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Jérôme Torossian

Dr. Mark Allee

HIST 346B/01W

December 8, 2016

The Chinese Civil War: The Struggle of A Nation

From the nineteenth up to first half of the twentieth century, the Chinese people probably

faced one of the worse and most difficult periods of their national history. In fact, China in the

nineteenth century lost its regional strength due to its conflicts with Western powers as well as

the unequal treaties that were signed to the benefit of these nations. Those agreements humiliated

the Chinese as it made their country significantly weak, but also vulnerable to other imperialist

states. Consequently, they triggered the rise of both anti-Western and anti-imperialist sentiments

among the population. The Boxer Rebellion of 1900 is an example of this hate as it resulted in

widespread attacks on imperialists so to drive them out of China. However, the rebels were

quickly suppressed by foreign forces, which not only demonstrated the weakness of the Qing

Empire but also caused the growth of Chinese nationalism and anti-Manchu feelings. Thus, the

Qing dynasty was overthrown in 1912 after an armed uprising. This act represented the end and

the transition from an imperial system that had ruled China for over two thousand years to

another form of governance, a Republic. Yet, after the president of the Republic of China died in

1916, the whole country faced political chaos as it was divided between warlords and foreign

powers. Despite their different goals and ideologies, the communists and the nationalists could at

least agree that they needed to eliminate the warlords and the foreigners in order to reunify

China. In this essay, I will discuss the Chinese Civil War between the communists and the

nationalists as well as the consequences that this conflict resulted for both China and the

international arena.

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In order to be well informed about what led to the Chinese Civil War, an overview of the

events that occurred between the mid-nineteenth up to the first half of the twentieth century is

more than necessary. During the mid-nineteenth century, China was ruled by the Qing Empire, a

realm that is not only known to represent the last imperial dynasty of the nation but also to be

one of its greatest and largest empires. One of the main reasons why the Qing Empire ceased to

exist is the result of both external and internal problems. The Western imperialist powers

represented an external issue for the Chinese as their actions had weakened and humiliated

China. In fact, Opium represented a significant revenue for the British Empire, consequently,

opium imports in China had risen from 4,244 chests in 1820 to 40,200 in 1839.1 In addition, the

spread of opium had made around 2,000,000 to 3,000,000 Chinese people to fall under the

addiction of this commodity.2 The order by Emperor Daoguang to officially stop the opium trade

led to the First Opium War from 1839 to 1842.3 This war was the first clash with the West,

which not only resulted in a great defeat and humiliation for the Chinese, but also in the creation

of an unequal treaty that was completely disadvantageous for China. Indeed, the Treaty of

Nanjing gave Britain the ability to claim Chinese territories, to receive indemnity for the war,

and to open many Chinese ports.4 Eventually, other Western imperialist nations followed

Britain’s steps so to take advantage of China’s vulnerability. As the Qing Empire was now cut

into pieces, this new foreign presence led to the growth of domestic instabilities. Indeed, the

Taipings led by Hong Xiuquan made from 1850 to 1864 an uprising that successfully spread

throughout southern China.5 The rebellion was heavily defeated thanks to the involvement of

foreign as well as regional armies.6 Other kinds of groups, such as the Triads, the Nians, or the

Muslims, also increased the insecurity of the empire as they all had the potential to topple the

dynasty. Again, all of these groups were quickly suppressed by the armies involved. However,

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the foreign presence, the unequal treaties, and the rebellions all demonstrated the military and

technological backwardness of the dynasty. Thus, the Qing decided by the late nineteenth

century to learn from the West so to strengthen and modernize China, especially in the fields of

industry and defense. Many projects were directed by Li Hongzhang, such as the 1865 Jiangnan

Arsenal, the 1872 China Merchant Steamship Company, or the Fuzhou Navy Yard.7 Yet, the

Chinese were once again humiliated as their strengthening movement did not help to defeat both

the French and the Japanese armies. By making an unequal treaty with China, the Japanese

wanted to show the Western powers that their nation was as powerful as theirs. The 1895 treaty

with Japan forced China to cede even more territories like Taiwan, pay 200 million taels in war

indemnities, and open more city ports.8 Once the most influential civilization in Asia, the

Chinese were now in shock to witness the strength of the Japanese, and some became worried for

the future of their nation.9

By the twentieth century, China was in an ambiguous position where many individuals,

especially following the 1900 Boxer Rebellion, became nationalist revolutionaries who believed

that a Manchu dynasty needed to cease.10 Among such nationalists was a man known as Sun Yat-

sen whose conviction was to modernize China and to establish a republican form of

government.11 While he was in Tokyo in 1905, Sun Yat-sen founded the Alliance League, a

secret society that consisted of Chinese nationalists and who supported principles based on

nationalism, democracy and socialism.12 In 1908, the political weakness of the Qing Empire was

further destabilized after the death of both Emperor Guangxu and Cixi.13 On October 9, 1911, an

accidental bomb explosion in Hankou pushed for the Double Tenth Revolution, a revolt that

finally led to the collapse of the Qing Empire and the founding of the Republic of China on

January 1, 1912.14 Yuan Shikai was made the provisional president of the new republic on

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February 14, and Sun Yat-sen’s Alliance League was renamed Guomindang.15 Yuan Shikai

seemed powerful in controlling his domestic enemies, yet, what threatened his presidential

position were the international events.16 In fact, both China and Japan joined World War I on the

side of the Allies in the hope of controlling China’s eastern lands held by Germany. Being more

powerful, Japan took over the eastern provinces and issued China the 1915 Twenty-one

Demands. In these, the Japanese demanded China to acknowledge Japan’s supremacy by giving

up key rights and territories.17 As Yuan Shikai capitulated, his weakness provoked outrage and

violence all around China. Moreover, Yuan Shikai added fuel to the fire by declaring the

restoration of the imperial system with him as the new emperor.18 His death in 1916 left a weak

nation divided between provincial warlords.

The warlords represented one of the main reasons for the Chinese Civil War for the

reason that China was divided between provincial leaders who had complete authority over their

territories. In addition, the warlord era demonstrated a lack of unity in China, which angered

many individuals who advocated for a united and independent nation. The end of World War I

increased Chinese nationalism as the 1919 Versailles Treaty allowed Japan to keep the Shandong

province it had taken from Germany.19 Thus, a big nationalist movement occurred on May 4th,

1919 in reaction to the humiliation brought by the Versailles Treaty. As many feared for their

nation’s survival, a lot of Chinese began to study political theories so to find a way out to their

issues.20 This movement led two individuals, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao, to become convinced

that a rebellion like the 1917 Bolshevik revolution was needed in China.21 Indeed, the October

revolution provided a good example to the Chinese as it shown them how the Russians were able

to gain back the control of their country with political and social changes.22 Actually, the idea of

establishing a Chinese Communist Party was encouraged by the Soviet Union as Lenin created

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the Comintern in 1919 so to support socialist revolutions abroad.23 Comintern agents, such as

Voitinsky, Maring and Otto Braun, were key figures who taught and developed Marxism in

China.24 In July 1921, the Chinese Communist Party was officially established during its first

plenary meeting in Shanghai.25 Consequently, a third group was slowly emerging between the

warlords and the nationalists. However, the main question remained the same as who would be

the one that would restore the national unity of the country.26

In 1921, Comintern agent Maring met with Sun Yat-sen and suggested him a cooperation

between his nationalist group and the new communist party.27 This alliance between these two

revolutionary organizations seemed realistic as they both sought to reunify China by eliminating

the warlords and the imperialists.28 Although Sun disapproved a united front with the communist

party, he allowed communists to enter the Guomindang.29 In 1923, Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao as

well as Mao Zedong joined the Guomindang while keeping their communist party

membership .30 Mao Zedong believed that a cooperation between the nationalists and the

communists was essential for the success of the national revolution. 31 Mao’s political career

within the nationalist party was actually a good push for his future as he once became the head of

the Peasant Training Center.32 Indeed, this position gave Mao the ability to establish a

revolutionary strategy to would later contribute to the defeat of the nationalists in 1949.33 He

argued at the Third Congress that the communist party needed to establish good relations with

the peasants because the peasantry represented 90% of China’s population.34 At the urging of

Mikhail Borodin, Sun Yat-sen agreed in 1923 to restructure his party along Leninist thoughts.35

One of the changes that were made was the revolutionary activities’ focus on urban areas of

China.36 In 1924, the Whampoa Military Academy opened its doors with Chiang Kai-shek as its

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first commandant.37 The goal in creating this school was to establish a revolutionary army similar

to the Soviet Red Army.

From 1924 up to 1927, a united front between the nationalists and the communists was

made so to reunify China. The union’s goal was made it clear in a popular song of the time: “Let

us overthrow the imperialist powers and eliminate the warlords.”38 With the support of Moscow,

the Guomindang armies under the directives of Chiang Kai-shek launched the Northern

Expedition from 1926 to 1928.39 Chiang Kai-shek and his nationalist leaders had established a

strategy that consisted of three armed assaults as well as a plan to enter into alliances with key

provincial warlords.40 The united front forces were able to defeat the warlords on the eastern and

northern provinces. These successes allowed them to control the cities of Wuhan and Shanghai

in the summer of 1927.41 However, Chiang Kai-shek was uncomfortable of allowing the

communists to grow within his organization. His position as a national leader as well as his new

alliances with warlords made him take a decision that would change forever the history of his

nation. In fact, as Chiang was seeking power for himself, he ordered on April 12, 1927, not only

a communist purge but also the annihilation of left-leaning Guomindang members in Shanghai.42

In total, Chiang Kai-shek’s military forces hunted down and killed approximately 5,000

communists along with their sympathizers.43 For safety reasons, Mao Zedong and his followers

decided to escape to the mountains of Western Jiangxi province so to establish their own base.

This massacre officially marked the beginning of what would be the twenty-two year long

Chinese Civil War.

In 1929, Mao Zedong began to put his thoughts of revolution into a well-planned

strategy.44 In fact, Mao Zedong made an investigation on the Hunan peasantry in 1927 and

became confident that the peasants were the most revolutionary group in China.45 Indeed, as the

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peasants represented 90% of the Chinese population, he decided to make them the epicenter of

his revolution. He not only understood that the peasants were tired of being oppressed by the

landlords and the local gentry, but he also observed that “political power is obtained from the

barrel of the gun.”46 In other words, the revolutionary success of the communists would be from

a victorious military conquest. Chiang Kai-shek often threatened the communists of an attack,

yet, his main goal at that time remained the pursue of his anti-warlord campaign.47 By the end of

1931, the Jiangxi Soviet had around 100,000 troops ready to fight the nationalists.48 However,

Mao Zedong was constantly fighting on two fronts, one was military while the other one was

political. He developed four key strategies and policies that would eventually lead the

communists to power. The first one was to make sure that the soldiers were fighting not only for

their leaders but also for their political ideologies.49 Secondly, it was important to establish a

union between the people and the Communist Party.50 For instance, unlike the Guomindang that

did not try to create a strong relationship with its masses, the Communist Party needed to build a

dialogue with its people so to learn their interests in order to turn them into policies. Mao really

wanted to show the people that he cared about them and that they could rely on his support. In

addition, there was a need to form a unity between the masses and the military forces.51 Once

again, this strategy was meant to differentiate the Communist Party and the Guomindang. Lastly,

Mao was well aware that the nationalists had a larger army, therefore, he came up with a guerilla

tactic: “when the enemy advances, we retreat; when the enemy camps, we harass; when the

enemy tires, we attack; when the enemy retreats, we pursue.”52 As the soldiers would be the

communists’ first point of contact with the peasants, Mao Zedong developed the Three Rules and

Eight Points of Behavior so to guide them on how to conduct with them.53 These strategies were

relatively important for the communists so maintain the trust and support of the people.

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However, the threats from the nationalists began to be more serious after Chiang Kai-

shek declared Nanjing has his capital and conquered large parts of China. In fact, what he wanted

now was to conduct his final purge against the communists. With around one million soldiers

and 400 planes at their disposal, the nationalists entirely blocked the Jiangxi Soviet by mid-

1934.54 This encirclement by the nationalists caused a general panic among the communists of

Jiangxi. Indeed, it was unthinkable for the communists to fight against the nationalists as they

were totally outnumbered and did not have as much as munitions as the Guomindang. Therefore,

the communists began to think deeply about an evacuation plan for about six months.55 The

southwest corner of the Guomindang military blockade was viewed as the nationalists’ weakest

position.56 Consequently, the communists’ breakout from Jiangxi occurred during the night of

October 16, 1934. This event marked the beginning of the Long March, a historic retreat in

which the communists travelled around 12,500 kilometers in 368 days.57 From the 90,000 people

who retreated, only 20,000 of them survived the march.58 For Mao Zedong, the Long March

represented the seeds of the revolution and demonstrated that “the Red Army is an army of

heroes.”59 Nevertheless, it is worth to mention that the Long March was also the source of myths

invented by Mao Zedong so that he could receive the status of China’s great savior. For instance,

Mao Zedong invented a heroic battle at the Dadu Bridge, which supposedly was on fire during

the fight.

By 1931, the Empire of Japan went further in its expansionist policy over China,

especially by taking over the province of Manchuria in the north.60 As Chiang Kai-shek was

preoccupied fighting the communists, the Japanese received little resistance from the

Guomindang and thus easily spread their influence.61 In late 1935, the Japanese not only

intensified their positions in northern China but also demanded the creation of a regional

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autonomous government ruled by pro-Japanese collaborators.62 Chiang Kai-shek became quickly

the target of heavy criticism after he agreed to Japan’s request.63 Although he just wanted to

avoid any conflict, his approval led to many anti-Japanese demonstrations similar to those from

1915.64 In fact, a Shanghai-based organization, the National Salvation Association, became an

important group for putting pressure on the government concerning its lack of action against the

Japanese.65 There were many protesters who were actually holding banners that said: “Stop the

Civil War, Unite Against the Enemy.”66 Such reaction proved well that the Chinese people were

as much against a divided China as against a Japanese invasion.67 Obviously, Mao Zedong took

the opportunity of this patriotism by declaring that the goal of the communists was to overthrow

Japanese colonialism and defend the Chinese nation.68 Once again, the communists made a

smarter move while the nationalists were seen as traitors who preferred to kill other Chinese

rather than saving the country. In order to drive the Japanese out of China, the communists

demanded Chiang Kai-shek to form another alliance between the two parties.69 However, Chiang

Kai-shek was firmly against a cooperation with his Chinese rivals even if it was to put the future

of China at stake. As a result, Chiang Kai-shek’s refusal led to the 1936 Xian Incident in which

he was kidnapped by Zhang Xueliang’s army, a Manchurian warlord.70 The nationalists clearly

did not appreciate this action and many were hesitating between responding militarily or

capitulating to the proposal.71 Evidently, Joseph Stalin supported the idea of a national union for

the reason that he feared the spread of Japanese forces near the Siberian border. At last, Chiang

Kai-shek was freed in December 1936 after giving his approval for a Second United Front.72 By

accepting the communists’ request, Chiang Kai-shek gave his consent to end the Guomindang’s

campaigns against the communists, to recognize the Communist Party as a legitimate party, and

to fight the Japanese along with communist forces.73 Basically, the communists could not be

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much happier for the Japanese invasion as Japan unintentionally saved them from an annihilation

by the nationalists.

In 1937, the Japanese Empire began to launch a full-scale invasion of its Chinese

neighbor. It is good to remember that Japan, like China, went through a self-strengthening

movement in its history. However, what distinguished these two countries’ achievements was

that Japan’s military modernization was far more successful than the one in China. Thus, the

strength of the Japanese army was beyond superior that of both the nationalists and the

communists. Indeed, within a year, the Japanese were able to defeat the Chinese forces as well as

to occupy eastern China and its important cities.74 One of the worst atrocities in twentieth-

century warfare happened in the capital city. In fact, Chiang Kai-shek pledged that Nanjing

would never fall in the hands of the invaders, however, the might of the Japanese proved him

wrong.75 The fall of Nanjing led to a barbarous slaughter known as the Rape of Nanjing from

mid-December 1937 to February 1938.76 This massacre cost the lives of thousands of innocent

civilians, who sadly experienced the worst death one can imagine.77 For instance, a significant

amount of Chinese were burned alive, decapitated, and sexually assaulted. Overall, the Sino-

Japanese war contained 23 battles in which the Guomindang was mostly present.78 The truth is

that Mao Zedong took the advantage that the nationalists were fighting the Japanese so to

strengthen both his political and military power.79 Mao Zedong was actually able to found an

army of about 1.3 million soldiers while Chiang Kai-shek’s forces were being weakened for

defending the nation. Ultimately, the great enemy of the communists was not Japan, but

obviously the nationalists.80 As a result, the communists were getting prepared so to finally

establish a Communist China.

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After Japan capitulated in 1945, the conflict between the nationalists and the communists

restarted. Evidently, the Guomindang was so weakened by the war against Japan that it could not

stop the advance of the Communist Party. In June 1949, after losing the control of Shanghai and

Nanjing, Chiang Kai-shek began to realize that it would not be able to defeat the communists and

that he needed to “withdrew trusted troops and selected civilian personnel and their families to

Taiwan.”81 Once in Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek argued that his party was still the legitimate

government of China and that one day the nationalists would retake the mainland.82 On the other

hand, Mao declared Taiwan as part of Communist China and pledged to get it back.83 Therefore,

Chiang Kai-shek began to think about a survival plan for the Republic of China. One of his

priorities was to consolidate his power over the island, especially by driving out communists and

their sympathizers.84 Moreover, he made sure that the nationalists were always ready to fight so

to resist any potential invasions from the communists.85 Nevertheless, on October 1st, 1949, Mao

Zedong declared that the people have stood up and finally proclaimed the founding of the

People’s Republic of China.86

Ultimately, the goal in this long struggle between the communists and the nationalists

held a common future for China. Indeed, both of these parties sought to establish a unified and

independent nation free from provincial warlords and foreign imperialists. Their aim was

eventually proven during the First United Front when they both collaborated in order to liberate

their country. However, such union did not repeat during the Second United Front against the

Japanese empire. In fact, while the nationalists were concentrating on fighting the Japanese, the

communists instead took this advantage so to plan their future victorious conquest. Obviously,

once Japan capitulated in 1945 and the civil war renewed, Chiang Kai-shek and his troops were

so weakened that they had no choice but to escape to the island of Taiwan. Since 1949, the

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Chinese Communist Party firmly holds mainland China, and still today tensions remain high

between Beijing and Taipei. Interestingly, both governments argue that they represent the

legitimate China, however, the People’s Republic of China is mostly recognized worldwide as

such. In addition, Taiwan evidently represents a hot topic for Beijing, therefore, many nations

around the world refuse to engage in diplomatic relations with the island so not to lose the

interests they might have with China. Finally, is there a brighter future for China and Taiwan?

Time will tell.

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De Jaegher, Raymond ; Kuhn, Irene. The Enemy Within. Garden City: Doubleday & Company,

1952.

Elman, Benjamin. Naval Warfare and the Refraction of China’s Self-Strengthening Reforms into

Scientific and Technological Failure, 1865-1895.Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Fenby, Jonathan. Chiang Kai Shek: China’s Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost. New York:

Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2003.

Hatano, Yoshiro. “The New Armies” in Mary Clabaugh Wright, editors, China in Revolution:

The First Phase, 1900-1913. London: Yale University Press, 1968, pp. 365.

Keck, Zachary. The CCP Didn’t Fight Imperial Japan; the KMT Did. Thediplomat, 2014.

Kuhn, Philip. Origins of the Taiping Vision: Cross-Cultural Dimensions of a Chinese

Rebellion. Cambridge University Press, 1977.

Lynch, Michael. Mao. New York: Routledge, 2004.

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Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung: Vol.I. Marxists Internet Archive, accessed December 1,

2016.

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Spence, Jonathan. The Search for Modern China. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013.

Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China.

Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009.

Wakeman, Frederic, “The Canton Trade and the Opium War” in Denis Twitchett and John

Fairbank, editors, The Cambridge History of China: Volume 10, Late Ch’ing 1800-1911,

Part 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978, pp.212.

Zheng, Yangwen. The Social Life of Opium in China. New York: Cambridge University Press,

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1 Zheng, Yangwen. The Social Life of Opium in China, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 71.2 Ibid., 155.3 Ibid., 157.4 Wakeman, Frederic, “The Canton Trade and the Opium War” in Denis Twitchett and John Fairbank, editors, The Cambridge History of China: Volume 10, Late Ch’ing 1800-1911, Part 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 212.5 Spence, Jonathan. The Search for Modern China, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013), 168.6 Ibid., 174-175.7 Elman, Benjamin. Naval Warfare and the Refraction of China’s Self-Strengthening Reforms into Scientific and Technological Failure, 1865-1895, (Cambridge University Press, 2004), 290-296.8 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 215.9 Ibid., 222.10 Hatano, Yoshiro. “The New Armies” in Mary Clabaugh Wright, editors, China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913., (London: Yale University Press, 1968), 365.11 Lynch, Michael. Mao. (New York: Routledge, 2004), 13.12 Ibid., 13.13 Ibid., 14.14 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 249-253.15 Ibid., 264-265.16 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 17.17 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 271.18 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 18.19 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 40.20 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 258.21 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 40-42.22 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, (Singapore: Longman, 1998), 21.23 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 295.24 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 22.25 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2009), 41-42.26 Ibid., 33-34.27 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 41-42.28 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 51.29 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 302.30 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 51.31 Ibid., 52.32 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 24.33 Ibid., 24.34 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 52.35 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 45.36 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 53.37 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 307.38 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 54.39 Ibid., 60.40 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 312-313.41 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 60.42 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 66.43 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 63.44 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 66.45 Mao, Zedong, “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” in Marxists.org, Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung: Vol.I. Marxists Internet Archive, accessed December 1, 2016. 46 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 64.47 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 88.48 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 30.49 Ibid., 27-28.50 Ibid., 28.51 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 28.52 Ibid., 29.

53 Ibid., 28.54 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 84.55 Ibid., 85.56 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 376.57 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 30.58 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 86.59 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 32.60 Ibid., 32.61 Ibid., 32.62 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99. 63 Fenby, Jonathan. Chiang Kai Shek: China’s Generalissimo and the Nation He Lost, (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2003), 275.64 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99.65 Fenby, Jonathan. Chiang Kai Shek, 275.66 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 99.67 Ibid., 99.68 Breslin, Shaun. Mao, 32.69 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 384.70 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 100-102.71 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 385.72 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 103.73 Ibid., 103.74 Spence, Jonathan. The Search, 391.75 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 151.76 Ibid., 151.77 Ibid., 152.78 Keck, Zachary. The CCP Didn’t Fight Imperial Japan; the KMT Did, (Thediplomat, 2014). 79 De Jaegher, Raymond ; Kuhn, Irene. The Enemy Within, (Garden City: Doubleday & Company, 1952), 73-98.80 De Jaegher, Raymond ; Kuhn, Irene. The Enemy Within, 83.81 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 403.82 Lynch, Michael. Mao, 103.83 Ibid., 103.84 Taylor, Jay. The Generalissimo, 411-412.85 Ibid., 412.86 Ibid., 416.