfm

Arrigo Park

801 S. Loomis St.Chicago, IL 60607Phone: 312.746.5369

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Appendix E

Italian Funeral Customs

Religious Customs

Catholic: Catholic funerals vary according to individual, family and church. Typically, the second or third daafter a loved one passes aw ay, the family will hold a "wak e" or "calling hours," usually held at a funeralhome. Imme diately following the wake or on the third or fourth day, the funeral is held. The funeral servicemay stand alone, or be part of a bigger ceremony kno wn as a mass. It is important to explain the differencebetween the two basic masses. If the body is present the mass is called a Mass of Christian Burial. If thebody is not present or if the cremains are present, the term used is a Memorial Mass. During mass, the priesreads from Scripture, leads prayers and administers Holy Communion . A funeral reception may also be heldafter the services, where food and/or drink are often served, depending on the deceased’s family’s wishes.

Cultural Traditions

Italian: In the Italian-American family, death is a great social loss and brings an immediate response from thcomm unity. It means sending food and flowers, giving money, and congregating at the home of thedeceased. The funeral remains very much a family and commun ity event. Within the context of fatalism inCatholicism, it is explained that the death was inevitable, and many Italian-Americans view death as "God’swill." More traditional families hold anniversary masses for the deceased and wear black for months oryears. This is not as common among younger generations. Emotional outpourings can be profuse and theactivities around a funeral provide distinct examples of the Italian-American way of ritualizing life events.Family members may m oan and scream for the deceased throughout the church. Screaming is an effort toensure that Jesus, Mary, and the saints hear what the bereaved are thinking and feeling. Family mem bers geup constantly to touch and talk to the deceased loved one. Then, the priest intones the farewell: "May theangels take you into paradise, may the martyrs welcome you on your w ay." While men mourn, they do so inthe fashion of "pazienza" - patience. Their constant, silent, and expressionless presence m ay be their onlyact of public mourning. The real time of sorrow comes at the end of the ceremony when the priest and nonfamily congregation say good-bye to the deceased. At this time, the family is on their own for a time withtheir loved one.

Stapleton Holdrege Funeral Services, http://www.cranstonfuneral.com/cultural.htm

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Appendix F

 St. Mary Training School for Boys

Our History

Originally called St. Mary Training School for Boys, Maryville Academy was established in 1883 on 880 acresnorth of Des Plaines, Illinois. The first Archbishop of Chicago, Patrick Feehan, created the school as a homefor boys - mostly orphaned and roaming the streets of Chicago. The idea was to give these youth aneducation and the opportunity to learn a trade that would serve them later in life.

As times changed, so did St. Mary’s. The orphanage became co-educ ational in 1911 and eventually includeda grade school and a four year high school, both of which operated through the late sixties. Throughepidemics, world wars and economically difficult times, Maryville Academy was always there for children inneed.

In the 1970s, 80s, and 90s, under the direction of Rev. John P. Smyth, Maryville Academy became home to

hundreds of children who w ere wards of the State of Illinois. With the influx of so many children, FatherSmyth introduced the Family Teaching M odel at Maryville Academy, replacing old dorms with m odernresidential cottages where the children participated in the running and management of their own homes.They took part in chores, menu planning, grocery shopping, and budgeting under the supervision of a "livein" married couple supported by a staff of social workers, consultants and counselors.

Today, under the leadership of Sister Catherine M. Ryan, O.S.F, Maryville’s Executive Director, our focus isstill on children, as well as the preservation of the family. Maryville Academ y’s innovative programs that incorporate family support include: the Maryville Crisis Nursery and the Maryville Children’s HealthcareCenter in Chicago; the Maryville MISA Program for adolescents with mental illness and substance usedisorder in Des Plaines; along with other programs for young people with intellectual challenges; parentingteens and their children; and the Scott Nolan Acute Psychiatric Hospital for children, adolescents and youngadults located in Des Plaines.

2010 marks Maryville Academy’s 127th year in the service of children and their families.

© 2010 Maryville Academy 1150 N River Road, Des Plaines, IL 60016 847.294.1999http://www.maryvilleacademy.org/subpages.asp?id=16&parentid=29

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