The Basilica of Campanopetra in Salamis/Constantia ... · the late Charles Delvoye, formulated the...

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Salamis of CyprusHistory and Archaeology from the Earliest Times

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Demetrios D. Triantaphyllopoulos

The Basilica of Campanopetra in Salamis/Constantia: Theories on its

Function and Archaeological Data

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Demetrios D. Triantaphyllopoulos

The Basilica of Campanopetra in Salamis/Constantia:Theories on its Function and Archaeological Data*

À la mémoire de Georges Rouxet de Charles Delvoye et Demetrios I. Pallas

Note: As the site is legally inaccessible for scientifi c research since 1974 because of the Turkish invasion, the paper is based exclusively on published material.

1. The uncovering of the Campanopetra complex From 1965 to 1974 the monumental complex in the south-east end of Salamis, located 10 metres from the sea, was in detail excavated by the Mission Archéologique Française de Chypre of the Lyon University under the direction of the late Georges Roux. It was stopped because of the Turkish invasion in 1974. Fortunately, the greatest part of the monument had already been fully uncovered and in 1998 an excellent book was pub-lished by the excavator. Otherwise, the monument itself has inevitably been left to its gloomy destiny since 1974.

The history of the monument during the centuries, as well as the peculiarities of its form have raised some questions; specifi cally, on the accuracy of the date of con-struction and the usage of some of its architectural parts. Above all, one asks what the purpose of such a sumptuous building complex was, as it is the greatest and most monu-mental early Christian basilica in Cyprus hitherto found – with a total length of 152 m (Figs. 1–3).1 The majority of its architectural elements were made from Proconnesian marble.2 Obviously, we are dealing with a monument of special function – but what was this function exactly and when is this building dated?

Let us give a short description of the monument according to the excavator’s report (Fig. 2).3 Through a square, three-sided colonnaded yard to the west we enter a rectan-gular four-sided colonnaded atrium with a phiale, i.e. a fountain, protected by a tholos

* I am deeply obliged to Christina Ioannou for her help to correct the proofs.

1 Roux 1998; Papageorghiou 2010, 424.2 Roux 1998, passim, esp. 19, 241.3 Roux 1998; cf. Pallas 1977, 293–297; Chotzakoglou 2005, passim; Papageorghiou 2010,

424–428.

Salamis_12_04.indb 730Salamis_12_04.indb 730 19.07.19 11:4719.07.19 11:47

© Waxmann Verlag GmbH | personal digital offprint for Demetrios D. Triantaphyllopoulos

731The Basilica of Campanopetra in Salamis/Constantia

on eight columns. The atrium is furnished by two storeys of small rooms, which are dis-tributed along three sides of the colonnade, totalling in sixty-six cells. From here we come to an oblong narthex, ending in semicircular recesses on both ends. The three-aisled nave, furnished with tribunes, is accessible through three openings. Two further openings at the extremities of the narthex lead to narrow and long corridors, which end in a smaller atrium on the east part of the church, beyond the chancel/bema. The chancel itself is preceded by a solea with an ambo and it is furnished with a synthronon in the main apse; the two lateral and smaller apses are also protruding in a semicircular way towards the East. The presence of a sarcophagus in the north apse suggests a kind of martyrium.4 An apsidal compartment is attached to the external north side of the church, explained by the excavator as a baptistery. The most peculiar feature is the east square

4 The local martyrology counts no less than twelve saints and/or martyrs (see for instance Arch-bishop Makarios III 1997, passim), but we are only aware of the loci martyria of the two most eminent ones, namely of St. Barnabas and St. Epiphanios.

Fig. 1 | Salamis: Campanopetra, aerial photograph (1972).



732 Demetrios D. Triantaphyllopoulos

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Fig. 5a-b | Salamis: Campanopetra, Theodosian capital.

Fig. 4a-b | Salamis: Campano-petra, east atrium – from the north (above), from the east (left).




atrium, with its three-aisled colonnade, which ends in the east side in a kind of a cibo-rium (canopy) in the open air (Fig. 4). Further to the east, outside the surrounding wall, a luxurious complex consisting of an atrium, a great building5 and a bath was excavated (Fig. 2). When the church was no more in use, the majority of the site was used for burials, mainly in the south aisle.

The chronology of the complex is not homogenous: the decoration (mainly the archi-tectural sculpture [Fig. 5]) suggests a date towards the end of the 5th/beginning of the 6th century, i.e. at the time of Emperor Zeno (476–491).6 Nevertheless, large parts of the complex, especially in the east part of the church (solea, ambo, chancel, including the east atrium with its opus sectile), some of them not fully excavated, are dated back to the Justinian period (527–565).7 The baptistery also suggests two periods of use.8

2. Theories about the function of the monument As early as in 1976, an expert on early Christian Architecture especially that of Cyprus, the late Charles Delvoye, formulated the theory that the east atrium of Campanopetra with its ciborium (Figs. 2, 4) housed a fragment of the Holy Cross and that the complex served as a pilgrimage destination.9 Consequently, he related its architectural setting to that of the Constantinian Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (Fig. 6).10

Georges Roux shared this opinion, and strengthened his argument by using Cypriot legends about the Holy Cross.11 He further described the small rooms along the west atrium as cells of a monastic community, which served the needs of the pilgrims, just like the baptistery did.12 One has to remember, that nearby Campanopetra there is the great archbishopric church and pilgrimage destination of Saint Epiphanios, also fur-nished with an impressive baptistery (Fig. 7).13 However, the opinion that a monastic community was housed in Campanopetra opposes to the lack of any evidence what-soever to justify it (inscriptions, place for trapeza/refectory or other auxiliary build-ings necessary for the monks, written sources).14 If we accept the existence of such a community, as the one historically attested through the ages until 1974 in the nearby Monastery of Saint Barnabas in Enkomi (Figs. 8, 9),15 we should also wonder where the

5 The use of this building remains unclear; Pallas 1977, 295, wonders whether it was an epi-skopeion, but this seems unlikely for Campanopetra (see below).

6 Roux 1998, passim, esp. 240–245; cf. Delvoye 1976 and 1980; Kosiński 2010. Pallas 1977: 5th/6th century. Papageorghiou 2010, 424–425, does not propose any chronology. The lack of a closer dating of the sculpture has been repeatedly pointed out as well as that of its ceramics.

7 Roux 1998, 83–86, 249, 259–263.8 Roux 1998, 211 ff., esp. 218–219.9 Delvoye 1976, 18; Delvoye 1980, 316–317. 10 For the Constantinian plan of the Holy Sepulchre see recently Biddle 1999, 65–73, fi gs. 62, 63;

Kalokyris 1999, 48 ff.; Krüger 2000, 39–60, fi gs. 43, 59; Labbas 2009, 88–101, fi gs. 64, 67, 69.11 Roux 1998, 245–251; for further supporters of the theory see e.g. Chotzakoglou 2005, 474–

475 and more recently Metcalf 2009, 367 f.12 Roux 1998, 44–47, 236 f.13 Papageorghiou 2010, 416–423; cf. Chotzakoglou 2005, 498–501 and passim; Foulias 2011, 31–36.14 Cf. Metcalf 2009, 367 f.; for the usual buildings of a monastery see Orlandos 1958; Papa-

evangelu 1990.15 For this monastery Papageorghiou 2010, 96–101; cf. also Foulias 2011, 123–131.




repose rooms for the pilgrims were! Regarding the baptistery theory, although there is no indication of a baptismal font, one cannot decisively reject the opinion of the exca-vator that the font was portable, as it was in the case of Philippi in Macedonia.16 More-over, the slope of the ground for the fl owing of the water corroborates his suggestion. It has also been proved that, in general, relics found in baptisteries served the Sacra-ment of the Holy Baptism.17 Furthermore, if Campanopetra served as a simulacrum of the Holy Sepulchre, as maintained by the author and others (here below, section 4),

16 Roux 1998, 218.17 Roux 1998, 212 f., and more recently Comte 2012, chapt. 6 (I know the book indirectly).

Fig. 6 | Jerusalem: Holy Sepulchre, plan of the Constantinian phase.

Fig. 7 | Salamis: Basilica of Saint Epiphanios, plan.




Fig. 8 | Plan of Salamis.

Fig. 9 | Enkomi by Salamis: Monastery of Saint Barnabas, from the east.




the baptistery is better understood in the light of the analogous one found in the Holy Sepulchre.18

As most of the sculptures seem to date to the time of Emperor Zeno (476–491), it has been supported by Arthur (Peter) Megaw, Rafał Kosiński and others that the whole Campanopetra basilica must be considered as ‘Zenonian building propaganda’.19 As it is well known, Zeno is closely connected with the miraculous intervention of St. Barnabas and the question of the autocephalous church of Cyprus.20 Megaw in his posthumously published article expressed the rather puzzling opinion, that Campanopetra, built by Zeno, housed the relics of St. Barnabas, which thus made it a place of destination for his pilgrimage.21 Kosiński took it for granted and maintained that Campanopetra was one of the four monuments historically attested as Zenonian achievements among the fi fteen churches in the whole Empire that he enumerates as Zenonian.22

Let us look briefl y at the facts. To start with, Megaw, Kosiński and others believe that monk Alexander, who lived at the time of Justinian23 in the nearby monastery of St. Barnabas at Enkomi (Fig. 8),24 when describing in his Laudatio Sancti Barnabae the monastery-martyrium of the Saint,25 he was actually describing the complex of Campa-nopetra.26 Only about 3 km separate the two buildings (Fig. 8). In the monastery-martyr-ium in Enkomi one can still see what is considered to be the original grave of Apostle Barnabas, founder of the Church of Cyprus,27 which is situated in a cave at a short dis-tance east to his monastery-martyrium, as it is described in texts (Fig. 10).28 The exact place of his tomb where his relics were later transferred, to the south of the chancel of the katholikon, was fi xed by the excavations of George Soteriou in the 1930s (Fig. 11).29

18 Cf. Kalokyris 1999, 91–93; Krüger 2000, 66; Labbas 2009, 102.19 Megaw 2006; Kosiński 2010; Roux 1998, 248–249, had not discarded the connection to Zeno

for the fi rst phase of Campanopetra.20 Papathomas 1998; Mitsides 2005, 129–154. Nevertheless, the assertion of the latter (p. 136)

that the so-called three privileges of the Archbishop of Cyprus go back to the emperor Zeno seems to be an invention of the early modern local historiography. As far as it is known, the story about the privileges appears for the fi rst time in the Ἱστoρία χρονολογική τῆς νήσου Κύπρου by Archimandrite Kyprianos (Venice 1788; photomechanical reprint Nicosia 1902) 151, who relies on an essay – ca. 1740 – by Archbishop Philotheos (1734–1759), the original of which since then has been lost; nevertheless, it is being reprinted in his pp. 551–581. See further Mitsides 2011, 633; Kitromilides 2002, 264. Probably not incidentally, it was Philotheos who ordered the depiction of the story about Zeno and the alleged donation of the privileges in a series of frescoes in the archbishopric cathedral of St. John Theologos in Nicosia, 1744–1750: Mitsides 2011, 625 (with incorrect dating); Triantaphyllopoulos 2014, 41–42.

21 Megaw 2006.22 Kosiński 2010.23 For monk Alexander as writer see Chrestou 1992, 499; Constantinides 2005, 431–432; Efthy

mia dis – Déroche 2011, 76; Μεγάλη Ορθόδοξη Χριστιανική Εγκυκλοπαίδεια, vol. 2 (Athens 2011) 171–172.

24 Literature for the monastery in n. 16 above.25 Critical edition of the text by P. van Deun, in: van Deun – Noret 1993, 83–122, esp. 119. From

the archaeological point of view of this passage cf. Roux 1998, 57; Papageorghiou 2010, 96.26 Megaw 2006, Kosiński 2010. 27 For his role to the Christianization of Cyprus, cf. Oikonomou 2002, 101–106; Oikonomou 2005.28 Soteriou 1937, 175–187; cf. Chotzakoglou 2005, 539; Papageorghiou 2010, 96. 29 Soteriou 1937, 175–187; Papageorghiou 2010, 96. Roux 1998, 237, incorrectly notes that the

tomb was in the north side of the chancel, though the Laudatio of monk Alexander is clear




Fig. 10 | Enkomi by Salamis: St. Barnabas Monastery, sketched by the Kievan Hieromonk Vassili Barsky (1735); the cave considered to be the original grave of the Apostle is under the little building on the right.

Fig. 11 | Enkomi by Salamis: St. Barnabas Monastery, plan, according to Arthur (Peter) Megaw.




Through the centuries down to our times the name of St. Barnabas has fi rmly been con-nected with this monastery and not with Campanopetra, whose original name we can only surmise.30 Secondly, Campanopetra was abandoned, came to ruin and was cov-ered by sand and vegetation – hence its recent name, which describes the place there.31 On the contrary, the monastery of St. Barnabas was never abandoned and has under-gone several alterations because of its continuous use.32 Last but not least, although the Campanopetra complex had the good luck to be almost totally excavated, the monas-tery of St. Barnabas still remains unexplored for its most part.33 As a result, we know practically nothing about its early Christian atrium, as described by Alexander. In other words, if we accept Campanopetra as the place of St. Barnabas’ martyrium, then who does the existing monastery-martyrium and tomb at Enkomi belong to, which corre-sponds to the descriptions of the sources about the place of burial of Apostle Barnabas? It is obvious that this new theory leads to more inextricable questions!

3. Testimonies to relics of the Holy Cross in Cyprus To support his theory of the cult of the Holy Cross in Campanopetra, Georges Roux collected stories and testimonies regarding fragments of the Holy Cross which had been circulating over the centuries in Cyprus.34 By adding some more indications we accu-mulate no less than ten testimonies.35 Some of them have become famous worldwide, as the relic that Philippe de Mezières, the well-known chancellor of the Lusignans,36 donated in 1369 to the Scuola Grande di San Giovanni Evangelista in Venice.37 This fact is visually perpetuated by Gentile Bellini in 1496 in his magnifi cent painting Processione in Piazza di San Marco,38 and it is considered as the most glorious litany

in denoting that it was located ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου (van Deun, in: van Deun – Noret 1993, 119), as proved by the excavation of Soteriou 1937.

30 According to the theory of Delvoye and Roux, which we share (see below), the original name of the church complex in Campanopetra could possibly be that of the Holy Cross.

31 See Roux 1998, 13–14 and fi g. 5.32 See the literature in notes 16 and 26 above.33 Cf. Papageorghiou 2010, 96 and 98, fi g. 2.34 Roux 1998, 246 ff. For an incomplete, not wholly reliable catalogue of relics of the Holy

Cross in Cyprus see Meinardus 1970. Next to the classical study of Frolow 1961, see Dinkler – Dinkler-von Schubert 1995, 15–18.

35 See, e.g., the cases referred in the relative bibliographical chapter in Ἱστορία τῆς Κύπρου 2005, 869–872. For the legend about Saint Helena and her supposed staying in Cyprus see some critical notes in Papacostas 1999, vol. I, 95–99; G. W. Bowersock explains the legend as an allusion for the great importance of Cyprus for Constantinople (Bowersock 2000, 10). Does the statue of St. Helena in the Louvre, coming from Cyprus (Chotzakoglou 2005, 694, fi g. 676), belong to the same context? E. Procopiou has seen in the Cypriot Patriarch of Alexan-dreia St. John the Almsgiver (7th cent.) another medium for the import of relics of the Holy Cross in Cyprus (Procopiou 2015, 208 f).

36 For his personality and his role in Cyprus see for instance Ἱστορία τῆς Κύπρου 1995–1996, passim; Puchner 2006; Puchner 1995, chap. 3. Τhe book edited by R. Blumenfeld-Kosinski and K. Petkov, Philippe de Mézières and his Age. Piety and Politics in the Fourteenth Century (Leiden – Boston 2011) was not accessible.

37 Rodini 1998, 37; cf. Carr 2005) VI, 67. See also next note.38 From the vast literature on Gentile Bellini and his paintings see, e.g., Heinemann 1962; Meyer

zur Capellen 1985; Rodini 1998, 37; Campbell – Chong et al. 2005.




in the History of European Art. Of course the testimonies that mention the existence of such relics in Ammochostos/Famagusta, which succeeded Salamis/Constantia, are of special interest.39

Some of these literary testimonies are of great value for our case. Firstly, the text De inventionis Sancti Crucis by monk Alexander at Enkomi, 6th century:40 Was the author inspired by the fact that he lived in a place being proud of having such an outstanding monument, dedicated probably to the Holy Cross?41 And did he deliver his speech in the Campanopetra basilica? Secondly, Cyprus offered timber in the 9th cen-tury for the reparation of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem,42 at a time, when the island was still under occupation by the Arabs. Thirdly, it was Saint Neophytos the Recluse in the 12th/13th centuries, who made a six month pilgrimage in the Loca Sancta, named his Enkleistra as Holy Cross and gifted to his church a piece of the Holy Cross.43 Further-more, he wrote no less than eight existing speeches on the Holy Cross44 and he made innumerable references to it in his writings.45 Moreover, the iconographic setting of his Enkleistra is dominated by the presence of the Cross.46 Fourth, is it a mere coincidence that Leontios Machairas, in the 15th century, makes such an extensive reference to the cult of the Holy Cross in Cyprus?47 Last but not least, fi fth, a comparatively great number of old monasteries and churches in Cyprus are dedicated to the Holy Cross.48

39 After the Frankish conquest Famagusta played the role of a Holy City on the island (Bacci 2008), boasting in several cases about relics of the Holy Cross, as e.g. in the church of St. George of the Greeks (see for instance Kyrris 2004, 69), etc. An incomplete survey of the Christian monuments of the town and their role is given in Walsh – Edbury – Coureas 2012.

40 For the writer see above, n. 24. Nevertheless, the identifi cation with the writer of the Laudatio Apostoli Barnabae remains an open issue, see Efthymiadis – Déroche 2011. For his text on the Holy Cross see BHG III (Brussels 1957, 3rd ed.) nos. 410–411, Novum Auctarium BHG (Brussels 1984), nos. 410–411b; recent literature in Constantinides 2005, 432, n. 60. The text handy in PG 87/III, 4015–4076, 4077–4088.

41 Perhaps it is not a mere coincidence that the so-called ‘Holy Fountain of Nicodemos’ in Salamis was decorated with early Christian frescoes and an inscription which made a clear allusion to the Vision of the Holy Cross by Constantin the Great. For the monument in Salamis see Chotzakoglou 2005, 567, fi gs. 281–284. For the Vision of Constantine recently Triantaphyllopoulos 2015a, 527–538.

42 Chotzakoglou 2005, 699.43 See the relevant passus of his Typike Diatheke in Neophytos II, 5.2, p. 33; commentaries on

the text: Glaros 2005; Glaros 2010, 337–356; Ioannou 2007. For the placement of this piece of the Holy Cross in the Enkleistra and its meaning see Pallas 1986.

44 References to the relevant texts in Neophytos V, 239–241. 45 See the indices in Neophytos VI, further Stefanis, 2012; cf. Triantaphyllopoulos 2008 and

2010, esp. 830–831. 46 Mango – Hawkins 1966, passim; Chotzakoglou 2010, 924–929.47 See Dawkins 1932, index, 321 s. v. ‘Cross’.48 The incomplete catalogue of existing monuments by Gunnis 1956, index, s. v. ‘Holy Cross’,

enumerates no less than 21 monuments, to which one has to add, for instance, the Stavro-vouni Monastery, the Psoka (Paphos District) Holy Cross, further monuments in Nicosia and elsewhere. It is noteworthy, that up to the end of the 19th century the famous church of Agia Paraskevi in Yeroskipou was dedicated to the Holy Cross. The initial phase of the monument has been dated to the period of iconoclasm (8th cent.) (Foulias, 2003–2004; Foulias 2008, 61–94; Foulias 2011, 226–239). It has also been asserted that the south apse of the bema in a form of a tetraconch was dedicated to the cult of the Holy Cross (Foulias 2011), but here one could




To recapitulate: even if all the legends about the Holy Cross in Cyprus cannot be verifi ed archaeologically, we have to accept as a fact that relics of it have existed on the island since perhaps as early as the Constantinian period.

4. Campanopetra: New Jerusalem in Cyprus? When St. Neophytos the Recluse extended and renovated the Enkleistra, he named his new cell New Zion49 – surely a symbolic name reminding him of his pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre, in the new form to which it had been transformed in that time.50 The naming of his cell as New Zion was in connection with the iconographic setting of the church in the Enkleistra, as suggested some years ago.51 We have seen that the medieval Ammochostos/Famagusta, successor of Salamis/Constantia, has been interpreted as an iconic New Jerusalem, in order to justify the transfer and settlement of the Royal House of Lusignan from the Kingdom of Jerusalem to Cyprus.52 Both places, Enkleistra and Ammochostos, boasted about having pieces of the Holy Cross. Was Campanopetra, also, the by-product of such a concept?

The arrangement of the east atrium and the ciborium in open air (Figs. 2, 4) does not exclude other functions beyond the one supported by Charles Delvoye, Georges Roux and others, but these seem less reasonable. With regard to the theory in favour of St. Barnabas or eventually other martyrs interred supposedly in Campanopetra,53 a ques-tion remains unanswered: Why did they decide to erect an additional atrium on the east side instead of interring the saint and others to the south of the chancel, near the diaco-nicon? The latter is the general procedure and rule for martyrs and saints in Cyprus and elsewhere (e.g. St. Epiphanios in Constantia, St. Spyridon in Trimithous, St. Lazarus in Larnaca, St. Herakleidios in Tamassos/Politiko, St. Barnabas in Enkomi etc.)54.

The existence of the east atrium and the ciborium inevitably brings to one’s mind similar arrangements, that begin with the Constantinian complex of the Holy Sepul-cre, namely the basilica of the Crucifi xion/Golgotha and the Rotunda of the Anastasis (Resurrection) (Fig. 6).55 We have to remember that in the initial complex the Rock of Golgotha, where the Cross of Christ stood, was outside the great basilica, in the atrium between the basilica and the Rotunda, in contact with the bema of the basilica.56

also surmise an infl uence of iconoclastic ideas, as shown by the aniconic cross decoration of the church (Foulias 2011).

49 See n. 44 above. 50 For the Holy Sepulchre and its new form in the 11th century: Biddle 1999, 74–88; Kalokyris

1999, 78 ff.; Krüger 2000, 77–81; Labbas 2009, 103–105. 51 Triantaphyllopoulos 2008 and 2010.52 See n. 40 above.53 Cf. n. 5 above.54 See in general Chotzakoglou 2005, passim, esp. 538–543. For St. Spyridon recently Trianta-

phyllopoulos 2015b, 457–476.55 See here, n. 11 above. Cf. Pallas 1977, 295–296, who shares the connection with the Holy

Sepulchre, but he reminds also the bēt selôtā (i.e., place of prayer) of churches in Tûr ‘Abdîn; fi nally, he connects the arrangement in Campanopetra with the expansion of the Liturgy of Jerusalem in Cyprus.

56 See e.g. Biddle 1999, 69 and fi g. 63A; Krüger 2000, 47–49; Labbas 2009, 94–96.




Fig. 12 | Salamis: Campanopetra, reconstruction of the interior of the building after George Roux.

The presence of the baptistery in the Campanopetra complex as well as in the Ana-stasis Rotunda is not less signifi cant, a fact that corroborates our argumentation for the role of Campanopetra.57

The arrangement of the east atrium at Campanopetra in analogy to that of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem and the suggestion that the Cypriot monument should be regarded as a pilgrimage destination to the Holy Cross, is further corroborated, in my opinion, by a remarkable indication. This, strangely enough, has not be stressed properly by the excavator. In the reconstruction plan of the main apse its hemisphere has been designed to be decorated simply with a great cross (Figs. 3, 12).58 Similar apse decora-tions are to be found in various early Christian monuments throughout the Mediterranean world.59 Several of the latter churches have no special connection to the Holy Sepul-chre; Campanopetra, conceived at least in its east part to imitate the Holy Sepulchre, is much more justifi ed to display such a decoration.

5. Conclusion Archaeological and historical evidence has lead us to accept the opinion held by Delvoye, Roux and others that Campanopetra represents a kind of transfer and establishment of the Holy Sepulchre in Cyprus. The church housed a relic of the Holy Cross and func-tioned as a pilgrimage destination, just like the simulacra of the Holy Sepulchre in the

57 See n. 18 above. For the role of the baptistery in the Holy Sepulchre, in accordance with the Catecheseis of Cyril of Jerusalem (4th cent.), see the literature in n. 11 above.

58 Roux 1998, plans 5, 6. 59 Ihm 1992, 76–94, 244–245; a summary in Dinkler – Dinkler-von Schubert 1995, 98–107.




medieval West in later years.60 There is a very long tradition of contacts between Cyprus and Palestine, beginning obviously before St. Epiphanios, Archbishop of Cyprus in Salamis/Constantia (367–403), who came to the island from Palestine,61 and not ending with Georgios Seferis, who was surprised in the 1950s by the host of Cypriot pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre/Panagios Taphos,62 but continuing to our days an unbroken chain of almost monthly mass contacts! Additionally, the numerous stories about relics of the Holy Cross in Cyprus render the theory of Campanopetra as a locus sanctus63 quite probable.

Let us hope and wish for future researchers to have the opportunity to scrutinize details in Campanopetra again in a free, united Cyprus!

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Photo creditsFigs. 1–5, 12: Roux 1998, fi g. 1b [1], plan Ia [2], plan V [3], fi g. 225 [4], fi g. 106 [5], plan VI [12]. – Fig. 6: E. Otto, Das antike Jerusalem. Archäologie und Geschichte (Munich 2008) 111, fi g. 32. – Fig. 7: A. Papageorghiou, ‘Foreign Infl uences on the Early Christian Architecture of Cyprus’, in: V. Karageorghis (ed.), Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium ‘Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident’, Nicosia, 8–14 September 1985 (Nicosia 1986) 498, fi g. 1. – Fig. 8: V. Karageorghis, Excavations in the Necropolis of Salamis, vol. IV. Salamis, vol. 7 (Nicosia 1978) 2, fi g. 1. – Fig. 9: photo by S. Rogge. – Fig. 10: Papa-georghiou 2010, 99, fi g. 1. – Fig. 11: after A. H. S. Megaw, ‘Byzantine Architecture and Deco-ration in Cyprus: Metropolitan or Provincial?’, in: DOP 28, 1974, 77, fi g. H.

Demetrios D. Triantaphyllopoulos Former Professor at the University of [email protected]



Abbreviations

AA Archäologischer Anzeiger AE L’année epigraphiqueAJA American Journal of ArchaeologyAM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts,

Athenische Abteilung ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen WeltAntCL L’antiquité classiqueAntJ The Antiquaries JournalAP Archaeological ReportsArchCl Archeologia classicaASAtene Annuario della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle missioni italiane

in OrienteBAAL Bulletin d’archéologie et d’architecture libanaisesBABesch Bulletin antieke beschaving. Annual Papers on Classical ArchaeologyBAR British Archaeological Reports. International SeriesBASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental ResearchBCH Bulletin de correspondance helléniqueBCom Bullettino della Commissione archeologica comunale di RomaBE Bulletin épigraphiqueBHG Bibliotheca Hagiographica GraecaBICS Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of LondonBSA The Annual of the British School at Athens BSR Papers of the British School at RomeCCEC Cahiers du Centre d’Études chypriotesCIG Corpus inscriptionum GraecarumCIL Corpus inscriptionum LatinarumClPhil Classical PhilologyCMS Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen SiegelCPJ Corpus papyrorum JudaicarumCRAI Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettresCVA Corpus vasorum antiquorumDNP Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der AntikeDOP Dumbarton Oaks PapersEGF Epicorum Graecorum fragmentaFHG Fragmenta historicorum GraecorumFGrHist F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen HistorikerHEROM Journal on Hellenistic and Roman Material CultureHistoria Historia. Zeitschrift für Alte GeschichteICS O. Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques. Recueil critique et

commenté (Paris 1961; Paris 1983 [réimpr. augm.])IEJ Israel Exploration Journal


12 Abbreviations

IG Inscriptiones GraecaeIGR Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentesIJO Inscriptiones Judaicae OrientisILS H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae (Berlin 1892–1916)IstMitt Istanbuler MitteilungenJASc Journal of Archaeological ScienceJdI Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen InstitutsJHS The Journal of Hellenic StudiesJMedA Journal of Mediterranean ArchaeologyJNES Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJRA Journal of Roman ArchaeologyJRS The Journal of Roman StudiesKypSp Κυπριακαί ΣπουδαίLIMC Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicaeLTUR Lexicon topographicum urbis RomaeMEFRA Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité MemLinc Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Classe di scienze morali,

storiche e fi lologiche. MemorieÖJh Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in WienOGIS W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae (Leipzig 1903–1905)OpArch Opuscula archaeologica (Skrifter utgivna av Svenska institutet i Rom) OpAth Opuscula AtheniensiaPBF Prähistorische BronzefundePG Patrologia GraecaPIR Prosopographia Imperii RomaniPraktArchEt Πρακτικά της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής ΕταιρείαςRA Revue archéologiqueRDAC Report of the Department of Antiquities, CyprusRE Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen AltertumswissenschaftREG Revue des études grecques RendLinc Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Classe di scienze morali,

storiche e fi lologiche. RendicontiRendPontAc Atti della Pontifi cia Accademia Romana di Archeologia. RendicontiRivStFen Rivista di studi feniciRM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung RNum Revue numismatiqueRPC Roman Provincial CoinageSCE The Swedish Cyprus ExpeditionSEG Supplementum epigraphicum GraecumSIMA Studies in Mediterranean ArchaeologyTAM Tituli Asiae MinorisZPE Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik


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