The Ballgame at Baking Pot, Belize:

An Analysis of the Ballcourts at a Maya Civic Centre

A Thesis Submitted to the Committee on Graduate Studles

in PartiaI Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree of Masters of Arts

in the Faculty of Arts and Science

TRENT UNIVERSITY

Peterborough� Ontarío. Canada

© Copyright Josalyn Ferguson 1999

Anthropology M.A. Program

June 1999

1+1 National Library of Canada

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ABSTRACT

The Ballcourts at Baking Pot:

Analysis of the Ballgame at a Maya Civie Centre

Josalyn Ferguson

While ínterest in the Maya baIlgame continues to develop, the role or purpose of the

ballcourts ando henee. the ballgame within Precolumbian Maya society remains somewhat

elllsive. Investigators have traditionally eoncentrated on ethnohistorie. epigraphic and

ieonographic data for clues. often overlooking the available architectural evidence.

Reeently. archaeologists conducting regional analyses have begun to consider these data.

The Maya civic centre of Baking Pot in Belize, Central America. presents an unusual

opportunity to examine the role of the ballgame. as it possesses three masonry ballcourts.

Each is unique and has features distinct from those associated with other sites in the Belize

Valley. Additionally. the distribution of balIcollrts at Baking Pot appears to be fundamental

to the role( s) of the ballcourts. This thesis presents an overview of the Mesoamerican and

Maya ballgame. as well as a discussion of the Belize Valley and those sites which possess

ballcourts . A detailed examination of the excavated ballcourts at Baking Pot is prov ided.

The thesis culminates in a discussion of the meaning and roles of the ballcourts and

ballgame at Baking PoL It is argued that by examining the architectural and spatial

dynamics of the ballcourts at Baking Pot, while considering notions of Maya ideol ogy and

socio-political complexity, decipherment of the meaning and role of the ballcourts at Baking

Pot is possible.

II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

AH of my field work conducted since 1995 on ballcourts wi thin the Belize Valley could not

ha ve be en undertaken without the consent of the Belize Department of Archaeology. and

project directors Paul Healy and Jaime Awe (1995 excavations ofthe EBC at Cahal Pech)�

Gyles [annone ( 1 996/97 excavations at X-ual-canil) ; and Jaime Awe (1997 excavations of

the NBC at 8aking Pot) .

1 would like to thank the many wonderful people who have assisted me with my ballcourt

research over the years, from the fieId school students who helped me excavate to all of my

supervisors. [have worked with Jaime Awe for 8 years now. Jaime's enthusiasm and

love for archaeology and of the Maya enticed me to follow in his footsteps. Thank you for

your patience, l eadership . and suppo rt. 1 will never be able to thank you enough for

everything.

1 worked in the field for Gyles [annone for three years, during which tin"le 1 learned the

logistics of being involved in an archaeoIogical project. Gyles was perhaps the most

i nfluential on my academic career in the classroom, where he taught me all 1 know about

theot)' . 1 pro mise to continue to be provoked by theory in rny future. Thank you for being

a \vonderfu l "saund-board" and advisor.

Special thanks goes to Julia Harrison for agreeing to be on my examining cornrnittee, and

for contributing her cultural anthropoIogical views and helping broade n my research

perspectives and atherwise archaeologically specific avenues.

My utmost respect and gratitude goes out to Elizabeth Graham for agreeing to be rny

external examiner, especially during a particularly hectic time. [ owe a great deaL to Liz, as 1

would not be where 1 am today without her introduction to archaeology, encouragement

Ul

and assistance over the years. Thank you!!

Final ly. J would like to thank Paul Healy who. despi te the hardships of holding an

administrative position, agreed to supervise me during my M .A. Thank you for your

continual direction, guidance. support and understanding during an occasionally rocky. but

always challenging, educational experience.

The friendly people of Belize, including rny many good friends and colleagues there. aL so

deserve special thanks for their continued generosity and tolerance of our yearly treks. Of

particular mentíon are Joe Martinez. David " Ciego" Valencia, EveraLd Tut and family, Pete

ó' Pacz" Zubrzyck i . Bob and Nettie Jones, Ms. Lucky Kamica. Mr. and Mrs. Dan Silva and

all the wonderful staff at the Cahal Pech Village.

[ would like to thank all of rny wonderful friends and colleagues in the Maya area and at

Trent University, whose advice, comments and support have been invaluable, most

especially: Sonja Schwake. Tina '-My Pillar of Strength" Christensen, Cameron Griffith.

Nadine "Beaner" Gray. Sherry Gibbs, Christophe ""Mappus" Helmke. Jim Aimers. David

F. Lee. Jen PiehI, ,óBig" Jirn ConIon, Rhanj u "Wizard" Songo Norbert Stanchly, Keith

Prufer. Sam ConnelL David Cruz, Mike Mirror and Vanessa Owen, Jason Yaeger , Minette

Penados, Allan Moore, and all of the other graduate students and professors at Trent, and

especially the most wonderful secretary ever, Sandi Carro

1 would also like to make special mention and thanks to those whose research and advice

helped contribute to my own. incIudi ng: David Driver, Steven McDougal, Jim McGovem.

Chris Hartman, Joseph Ball, Richard Leventhal and Wendy Ashmore, Jim Garber, AnabeL

Ford, and Elizabeth Graham.

Last, and definitely not least, 1 would like to thank the troly most encouraging and Ioving

iv

famiiy around, most especiaiiy lviy Dad, lvLark Ferguson, my Stepmother Cherrei

CampbeiL and my brother, ivíatthew Ferguson. Thank you for your support and for being

there for me. i love yOll.

v

T ABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACf .. . . .. . . . . ... . ... . . . " . . . . . . . . . . . " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II

T ABLE OF CONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v

LrST OF RGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vlll

LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . x.

CHAPTER l

INTRODUCfION

[ntroduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

The Ballgame . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

The Arcrutecture and Setting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Origíns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 13

The Game . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Summary .......... . . .... . ...... . ... . . ............... . .... 22

CHAPTER 2

THE BELIZE V ALLEY, [TS SITES ANO BALLCOURTS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Con textual Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . 27

Precolumbian Maya and Settlement in the Belize VaUey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ". . 28

The Belize Valley Sites and Their Ballcourts .... "...................... 32

VI

Actuncan (Cahal XUX) ........ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

B lackman Eddy . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

Buenavista Del Cayo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

Cahal Pech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

El Pilar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

Las Ruinas De Arenal . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

North Caracol Fann .................... ................ 42

Ontario Village . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Pae bi tun ............................................ 44

X-ual-canil .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . 46

Xunantunich . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . 48

Oiscussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Surnmary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

CHAPTER3

THE MAYA CIVIC CENTRE OF BAKING POT ANO ITS 8ALLCOURTS

lntroduction . . . . . . ... . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

8aking Pot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

History of ArchaeoLogicallnvestigations at Baking Pot . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

O.G. Ricketson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... . . . . . . 74

A.H. Anderson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

G.R. Willey, W. Bullard. 1.8. Glass and 1. Gifford . . . . . . . . . . . 76

W. Bullard and M. Ricketson BuHard . ... .. . .. .... .. .. . ... 77

J.1. Awe and the Belize VaIley Archaeological

Reconnaissance Project . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

The Ballcourts at Baking Pot . . . . .... . . . . . . . .. .. . . . .. .. . . ... . . . . . . 79

Structure n-o Ballcourt Complex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ . . _ . . . . . . .

Plaza 2 Ballcourt (Mounds F and H) ........................ .

The North Ballcourt (NBC) .............................. .

S tru cture L Excavations

S tructure K Excavations . . ......... . ...... . . . . ... . . .. .

Playing Alley Excavations .... . .... . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . .

Oiscussion

Sllmmary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

CHAPTER4

DISCUSSION

VII

80

82

89

90

92

95

99

100

Introdu ction . . . . . _ . . _ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 1 14-

Maya Ideology and the Ballgame . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I L4 Soci o-Po l i tical Com plexity and Bal lc o urts in the Belize Valley . . . . . . . _ . . . . . . . 122

Architecture and the Maya of the B e l ize Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134

Settleme nt Pattems and the M aya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 1

CHAPTER5

CONCLUSIONS

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . .. . . . . .. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 143

B aking Pot and Its Ballcourts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143

Summary . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . 15 1

REFERENCES CITED .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154

viii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1

Figure 1.2

Figure 1.3

Figure 2.1

Figure 2.2

Figure 2.3

Figure 2.4

Figure 2.5

Figure 2.6

Figure 2.7

BalLcourt Structural Features . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Early Ballplayer Figurines. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Bench ReLief from the Great Ballcourt. Chichén Itzá 26

Map of the Maya Subarea .... . .. . .. ... . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . 55

Map Showing the Location of Major sites in Belize. . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

Map of Archaeological Sites in the Belize Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

Map of Actuncan lllustrating the Ballcourt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Map of Blackman Eddy Illustrating Ballcourt .. . . . . . .. . . .. . . . 59

Map of Buenavista lllustrating Ballcourts

Map of Cahal Pech lllustrating BaLlcourts

60

61

Figure 2.8 Map of El Pilar Illustrating Ballcourts . . . ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Figure 2.9 Map of Las Ruinas Illustrating the BaLlcourt ...... . . . . . . . . . . . 63

Figure 2.10 Map of Ontario Village Illustrating the Ballcourt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

Figure 2.11 Map of Pacbitun Illustrating Ballcourt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

Figure 2.12 Map of X-ual-caDil Illustrating Ballcourt .... . ... . . . . . . . . . . . 66

Figure 2.13

Figure 2.14

Figure 3.1

Figure 3.2

Figure 3.3

Figure 3.4

Figure 3.5

Map of Xunantunich ILLustrating Ballcourts

Map of Belize Valley Sites With Ballcourts

Map of Archaeological sites in the Belize Valley ............ .

Map of Baking Pot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Map of Group n IlIustrating Structure n-o Ballcourt Complex ... .

Plan and Profile of Structure II-O Ballcourt ............... .

Map of Group l, Plaza II Ballcourt ...................... .

67

68

101

102

103

104

105

IX

Figure 3.6 Group L Plaza n Playi ng AlIey Excavatíon Units ............ . 106

Figure 3.7 Group I. Plaza II Excavation Units ............ . ........ . 107

Figure 3.8 Profile of Group L Plaza n Eastem Bal lcourt Structure ........ . 108

Figure 3.9 a) Photograph of NBC� b) Photograph of Fragmented Marker and Depression 109

Fi gure 3.10 Map ofNB C .................................... LID

Figure 3.11 Map NBC Excavation Units . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III

Figure 3.12 S tructuraL P rofile of the North Ballcourt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lL2

Figure 3.13 a) lll ustration of Ceramic Netsinkers; b) Ill ustration of Jute Shells . . 113

Figure 4.1 Map of Ali gnments of Ceremonial Centres with B allcourts

in the Belize Valley . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1 Belize Valley Ballcourts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69

x

1

Chapter 1

INTRODUCTION

This thesis will examine the meaning and role ofthe baLlcourts, and henee ballgame. at the

Maya eivic centre of Baking Pot, in the Belize River Val ley of Belize, Central America. An

understanding will be derived from the architectural and spatial evidenee exhibited at the

site. and by consideratian of notions of Maya rituaL ideology and soci opolitical complexity ,

particularl)' within the Belize Valley in the Late Classic period (A.D. 700-9 00). The

ballgame throughaut Mesoamerica has been the topie of much discussion by scholars and

lay-people alike for rnany years. Whereas epigraphie, ieonographie, and ethno historie data

have been the foeus of evidenee in most diseussions, less attention has been placed on the

avai(able architectural evidence, perhaps the most prolific testimony of the ballgame

available. In fact, arehitectural evidenee is the only evidence of the ballgame in the Belize

Valley, and for many other regions of the Maya Lowlands.

The literature currently available on the Maya ballgame diseusses the perceived purpose(s)

of the game, but pays relatively littl e attention to variations in balleourts in a gi ven region,

or at a specifie site. Sorne of the publications in which ba[[court architecture has be en

considered inelude discussions involving symbolic, ideo l ogical, social and politieal roles

(Ritman 1968:47-4; Cohodas 1975: 129; Ashmore 1989, 1991, 1992; De Montmollin 1989:

Gillespie 1991 :34]; Searborough 1991 b; Santley et al . 1991; Scarborough and Wilcox

1991: Freidel et al. 1993:384). Since the Maya site of Baking Pot possesses multi ple

balleourts, it presents an interesting case study to examine the ballgarne and, in effeet, test

sorne of the proposed roles of the batlgame . The site has three distinet balleourts, an

un usual phenomenon in the regíon. This thesis wiII examine the balleourts of Baking Pot,

while eonsi deri ng contextual data speeific to the site and surrounding region. Additionally,

2

1 will take into aecount what archaeoLogists claim to know about the Maya ballgame.

THE BALLGAME

Various ballgames have been documented throughout the Americas for over 2000 years,

from the Hohokam culture area in the southwest United States. to the Caribbean, and into

the Amazon Drainage and Orinoeo Basin of South America (Stem 1948; Clune L963: 18;

Kemrer 1968: 1; Gillespie 1991:317; Scarborough and Wilcox. 1991 :vii, Whalen and Minnis

1996:732). Variants of the ancient games continue to be played even today in sorne areas of

Mexico (Miller and Houston 1987:48; Scarborough and Wilcox. 1991; Taladoi re and

Colsenet 1991: 162; Leyenaar 1992: 132; Whalen and Minnis 1996:732). Despite the faet

that hundreds of baIlcourts have been recorded within the Maya subarea. very little is

actually known about the Maya ballgame and how it was played. Most of what

archaeologists profess to know comes from iconographic sources, such as carved

monuments and architectural panels (Sche1e and Miller 1986:250: Gillespie 1991:340;

Taladoire and Colsenet 1991: 164), from scenes illustrated on vessels, and from the

representations of ballplayers in the fonn of ceramic figurines (Alegria 1983: 145; Taladoire

and Colsenet 1991: 164; Garber L 994:37). Additional sources of information inelude

epigraphic data (Houston 1983:27; Schele and Miller 1986; Miller and Houston 1987; Boot

1991 :233-235; Taladoire and Colsenet 1991: 164), the rnyth-historical text the Popol Vuh

(elune 1963:66; Tedlock 1985; Miller and Houston 1987:52; van Bussel 1991:247-250:

Freidel et al. 1993:345), as well as codices (Ritman 1968:30-31; Garber 1994:37).

Ethnohistoric documents have also proven informative in describing various aspects of

.Othe" ballgame. Such documents relate information on the Mexican and, more often than

not, the Aztec ballgame at the time of European contact. Since no such chronicIes exist for

the Maya ballgame, and the noted documents postdate by centuries the Classic period

3

b allgame, they must be util ized w ith sorne caution (Clarkson 1978:90; Alegria 1983: 1 37:

Cohodas 1991:283; Robertson 1991 :99; Garber 1994:37). As de B orhegyi (1975:499)

aptly notes: o'¡any Colonial period, foreign ey e-witness account describes an already gross [y

al tered form of these games once pIayed by many and v arious ethnic and linguistic groups

under constantl y changing soc ial, pol itical and economic conditions". Thus, interpretations

on how and why the M aya played the bal l game must rematn in the re al rn of specu l ation.

WhiLe schol ars hav e been ab le to co nsu1 t ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts and

analy ze iconographic data and bal lgarne paraphemal i a. architectural evidence remains the

least studied aspect of the game. This absenc e has proven probl ematic in attempts to

contextualize the bal lgame in such regions as the Bel ize Val Iey , where the only evidence

archaeologists h ave is architectural . As such, discussions in volving who played the game.

how , and why the Maya pl ayed the bal l game in the B el ize Valley must remain. to a certain

degree. conjectural . Unti l schol ars i n the Val l ey une arth s uch reveal i n g medi a as

elaborate l y pai nted vessels and carved mon uments depict ing local baI l g ame im agery. it

rem ains unc ertain how much of the data gl eaned from sources outside of the Belize Val ley

are directly transferable.

Known as pok-ta-pok in Maya (Blom 1 932; Lowe and Ries 1948:33; Ritman 1968 :30-31).

or tlachtli. or nlanulli:tlilullanullt::.tli in Nahua (Lowe and Ríes 1 948:33; Ritman 1968:30-3 l;

Alegria 1983 : 134; Leyenaar and Pars ons 1988 : 11 ; S an tley et al . 1 991:3), the b al lgame of

the Preco[um bi an Maya, and of Mesoameric a in general , \Vas more than a mere sport.

A lthough onl y incidentally mentioned as such in ethnohistoric accounts, and not necessarily

recogni zed as such by all chroniclers (Al egria 1983:4), the ballgame held profound

rel igious and ri tual signific ance (Oviedo 1851-55, 1:471 in Alegria 1983: 11; Tezozomoc

1 878:228, 229 in Leyenaar 1978: 13 in van B ussel 1991 :246-7; Ri tman 1968 :3 1; Pasztory

4

L 972; Cohodas 1975, 1978, 1991; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:74; van Bussel 1991 :246:

Healy 1992; Freidel et al. 1993; Garber 1994; Fo� 1996; Ferguson et aL 1996:53:

Ferg uson 1997:48). While archaeologists and art historians have come to agree on the

ritual essence of the ballgarne, there are varying opinions with regard to its ultimate purpose

or full rnean ing for the Maya. Sorne of the theories put forth about functionality have

inel uded a cult tied to trade (Pasztory 1972; Cohodas 1975, 1978:87)� a symbolic

manifestation of the ancient Maya pol itical system (Kowalewski et al. 1983): representatíon

of Maya social structure and power relations (Fox 1991; Santley et al. L991; Garber

L994:37; Fox 1996; De Montmollin L 997); a manifestatian of a shared ideology and group

solidarity (Scarborough 199tb: 143); a mechanism 'ofar social integration" (Fox 1996:484):

a forum for endi ng disputes (Robertson 1991 :92); a representation of a boundary between

earth and Xibalha ( GiLlespíe: 1991:341; Frei del et al. 1993:355; Garber 1994:37): an

entranceway to, or mediating force between, the Middle- and Underworlds (Tedlock

1985: 105-160; Miller and Houston 1987:52; Ashmore 1989:279; van Bussel 1991:247-

250, 256-257; Freide( et al. 1993:345; Garber 1994:37); an astronomical or cosmologicaJ

metaphor. with the ball representin g the sun or moon ( Pasztory 1972:445; Stem 1948:68-

69; Clarkson 1978:90; Ritman 1968:49; Gillespie 1991:317); andlor a game that functioned

as a "symbolic renewal of agricultural fertility"' (Stero 1948:95-96; Parsons 1969: 103:

Pasztary 1972 in Pasztory 1978:131; Cohadas 1975:108-110, 1991; Taladoire and

Col senet 1991:163; Scarborough 1991h; Gillespie 1991:317,320; Fax 1996:483); or it

\Vas a ritual reenactment of the those played by the Hero Twins and their father and unde in

the Popol Vuh (Freidel et al. 1993:341). Just as the meaning behind the ballgame could

have been any one of these, it could alsa have been a combinatíon of sorne or aH of them. ft

shau ld, however, be recognized that j ust as the manner in which the game was played

likely changed over time and between regions. the reason for playing the game also likely

changed ayer time, and potentially even from ballcourt to ballcourt.

5

THE ARCHITECTURE AND SETTING

Many scholars suggest that the earliest Mesoamerican and Maya ballgames were probably

not played within an architectural setting, and thus left very little archaeological evidence

(Stero 1949: 18-23,32; Piña Chan 1955 and Covarrubias 1957 in Clune 1963:3; Alegria

1983:5; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:25-26; Hill et al. 1998:878). Ethnohistoric accounts

have left archaeologists confident in their identifications of ballcourt complexes as the

arenas for the playing of the Maya ballgame (lones 1985:44). AdditionaUy, the presence of

carved stelae with representations of ballgame imagery 00 them in association with

ballcourts� as well as the in silU discovery of ballcourt markers and tenon rings in ballcourt

comp[exes. further attests to their identification as such (Miller and Houston 1987:54-55).

Moreover, one of the hieroglyphs for the ballcourt is a profile of a baIlcourt with a ball (for

illustratíon see Schele and Friedel 1990:Fig. 2:2; Friedel et al. 1993 :Fig . 35 l) .

The ballcourt is essentially an architectural complex that comprises two parallel structures of

either earthen or masonry construction of relatívely equal size and height, with the playing

alley between them. The architectural features of a baIlcourt are specific to the ¡nner faces

of the complex and include: a) bench face or wall; b) bench; c) playing wall; d) upper apron

or top surface; e) the range structure; and, of course, f) the p1aying alley (Figure 1.1) (after

Stern 1949; Smith 1961 :Fig. 8� Clune 1963:90). These features were not simply

architectural embellishments. They functioned as part ofthe court, and had a role in the play

of the game since the ball likely was not simply bounced up and down the court, but also

off the benches and playing walls (Freidel et al. 1993:341; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:

73). Variability in the individual architectural features has been noted across the Maya

subarea, specifically in the presence/absence of the upper apron or top surface, and in the

angle of the bench faces,. benches, and playing walls (Stem 1949:36-37; Smith 1961:Fig.

6

8; Clune 1963:6: Ritman 1968:40; Cohodas 1978:91; Scarborough 1991b:l37). The

variability between the angle of these structural features is as extreme as horizontal versus

verticaL with a spectrurn of inclined angles in between (Stero 1949:36-37; Cohadas

1978:91; Miller and Houston 1987:53; Robertson 1991:92; Searborough 1991b: 137). It

has been suggested that the variab ility in angle of the features likely "rnade a court ··faster�·

or ··slower'·'· (Searborough 1991b: 137).

The bulk of the range struetures. like many arehitectural eonstruetions among the Maya. is

composed of a variety of fill. induding aggregate and eore fitI. Ballast Iayers are typically

eneountered beneath plastered surfaces. including the playing alley and bench surfaees. The

outer faca de of the structure is nicely tailored with facin g stones and plaster eoatings or

surfaces. Irnmediately behind the facing stones. and yet eonsidered part of the facing, is a

layer of material referred to as backing masonry (Laten and Pendergast 1984:4). Backing

masonry is often prevalent in ballcourts. as it helps eushion the potentially damaging blows

ofthe salid rubber baLl on the architeeture.

The playing alley also varies in dirnensions, both in terms of width and length, as well as in

design (see Figure 1.1). The playing alley is formed by the open spaee between the range

structures, and often includes what has been termed an "end zone" at either extreme of the

altey . The end zone typieally reaches beyond the rauge structures. an d is usuaIly as w ide as

the range structures and alleyway are together, giving the playing alley the shap e of a capital

'''1''. The end zones are often defined by paving, by flanking structures. by Low walls

which endose the end zones , or by the excavation of a sunken eourt (Stero 1949:36; Clune

1963:13; Durán 1971:313-215 in Jones 1985:45; Leventhal 1990, 1992; Robertson

1991:92; Freidel et al. 1993:341).

In an attempt to categorize the variations in Mesoarneriean ballcourts, and identify

7

temporally and/or geographically specific architectural features, scholars have created

ballcourt typologies (Smith 1961; Clune 1963; Taladoire 1981). TraditionalIy, these types

have been defined by the alleyway� and include varieties of open and closed courts. Clune

(1963) and S mith ( 1961) have identified five basic court types. The original assessment of

court types did not focus solely on the playing aI ley, but incl uded the presence and absence

of benches and angles of playing walls. Scholars continue to use the Smith - Clune

typologies� but have expanded on their categorization, using the playing alley designations

as the cornmon denominator. rather than the other architectural featllres (Taladoire 1981;

Scarborough 1991 b; Taladoire and Colsenet 199 1). It would appear tbat tbis is a result of

the increased recognit ion of the extreme variability of these features. and their lack of

association with specific playing alley designations. Perhaps the greatest downfall of

r esearch on bal lcourts has been a Lack of agreement as to the important featllres to consider

when excavating, analyzing and describing a ballcourt, as well as inconsistencies of the

tenninology used in such instances (Taladoire and Colsenet 1991: 163)

The first type of ballcourt in the Smith - elune typology is the open-ended court. This

court comprises two paralleI structures, and a central p laying alley. There are no

constru ct ions at either end of the court demarcating the end zone. However, structures

sometimes flank the open-end of the playing alley. The playing walls associated with the

o pe n-ended variety consist of shallow angles, and benches may or may not be present

(el une 1963: 11 � Scarborough 1991 b : 134; A we 1992: 156). lt has been sllggested that the

earliest courts in the Maya region were likely of the open-ended variety (CLllne 1963:31,

185). Most ballcollrts in the southem Maya Lowlands are noted as being open-ended

COllrts (Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:71; Scarborough 1991b: 137). These courts may

r epresent a more public-oriented game, as they are llot as visually or physicalIy restricted as

are sorne other types (Scarborough 1991b: 134). Perhaps the ';�openness" of this type of

8

court also aUowed greater mobil ity ofthe players during the game.

The second type of court identified was designated by Smith (1961: 103) as the open-ended­

A assemblage. This court was said to be specific to G uatemala, and differed from the

open-ended variety in that arre end opened into a courtyard in which a small platform, or

shrine is centred. The shrine is also secn as an entrance to a maj ar plaza.

The third type of court is called an intermediatecourt. The intermediate court is considered

the most common in Mesoamerica, and consists of two parallel range structures with I ow

walls delineati ng one or both of the end zones. It ís suspected that the intermediate court

was a pre-curser to the next type of ballcourt complex. the enclosed-court(Smith 1961: 103:

Clune 1963: 12: Scarborough 1991b: 134).

The enclosed court is characterized by a playing altey i n which the end zones are clearly

delineated, often by an endosure comprised of mounds, or by an excavation Ca variety of

the enclosed court is the sunken court ). The enclosed court is typifi ed by a capital "1"

shaped playing altey (C l une 1963: 13; Scarborough 1991b: (34). The enclosed-co urt is

suggested to have been the earliest court in Mesoamerica and yet iL or the i ntermediate

court, are understood to have been the type of court encountered by the Spaniards during

the conquest (Clune 1963: 185).

The final class of bal l c ourt complex is the palanganacourt (Smith 1961:116; Clune

1963: 13; Scarborough 1991h: 134). The palangana c ourt is a completely enclosed court,

much like a wash basin, from which it derives its Spanish name. While the end zones are

not clearly defined, a rectangular playing alley is defined by high walls and, in part, by

benches at either end of the playing field (Smith 1961: 116; elune 1963: 13; Scarborough

1991b: 134). The palangana court is noted as mainly occurring in the Guatemalan high1ands

9

during the Late Classic period (Clune L 963: 13).

While there is an assumed chronological arder to the Smith - Clune based typology, no

balleourt eomplex has revealed an in situ ehronological transition through any or all of these

types (Clune 1963:31), despite the faet that ballcourts experienced periods of use and reuse

(Searborollgh 1991 b: 130). Arehaeologists have come to recognize that ballcourt types are

not temporally sensitive, as there appears to be little or no chronological or distriblltional

relevance to these typologies (Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:70.

It should be noted that while the Smith - Clune typology is still used as a template.

vanations between baIlcourts are extreme. From differences in playing alley ·�types··. to the

presence/absence of architectural components, to variations in the sizes of the alleys and

architectural features. most ballcourts do not fit well into any one type. Recognizing that

there are more varieties ofballcourts than have be en typologically defined, and that there do

not seem to be regionally or temporally sensitive regularities in ballcourt features, there

seems little the advantage in using such typologies. Additionally, [ see an inherent flaw in

these typological designations, because they do not consider the presence or absence of the

various forros of markers, nor artifactual materials from the complexes, the orientation of

the complexes, their locations at a given site, the number of ballcourts at a site, or within

the irnrnediate vicinity. A more expansive typology would required to examine these

features as well as variations and disparities in ballcourt architeeture from a diachronic and

synchroruc perspecti ve.

Ballcourts throughout Mesoamerica are traditionally located in association with site centres,

specifically arnong other public and ceremonial architecture, or adjacent to main plaza areas

(Clune 1963:69; Stern 1949:36; Thompson 1965:353; Ritman 1968:43-44, 47-48;

Hammond 1972:83; Cohodas 1975:129; Miller and Houston 1987:53; Leyenaar and

Parsons 1988:71; Santley et al. 1 99 1:22). Scarborough e 199 1 b: 137) notes:

The Maya central precinct, in which nearly all recorded ballcourts rest. was an

imposing setting with at (east somewhat closed access to certain areas ..... The

disposition of sunken plazas, raised acropolises� and directed causeways cOllld

cordon off access to privileged zones. The ballcourt, however, occupied open

courtyard space. Courts were seldom found in traffic-restricted areas (once access

to the central precinct was made) and never on top of the broad expanse of an

acropolis. Although courts \Vere centrally located in the core of a community. less

restricted access to the game seems apparent.

la

The explicit association of ballcourts and easily accessible site core areas is indicative of

their civic natllre. As such. their presence, absence or proliferatíon. as welI as their

orientatíon. construction and specific locale within a site, should help archaeologísts

understand their potential meaning too and role at, a particular site, and perhaps within a

given regíon (Ritman L968:47-4; Cohodas 1975: L 29� Gillespie L991:341: Scarborough

L 99 1 b: 137: Freidel et aL 1993:384).

The repeated placement of ballcourt compLexes along the primary or central axis of many

Lowland Maya sites eStem 1949:36; Clune 1963 :69; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:7 1;

Ashmore 1989, 199 1, 1992; Scarborough 199 1 b: (38) likely attests to their ritual and

symbolic importance. If so, ballcourts can be seen as housing a game that symbolically

functioned as a transitional force. If we accept this view point, as many archaeoLogists

have, then we may surmise that ballcourts functioned as interrnediaries. Ballcourts mediated

between síte precincts, between natural and cultural space, private and public space, and/or

between the north and south, or the earthly- and under- worlds, and also served as focí for

mediation between íntra- and inter-site polities (Schele 1987: 12; Leyenaar and Parsons

1988 :71; Ashmore 1991:199-200; Gillespie 1 99 1 :341; Scarborough 1991b: 138; van Bussel

11

1991:256-2 57; Freidel et al. 1993:350-351; Fox 1996; de Montmollin 1997). For instance.

the Copan ballcourt. a north-south oriented complex, is located between the acropolis in the

north and the great plaza in the south, both of which are interpreted as representing

supernatural spheres (Ashmore 1989:273). The ballcourt is thus understood to have

symbolically represented the surface of the earth (Cohodas 1975: 129: Schele 1987: 12:

Freidel et al. 1993 :247). and as such mediates between the secular and sacred realms. or the

earthly- and under-worlds. The notion that baIlcourts and the ballgame functioned as a

mediating or transitional force. and that ballcourts were seen as actual and symholic

entrances to the otherworld, and as surface of the earth, is best understood and illustrated

by the Maya thernselves in the Popal Vuh (Tedlock 1985). and from textual data taken from

a stair tread of Temple 33 at Yaxchilan (Freídel et al. 1.993:351).

[o the Popal Vuh. the Hero Twíns (inhabitants of the earthly. or middle world) are

challenged by the Lords of Darkness (the inhabitants of the Underworld) to play the

baLlgame (mediating force between the ··worlds") (Tedlock 1985: 1 05-160 ; Miller and

Houston 1987:52; Ashmore 1989:279; van Bussel 1991 :247-250. 256-257; Freidel et al.

1993:345; Garber 1994:37). The road to the UnderworId leads to and from a ballcourt and

is thus part of the gate- or entrance-way (Tedloek 1985: 109, 358; Ashmore 1989:279;

Gillespie 199 1; van Bussel 1991 :247; Freídel et aL 1993:355). The interpretations of

textual data from Yaxchilan by Freídel et al (1993:351) coneur with this premise by noting

that one ,.oentered the road' (och bih)" to the underworld vía a baLlcourt. The ritual

importance of a ballcourt can be further recognized through the faet that rarely was a

ballcourt complex replaced by a different architectural eomplex, in contrast to other

ceremonial or ritually oriented structures (Scarborough 1991b: 130).

It has beeo argued that the number and distribution of baLIcourts witrun a given site, and/or

12

region. is contingent on the degree of political centralization at a given locus. whether at the

micro or macro leve[ ( S antley et al. 1 99 1 :3-4). For example, S antley et aL 0991: 17- l8)

suggest:

On a regional level , highl y centra lized pol itical systems should lack ballcourts.

w hereas in decentrali zed settings courts should be present at rnost centers because

the game was politicized as an alternative way of acquiring additional revenue or

territory at minimum expense . The number of bal lcourts at the capital in tum

sho uld be an orde red response to local polítical conditi ons. with more courts

occurring at centers whose decision making apparatus was more centralized and

competiti ve. This variabil i ty is closely related to the scale and diversity of the

resource base dominated by the early states.

Fol lowing (his U ne of reasoning, bal l courts function as boundary markers within a region.

signal ing site socio-political autonorny, and potentially fami lial or ethnic boundaries as well

( Gi l lespie 199 1 :34 1 ). Garber ( 1994:44), on the other hand, has suggested that the regional

distribution of bal lcourt complexes in the Belize Val ley "mi mies the partitioning of an altar

and serves as a cosrnogram or map of the uniyerse as they [the Mayal perceiyed it."

A pattem of Late Classic, east-west running ballcourts has been identified from the Coastal

Low lands of Mexico ( Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:37). A s i mi lar pattem has be en

recognized during the seventh century in the Valley of Guatemala, and in the highlands of

Chiapas (Agri nier n.d. in Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:38) and G uatemala� including at

KarninaIj uyu ( S m i th 196 1 ; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:38). The bal l game is said to haye

begun its fuI l expansion in the Maya area during the Middle Classic periodo However, it is

not unti l the Late Classic period that ballcourts begi n to appear at al most every majar site

(Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:62), with the majority of ballcourts in the Maya Lowlands at

that time being north-south oriented (Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:71 ).

13

While there may be geographical associations w ith ballcourt orientations, there appear to be

potentially deeper meanings behind their directionality. The Maya were preoccupied with

j uxtapositions. and central axes. As such, directionality is understood as a driving force in

many principIes of Maya astronorny and cosmology, ideology and site planning (Cohodas

1 975: A veni and Hartung 1986:3 -6; As hmore 1989 , 199 1 , 1 992; Sc hele and Freidel

1 990:66-67: Demarest 1992: 147; Freidel et aL . 1993 :53 ; Garber L 994). I t is bel ieved that

the north-south oriented bal lcourts represent the surface of the earth , w hi le east-west

running bal lcourts symbolize the underworld (Cohodas 1975: ( 18).

O R IG INS

Desp ite the fact that the Mesoamerican bal l game has been a topic of m uch attention and

discussion in recent years, the arigíns of the ancient game remai o elusive. As mentioned

earl ier. it is suspected that the earliest Mesoamerican ballgames were not necessarily played

wi thin an architectural setting ( S tern 1 949: 1 8-23 , 3 2: Piña Chan 1 955 and Covarrub i as

1 957 in Cl une 1 963 :3 ; A legria 1 983 :5 : Leye naar and Parsons 1 988: 25-26 : Hi l l et al .

1 998:878). Mareover, since the ballgame did not begin to gain its ful l height ar popularity

until the Middle Classi c periad (araund 400 A . D .), few sites contain archaeo logi cal

evidence af the earl iest game . Consequential ly. the documentation af the hi story af the

b allgame and its ari gios has be en problematic.

As ooted earlier, ,óbal lgames" have a wide distri bution across the Arnericas (Lowe and Rí es

1948:36 ; Stern 1950:3 2; Kernrer 1968: l ; Jones 1985:44; Robertson 1 99 1 :9 1 -9 1). These

games vary in their faans of play, scoring, rules, paraphernalia and architecture. S uc h a

wide di stri bution and v ariation in the game has added to the difficulty of pinpointing the

ballgame ' s origino Discussions of the ballgames associated with these various regions are

1 4

found i n de B orhegyi ( 1 975) ; ChIne ( 1 963 ); AIgeria ( 1 983 ) ; Scarborough and Wilcox

199 1 : Fox ( 1996) : Whalen and Minnis ( 1996) and Stern ( 1949). Such studies. paired with

archaeologieal data have allowed seholars to fonnulate hypotheses as to the origíns of the

Mesoameriean. and Maya. ballgame.

Sorne scholars formerly held that the bal lgame had been introduced to the Maya area after

the invasion of the Tol tees (Stero 1 949:74). Blom ( l932) felt that the ballganle was a

Lowland Maya invention that spread to Mexico. eiting the faet that at the time of his study .

the majority of courts , and the earliest know n eourts . were found in the Maya subarea.

Cl une ( 1 964:5 ) , amongst others (Nordensk.rold and Lothrop in Lowe and Ríes 1 948:36:

Jones 1 985:44) . believed that the game spread north [rom South A meri ea. w i th the

introd uction of the bal leourt bei ng a Mesoamerican addition or developrnent. Another

plausi ble theory is that the baLlgame ori ginated in the areas in whieh the latex producing

ru b ber tree is indigenous . This idea i s supported by the faet that the geograph ical

dispersement of ballcourts largel y mi rrors that of the distribution 01' rubber produeing plants

from the tropical rain forests ( S tern 1 949:7; Kemrer 1 988: 14). Those who adhere to the

belief that the Olmec were the Culntra lvladre of Mesoamerican civilization tend to support

such a hypothesis, as the Olmec (also known as the rubber peopIe) inhabited a region of

Mesoamerica known for its rubber producing p lants (Coe L 965:74 L : Ri t man 1 968:29 :

Alegria 1983 : 1 45). The Olmec area has also produced one of the only artifactual rub ber

playing balls known at this time (Stuart 1 993 : 10 1 ) . Others have s uggested that the rub ber

bal l may have be en introdueed to a previousl y existing game. perhaps one played w i th a

wooden bal l (Stem 1 949:4; Ri tman 1 968: 28). Leyenaar and Parsons ( 1988:84), on the

other hand, have suggested that a Mexieanized ballgame disseminated to the Maya area via

the coastal Lowlands and adjacent highIands.

15

The earliest evidence of the ballgarne is represented by a collectio n of figurines dating to

1500- 1 200 S.C. The figuri nes are from the sites of Xochipala and Tlatilco in Mexico, and

are dressed in costumes recognized as that associated with ballplayers ( Fi g ure 1 .2 ) .

Additi onally, these figurines hold what are believed t o be rubber bal ls (Alegria 1983 : 145:

Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988:25-26; Robertson 1 99 1 :9 1 -92).

The earliest evidence of the ballgame was ori ginally said to be from the Gulf Coast, at the

Olmec site of San Lorenzo in Veracruz, Mexieo, datin g to 1 000 B .C. ( Miller and Houston

1 987:48) . Recently , an even earl ier ballcourt dating to approxi mate ly 1400 S.C. was

unearthed on the Pacific Coast, at the site of Paso de la Amada in the Soconusco region of

Chi apas. Mexico ( Hi l l et al . 1998) . This bal leourt may in faet date as early as L 600 B.C.

( M . Bl ake , personal communicati on 1 999) . Either way, the Paso de la Amada bal lcourt

represents (he earliest architectural evidence of the ballgame in Mesoamerica. Othe r early

bal l co urts dating to the terminal Fonnative period ( 200 S .C.-A . D. 200) are recorded al

Tonina in northem Chi apas (Becquelin and Baudez 1 975: Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:72) ,

Cerros, Colha ( Sc arborough 1 99 1 b: 132) , El Pilar (A. Ford, perso nal cornmunication,

1998)� and Pacbitun ( Healy 1 990: 253 ; 1992:237) in B elize. The i dentifi catíon of a ··simple'·

earLy fonn of balleou rt at Snaketown in the Hohokam subarea of the so uthwest United

States has suggested the likel ihood of a simi lar but unrecognized forrn of bal lcourt existing

in Mesoamerica ( Stern 1 949:75). A possible, '·s imple" form of balleourt dati ng to

approxi mately 5000-4000 B .C . , has been identified a t the site of Gheo Shih i n O axaea

(Mi lIer and Taube 1993: 27). Whi le these eourts differ greatly arc hitectural ly from those

most cornmonly associated with Mesoamerica and the Maya, they may in faet represent

precursors to the more foOllal and elaborate balIcourt compl exes.

16

THE GAME

Our knowledge about how the ballgame was played mainly de rives [rom ethnohistoric

documents. and in many instances has been confirmed by artistic rendítions of the bal l and

players in action. The ex.act methods and rules of play and scoring for the Classic period

Maya bal lgame are unknown ( Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988:73 ). It needs to be stressed that

eyewitness accounts by the Colonial period S pani ards were of a Mexican version of the

bal lgame p layed more than 500 years later than that played by the C l assíc period Belize

Val ley Maya. The Spaniards were very subj ective in thei r .óappraisal'" and documentation of

the bal lgame. They viewed it as an amusing sport, recognizing l i ttle of its ritual and

ideological s ignificance ( B lom 1 93 2:492-4; Ritman 1 968:32) . Moreover. the game

observed by the Spaniards had most l ikely changed since the Classic period ando in all

probability , had been influenced b y contact with both Mexi can (Toltec and Nahuatl ) and

European culture contact ( S tern 1 949:34-5) seeing as how culture is not static. Therefore.

the information relayed through these chronicles should be uti l ized as a cultural analog of a

potenti ally simi lar game.

The object of the Precolumbian Mesoamerican ball game was to hit a rubbe r ball back and

forth across. and up and down, the court using the benches and playing wal l s to propel the

bal l and keep it in perpetual motion (Jones 1985:45; Humphrey 1 98 1 : 140; Leyenaar and

Parsons 1988:73 ) . These actions had to be accomplished without the use of the p layers '

hands or feet, restricting all contact with the bal l to the buttocks, hips, torso, knees, legs,

e lbows and shoulders (Stem 1949; Cl une 1 963 : 16- 17; D urán 197 1 :3 1 3 -3 1 5 in lones

1 985:45; Humphrey 198 1 : 140; Alegria 1 983 : 149; Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988: 1 1 , 73 ;

Robertson 1 99 1 :9 1-2; Freidel et al. 1993 :345) .

1 7

Different methods of scoring have been recorded for the bal lgame. These methods appear

to have beeo specific to different regions, bal lcourts. and presumab1y to the variety of game

being played. Scoring w as accompli shed io sorne i nstan ces when the '''ball fel l to the

ground and could oot be retumed, w hen the ball entered the oppooents ' end-zone ... Points

were apparently lost if the hands or feet carne activeIy i oto play'4 ( Lowe and Ríes 1 948:33 �

Kernrer 1968: t I : He llmuth 1975: t I ; Hump hrey 198 1 :40; Freidel et al . 1 993:345). [ t is

l ikely that trus fonu of scoring was used in concert w ith the different forms of sconog

markers, however. it appears to have typicaLly beeo used in conj uoction with complexes

that had a bLack or greeo (ioe centralIy painted 00 the playing alley (Cl une 1 963: 1 86- 1 87:

Durán 1 97 1 :3 13-3 15 io Jones 1985:45) . These ( ines i dentified the oppooents respective

sides. similar to many modem games . The ball had to pass tbis centre mark in order to win

the game. If it did not pass the t ine the play was considered fouI ( D urán 1 97 1 :3 13-3 1 5 io

Jones 1 985:45). These pai nted l ioes may ha ve beeo the earl iest type of scori ng marker

(Cl uoe 1 963 : 1 86).

Sorne courts had tenon rings, the second type of marker, through which the ball had to pass

in order to score, as seen at the Great Bal lcourt at Chichén Itzá. ( Lowe and Ries 1948:33 ;

S tem 1 949:37; Smith 1 96 1 : 1 1 9; Cl une 1 963 : 1 86- 187; Kemrer 1968: 17; Ritman 1968:47;

Humphrey 1 98 1 : 138). There are usuaI ly two rings mounted into the centre of each range

structure ' s p l aying wal l , paral lel to the playing alley. This form of baL lcourt rnarker or

ngoal" is cornmon to the northern Maya Lowlands (Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:74), and is

suspected to have be en Classic period Mexican introduction (Ritman 1 968:42; Humphrey

198 1 : 138).

A third form of scoring or bal lcourt marker was the tenon effigy head. It is suspected that

tenon effigy heads, as seen at the site of Copan, also pLayed a role similar to that of the

1 8

stone rings in scoring. a s they are l ocated i n positions coi nciding with the tenon rings

rnounted to the playing walls of sorne bal lcourts (Stem 1 949:37; Strornsv ik 1 952; Cl une

1 963 : 186- 1 87; Kernre r 1 968: 17) . T he effigies are often representations o f human

captives. jaguars and bi rd , often macaw , heads.

The fo urth form of marker uti l ized for scoring purposes was a triad of central ly-placed

stone disks along the al l ey ' s central axis. The markers are laid flush with the playing al ley.

and sorne are carved with bal l playing scenes (Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988: 74: Fash 1 992).

It lS postulated from chronicles ( Ritman 1 968:30-3 1 ) , ethnohistoric , ethnographic and

iconographic sources that when the bal l h i t these disks, a ··goal '" was scored ( S tero

1 949:37: Cl une 1963 : 186- 187; Kemrer 1968: 17; Durán L97 1 :3 13-3 15 in lones 1 987:45:

Hel l muth 1975: 1 1 : Humphrey 198 1 : 1 38: Mi ller and Houston 1 987: 56). Many of these

markers convey dates, typically of the Late- and Post-Classic periods (Clune 1 963 : 1 87) . [t

has be en inferred that these markers may have also functioned as altars for offerings ( Cl une

1 963 : 187) . Whi l e suc h al ley marke rs are the most prol ific of the rnarke rs, and are

s upposed l y cornmon throughout the Cen tral Maya Low l ands (Leyenaar and Parsons

1 988:74), thi s has not been the case in the Belize Val ley. In fact. unti l 1 997 no markers of

any sort had been unearthed in courts there. In areas with, and sometirnes w i thout, the

triad of marke rs, cached offeri ngs had been found beneath the alley floor ( Fe rguson et al .

1996). [n sorne courts, aUey disks or rnarkers were also used in concert with tenon rings

(Humphrey 1 98 1 : 138).

The Mesoamerican bal lgame was played with a sol id rubber baH, estimates for the size of

w hich range from 8- 1 0 cm in diameter (Lowe and Ries 1948:33 ); 15-24 cm if you consider

the size of the rings fo und in the northem Lowlands ( Kemrer L968: 14) ; and even 30 cm

(Ritman 1968:36) to 60 cm if representations [rom El Taj ín and Cancun are taken to be true

19

to scale ( Kernrer 1 968: 14). A pre li m inary analysis of imagery in Maya art has found that on

average. objects represented in relation to humans are la to 25% larger than their true sizes

( c. Hel mke� personal communication� 1 999), and thus these last measurements may in fact

be larger than the ball actual ly used in the game. The weight of the bal l is estimated to have

been approximate ly three ki los (Cl une 1 963 : 16- 1 7: Kemrer 1968: 14).

Esti mates for the number of players on a team have be en as low as one or two people per

side ( B lom 1 93 2:497: Lowe and Ríes 1948:34; Stern 1 949:40; Kernrer 1 968: 1 1 : R itman

1 968:34: Jones 1 985:48), to eleven or twe lve peop le on a team ( Stero 1 949:9; Humphrey

1 98 L : 140: Robertson 1 99 1:92), to even thirty players per team (Alegria 1 983 : 149). Perhaps

the numbe r of p l ayers was un important, or was specific to a particul ar game. [n all

accounts, the opposing teams were a l ways an equal number of players ( Lowe and Ries

1948:34: S tem 1949:9, 40; Ritman 1 968:34) . The majority of players were said to have

been positioned in the centre of the court, whi le the end zones were g uarded by additional

players ( B lom 193 2:492; Ri tman 1968:33 ) .

Aeeounts of w ho played the ballgame al so vary considerably. I t is sai d that the game was

popular wíth the e lite and cornmoners alike (B lom 1 932:492; Clune 1 963 :66). The faet that

the bal I co urts are located in civic space attests to the probable accessibi l ity of the game to

many members of society. 80th the written accounts and the iconographic representations

of bal l pl ay ers seem to indicate that the players generally were men ( Ri tman 1968:34) ,

al though in South A merica both men and women are noted as having played a variety of

ba l lgame ( Stem 1949:8, 9). B ased on imagery associated with the ba l lgame , and

ethnohistoric data� indications are that sorne pl ayers were nobles, enacting the ritual of

kingship through the pIaying of the ceremonial game (Jones 1 985:48; Mi l ler and Houston

1987:60).

20

C hroniclers also noted that it was a commonly hel d belief among Native peoples that both

Mexican and Maya gods pLayed the ancient baL lgame (Sahagun 1929, 1 :258 in Lowe and

Ries 1 948:35-6). The He ro Twins. as well as their father and unele. are also well noted as

having been champion ballplayers (TedLock 1985). There are accounts among the Aztecs of

" ceLe brity'" games betwe en rulers (Jones 1985:48). Fo r instance, Montezuma' s father A'(ayacatl is sai d to have chalLenged the king of Xochimilco to a bal l game. wagering large

tri b ute col l ections and towns as the prize. EvidentLy Axayacat l lost and was sacrifice d

(Jones 1985:48). There are al so reports of both amateur and professional teams organized

to represent towns in regional matches (Lowe and Ries 1 948:33). There is an account by

Oviedo ( 1 85 1 -55. 1 :47 1 in Alegria 1 983 : 1 1 ) that tel l s of an occasion in Puerto Rico in

whích a group of S panish individuals were cornmanded to play a ball game after having had

one of their youth captured and used as the prize. Of course. the winne rs of the game were

expected to sacrifice the ··prize" .

The sacrificial component of the bal lgame received comparatively little attention in Spani sh

accounts. A sacrificial vi cti m, evidently a player, perhaps the captain from the losi ng team.

was slai n at the end of the game by having his heart cut out as ao offering to the gods

(Cohodas 1975, 199 1 ; A legri a 1 983 : 144). This practice is best documented and revealed

for Central Mexican ball games, but oot so for the Classic Maya in the Lowlands (Clarkson

1 978:90). In fact. one scholar has noted that it may ha ve been the wi nner that was

sacrificed (Westhei m 1 957 in Alegria 1 983 : 144). Many of the scenes depicted on ceramic

vesse ls , elaborately carve d altars and panels i l lustrate sacri fices associated wi th the

ball game (Fi gure 1 .3) (Clune 1963 :7 1 ; Cohadas 1975. 1 99 1 ; HeU muth 1975:5; Alegria

1 983 : 1 44; Baudez 1 984; Miller and Houstan 1 987:52, 55, 60 ; Leyenaar and Parsons

1 988:74; Schele and FreideI 1 99 1 ; Van B usseI 199 1: 246; Fox 1996). Addi tionaIly, the

myth-history the Popol Vuh (Tedlock 1985) elaborately discusses the sacrifice of the first

2 1

set of Hero Twins. Hun-Hunahpu and Vucub-Hunahpu after losing the ball game. and the

··supposed". and unj ust, sacrifiee of the second set of hero twins, Hunahpu and Xba/anque

by the Xiba/bans. It is suggested that much of the ó'perceived'� sacrificial theme of the Maya

ballgame i s related to the sacrifice and resurrection of the Hero Twins, who are said to have

rnanifested the Sun and the Moon, as well as the Maize god (Pasztory 1 972:445� Cohodas

1 975: 1 08- 1 1 0: 1 99 1 : M i l ler and Ho uston 1987:52: Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988:74:

Gil lespie 199 1 :32 1 : Schele and FreídeL L99 1 :309; van Bussel 199 1 : 247: Freidel et aL

1993 :341 . 350).

Extent accounts and scenes involving sacrifices are more specific to the Aztec. Toltee and

ancient Veracruz cul tures rather than to the Classic peri od Maya culture. Unfortunately .

imageI)' associated with these Mexican cultures and the atypical Maya sites of Chiehén [tzá

and Tonina have come to be presented as eommonplace in discussions iovolving saerifice.

the Maya balIgame and balIeourts (HelImuth 1975:5) .

D I S CU S S I O N

For the purposes o f rny o w o research, I have choseo to adopt only the very basie

charaeteristics from standard bal Leourt typologies , and to discuss the sites and courts on an

individual basis, although 1 note whether or not the court is: open-ended (meaning there are

no end structures or walls enclosing it); or enclosed (meaning it has one or more structures

enclosing the playing alley, or has a wall surrounding the playi ng alley giving the

impression of a sunken balIcourt) . Where possible, I have noted w hether the al ley has

defi ned end zones that extend beyond the range struetures, or whether the alleyway

terminates at the ends of the structures. Additional ly, 1 have inc luded data pertaining to the

playíng walls, benches and bench faces where permitted, the presence/absence of markers,

22

as well as orientation , l ocation� and number of courts at a given site.

There are a number of research questions 1 wish to address i n this thesis . Why does Baking

Pot have three bal lcourts. whereas most sites have only one� or none? Why does the

Belize Valley baast so many bal lcourts i n such a relatively small area? Why was there an

increas e in ballcourt construction in the Valley during the Late Classic periad? What is the

meaning behind the variat ion in the baI lcourt compl exes of Baking Pot and the Belize

Valley? Cou ld these differences. or the increases in ballcourt numbers in the Late Classic

denote soc ietal change ? Do they rep resent different type s of games. or changes in t he

lradi tional game? Are the Iocations of t he bal lcourts at Baki ng Pot si gn ificant? Is the

architectural ev idence sufficient to base an analysis of the ballgame?

By examining the architectural and spaciaL dynamics of bal lcourts while considering notions

of Maya ri tuaL ideology and sociopoli ti cal complexity as i t appears to have exísted in the

Bel ize Val ley . a start can be made in defining the mean ing and role of the ballgame at the

Maya c ivic centre of Baking Pot.

S UMMARY

In thi s c hapter, a b rief overview of the Mesoamerican ballgame has been presented. A

rev i ew of previous resea rch devoted to the Mesoamerican and Maya ballgame, from

ethnohistoric accounts to c ompi l ations focusing on the iconography and inte rpretations of

bal lcourts and the ball game . has furn i shed a synopsi s o f the ballgarne and of its

architecturaI setting. Key components to this chapter invol ved a discussion of sorne of the

potentíal ori gins for the baI l game; descriptions of where the game was played. including an

outline of the general architectural features of the ballcourt, orientation and location within a

23

given site ; how the game was played; w ho played the game, as wel l as speculations o n the

signífi cance and purpose of the game. This chapter concludes with the identi ficatíon of

sorne of the key research questions to be addressed in the thesis . as these pertain to the

Maya civic centre of Baking POlo

t

r----1

d/'" h l' -., b b .....

9 " ' . a

c e e

�

f

A

L'--r1---I�d I'", h

: : g

e

r--L..-_

~

B

't' • • • •

/ .. : . .

o 2 M

§ � " " .

':,J. : : )

Fi"gure 1 . 1 : Ballcourt Structul'al Fcatul'es (uftel' S luith 1 96 1 : Fig. 8 and 9). A) Sc heum tic of ballcoll l' t

eharaeteristics : a) Playing Alley ; b) Bench Face; e) Beneh top; d) Playing Wall ; e) Range Struc turc ; f) End Zone; g) Tenon Feature (if present) ; h) ApI'on (if present) ; 8) Variatiolls in Str uctul'es. N .p.

b

Figure 1.2: Early BaUplayer Figurines a) From Xochipala, Mexico, 12�O. 900 B.C. ; b) From Tlatilco, Meneo, 1000-SOO B.C.(Leyenaar and ParsoDs

1988: Fig. 1 and 2)

25

26

Figure 1.3: Bencb Relief from the Great Ballcourt, Chichéo Itzá. Depiction of a rubber ball with skuU (GreeDe 19fi7:FiX. 69)

27

Chapter 2

THE BELIZE V ALLEY, ITS SITES AND THEIR BALL COURTS

INTRODUCTIO N

This chapter is primari ly eoncemed with examining the Belize Va[ley and the occurrences of

ballcourts at sites w i thin the reg ion . The chapter begins with a brief rev iew of the

geographical and geoLogieal data of the Bel ize Val ley . Following this� a brief summary of

what is known about the history of the Maya in the Be lize Val ley is outl i ned. Final ly, a

deseription of rel evant sites and their associated ball courts is provided. T he inclusion of

these data is intended to comp lement research at Baking Pot, the focus of this thesis. by

providing infonnation that wil l facilitate contextual and eomparative ana lyses .

CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK

The Maya subarea ( Figure 2. 0 comprises portions of those areas known today as Mexieo,

Guatemala, El S alvador, westem Honduras, and Belize. The country of Belize (known as

B ritish Hondura s until its inde pendence in 198 1 ) is loeated within the southem Maya

Lowlands on the Caribbean coast of the Yucatán Peninsula. Bordered by Guatemala on the

south and \Vest, and by the Mexiean state of Quintana Roo on the north. Bel ize can be

di vided into two main geogra phical regions , as defined by the B el i ze River basin

( Harnrnond 198 1 : 159), ( Fi gure 2.2). The northern half of the country is predomi nately

defined by eoastal lowlands and swamps. whi l e the southem half is domi nated by a hi l ly

zone. rising to the Maya Mountai ns in centra l and southern Bel ize ( Dobson 1973 :4;

Harnmond and Ashmore 198 1 : 23 ).

28

Belize exhibits a variable geological foundation, whose karst platform provides a diversity

of soils. chert outcrops, and granite, quartz and metamorphosed sandstones ( Dobson

1 973 :4; Hammond 1 98 1 : 1 59; Hammond and Ashmore 1 98 1 :2 1 -22; Furley and Crosbie

1 974 in Wemecke 1 994: 5) . Based on such features. the two main geographical zones

identified aboye can be further divided into si x topographic zones. These zones i nc1ude:

'· 1 ) the northem lowlands; 2 ) the coastal plai ns ; 3 ) the karst country : 4) the Maya

Mountai ns: 5) the southem lowlands; 6) the cays�' (Furley and Crosbie 1 974 in Wernecke

1 994:5).

Paired with the relative accessibi l ity of the Caribbean coast (the furthest point to the coast is

approxi mately l86 km), its vari able flora and fauna, and an array of navi gable and rich

river systems. the area and all of its associated resources proved to be very attractive to the

ancient Maya. This is perhaps best demonstrated by its expansive Precolumbian settlement.

PRECOL UMBIAN MAYA AND SETTLEMENT IN THE BELIZE VALLEY

Situated at the confluences of the B elize River and its Mopán and Macal tributari es. the

B elize Valley is located w ithi n the foothiUs of the Maya Mountai ns in westem Belize

(Thompson 1 93 1 : 224; Wil1ey et al . 1 965: 23 ; Wi l l ey 1 973 :94� Fo rd 1 99 1 :36). Three

divergent envi ronmental resource zones have been specified within the Belize River Valley,

and are defined as 1 ) the uplands ; 2) the all uvial valley; and 3 ) the i ntervening foothills

(Fedick 1 989: 245; Ford 1 99 1 :35). Whereas the Belize Valley today has generally been

cleared for pasture and agricultural l and, it once accommodated "a high forest vegetatíon in

which the cohune or corozo palm . . . [was ] particularly characteristic" . Other forms of

vegetation to w hich the Maya likely had access, and which can sti H be found in the Valley

included: ceiba, mahogany, strangle r fig, sapodilla (:.apote) and breadnut ( ranzón) trees, the

29

Spanish cedar and bamboo (Willey et al . 1965:23). The diversity of vegetatíon mirrcrs that

of the variable saiIs present in the Belize Valley.

Soils in the Valley derive from three parent materials, including: ""al l uvi um of the valley

bottom. grave L s and m arl s of the surroundi n g l i mestane pI atform . and poc kets of

Pleistocene coastaL deposi ts found within the Lower e l evations of the limestone platfonn"

( Fedick 1 989:2 1 7. 1 995: 1 9; B irchall and Jenkin 1 979, and Darch and Furley 1983 io

Fedick 1995) . Within a 5 ki lometer distance of the river, the hills reac h a hei ght of Qver 300

metres aboye the Val ley floor (Fedick 1 995: 18) . with the ri ver itseLf fl ow ing at

approxi mate l y 60 metres aboye sea level (Wil ley e t al . 1965:23 ) . The Be lize Valley

expe rieoces seasonal raiofa1L with explicit wet and dry seasons occurring from June to

January. and February to May. respectively (Fedick 1 995: 18) .

The accessibil ity of diverse env ironments and associated resources made the Bel ize Val ley a

favored settLement locale. [t allowed access to water, which benefitted the Maya in terrns of

transportatíon. communicati on, and such resources as fish, turtles. fow L , she l ffish , fertile

al luvial soi l s and drinki ng water (Wil ley et al . 1 965:573-574; Fedick 1 989:2 1 9) .

Additionally, co nstructian and raw material s and ritual items from the Maya Mountai ns,

such as slate ( Healy et al . 1995) , and foodstuffs. such as armadil lo, deer, peccary, tap ir

and j aguar \Vere also easi ly acquired. The diverse environmental zones allowed for the

manipulation of a variety of crops and cultivation strategies (Wil ley et al. 1 965:573-574;

Fedick 1989:2 19).

It has been suggested that the first settlers to the Vall ey arri ved during the Cunil phase or

EarIy Formati ve period ( 1 200-900 B .C.) and were the first to clear the primary forest

(HeaIy and Awe 1995b) . Around 100 B.e, the Valley began to expe rience si gnificant

30

increases in the number of households and changes in ceramic styles and techniques

( Wi lIey et al 1965:564). While occupation in the Belize River region is noted by Willey and

B utlard ( 1965:366) to stretch over an airl ine di stance of 60 kilometres. the area currently

ide ntified as the Belize Valley encompasses the re gion spanning the Guatemalan border and

the contluence of the Belize River and Roaring Creek (Figure 2.3 ). Despite the fact that

rivers associated with the Valley are subject to seasonal floodi ng, with rises recorded as

high as 1 2 meters from the nonn (Willey et al. 1 965:23 ), the all uvial river terraces and the

Valley itself evidently supported a relatively high sett lement density. as is evident from the

numerous settlements along its course (Wi l ley and Bullard 1965:364-365; Wi l l ey et al .

1 965:309: Fedick 1989: 245; Ford 199 1 :38: Driver and McWil liams 1995:47). S tudies by

members of the BRASS project have fo und the uplands and all uvial valley zones to have

beeo pre ferred fo r settI ement; they no te thar 87 percent of settlement within the Val ley

occurs within these zones ( Fedick 1 989: 245: Ford 1 99 1 :39-40) .

T here are a total of 28 si tes recorded in the Belize Val ley, 10 of which are eonsidered majar

ar ei vic centre s . the rest are designated as either secondary or minor centres. Minor

centres. as defi ned by Bullard ( 1 960:360), are noted as consisting of:

only one large building . . . but ordinari l y they incl uded one or more pyrami dal

structures, which are assumed to have been small temples, arranged around one.

two, or three adjacent plazas . . . . Only rarel y are the p lazas so separated that the

center can be considered as having more than one group. S mall vaulted bui ldings

of " palace" type may be presenL .. . None of the many Minor Centers explored

during the s urvey contaLned stelae, aItars, or ball courts.

Civ i c centre s in the Belize Valley are generally regarded as small in com parison to s uch

Petén area si tes as Tikal or Uaxactun (BaH and Tasche k 1991 : 149). Nonetheless, the

3 1

Valley civic centres do possess features consi dered typical of such sites, i ncluding:

substantial populations; site planning and large scale public architecture ( i .e . . E-groups,

sacbeob) ; ev i dence of adminístrative activities and control l ing pol i ties ( i .e .. e laborate

monuments) ; and the likelihood of other sites bei n g subordinate to the civic centre i n

question (Chase e t al . 1990:499). The Belize Val le y area appears to have accornmodated a

dífferent fonn of sociopol itical complexity than the Petén ··core area'� of C1assic Maya

civi l ization. as is suggested by its regional settlement pattero ( see below) ( Wi l ley et al

1965: 1 6 ; Ford 1 99 1 :38: Golden and ConIon 1996:30). AlLiances with the Maya from the

central Petén region would have been easily facil itated by the Belize River system. as the

Mopán branch is " the major drainage for the southwestem Maya Mountains and a series of

swamps in the eastern section of the Department of Petén, Guatemala" ( Wi l ley et al .

1 965:2 1 : Awe L 992:47) . However. based o n the lack o f such cultural expressi ons as

carved ste lae. elaborate iconographic and hieroglyphic representations. and "grand" sites

such as those in the Petén regíon, Wil ley et al . ( 1965: 16 ; Willey L 973: 103 ) have suggested

that the Belize Val ley's re lationship to the Petén was likely marginal .

The existence of numerous civic , and peri pheral minar, centres within a restricted area and

the apparent lack of a regional centre, suggests a less hierarchical ly defined existence within

the Valley than in the Péten (BaH and Taschek 199 1 : 149; GoLden and Conton L 996:30). As

has been mentioned by Garber ( 1994:39):

despite the variability in size, these centres are positioned at extre mely regular

i ntervals aIong the val ley. The distance between large centers i n the west is the

same as the distance between significantly smalLer centers in the east - the i nterval

being approxirnateIy 9.9 km. The regularity of this spacing strongly suggests that

it was intentional .

Garber goes on to note that the only exception to this is the ·-major" centre of Buenavista,

3 2

which líes between Cahal Pech a n d Xunantunich. The 1ack o f a n acknow1edged pri ncipal

centre. or power infrastructure� in the Belize Valley seems to have prevailed until the Late

Classic period (A.D. 600-900), when sociopolitical disparities in the Petén region i ncited

the differcnti ation and central ization of wea lth and authority as far as the Valley ( Ford

199 1 :35� Leventhal et al . 1993 i n Golden and ConIon 1 996:30). While sorne sites i n the

Valley have occupations that date as far back as the late Eady Formative penod ( 1 200 B.C. )

( i .e. , C ahal Pecho see Hea ( y and Awe 1 995b: 203 ), the majority of sites in the Val ley

predomi nately have occupations that date to the Late Classic period ( A.D. 600-900).

THE BELIZE V ALLEY SITES AND THEIR BALLCOURTS

The following section wiU descri be the sites within the Belize Valley that possess ball courts

and provide i nfo rmation on the bal lcourts.

Actuncan (Cahal Xux)

Actuncan was ori gi nal ly observed by Thomas Gann, w ho gave the site the na me of

··Snake 's Cave" or Actuncan (Gan n 1 925:78 in Wil ley et al . 1 965:3 16). The site was later

vi sited by Michae l Stewart w ho e vidently did not recognize its previous discovery, and

named it Cahal Xux ( Place of the Wasps) (Willey et al . 1 965:3 L 6) . The site ís located

approximate ly 1 .5 to 2 ki lometres north of Xunantun ich, on a low hi ll near the Mopán

River (Willey et al . 1 965:3 16; Leventhal 1 994:3 ) . Occupation on the Actuncan hi lltop began

in the Middle Fonnative (900-300 B .C.)� as is evident by massive construction episodes at

this locale. The majority of the site appears to have been abandoned around the clase of the

Late Classic (A .D. 850), howeve r, "occupation�' of the ··ritual acropolis'� of Actuncan South

continued unti l sometime in the Terminal Classic perlod (A.D. 850- 1 000) ( Leventhal

1 994:3 ; McGovern 1994: l O9).

33

While considered a ·'minor'� centre under Bullard's ( 1960) classification system. Actllocan

more correctly falls llnder the class of a small to medillm sized c iv ic centre . S uch an

assessment is based on the e x.istence of a series of features otherwise considered unusllal

for a ';"minor" centre . These features incl ude severaI apen plazas� large monumental

architecture . c arved (Wi l Iey el a l . 1965:3 1 6) and plain stelae , a possible E-group. an e l i te

residence compound (J. McGovem, personal communication, 1 999), large Late Formative

and Early Classic painted stucco masks and sculptured facades: and a ballcourt (McGovem

1 994: 1 2 l ).

The Actuncan North Bal lcourt i s central ly located in Plaza e, within the s i te ' s central

precinct < Fi gure 2.4). The bal lcollrt compl ex runs on a north-south axi s. and comprises

Structures 13 and 14 ( McGovem 1993 : 1 10; McGovem 1994: Fi g. 1 ) . T he structures

meaSllre approxi mately 1 5 x 1 0 x 3 metres, with the playing aLley measuri ng roughly 6-7

metres wide (after McGovern 1994: Fig. 1 ).

Excavations have rcvealed that the comptex was erected in the ProtocIassic peri odo \v ith

structural modifications i nvolving the constriction of the playing al tey occuning between

A.D. 600-675 and again between A.D. 700-830 ( McGovern 1 994: 1 14). Six tloors were

encollntered in the playing alley area, dating between the Late Formative (300 B .C. - A.D.

1 ) and the Late Classic (A.D. 700-850). An earlier Middle Fonnative platform was located

beneath the earl iest floor ( McGo vem 1 993 : 1 1 0). A cache associated wi th the fi nal

plastering of the playing a lley was encountered in the centre of the aI leyway� and intruded

through the fi ve earl i er floors. The cache contained ··at least two ceramic pots, perhaps

heirlooms which dated to the Late Fonnati ve/Protocl assic. as wel l as a single bone

which . . . . may be of marine origin" (McGovern 1993 : 1 1 0) . No ballcourt markers were

identified in these excavations. Due to the absence of end structures, and the lack of

34

evidence suggesting a sunken court� the investigator has designated the Actuncan ballcourt

as being of the open-ended variety (J. McGovern� personal communication. 1999).

While the playi n g waU was badl y damaged prior to excavatíon and was thus not able to be

securely assessed . the investigator believes that it was vertical, whi le the angle of the bench

top was modified over time from a horizontal pIane to a sloped ane (J. McGovern, personal

communication, 1999).

BIackman Eddv

B lackman Eddy (named after the neighbouring vil lage of B lackman Eddy) is located 9.76

kilometres northeast of Baking Pot ( Garber 1994:4 1 ) , south of the Belize River on a hil l

overlooki ng an al l uvial terrace ( Garber et al. 1994:4). While conside red a maj or si te .

B lackman Eddy i s significantly smaller than the majority of such sites i n the Val Iey ( Garber

1994:39). B lackman Eddy was discovered in 1 985 w hen a construction crew b ulldozed a

section of G roup B ( Garber et aL 1 992:4). Despite its relatively small size, Blackman Eddy

possesses many features typical of larger ceremonial or civic centres, incl uding a site core

that comprises twin plaza groups ( Plazas A and B ) ; an E-group complex; t\Vo 1 0 metre high

structures; rang e structures; plain altar and ste Iae monuments, a portion of one which is

carved ; as well as a ballcourt (Garber et al . 1992:4-5; Garber et al . 1994:4) ( Figure 2.5).

The Blackman Eddy ballcourt is composed of Structures A8 and A9, and is located in the

southwest comer of Plaza A (Garber et al. 1994: Fig. 2). The westem structure , Structure

A8, is sli ghtly larger than the eastern structure , measuring approximate ly 18 x 1 2 metres ,

while Structure A9 measures approximately 1 6 x 12 metres . The playing aI l ey is roughly 6

metres wide ( Garber et al . 1994: Fig. 2) . The structures have been extensively l ooted .

Excavations have been l imited to the playing al tey. No evidence of a playing surface was

35

detected nor a bal lcourt marker or cached offerings (Garber et a l . 1 992: ( 6) . The

architectura1 format of the range structures are unknown, as is its type. However, due to

the presence of a structure ( Structure A 7) at the south end of the baI lcourt, it is l ikely that

this complex was a variant of the open-ended court. Dates for tbis complex have yet to be

determined.

Buenavista del Cayo

The major site of Buenavista del Cayo ( hereafter referred to as B uenavista) is located on the

Val ley floor, approximate ly half a kilometer east of the Mopán River. The site has been

described as a ' " m ulti functional" centre that encompassed publi c and/or ritual protoco[s. as

well as adrninistrative and economic duties (Bal l and Taschek 199 1 : 1 5 1 ). It is perceived to

have had a publ ic orientation as characterized by its apparent ·· unrestricted access. open

p lazas, and easy internal circulation" (BaH and Taschek 199 1 : 15 1 ) ( Figure 2.6 ). Wh i le an

elite-residential compound has been identified within the site core o additionaI resídentíal data

suggest that persons of lower tier el ite , middle and low-status persons also inhabited the

site (BaH and Taschek 199 1 : ( 5 1 ) .

Two bal lcourts have been confirmed within the site core of Buenavista. The possi bl e

existence of a thi rd bal lcourt has been suggested by A . Chase based on a cursory

examination of the mounds (1. Bal l , personal communication, 1998). However, testing of

this '''s tructure'' has reveal ed no in dicative bal Lcourt features (J. Bal l , personal

cornmunication. 1 998). B al lcourt 1 is a north-south running, "'{" shaped complex, located

at the southeast comer of the main plaza. The structures measure approximately 22 x 10

metres, with the playing a l ley being roughly 7 metres wide (BaH and Taschek 1 99 1 : Fig. 2).

The structures were made up of a vertical playing wall . and a sloping bench� both of which

would have been plastered overo Due to erosion, ancient resurfacing episodes were not

36

detectab le . Bal lcourt L was erected in one phase of construction in the terminal Late

Formative penod (B.C. 50 - A.D. LOO)� and continued to be utilized until approximately

A.D. 640-660 (as per radiocarbon dates) (J. BaH. personal communication , 1998) .

A massive termi nation ritual concluded its use. with the complex being bumed and vessels

being smashed. Additionall y . the central cache in the playing alley was evidently removed

at this time (1. Bal l . personal cornmunication. 1998). The termi natíon of the south ballcourt

coincides wi th the erection of a pyramidal structure to its immediate north which appears to

have served to "seal off' the baIlcourt from the rest of the site core o 8allcourt 2 was also

erected at this time and carne to be the focus of ballcourt activities at Buenavi sta (1. Ball.

personal communication. 1998).

BalIcourt 2 is a sunken " 1" shaped balIcourt complex. located at the northeast come r of the

site coreo This complex was a l so erected in one phase of construction . has vertical playing

walls . sloped benches. and runs on a north-south axis. An inset staircase was identified in

the south end of the structures. The structures measure approximately 22 x la metres, with

the playing alley measuring roug hl y 4-5 metres wide and 35-40 metres long ( Bal[ and

Taschek 1 99 1 : Fig. 2).

An unsealed centra l axis cache was located within t he playing alley and was found to

contai n: two unslipped Hewlett Bank dishes placed lip to lip: jade i te ear fIares: shell, slate

and obsid ian fi gures or silhouettes: and obsidian bloodletters. The silhouettes are apparent ly

ear ly in style , and sorne of the ceramic sherds included in the cache match a remnant sherd

located in Ballcourt 1 's alley centre. This has led investigators to suggest chat sorne of the

objects in the Ballcourt 2 cache originalIy carne from the central cache in Ballc ourt 1 . but

which were then redeposited in the Ballcourt 2 cache upon i ts dedication. This latter cache

was evidently reopened periodically. as obsidian hydration dates of sorne of the objects

37

within it range from A .D. 700 to 850 (J . Bal l . personal cornm uni c ati on, 1 998). The

ceramics from the core of the structures indicate that the complex was erected between A.D.

680 and 720. w ith obsidian hydration dates from the centre cache indicatin g dates between

A.D. 700 and 720 (J. Bal l , personal cornmunication. 1998).

As was mentioned aboye . a third possible bal l court exists at B uenavista This complex is

located in the centre of the site core and is composed of two north-south running parallel

mounds. the eastem of which is sign ificantly more rectangular than the squarish western

strueture. The structu res measure approxi mately 22 x l a metres and 20 x 20 metres

respectively. with the area in between the structures measuring roughl y 5 metres wide ( Ball

and Taschek 1 99 L : Fi g. 2). Whi le many of the overt features of these structures. such as

their distrib ution and their association with the site core, can be considered typicaL of most

bal lcourt comp lexes , the un usual differences in the size of the struetures paired with the faet

that test exeavations revealed no obvious indication that the structures were components of

a bal l court com pl exo suggests that this w as pro ba bly not a ball court (J. Bal l , pe rson al

communication, 1998) .

Cahal Pech

Cahal Pech is located on a l imestone hi l ltop, proximate to the modern town of San Ignacio

and roughly 1 kilometre [rom the Macal Ri ver. Occupation of Cahal Pech began as a harnlet

during the close of the Early Formative period ( 1 200-900 B .C. ) , and continued into the

Late Classic periodo by which time it had expanded i nto a civic-ceremonial centre ( Ball and

Taschek L 99 1 : 1 5 1 : Healy and Awe 1995a:3 ; Cheetham 1 996: 1 ) . The site is composed of

seven plazas enci rcied by both high-level el ite residences and public-oriented structures of

socio-ceremonia l , funerary and devotional natures and is comparable in size to B aking Pot

( Fi gure 2.7) (Ball and Taschek 1 99 1 : 15 1 ; Healy and Awe 1 995a:3 ). A n umber of p[ain

38

stelae have also been identified at the site.

There are two ballcourts at Cahal Pech, each of which is located along the site's east-west

axis , at the site perimeter. The w estem ballcourt (WBC) is situated at a recessed local e off

the main acropol is . w hile the eastem ballcourt ( EBC) is located i n Plaza e. The ESe is the

larger of the two courts. and is composed of two para l le l 1 5.9 x 1 2 x 4.5 metre range

structures (Structures C4 and CS) . and an approximatel y 22 x 4 metre wide play ing alley

(Awe 1992: 1 50; Ferguson et al . 1996: Fi g. 1 . 36) . Based on the absence of opposi ng end

structures or a sunken court . the EBe has been designated as an open ended bal lcourt

( Ferguson et al . 1 996:36) . Nonetheless , it is possible that the EBe may represent an

enclosed court. Plaza e, in which the com plex is centrally housed, defines the area of the

complex fai rly specifically. Structure e6 defines the south end of the plaza, and may define

the south end of the playing field or end zone. Plaza D to the north is at an e levated hei ght.

and thus its sides may have served to define the north end of the playi ng field. and thus the

complex may have been a variant of the enclosed '� [" court type. Further excavations are

required to substantiate this hypothesis.

Excavations of S tructure es revealed a clear profile of the EBe, and found that it consisted

of a low slopin g bench face , a slightly sloping , ro ughl y 2.6 metre w i de bench top, and a

playing wal l that was at an approximately 80 degree angle. eeramic and archi tectural data

i ndicated that the EBC was built in the Late Classic period, in one phase of construction.

Four bench repl astering events were recognized, indicati ng that the complex was heavi ly

used (Ferguson et al. 1 996: Fi g. 2, 38-40). Unfortunately, data retrieval was hi ndered at

the upper reaches and surnmit zone of Structure e5 due to excessive root destruction and a

large looter' s trench. Thus� the existence of a rnasonry or perishable superstructure could

not be deterrnined (Ferguson et al. 1996:36, 40) . One playing alley floor that extended

39

beyond the range structures was identified (Ferguson et al. 1 996:42). The EBC appears to

be an open-ended o'T' type of ballcourt complexo

The WBC is located at the westem base of the main acropolis, and is composed of

Structures H 1 and H2. The ballcourt playing aIley is noted as rneasuring 2 1 .6 x. 3 metres,

w i th the stru c t u res measuri n g approxi mately 2 metres h i gh ( J . B a l l . personal

cornrnunication. 1995) . Map based measurements suggest the WBC' s structures are

approximately 15 metres in length. and roughly 8 metres wide ( Ferguson el aL 1996:Fig.

[ ) . A sketch plan of one of the WBC 's structures i ndicates that the bench face was vertical.

with a more-or-less horizontal ben c h top� and a more or less vertical playing wal! ( sketch

map in possession of author) . Excavations revealed that the WBC was erected in ane phase

of construction around 800-850 A.O (1. Ball . personal communication, L 995). The WBC

excavations have Dot yet been publ ished. Based on the absence of structures at either e nd

of the playing alley, i t is like ly that the WBC is an open-ended court.

Whi le no bal lcourt markers were unearthed fronl ei ther bal lcourt at Cahal Pech. the EB C

did have cached offerings w ithin the al tey in the areas where markers are normal ly located.

i .e., the centre and end zones. Cached objects included a dense concentration of ceramic

sherds and chert obj ects, mainly tools, at the Dorth and central locales. In addition, the

central offe ri ng incl uded five obsidian eccentrics, a small collection of mari n e and

freshwater shel ls. and the remains of two sacrificed children (Ferguson et al . 1996:47).

El Pilar

El Pilar is located approxi mately 12 kilometres north of San Ignacio. approximateLy 340 m

a.s . l . ( Ford 1 998 , h ttp://ali shaw .sscL ucsb.edu/-ford/si teback. html ) . The c entre is

composed of three main groups, two of which are connected by a scu:be, simi lar to that at

Baking PoL El Pi lar has a large nu m ber of courtyards. 25 in total ( Fi gure 2.8) ( Ford 199 1 :

Wernecke 1 994:27: Ford 1 998. h ttp ://a l i shaw .ssc L ucsb.edu/-ford/siteback.htm l ) . and i s

sai d to be t \V o o r t hree ti mes the s i ze o f B aki ng Pot, making i t possi b ly the l argcst si te

re corded i n t h e B e l i ze Va l l e y ( Fo rd 1 99 1 :40; Wernecke 1 994: 29 : Fo rd 1 998.

http ://al ishaw . sscL ucsb.edu/--ford/siteback.htnll ) . The site straddles the Bel ize/G llatemalan

border. w i t h one of the si te ' s gro u ps. Pi l a r Pon i e nt e. l ocated i n G uatcmal a. w h i l e the

Xaman Pi lar ( in the north ) and Nohol Pi iar ( i n the south) groups are l ocatcd o n the Bcl izean

s ide. D at i n g of the s i te i s understood to span fro m i ts ¡ n i tial occ llpation i n the M i d d l e

Fo r m a t i v e i n to t h e E a r l y P o s t c l a s s i c ( W e rn e c k e 1 994: 29 : Fo rd 1 998.

http://al ishaw .sscf.ucsb.ed u/-ford/si te bac k. htm l ) . Both Nohol Pi l ar and Pi l a r Pon iente

contai n ba l l courts. Howev e r. very l i tt l e i s know n about e i ther. especi al l y o f the court

l ocated i n Pi l ar Poni e n te. 80th of the El Pi lar bal lcourts are north-south o riented and the

p l aying a l l cys are sunken (A. Ford . personal c o rn m unication. 1 997) .

The bal l co urt located i n Pl aza Copal of the No hol Pi l ar group is rel at ivc ly smal L and i s said

to be si m i l a r i n s ize to t hat I ocated ne x t to T e mp l e 1 at T i k a l ( A . Fo rd . p e rsonal

corn m unicati o n . 1 997). Th e com p l e x is composed of Structu res EP5 and EP6. and the

central p l a y i ng a l ley. The struct u res nleasure approx i mately 19 x 7 metrcs ( Ford 1 995 in

Scarborough 1 99 1 b : Fi g. 7.3 ), w i t h the p laying aI l ey measuri n g rough1y 1 0 metre s \Vide

(Trai l Gu i de map). Whi le the range structures of thi s complex have not bee n excavatcd,

evidcnce fro m a looter's p i t d i d suggest its i ncepti on was sometime duri n g the Formati vc

periodo Evidently this early court featu red a vertical playing wal L Whi le refu rb i s h i n gs were

v i s i ble . no maj o r su bseq uent changes in the archi tecture were ab1e to be recogn i zed .

al though the area con tinued to b e used thro ughout the terminal Classic pe ri o d CA. Ford.

personal com m un i cation, 1 997; S carbo rough 1 99 1 : Fig. 7. 1 ). Excavations i n the centre of

the p lay i n g aI l ey re vea1ed four p laster floori ng episodes, and the recog n i t i o n that this

4 1

complex possessed a sunken playing alley. the final surface of which was 1 metre be low i ts

asso ciated architecture ( Ford et al. 1996: 14- 1 5). Excavations also reveaLed a Middle

Formative structure predating the ballcourt complex below the first playing alley tloor ( Ford

et al. 1 996: 14- 15: A. Ford. personal communication. 1997). No centrally cached offerings

or ballcourt markers were unearthed here.

The ballcourt at Pilar Poniente" is the larger of the two courts at El Pilar. Because thi s

complex h as not bee n excavated or looted. virtually nothing is known about its temporal

position or its architectural profile. However. it is understood to be a sunken ·· r" shaped

court. with the southern end molding into the naturaL topograp hy (A. Ford 1 997. personal

cornmllnication. 1998) . The playing al tey measurements of this court are noted as being

approxi mately 8 metres wide by .54 metres long from the furthest extent of the I . The north

end of the 1 i s approximately 28 metres w ide . The st ructures are said to be roughly l O

metres long ( A. Ford. personal cornmunication. 1998) .

Las Ruinas de Arenal

Nothing has been officially pllblished on Las Ruinas de Are nal . and information on this site

and its ballcourt is very limited. The site i s located approximately 3 .5 k ilometres south-west

of the modem town of Benque Viejo, in the foothills o[ the Vaca Plateau ( BaH and Taschek

n.d.: 1 ) . The site is composed o f four apparent groups. three of which are connected by

sacbeoh, and a peripheral scattering of household type structures. While distinguished as a

major centre by t he most recent investigators (BaH and Taschek n.d.: 1 ) . Las Ruinas is i n

my estimation better defined as a small, o r medium-sized centre. It possesses four uncarved

stelae and altars, sacbeoh, an audiencia, an elite-status resident ial g roup , two pyramidal

pIatforms and a baIlcourt ( BaH and Taschek n.d . : 2) (see Fig ure 2.9). Excavations and

[ooter 's trenches have indicated that the site 's occupation appears to have been continuous,

42

spanning from the Middle Formative period to the Terminal Classic penod ( BaH and

Taschek n.d.: 5 and 9) .

The ballcourt at Las Ruinas de Arenal i s located i n Group A� and i s composed of Structures

lOa and 1 0b. Whi le the complex has yet to be excavated, large looter ' s trenches ( which

have essenti ally gutted the structure s) have furnished an assortment of ceramics

encompassing the Classic penod (1. Ball� personal communication, 1998). Evidently the

complex \Vas first erected in the Earl y Classic (A.D. 420-540) al the ti me of a major

rebllildi ng episode . Whi l e the complex is said to have undergone a second phase of

construction during the Late Classic ( A.D. 730-900) (J. BaH . personal communication.

1998). the structuraI details of either phase construction are nol known at tbis ti me. The Las

Ruinas complex i s a north-south running court. Due to the absence of structures at e ither

cnd of the play ing alIey, it is l ikely that tbis complex is of the open-ended type.

North Caracol Farm

The " minor" s i te of North Caracol Farro (hereafter referred to as NCF) i s located

approximately 2 kilometres east of B aking Pot on the southem bank of the Belize River.

The site has yet to be the subject of extensive e xaminatíon and has, unfortunately, recently

undergone disturbance due to current agric ultural practices and gene ral deterioration

(ConIon t 995b:97; Golden and Conlon 1996: 19). Excavations have not yet been conducted

al NCF. Surfac e collections from the site inelude ceramic wares dating as early as the late

Mi ddle Forrnative period (B.C. 900-A.D. 300) al! the way through the late facet of the

Postclassic period ( 1 150- 1500 A.D.) (Golden and ConIon 1996:30). The site is peculiar in

that it possesses architectural structures noC considered typical of a minor centre , such as a

sache and a ballcourt.

43

The site of North Caracol Fann is composed of a grouping of approximately 30 mounds. at

the northem end of whích are Structures NCF-M 1 2 and NCF-M 1 3� two paral lel mounds

understood to be those of a north-south running bal lcourt (Golden and ConIon 1 996:20).

The dimensions of the ballcourt are quite smal l , as the al ley way is only 2 metres wide, and

the structures measure approxi mately 5 x 3 metres. However, their roughly 2 metre height

Ís typicaI of larger ballcourts ( Golden and ConIon 1996:25). Based on the absence of end

structures. and no visible indications that the playing altey was sun ken. this complex is

posited to have been of the open-ended type (1. Conlon. personal co mmunication. (998 ) .

A surface colIection of ceramic s herds has i ndicated to investigators that the NCF- M 1 2 and

NCF-M I3 " date almost exclusively to the Late and Tenninal Classic periods" (Golden and

ConIon L996:25). The small size of the complex, and the predom inance of Late Classic

ceramic sherds associated with NCF-M 1 2 and NCF-M 1 3 . has sug gested to investi gators

that the baI lcourt was l ikely erected in one phase of constructioo.

Ontario Village

T he Gntario Vil lage site is another of the mi nor centres within the Bel ize Val ley that

contains a bal lcourt. The si te is located ro ugh l y 14 ki lometres downstream [rom Baking

Pot, on a flood plain on the southern bank of the Belize River ( B al l and Taschek 1 99 1 : 16 1 ;

Dri ver and Mc Wi l l iams 1 995: 27). Whether or not Ontari o V i l l age was subordi nate to

another site in the Valley or was an autonomous cornmunity is unknown. However, the site

is located equidistant between the majar s ite of B lackman Eddy and the large ce ntre of

Camelote (Driver and McWi ll iams 1 995:43). It i s apparent that the site had a relati vely short

e xistence. as ceramic evidence i ndicates the site was constructed sometime in the Late

Classic period and abandoned i n the Terminal Classic or early Postclassic (Garber et aL

1 994: 1 0; Driver and McWill iams 1 995:43 , 42).

44

The central precinct of Ontario Village comprises two plaza groups, Plazas A and B . Plaza

A i s defined by several range-type structures. and possesses a 5.5 metre high eastem shrine

structure (Figure 2. 1 0) ( Driver and McWil liams 1995: 27). The bal lcourt complex defines

the western end of Plaza A., w ith the eastern structure ( Structure A3 ) abutting Plaza A and

essentially serving as a physical barrier between plazas ( Garber et al . 1 994: 13 : Driver and

McWiLl iams 1995:35) . A low platform abuts Structure B 1 on its north end ( Structure 82).

but does not form an end structure to the com pl ex o Structure B 1 is tal ler than A3 .

measuring 2.8 metres above the alley fIoor. while Structure A3 measures 2 metres above

the al ley (Garber et al . 1 994: 1 3 : D river and McWil l iams 1995:35) . Measurements of

Structures A3 and B 1 taken from a map of the site core indicate that S tr. A3 is abo ut 15

metres long and 8. 1 metres w ide, while Structure B 1 measure s approximatel y 15 x. 9.4

rnetres ( after Driver and McWill iams 1 995: Fig. 3 . 1 ) . The playing alIey measures roughly 5

metres w i de. whi le its fuU Length i s unknown. The bal lcourt runs on a north-south axis

and. due to the absence of end-structures, it is suggested that this court is of the open-ended

variety .

Excavations revealed that the Ontario Vil lage ballcourt consisted of a sloped bench, and

vertical p laying and aprOll walIs ( Driver and McWilliams 1995:36-37). Excavations of the

summit of Structure B 1 did llot reveal a rnasonry or perishabLe superstructure (Garber et al .

1994: 1 3 ; Driver and McWil l iams 1 995:35) . The compIex \Vas bui l t i n one phase of

constrllction during the Late Classic period, and only had ane 2 c m thick replasteri ng event

occurri ng throughout i ts history (Driver and McWi l l iams 1 995:37) . No central cached

offering or marker was unearthed during excavations.

Pacbitun

Pacbitllll is located approximately 8 kilornetres from the Macal Ri ver, and roughl y 3

45

kilometres east of the modero Maya viUage of San Antonio . The site is unique in that it is

posi tioned at the interface of two ecological zones, the upland Pine Ridge and the Lowland

tropical foresto The fortunate location of the site allowed the community in anci ent times to

have access to a divers ity of natural resources, ranging from agricul tural Iy fertile soi l s to

ca [careous l i mestone deposi ts ( Healy 1 990:247). Cons isting of three majar. central ized

p lazas ( Plazas A . B and C). and two adjacent p lazas ( Pl azas O and E). Pacb itun l S

considered a medi um- size d c i v i c centre. The site core consi sts o f at least 40 structures.

íncluding an E-group complex� vauLted superstructures, elite residences. pLain and carved

steLae and altars. two sacheob , and a ballcourt (Fi gure 2. 1 1 ) (Heal y 1 990).

The bal lcourt at Pacbi tun is s ituated in Plaza E. north of Plaza A, and is composed of

S tructures 1 4 and 1 5 ( Heal y 1 990: Fig. 3 . 252-253 ; Healy 1 992: 229, Fi g. 2) . The

ba l lcourt com plex is understood to be an apen ended caurt. S tructures at the south and

northern e nds � however. cou ld potential l y have had a role in the baUgame p layed here . The

structures measure approxi male ly L 7.5 x 1 03 x 3 .5, with the alley way being roughly 4.8

metres wide (Heal y 1 992:229) . Excavations revealed that the Pacbitun ballcourt had fo ur

majar constructi on episodes, and a series of replastering events.

The first phase of bal lcourt construetion was the ereetion of the range struetures in the Late

Formati ve period ( 1 00 B.C. - A.D. 300) ( Healy 1992:233). Modifications to the structures

in the Early C l assic period (A .D. 300-550) included a series of thick rep lasteri ngs that

subsequently rai sed the struetures an addi tional 20 centi metres ( Healy 1 992:234) . The

structural profi le of the ballcourt during both of these phases of eonstruction consisted of a

relatively high sloping bench face, a horizontal bench top , and a sl oping p laying walI

(Heal y 1 992: Fig. 4). The third phase of construction too k p lace betwe en A.D. 550-700.

This invol ved raising the summit of the structures through a series of replasterings, as well

46

as a radical modification of the morphology of the playing wal l . A roughly 1 metre high

vertical wal l was built at this t ime . replacing the earlier s loped playing wal ! (Healy

1 990:253 ; Healy 1 992:234). The final phase of construction occurred in the Late Classic

penod between A.D. 700 and 900, and involved the addition of a platform on the surnmit

of the structure . It has been hypothesized that these platforms supported a superstructure

which unfortunately was undetectable during excavations. Spectators may have observed

the game from the north edge of adjacent. elevated Plaza A ( Healy 1 992:235).

Three al leyway floors were identified dunng excavations ( Healy 1 992:Fig. 4) . Whi le no

cached offerings or bal lcourt markers were unearthed in the centre of the playing alley. a

cached offering was located east of Structure 1 5. be low Plaza E. tloor 2 that dated to the

Early Classic periodo The cache consisted of two vessels placed [ip to [ ip and containing:

1 84 unaItered jllre shells; l ithic� bone and she l I objects. incl uding a jade bead. a green

obsidian bipoint. a basal t cel t, a stingray spine, and objects of thorny oyster and Srromblls

she l l s ( Hea[y 1992: 234) .

x- ual .. canil

The large "minor" centre of X-ual-cani l is situated high on a limestone ridge in the foothil l

zone, on the east side of the Maca[ River, near Monkey Falls, approx.imately 3 to 4 km east

of the major centre of Cahal Pech ( lannone 1995b:9; 1997:4). X- ual-cani l was initial ly

visi ted. and named Cayo y , by Willey et al . ( 1 965:3 1 3 ) in the mid 1950s. The Bel ize

Department of Archaeology Later changed the name of the site to X-ual-caniL which in

Yucatec Maya means "fly-brush" (Roys 193 1 :29 1 ) , a plant w hicn today covers the s ite

( [annone 1995a: 29). Wil Ley et al . ( 1 965) were aI so the first to (abel the site a "minor

ceremonial centre" . The site i s composed of two plaza groups and includes a 363 metre

long sacbe which l eads to a solitary eastern structure (Figure 2. 1 2) (Schwake 1 997:63) . X-

47

ual -canil is un usual in that residentiaI structures are virtually absent. and yet it possesses

such features typ ical of majar centres as: monumental architectllre ; sache; a stela/altar/shrine

complexo and a ballco urt (Ferguson 1 997:39).

Desi gnation of the bal lcaurt comp le x at X-ual-canil was tentati ve l y made duri ng

reconnaissance at the site i n 1995 (lannone 1995a; Ferguson 1 997:39). The complex is

recessed from the 3 .5 metre high central plaza at i ts southeast comer. Structllre 8A

measures approxi mately 1 4 x 5 x. .99 metres. wlúle Structure 7A measures roughly 1 2 x 7

x l .05 metres ( Ferguson 1 997:39, fig. 4) . The p laying al tey measures about 5 m etres

\Vide. Due to the vi rtual absence of playi ng al ley evidence ( bedroc k was encountered

directly below the humus l ayer) . it was impossible to determine what type of co urt th is

comp lex possessed. No cached offerings or bal lcourt markers were unearthed ( Ferguson

1 997:44) . T he north end of the complex abuts the acropol is ando thereby . serves to

terminate the playing al t ey rather abruptly, similar to that of B al lcourt 1 at Xunantunich. It

is l i kely that this bal lcourt was a variant of the open-ended type.

Despite severe preservation p roblems , excavations determined that the complex was bui l t in

one phase of construction in the Late Classic ( Ferguson 1997:5 1 ). A profi le of the X-ual ­

cani l bat lcourt structures revealed a vertical bench face, a 70 degree angle bench top , and a

relatively low, o r short, vertical playing wal l (only two or three c ourses high) (Ferguson

1997:44). Due to the low height of the structures , it is un l i kely that masonry or perishable

superstructures were located atop the structures. No evidence of perishable superstructures

in the fonn of posthol es or daub was identified. It is l ikely that spectators instead viewed

the game from the edges of the adj acent elevated plaza (Ferguson 1 997:46).

Xnna ntonic h

Xunantunich is 10cated on a high, cul tural ly modified hil l top along the Mopán River�

approximately 1 to 2 kilometres from the Guatemalan border. Ceramic evidence from

Xunantunich indicates that the occupation of the hi l l top began as early as the Middle

Formative period. however, no in situ e arly architeeture has been unearthed ( BaH and

Tasehek 199 1 : 1 5 1 : LeCount 1 994: 1 70; Leventhal 1 994:2). Intennittent occ upation of the

hil ltop con tinued until sometime in the Late Classic period (between A.D. 650-830) when a

series of major construction epi sodes \vere first in i ti ated. These construction events

proceeded into the Terminal Classic (A.D. 830- 1000), transforming the hiIltop community

into a large ··civic" centre. Gradually the s i te carne to be the focus of administrative. socio­

pol i ticaL and ritual activities, as well as a res idence for el ites (BaH and Taschek 1 99 1 : 1 5 1 :

LeventhaL 1 994:3 ). The central precinct of Xunantunich comprises a large central plaza

( Plaza A) whi ch was divided by the ereetíon of Structure A- l . The architectural character of

the site core ¡neludes: an E-group, palace and pyramidal structures. inel uding a massive 50

metre high building; range-type structures ; sacbeob; plain and carved stelae and aIrarse and

two bal lcourts (Figure 2. 1 3 ).

Leventhal et al . ( 1993 ) and Ashmore ( 1 993 : 13 ) (both in LeCount 1994: 17 1 ) suggest that

Xunantunich's zenith was the result of increased instabi l i ty and competition in the Val ley

during the Late Classic. They further propose that the instabi l ity was due i n part to the

decl ine of Buenavista. Xunantunich may have had connections with northern Yucatán in the

Tenninal Classic - Early Postclassic period, as Structure 20 exhibits columns executed in a

style associated with the Puuc regíon. While the affil iation with the north i s significant on

¡ts own, i t also indicates that Xunanturuch was occupied for an extended period, and during

a time when most sites in the Belize VaUey, and the Maya Lowlands in general, had been

49

abandoned (Leventhal 1994:2) .

The ··main·� ballcourt complex at Xunantunich is located j ust west of the southem half of

Plaza A. and comprises Structures A- l 9 on the west, and A- l8 on the e ast. Structure A- 18

abuts S truct ure A-7. w h i c h faces onto t he mai n plaza. Another structure ( whose

designatí on i s unknown) abuts the e ntire complex at i ts northern ende The p laying al ley

meas ures approximately 4 metres w ide, while the eastem structure measures roughly la x

8.5 metres, and the west measures l a x. 7 metres. Additionally, i t runs sl i ghtly west of

north-south axi s ( Jamison and Wolf L994: Fi g . 1 ) . An investi gati on of this complex was

initiated i n 1 978, hO\\Tever, excavati ons revealed that most of the architecture had been

destroyed . A thin play i ng al tey floor w as detected directly over a cultura l l y modi fied

bedrock foundatíon. No centrally p l aced marker or cached offering was unearthed (Graham

1 978:7). The structural profi le of the complex remains uncertai n. Due to the presence of the

structure abutting the complex at its north end, it is l i kely that this baHcourt \Vas a variant of

the open-ended type, simi lar to the ballcourt at X-ual-canil .

The second bal lcourt at Xu nantunich i s l ocated within Plaza A and i s com posed of

S tructures A 17 and A22 . 80th structures are attached to other structures. S tructure A22 is

attached to the backside of Structure A l , whi le Structure A 17 abuts S tructure A8 at i ts

so uth ende Structure A22 wa s not recognized ini tial ly. It was only through the recent

recognition of the odd shape of S tructure A 1 's westem side that S tructure A22 was

identified, and considered to have be en an addition to Structure A l ( Leventhal 1994:4).

Excavations revealed that i t was not S tructure A22 that was the addition. b ut rather

S tructure A l . Evidently. between A.O 700-830, the inhabitants of Xunantunich decided to

divide the main plaza in two, thereby restricting access to the southem half of the plaza by

erecting a massi ve new structure . The ereetíon of Strueture A l also turn ed the Structure

50

A l 7 and S tructure A22 bal1 court complex ¡nto a viable entranceway (lamisoo and Wolff

1994:29).

Structures A22 and A 17 are approximate Ly 15 metres Long, 10 metres wide, and 4.5 metres

high. with the playing alLey measuri ng approxirnately 5.5-6 metre s wide (lamison and

Wolff 1 994: Figs. 1 and 2. 32-33). The ballcourt was define d by a sloping bench fac e

which met with an approximately 3 rnetre wide, l ikely leve L bench top (Jamison and Wolff

1 994:32-33) . The form of the playing wal l , unfortunately, re mains uncertain. due to

erosiono The number of playing alley floors is also uncertain. though there definitely was

more than one. In the absence of defined end zones, and a sunken court, it would appear

as though this bal lcourt compLex was of the " open ended type".

No bal lcourt markers were discovered during excavations of either court . A cac hed

offeri ng consisting of fragments of unworked s late, an abundance of jure she l ls, and a

col lection of poorly preserved human skeletal remains, presurnably associated with a burial .

was unearthed in the Str. A22 and Str. A 1 7 comp lexo Ceramics from the burial date from

the Middle Formative to Late Classic periods (lamison and Wolff 1994:32). While the

majority of she rds from this ballcourt complex are assoc iated with the Middl e Forrnative

periodo sorne Late Classic sherds were encountered wi thin the earliest levels (lamison and

Wolff 1 994:3 1). Evidently this complex was erected in a l ate phase of construction.

D I S CUSS ION

Whi le investi gations at rnany of the Bel ize Valley sites have been li mited. and bal lco urt

architectural data andlor site maps are not necessarily avai lable, a brief synopsis of the

ballcourts w ithin the Belize Vall ey can be offered.

5 1

There are a total of 28 centres recorded i n the Bel i ze Val ley. Of these , 1 2 sites reportedly

have one or more ballcourts associated with them ( Fi gure 2. 14) . Only two of the 1 1 major

sites in the val ley, Tipu and Camelote, do not have ballcourts. Additi onally. three of the

minor sites have baI lcourts, an uncommon feature within the Maya S ubarea. [n totaL 1 8

bal lcourts, a fairI y large num ber, are known from the Belize Valley. Despite the presence of

centres within the Belize Valley with early ori gins. relati vely few have ballcourts that date

earl ier than the Late Classic (see Table 2.1 ) .

O f those s i tes in the Belize ValJey for which dates are known. E l Pilar ( A . Ford. personal

cornrn unication. 1 997). Pac bitun ( Healy 1 990, 1 992) , Actuncan C McGovem 1 993 . ( 994)

and B ue navista (J. BaH , personal cornm unication, 1 998) have ballcourts with a Late

Form ative component (300 B.C .-A .D. 300). Of the remai ning courts for which age

determi nations have been made, all are said to have be en bui l t in the Late Classic penod

( A .D. 600-900), or have construction phases that date to the Late Classic . The ract that

only one bal lcollrt in the Val ley, that of the Las Ruinas Ballcourt. is con firmed to have

begun in the Early Classic Period (A.D. 300-600) coi ncides with a recognized construction

hiatus elsew here in the Val l ey at th is t ime ( Ferg uson 1 995:83 � J. B al l , pe rsonal

communicati on 1998). This reinforces the suggestion that the ballgame did not reach i ts

florescence i n the Maya Lowlands unti l the Late Classic ( S mith 196 1 : L 04; C ohodas

1 978:87; Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:72: Scarborough L 99 1 a: 125; Ferguson 1996:.50).

[n tenns of the architectural format of ballcourts i n the Belize ValIey, there does not seem to

be a norro. Sorne courts have vertical playing walls: the Late Classic cornpone nt of the

ball court at Pac bitun (He aly 1992) : Actuncan (J. McGovern, personal communication.

1999); Ontario Vil lage ( Driver and McWill iarns 1995:36-37); El Pilar CA. Ford. personal

communi cation, 1 997) : X-ual-cani l (Ferguson 1997) ; WBC at Cahal Pech (J. B a l l ,

52

personal communication, 1995) ; Buenavista (J. Bal l , personal cornrnunication . 1 998): and

the two earliest phases of the Group [ ballcourt at Baking Pot ( see chapter 3 ) . Other Val ley

courts possess sloping playing walls: EBC at Cahal Pech ( Ferguson et al . 1 996): Slructures

A 1 7 and A22 al Xunantunich ( Wotff and Jamison 1994:3 1 ) ; N8C at Cahal Pec h: terminal

phase Plaza [ and Group I I baIlcourts al Baking Pot ( see chapter 3 ) : and the Late Fonnati ve

component of the Pacbitun ballcourt (Healy 1 992). Benches also di ffer in morphology.

Sorne have horizontal tops: WBC at Cabal Pech (1. Ball , personal communícation. 1995) ,

and the Pacbi tun bal lcourt ( Healy 1992). The majority of bal lcourts in the Valley have

sloping bench tops of varying inclines. The format of benches and playing wal ls of the

ballcourts within the Valley does not seem to be te mporally sensitive. as both types of

playing wa[ls appear during the Late Fonnative and Late Classic periods.

Because few bal lcourts in the Belize Valley have actual ly been excavated, the cIassification

of many. if not most , Valley bal Icourts remains difficult . This is in part because sorne of

thern do not conform to the standard court typologi es created by Smith ( 1 96 1 ) . Cl une

( 1963 ) or Taladoire and Colsenet ( 99 1 ). None theless, in most cases researchers can

determine basic type-fo rms, such as whether or not a court was open-ended or enclosed.

BaI lcourts in the Maya Lowlands are typical l y open-ended (Scarborough 1 99 1 b : 1 34, 137).

This seems to be the case in the Belize Valley, j udging from the lack of end zone structures.

However. other types do exist as wel l . Fo r instance, bal lcourts at both El Pi lar (A. Ford.

personal comrnunication , 1 997) and B uenavista (J. Bal l . personal cornmunication, 1 998)

are sunke n courts, a type w hich is considered a vari ant of the enclosed court category

(Cl une 1 963 : 1 3 ) . The X-ual-cani l bal lco urt and 8al lcourt No. 1 at Xunantunich do not

match court types in Clune ' s ( 1963), Smith ' s ( 1 96 1 ) or Taladoire and Colsenet's ( 199 1 )

typology, a s the north ends of both of these courts ha ve structures abutting them. Such

courts may represent a variant of the open-ended ballcourt type. AH of these data are

53

displayed in Table 2. 1 .

Whereas sorne of the variabil ity between courts from the Valley and elsewhere i n the Maya

subarea may simply reflect local preferences. sorne of the differences noted may reflect

different forms of play. d ifferent cypes of games. or even di fferent reasons for p laying

< Ste m 1949:35: Ritman 1968:40: Taladoire and Colsenet 1 99 1 : 1 62: Acosta 1940 in Clune

1 963 :6; Healy 1992).

Santley et al . ( L 99 1 : 17 - l 8) have suggested that the number of bal lcourts within a centre

may reflect the socio-políticaL situation within an area. Following their thinking. the more

centres w ith baL lcourts located w ithin a restricted area. the more political ty decentralized

was the area. Because not al l sites have bal Icourts, and sorne '-minor'" Belize ValIey sites

have courts. ''' it would seem logical to assume that the presence or absence of a bal lcourt. as

wel l as the n umber of ballcourts at a given site reflects that comm unity 's place in the socio­

polítical hierarchy of the region" ( van Tuerenhout 199 1 :65).

The orientation norm for bal l co urts in the Belize Val ley, and in che Maya Lowlands in

general , i s north-south. Exam p l es of east-west oriented balLcourts have been found at:

Seibal . Qui riguá, Río Bec and B alakbal. Kohnunl ich and B aking Pot (Scarborough

1 99 t b: 138). Courts from the coastal Lowlands, the Valley of Guatemala, and in Highland

Chiapas and Guate mala do, however, predominant1y run east-west ( Leyenaar and Parsons

1 988:37. 38). Cohodas ( 1 975: 1 1 7, 1 18) has suggested that north-south oriented baUcourts

may symbolize the surface of the earth, while east-we st running courts may represent

Xibalba, or the underworld. He further notes that each of the cardinal directions has an

association with either an equinox (east and west) or a solstice (north and south), and that

south is associated with day, north with night, west w ith sunset, and east with sunrise

(Cohodas 1975: 1 05). When considering the ro l e of the ballgame , these symbol ic

54

associations are i mportant to recognize in terms of the o rientation of a given bal lcourt. b ut

also in tenns of the locale of the ballcourt at a site.

Despite the variations in court types and designo regu larities do exist i n their constructi on

profi les. relative measurements, placement at a site. and in their cardinal orientation . S uch

customary features suggests sorne fOrrIl of game standardization (Stem 1 949:35� Leyenaar

and Parsons 1988:7 1 : Scarborou gh 199 1 b : 137; Healy 1992:237). Thus . ballcourts that

stray from even sorne of these basic regulari ties . as do the courts at Baking Pot (see chapter

3 ). add another d i mens ion to the questio n of the role of the bal lgame within Precol umbian

Maya society .

SUMMARY

This chapte r has provided a bri ef exami nation of the geographical and geological setti ng of

the Bel ize Val ley . Addi tional ly . a brief overview of w hat is known about the history of the

ancient Maya in the Valley i s given and 1 2 of the known archaeological centres and thei r

bal lcourts are described. The data in this chapter have shown that w h i le there may b e

consistency i n the Iocation (both a t the inter- and intra-s ite level ) and general composition of

bal l c o u rt comp lexes , vari at i o ns i n the numbers of courts , d i mensions, architectural

compositi on and temporal sequence between sites i n the Be lize Valley are conspicuous.

Recognition of these continuities and variations will serve to comp lement and facilitate an

examinati on of the bal lgame at the civic centre of Baki ng Pot, as evidenced through the

analysis of i ts ballcourts.

N

o 50 100 L��.�·�.Ii·=-__ .' KM

• MU¡ CcDote • Loltaa Ca..-e

.BecaD • Santa Rita NOIUD"� Ce"i CII�O • • Cofb . - - - . . .. .. - .. .. - . . - - -L:.: 'dlPUba : ,

D Mirador -_ : La ••• : �AltuD R. NaIdH! : LadY"ille A trauaaa . ol .. ul ...-r.:: ti

11kaJ . • :h'(!} Baking Pot �uI:I, • • ,........ \ • racbitun

r['p�

-El Porto Rio Pi�

� • El Cbayal • Ka .. ¡ •• ljuyu •

. ... . . - .. .. . (stepcque . ' • . - ... "' ... "' . ..

Figure 2. 1 l\1a p oC the Maya Subarea.

55

56

MEXICO

OBELlZE� • Ot:NO�S .. IIC_f:O!.QGC.oU. SIn: O oe:NO�� _AH TI:IW>I

Figure 2 .. 2. Map Showing the Location of Major Sites in Belize (after A\\'c 1 9 9 2 ) .

I I . E I Pi lar I I I I I I

G \ I U 1 B

Yaxox O

Camelot e •

O � oTeaket t le

_ • O W O Spanlsh lookout • Onja rlo arria Head

U O ) Blackman Eddy AH Ba klng " U J I " F 1?ra l Po rk g

O Po I Ca raco l ,;

8edran F arni A l E T I L E 1 \ M I Z A l E L I A l

o E spera n z a

e ahal Pech '

o Zubin

O Nohoch O (

Actu ncon Ek C hao Creek

�U¿luniCh • � Ti pu

• Los Ruinas

VACA I'LATEAU

)(.uak:anl t

o Poi Sak Pak

• Pocbitun

UllH V.l.QUlllO CHE[J(

/í--�'\..-----..-"'"'-/y PRIV.l.CClON CRHK o� � ....

Figure 2 .3 : Archaeological Sites in the Belize Valley

MOUtITAltI PINE: RIDGE

ARCHAEOLOGICAL S ITES UPPER BEL IZE VALLEY CAYO D I STR ICT , BELIZE • Major s i tes o M i nor s i tes

o 2 4 Skm - -

SCAL( Proparlld by: Ja mo:! M . Conlon

1 998

4 •

I �

@.-. .: .- . ­.... .. .. . A'Q[]����:" .- ... .. .. .. .. . ... . -

ACTUNCAN

i""j.., ,¡ i 'j -1 -, James o. Mc:Govem

15 June 1 993 •

Figure 2.4. Map of Actuncan I1lustrating the Ballcourt (after McGover n

1 993 : Fig. 1) ..

58

BULLDOZER CUT

PlAZA A

• S:efa I

I"� ___ /

o 20 !.ia!-2rs ..... �

Fig u re 2.5. Map of Blackman Eddy Illustrating thc Ba llcourt (a ftcr Ga rbcr

et al. 1993 : Fig. 2) .

59

.....

�\ -----

Figure 2.6. Ma

T

p of Buena '

aschek 199 1 ' F'

VIsta Illustrating tb , Ig, 2) ,

. e BaUcourts (aft

. er Dall and

60

IrfWíCA H A L PEC H o C AYO • . BELl ZE§1

• _ • �l. _ • _ • ..5t . ".. . - .

. _ . _ . - . - . - . -

- '�.l ' -..' ?

SCALE � ....

o .. �"t 01' ... T

� .. E� :: :1:

u

-- - � ­� " - --.. ""

Figure 2.7. Map 01' Cahnl l'ech I l Illstt'ut ing Ballcoul' ts (af'tcr Fel'guson et al . 1 996 : Fig. ()) . 0\ ......

/.q�\ V \;

/¡\ r

, ,r\'-':l-l- ' t '. Jr,. I 1

(J �:I..', 2Cv :-·xz) :rí. Co �...,...r---------------.----

l l¡ .. .. -( s R �.

r� � ,,-} _ c ': � I \ '. ; l . �\ " ' ..--4{ r-- .- " ' '<

f i 1\' Ü" Í-Q: : ,--\ ' . .' 3rY¡a (�

l { ' w'- , � \ ..

'J!J� , , .�ih\ , . " .p i 1 .8 :-�o � ��, r�"::fl o';" , •

• �,,� t,: !¡,tI I '

---.....l..�� .. > \ ' , �[ ' .. ,¡;-/

.. ,;'� ) H \� }, 1''''' ' � , � � ' f''1 '1

A :-lJ�i"i)" � t�z;; ' � .�.-JI " ';:.0:-'" '1':\ - ,1 r.'jI' o ;

'" '\ .. � . \ -= �: \ "'i)' � ,,,"::;.."'-_ � ., � lY" ' 1 r,:] "',1'

, •. :- ... . \ ' _ .... \" / i .. e.; \ . ' : ? 'l j' I ';" ¡l a ,�::� ,

I . I J' .. :; " ,1,! \ . -, \

/ <1

,'¡;�; C"'":1' '

• ..:. ' WW � :, o .c m

" Nofl0 1 r�? : I ,,:,¡ ....

:' I ' .:;j I _.--r� (�. r-= /

�.--<,' '1 :1 1 " ' " ¡" ,,, . .. :: :" '�" " , '1 1 h

�---íf";-; ,:: . .... ;"./ ." ��-- '1'." r l". � '/ 1

, . . . , . . ...... . , '¡; ; ; .é " " ) " ' " "' -

� ;h " ,, �

1 ___ (:. " ()n i et- '" ."," 'I" I;;, � . . 0!�

\,�:.. cr

�1 I ,�t, \ 1

, • o 1 ' e " \ " ' " '-�

" " 1 \ ' .

" o ' .

"-'-

• ,'. ,.

'

�_ 1) r .

14"� .- ..

to. o "

� ,

.. , { �I

/-.. .. � :( ....... \� " '. 1 0'\ .1 ' ; �

'�" ;" . . ,C" T'.I' " o 1 1 C-I p' � e

'lo � .� 'Jo,

• " . _ . . . • _.

.. _. . � u _

, 'I ,i;1-A J. ' '

, : .'1" . "<:·'.1,- · ' ,

- , '" ,. ," . /

r.- " '1 , : • • ,'" '"

� v / �,:s •• , " , J

, �': , 1 -";', \ , < ",": ,�, ...

" ,," \'

. _ . ' n .. , . . .. - � - -

�

, ." ..

@J: I, . . , �_""..-.,��'- - y

\ I ��" , .1 ,'

._ ., ._J!. .�""-->-_�

,J S < e .' �

. \ \.:..J� ..... '" ,

""',' �1 n ' :i �

- ," 1 , "=--;/

r;--- ¡;-' � �:.....:.: ·�'." O \'��''''� \!:2:

P i la (

Fi g u r e 2.8. M a p 0 1' El P i l ar I l lustrat ing Bal lco ul' ls ( map pro\' idcd hy A . FO l'd 1 99 8 ) .

I \ ".:l;�':'fl · ' . t f '" ' . \\ ... : I " \\J,' ,_,o

0\ N

Figure 2.9. l\1a p of Las Rui nas de Arenal I1lustrating the Ballco urt (map

p ro 'vided by J. Bal l 1998).

63

N :>

O 5 t O r.ie:':::i

Figure 2. 10. Ma p of Ontario Village I1 lustrating thc Ballcourt (aftcr Driver

a n d McWillia ms 1995:3.1) .

64

65

-N

--. -� ..... -

-:.. --o t:J ---... --

=.c e . ­--.... .. � = -

.. :::

. ----

2/\ c::J iW I / I J r If A IIA'SA'RVOIR ( 1 1 )

e ' l � . . . . . �4C 3A

, r� XAMAN NAlI �.� )A�- _ . '

�\ �\ � �¿A

5/\(,.-; -� ::-l � , \ � ;.,.. 7A 11 IIA ' . . __

/\ M�'�RVOIR (1) � .-�-5-

--

•• .a- ' "

IMf\{� I

x - U !\ LJ - (� A N 1 L. ,-=--..&". ���1� ����L -"�S��� . ,,,,,

L .EGI�NO

l\I'ch. lcc' ''l "c hlll ldo'l.l!d _ . _ .. . .. . . __ . _ . - - _ . -

PO:HII I I I'cd Ll I'cll ltC(:hH'(� . . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . o .l0j!����'" CL __ ______ _ Melc l 's Sco le 1 2200 Surlloy \Jy G IlInoono. G IIylo',"Orlll. " �.lIpclI:k 11 Vnlonc.ft

_�.�lcn���BUsolI. :i Sch�uho._':.��� :...��

Fig ul'e 2. 12. M a p oi' X - u a l - ca ni l I l Iu st l' u t i n g the Ba l l c o u l' l (a ftc l' FCl' g llson 1 9 97 : F ig . 2) . �

Figu re 2 .. 13. Map o f Xuna ntunich I llustra ting Ba llcourts (after Jamison

and Wolfr 1 994: 1) .

I I�I Pi lar I I I I I I

G 1 I U 1 B A l E

T I L E 1 1 M I Z A l E L I A l

I I

Yaxol( O

I O I Nohoch I Actu n can Ek

� Ci>? I Xunantunich I I

® los Ru inas

VACA PLAT[AU

o Z u b i n o (

Chao

.;J Tipu

-�4.t4 _ ' �f( Cam elo te

Romle - Teo k e l l l e 8ortO�f"" •

O _ '-A� O O _. � Warr lfj Heod cer>C Spa n lsh L o o k o u t \aP n t o r io A �

. . U O ) 81a c k mon E d d y ! @ F lorol Pork §

B o k l n g N o r t h t:.'f O Po t Co racol 8edran F a rm

o Esperan za

Creek

o Poi Sak Pak

(!) Pacbit un

UIlU VAQUERO CR[[)\ -- -----

IAOUtHAIU I'INE RIDGl

ARCHAEOLOG ICAL S I TES U P P E R BEL I Z E VALLEY CAYO D I ST R ICT I BEL I Z E • Majar si t es o o

o , -

M ina r s i t e s S i t e s w i t h

cou r t s 2 3 -SCAl[

.. !>km

Prcrpar lld by: Jomo:s M. Conlon 1 99B

() e'

�

Figure 2. 14: Belize Valley Sitcs With Ballcourts.

Tahle 2.1 : Belize Valle)' Ballcourts # lit' Rallgl! Alley

M.!Uur .'illCs _ . CuUrf1i _ __ J)llllclIshtlLS. Dlmt'lUlulls U"r�

AClun\:iln 1 5x l O;dm '!x 7m Pml'L· U '

Bnkins rOl 1 ) 1 9x 1Ox J .4m ) lJ: d . 1 5m I r

2<1) \ I)x-x'lm " '1 2b) 19x-x'?m '1 '/ 2e) 1 9x-x'!rn 'h;·l . 5 m 1 .('

3 ) 21lx I Ox LMm U · 20x 1 2 , 5:'1.1 .57111 '!x 5.5111

Blnckman Eddy U lx l 2x'}m 'lx6m '! 1 6x l 2x'hn

BUlllluvislll. 2 1 ) 22x J ()x'!m '!x 7m I .F· !( ,

2) 22x I 0x.'111\ -' 5 - 40x4 - 5 111 1 .('

Cuh¡,1 Pcch 2 1 ) 1 5 .9x 1 2,,4,5m 22x.J 1Il 1 .( '

2 ) 1 5xHx2m 2 1 .6x.lm Le

El Pilnr 2 1 ) \ CJx7x'!m '!x l (lm F· n '

2 ) IOx'!x'!m 54x8 111 '}

I ,liS Ruinas 1 2 ,5x IOx'!m '! H '· I,( '

PacbilUn la) 1 1 , S x lO J x2,l'!m '/x4.Hm I .F-E( . l b) 1 75x lO.JxJ .Sm '!x4J IIII 1:( ,· [ '( '

Xunillllunich 2 1 ) JOxR. 5x'!m 'Jx4m '} I Ox7mx'hn

2) I 5x IUx4.5m 'J.'!. S .5-6m MF· I .C

U�lIch

SI .

SI .

1 1

SI.SI .

S I .

SI.S I ,

'1

SI .

'!

SI.

1 1

'!

'/

'!

1 1

1 1

'J

J I

nelle" . j'II!:(' -

" "

SI .

V V '/

SI.SI ,

'}

'!

'!

S I .

V

'!

'/

"

S1 . S I .

'/

S I .

i'llI)' lng Wull TVDe

V ( )pcn

SI. S I . ( )pl!ll

V ( )Pl.lll SI.SL °rcn

S I . Oplll\

SU'H .

'! Opcn v;uianl ('!)

V Oren ''1''

" I :ncl . Sunkcn "1"

SI.SI . 0rclI. (Encl:!)

V Oplln

V End/Sullkcn

'! tindlSunk¡;n 1

'] Opl.lll

S I . Opún

V Opúll

'! Oncn v:uiant

'? Opl!n

(]'I \O

Tahle 2.1 : Belize Valley 8allcourt Data <continuedl # IIf nllngc

Mlnor Sltcs Cftllrt5 U1mClIslmlS

NCF

Onlmio Vi l Ingc.:

X-ual-caníl

Lcgcnd

Oren = Opcn-cJIlh.:d

SL = Slopcd

MF = Míddh: Fonnutívc

EC = Early Classic

5 x h 2 m

1 5xW. l x 2 m

1 4x5x.99m

1 2x7x 1 . (l 5 m

Encl. == Endoscd court

SI,SI . = Sliglllly SlllpcLl

I .F :;;: J .ute Fonnuliw

LC = I.alc Classh:

UlmclIsllIlIS

'lx 2 m

'!x 5m

1 5x9.4x 2 , S m

'lx 5 111

Allcy Uate

J .( '/Te l'! >

U '

1 .( '

"1" :: "1" shllped r1aying !lltéy

v = V .. a lk,,1

lo' = hmnulÍvc.!

Te :;;: TCllnínul ( ' Ia��k

llelldl I'I1Iylng "l'"ch F!lcc "'all Tvnc

'} '1 '} o pc.: n

SI . V V Open

S I . V V Opc.:n vananl

11 = I hllil.lI l1l111

Ilro{ '\, :: Pmloc\¡¡:i:.ic

�

7 1

Chapter 3

THE MAYA CIVIC CENTRE OF BAKING POT AND ITS BALLCOURTS

lNTROD UCTION

While not necessari ly unique i n its general configuration in comparisan to other ·'major'­

sites in the Bel ize River area. B akin g Pot is unusual in that it possesses three bal lcourts.

One of these bal lcourts i s recognized as the only east-west runni ng court identified in the

Vaf [ey , while another possesses evidence for the only bal lcourt marker presently known in

the Belize Valley. This c hapter w i l l explore the Maya civic centre of 8 aking Poto and w i l l

examine the characteristics of its bal lcourts and the excavati ons initiated in each complexo

B AKING POT

The site of Baking Pot i s Iocated in the Cayo Di strict of B el ize. approximate ly 8 to 1 0

ki lometres east o f the town of San Ignacio. betwee n the Precolumbian major centres of

Cahal Pec h and B lackman Eddy (Figure 3. 1 ) . S ituated about 250 meters from the southern

bank of the Belize River (Ricketson 1 93 1 :3 . 24; B ul l ard and 8ul lard 1965: 7� Moare

1 997:47) , the site is easi l y accessi b le by ri veri n e travel , and is on[y 20 kil ometers

downstream from Cahal Pech, and between 170-200 ki 10meters west of the Caribbean sea

via the river ( Moore 1 997:47; Willey et aL 1965:23) . Baking Pot is [ocated on lands

presentIy owned and uti l ized as apen pasture by the Belize Department of Agriculture

( B ul lard and Bul Iard 1 965:7). As a result of its current use as pasture land, few treed areas

occur at the site, and thus recent damage to the structures has been minimal . It appears that

the site 's lacation on government property, in addition to its close proximity to a modern

72

military base� has aided in protecting the site, beca use looting has llot yet been reported.

Having been dassified as a ;;"regal-rituaI" ( BaH and Taschek 1 99 1 : 1 58L "' ceremoniar' or

"major" centre (Wi I Iey et aL 1965:309; Aimers 1997:2 1 ; Conlon 1 995a:3 1 ) by various

scholars. Baking Pot is recognized as one of the more elaborate and impressive sites in the

Belize Val ley ( Wi l ley et al . 1965:309). An abundance of what are thought to be soli tary

housemounds and plazuela groups surround the site. suggest that Baking Pot was densely

sett led ( Ricketson 1 93 1 :3 ; Wi l ley et al . 1965:309� BaH and Tasc hek L 99 1 : 1 58; Aimers

1 997: 2 1 ) . Jaime Awe ( 1997. personal cornmunication ) has suggested that at its height in

the Late Classic penod (A.D. 700 - A.O. 900 ), appro:<imately 1 0,000 people [ived in and

around the v icini ty of Baking Pot, with the ;;'site core" having accornmodated approximate ly

1 .267 peopIe (ConIon 1997:Table 2). While perhaps less elaborate than the more renowned

Classic period sites of the Péten area, or of the Postc lassic northern Lowland region.

Baking Pot does possess many of the characteristics regarded as typical of a ';; major" or

" civic" centre based on such features as its size, dense population and sett(ement estimates.

as well as the presence of such features as mu[tip(e plazas, stelae. monumental architecture,

including an E-group. sacbeob and baI lcourts which are understood to have " public" uses

or associations ( Bullard 1 960:359-360; Wi l ley and B ul Iard 1 965:368; Wi l Iey et al.

1 965:309: Harnmond 1 974:3 1 9). S uc h features can be considered to reflect a highly

sophisticated socio-pol i ticaI p resence ( Ball and Taschek 199 1 : 1 58), w hich was I ike ly

rooted i n a highly symbolic and ritual system.

Ceramic evidence from B aking Pot has demonstrated that components of the site 's

occupationaI history date back as early as the Late Formative (300 B.C. - A.D. l ) , and

continued into the Early Postc lassic period (A.D. 900-A.D. 1000), when the site was

effectively abandoned (Wi l ley et al . 1965:308; Bul lard and BulIard 1965:9; Aimers 1997:2;

73

ConIon 1993a: 1 73 ). It has been suggested that the extensive settlement at Baking Pot. both

spatial ly and ternporal ly. is reflective of its locale ( Aimers 1997:2 ) . The riverine

environment was apparently beneficial to Baking Pot residents as it provided fertile soil as

wel l as an easy form of transport and communication . While such a recognition is

warranted, it should be noted that many of the other sites in the Belize Valley have similar,

ir not the same. ri verine locations. Therefore the site must ha ve possessed sorne other

··feature'" that caused such a comparabIy dense settlement to arise here.

The site core is composed of two large groups. Group l is (ocated at the site ' s northem

extreme and is connected to Group n to the south by an approximately 290 metre long

sacbe ( Figure 3 .2 ) . [t has been suggested that Gro up [ was the first component of the site

to be built (1. Awe. personal communication, 1 998). with Group rr being built around the

time of the site ' s f[orescence i n the Classic period ( Ricketson 1 93 1 : 25) . While Late

Formative and Early Classic sherds have been found within structures dating to the Late

Classic period in both Grou p [ (Co nlon 1996: 45. 48) and Group II ( Bu[[ard 1 963 : (4) .

they were mini mal and do not imply an ear[y construction phase for either group. but

simply present ev idence for the area, in general . having been occupied by thi s early date.

Gro up [ i s the most northem of the groups, and i s closest to the river. The Group

comprises three rel atively unrestricted plazas, surrounded by cere monial/monumental

structures, including an E-group complex, and two bal lcourts (Aimers 1997) . In a

somewhat isolated northem position, however, sti l l associated with Group l , is the North

Bal Icourt (NBC). At the south-eastern entrance of the main Plaza (Plaza 2) , a second

balIco urt has recently been identified. A sache leads southward [rom the Plaza 2 baI lcourt

across a field, and stream, to the north-west entrance to Group II .

74

G roup [ [ , the smaI ler of the two groups. is located approxi mately 250 meters south of

Group 1 ( Ricketson 193 1 :3) . The group is eoncentrated around a l arge , more confined plaza

area and associated pyramidal struetures (Airners 1997:2 1 ). A smaI l , highly restricted (and

[ i keLy residential ) pl aza i s a[so [ocated in the north-east comer of the group. At the

southwestem extreme of this group is S tructure I I-D. the east-west running bal lcourt

(Bu[fard and Bu( [ard 1 965) . This baI lcourt a[so serves as an entrance way to Group n. and

is entered via a sacbe cornmencing at its western ende

Historv Of Archaeological Investigations At Baking Pot

A rchaeologic al investi gations at Baking Pot began in 1 924 under the direction of O. G.

Ricketson ( 1 93 L ) , in conneetion with the Camegie I nsti tution of Washington. Further

analysis of the site has been conducted by such researchers as A .H. Anderson ( Wi Hey et aL

1965:304); Wi l l iam R. B ul lard and Mary Ricketson B u[[ard ( 1 965); Gordon Wi l ley et al .

( 1 965) and . most rece ntly by Jai m e Awe and the B el i ze Va[ [ey A rchaeoIog i caJ

Reconoaissance ( B .V .A . R. ) Project ( Con lon L 993a, 1993 b, 1995a, L 995b � Awe 1994:

ConIon et aL 1 994; CooIon et al . 1995; Cheetham [995; Powis 1 993 b ; Awe and ConIon

1997). Prior to the B .V.A.R. Project research at 8aking Pot, investi gations at the site were

more or [ess exploratory, and perfunctory at best.

O.G. Ricketso n

Ric ketson focused his research on Group 1 , w ith the excavation of Mound�s G, B and E,

and the cleari ng of the areas around Mound 's J and M ( Ricketson 1 93 1 :5-7; B ul l ard

1 960: 1 1 ; B u l l ard and B ul l ard 1 965:7; WiHey et al . 1 965:303 ; A imers 1997: 2 1 -22).

Ricketson ( 1 93 1 :24) considered bis work a ··cursory en umeration of these mounds'�, and

75

was unable to ascertain a date for the group at that time. A number of burials were

encountered (Ricketson 193 1 :5; Airners 1 997:2 1 ) and are discussed in sorne detai l i n his

reporto Artifacts recovered during the 1 924 excavations were sold to the Peabody Museurn

by the landowner at that time ( Ricketson 193 1 :3 ) .

B ased on the mi n imal ev idence of masonry construction in the form of cut stones,

Ricketson ( 193 1 :25) proposed that Group I had a ··complete absence of buildings·'. and that

the apparent lack of stelae at Baking Pot, and its comparatively smal l plaza areas, indicated

that the site was never one of great importance . Despite such suggestions. Ricketson

( 193 1 :24) did recognize that the site was one of a '�fairIy dense population [as I is evident

from the almost innumerable house-mounds witb which the clearing is dotted··. It should

be noted that Ricketson ' s appraisal of 8aking Pot does have sorne flaws. These appear to

be the res ult of the l i mited archaeo logical investi gations undertakeo at the site . and

Ricketson's expectati ons as to the materials and methods used in building construction.

Since Ricketson ' s initia1 investigati ons, it has beco me apparent that the architectural core

used in the construction o f many buildings at Baking Pot is somewhat atypi cal (Ai mers

[ 997:30; Bul lard and B u [ [ard 1965; see below ). This perhaps exp1ains Ricketson 's

suggestion that Group [ had a "' [ack of bui ldin gs" . as the core of sorne structures is

composed mostly of al luvial soU rather than aggregate-core fill , and the structures can thus

be inconspicuous at best. Further, two uncarved ste lae have sioce been Iocated in Group [

(WilLey et al . 1 965:303 ; Airners 1997:34, personal cornmunication, 1997) and in Group H

( B ul Iard 1963 : 13 ; B ul lard and Bu[[ard 1965:37). While Ricketson identified the existence

of Mounds K and L during his investigations, he did not excavate them or identify them as

components of a ballcourt comp[ex (Ricketson 193 1 :3). Sirnilarly, whi le Ricketson only

superficiaUy examined Group n, he did not comment 00 the existence of Structure 11-0, the

east-west running baI lcourt.

76

A .H. Anderson

[n association with his discontinuance of the 1 949 quarrying of Structure A in Group n by

the Pu blic Wo rks Department for road fiB. A . H. Anderson. then the ArchaeologicaI

Commi ssioner of B ritish Honduras. conducted a cursory e xami nation of Structure A

( Wi l ley et aL 1 965:3 04� B uIlard 1 963 : 1 1 � Moore L 997:48). A nderso n ' s salv age

investigations included the remova[ of quarried debris from the westem face of Structure A.

the exposure of masonry terraces . a stairway and a small room located at the base of the

structure ( Wil ley et al . 1 965:304 ). Lucki ly. Anderson was able to halt the Publ ic Works

quarrying before the damage to Structure A was too severe . Unfortunately, there is no

known report on Anderson's investi gations and findings.

G.R. Willey, W. Bullard, J.B. Glass and J. Gifford

The best known and most cited archaeological investigations at Baking Po t were those

conducted by Gordon Wil ley. Wi l l iam B u l lard. James B. Glas s and James Gifford from

1 954 to 1956 in association with the Peabody Museum of A rchaeol ogy and Ethnology of

Harvard Uni versi ty as part of WiUey �s pre hi storic Maya settlement survey (Wil ley et al .

1965:v i i � B uI lard 1 963 : 1 1 ; Moore 1997:48). Minimal test excavations of household-type

structures were i nitiated in an attempt to o btain stratigraphic pottery samp les and to develop

a cIear appreciation of the architectural nature of these buildings (Wi l ley et aL 1 965:305).

[n concert with their own i nvesti gations. Wil ley and col leagues also reanalyzed the ceramics

recovered from Ricketson 's 1 924 excavations� and noted that they generaI ly co uld be

assi gned to one of three chrono logical phases: 1 ) Spanish Lookout; 2) Tiger Run; and 3 )

New Town. Ceramics dating to the A oral Park, Barton Creek and Jenny Creek phases

were also identified, however, no sherds were noted as belonging to the Hermitage phase

77

(WiHey et al. [965:303-304).

The Peabody Museum project aIso continued with the mapping of Baking Pot first initiated

by Ricketson in 1924, adding G ro up II to it. Whi le the additions to the Ri cketson map

incl uded the east-west running ballcourt compIex, Wil ley et al . ( l 965: Fig. ( 77) did not

identify it as such. Further, the descriptions of the site in their report aIso do not discuss

the existence of the north ballcourt (Willey et al. 1965:302).

w. Bullard and M. Ricketson BuIlard

Excavations at Baking Pot \Vere o nce again i nitiated in 1961 by Will iam B ullard and Mary

Ricketson B u I l ard. Sponsored j ointly by the Royal Ontario Muse u m . the Harvie

Foundation and The Globe and Mall. the expedition focused on Group U (Bullard 1963 : 1 1 ;

Bul lard and B ullard 1965: 1 0; Aimers 1997: 23 ) . The goals of the expedition were threefold;

1 ) the ··col l ection of exhi bita b l e artifacts well documented by provenience" � 2) the

investigatíon of Strueture U-A, the principie pyramidal structure within Group II (Bul lard

I963 : 1 1 � B ullard and B ul lard 1965: 1 l ) ; and 3 ) the examination of S tructure II-D in an

attempt to determine whether or not the mounds represented a bal leourt ( BuI lard [963 : 1 1 ;

Bullard and Bu[[ard 1 965:20).

The B ul lards � inquiries invo [ved the clearin g and trenehing of Strueture I I-A, fu [ [ y

exposing two ··oratory rooms'� at the base of the structure and an "'intrieate history of major

and mi nor re buildingsf7 (Bul lard 1 963 : 12) . Room 1 is noted as having a masonry al tar

within it, whereas a niche with a plain shaft [a possible re-set stelaJ inside it was unearthed

in Room 2. Co llapse at the structure�s summit revealed that it supported a temple. Seven

buriaIs and associated offerings were aIso unearthed (6 adu[ts, ane infant) , as were three

78

(potentially four) cached offerings associated with specific construction features, inc l uding

the altar and the stone shaft. The ,óbutt" of an uncarved ste l a was located i n the plaza in

front of Structure II-A (Bullard 1963 : 1 3 � BulIard and BulIard 1 965:37).

A c o lIection of complete or repairable vesse [s was recovered. as was an assortment of

bone, stone and shelI ornaments , obsidian objects , eccentric tlints. a sIate- backed pyrite

mosaie mi rror, carved jade objects, spindle whorls and bone awls (Bul Iard 1 963 : 1 6:

Bul lard and Bullard 1965:37-38). An assemblage of ceram ic s herds were also col lected.

The Bu( (ards conc[uded that ;.omost of the construction. buri als, and caches [within Group

II1 were of the middle to late part of the Late Classic periodn ( Bullard 1 963 : 1 : B ul Iard and

Bul lard 1965:38; 5) .

Excavations of Structure [ [- O were also undertaken and confi rmed its de signation as a

balIcourt (see below ).

J.J. Awe and the Belize VaUey Archaeological Reconnaissance Project

[ ntroductory investi gations by the B el ize Val ley A rchae o logi cal Reconnai ssance

( B .V.A.R. ) Project at Baki ng Pot began in 1992 under the direction of Jaime Awe. with the

examination of the Sedran Group, a peripheral plazuela group west of the site core (ConIon

1 993a, 1993 b, 1995a; Powis 1993 b ; ConIon et aL 1 994) . These investi gations included

the e xcavati on of the mounds and the analysis of what were termed corporate group

structures as evidenced by the Sedran data seL Bedran was chosen as the focus of the

1992 investigations as an extension of similar peripheral studies being explored by the

B . V.A.R. Project at the neighbouring site of Cahal Pech (Le., Iannone 1993 ; Powis 1 993a;

Cheetham et al . 1993) . Whi l e cursory analysis at Baking Pot by the B . V.A.R. Project

79

contin ued over the years (see Cheetham 1 995: Conlon et aL 1 994� ConIon et al . [ 995:

Conlon [996) it was not untiI 1996, and the compIetion of research at Cahal Pecho that the

project reestablished their operations at 8aking Pot (Awe and ConIon [ 997: Con Ion and

Awe 1 998). The goals of the B. V.A.R. Project at Baking Pot were to conduct a more

thorough analysis of the site than had previously been undertaken and to co[ [ect data that

would augment the knowledge of social, political, economic organization and variability

within the Be l ize Va[ (ey (Conion [ 997: 7: Moore 1 997; PiehI 1 997). Additional Iy.

researchers aimed to address issues of site function and interaction between centres w ithin

the Belize River VaI ley region (Aimers 1997:2 1 ) .

As wil I be d iscussed beIow. during a 1995 survey of architecturaI features in Plaza 2.

Group L the potentiaI of a third baI lcourt existing at the southem entrance to Plaza 2. and

appending Mounds F and E/H was recognized (Con Ion 1 996:39: Aimers 1997: 23 ) .

Investigations in 1995 and 1 996 addressed this issue. and have confirmed the ba[ Jcourt " s

existence (ConIon 1996: Aimers [ 997). Investigations of the North 8al lcourt in Group [ [

were conducted by the author in 1997 i n association with thesis research.

THE BALLCOURTS A T BA KING POT

Three baIlcourts have positively been identified at Baking Pat. As such. Baking Pot is the

only s i te within the Belize Va[ [ey presently known to have more than two courts. The

bal lcourt complexes are sornewhat strategicaLIy placed, each one being located at "extremes'�

of the site, and al I seem to serve as '·entranceways'� to the site coreo

80

Structure ¡f-D BalIcourt Complex

The S tructure I I-D �' comp lex'� was investigated in 196 1 by Wil l iam and Mary Bul lard

(B ulI ard 1 963 � B u[ [ ard and B u l lard 1965) in arder to v erify w hether or not the mounds

constituted a ba[[court. Located at the southwest comer of Group [[ 's main p laza, the

Structure n-o comp[ex. comprises two paraL Iel , east-west running mo unds and a central

aHeyway (Figure 3 3 ). Excavations confirmed that the structures together. aI ong with the

central a l Ieyway. compri sed a ba{[court, and as such is the on ly east-west running court

recorded in the Belize Val ley. 80th structures adjoin neighbouring mounds. the northe m

mound bei ng affi xed to S tructure II-C, whi le the southem mound is joined to Structure f I-F

by a [ow crest ( 8 ul [ard and B ul Iard 1 965: 20 ). The structures are of unequal he ights . the

northem measuring approximately 3.4 metres high and the southem measuring 2.6 meters e

The ori ginal hei ght of the structu res cou l d not be determined as the su m mi ts had been

subject to root grow th and efosi on and were thus poorIy preserved ( Bul lard 1963: 1 5:

Bu[lard and B ulIard 1 965: 20). The court measured roughly 1 9-20 metres lon g and 3 . 1 5

metres w i de ( Bu I l ard 1963 : 1 5; B ul lard and B u llard 1 965: 20; Wil l ey et al . 1 965:305;

Scarborough 1 99 1 b: fig. 7.3 ) . I t is unde rstood to have been of the ope n-e nded vari ety

(Bullard and B u( (ard 1 965:20; Wi lley et aL 1 965:3 05) . Paired with a formal causeway at

its western end, the comp[ex evidentl y aIso functioned as a cere monial entranceway to the

plaza.

Excavations by B u [ [ard and B uLlard ( 1 965: 20) concentrated on the nort hern mound ,

al though the southern mound was also investi gated . The architectural des i gn of the

structures was determined (Figure 3.4). The bench is said to have been 3 meters w ide and

rose to a hei ght of 1 metre, whe re it met wi th a sl opin g playin g wal! ( B u l ( ard [963 : 1 5;

Wil ley et al . 1 965:305). The benches and pl aying wal ls were constructed of " squarish

8 1

stone blocks laid end to end''', wi th the playing waJ [s exhi biting additional smaller stones i n

their construction. The surface of both structures and the playing al Iey were a[so covered in

a thick pLaster coating. The slope of the benches and walls differed slightly .. the angle of

the p Laying wal l s being the steeper of the two (Bullard 1 963 : L 5� Bul lard and Bu[ [ard

1 965: 20 ) .

Two flooring episodes were identified within the playing aHey. although i t i s suggested that

the earl ier one may haye preceded baI lcourt construction, as it continues beneath the bench

of the struc ture. No bal l court markers , or cac hed offerings were recorded ( B uI lard

1 963 : 1 5� B ul lard and Bu[ [ard [965:20; Wil ley et al . 1 965:305) . Based on the ceramics

recovered from the fi l I of the structures, a Late CIassic date was assigned to the S tructure

n-D bal lcourt comp l ex ( B ul Iard and Bul Iard 1 965:20: B ul lard 1 963 : 1 5; Wi l ley e t aL

1 965:305 ).

Bul lard and Bul lard made no attempt to discuss the s i gnificance of the ba lIcourt in relation

to Group 1 1 , Baking Pot. or its unique orientation and [ocation . East-west bal lco urts are an

anomaly in the Maya Low l ands, particularly in the Belize VaL ley . No other complexes of

this directional orientation exist there. The existence of such a court leads one to question

why the Baking Pot Maya erected such a court. East-west running ballcourts are typical ly

associated w i th e i ther Mexican complexes (Leyen aar and Parsons 1 988:37; Cohodas

[ 99 1 : 25 1 ) , or with Te rmi naI-Postdassic bal Icourts in the Maya area, particularly in the

Guatemalan h ighIands and in the northem Yucatan region (Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988:38�

Fox 1991 :2 19; de Mon tmollin 1 997:236). As such the Str. II-D complex may be an attempt

to emphasi ze relations with either of these regions . Further evidence of Baking Pot 's

contact if not connections with Mexican groups has been established in the presence of 5uch

items as fragr'1ents of a scroll-footed grater bowl, w ares simi lar to Yucatecan slateware, the

82

presen ce of a central plaza ·· s hrin e'· structure in Pl aza 2 (1 . Ai mers. personal

communication. 1999) . Additional evidence for Val ley contact with Mexican groups occurs

at Barton Ramie w here " C-shaped'M structures have been noted (Wi l ley et al . 1965: J.

Aimers . personal co rn m un i cation , 1 999) , and at Xunantunich w h e re a Terminal

Classic/EarIy Postclassic structure (S tr. 20) exhibits Puuc sty[e columns (LeventhaI et aL

1994: 2).

Plaza 2 Ballco urt (Mounds F and ID

The potentia l of a ba( [court e xi sting within. and encompassing, the south entranceway to

Group L Pl aza 2 ( Fi g ure 3 .5) , was reco gnized by Jai me Awe duri n g cont inued

reconnai ssance at the site in 1 995 (Con[on 1 996:39). Awe recogn ized indentations in the

modem surfaee of opposing Mounds F and ElH, that suggested that the re were paral lel

constructions of similar dimensions appending these mo unds. These basie [eatures ( two

opposing constructions of similar dimensions runni ng north-south), are eharactenstics

often attributed to baI lcourt complexes.

[n an attempt to confirm the existence of a thi rd bal lcourt here , exp [oratory excavations

w ere undertaken by Con lon ( 1 996:39) that same year. Due to t i me eonstrai nts .

investigators decided to search for non-architectural evidenee of a balIcourt. Thus , two

excavati on units were initi ated in the playing alIey in the areas where bal lco urt markers

andlor cached offerings are eornrnonly found.

Ricketson's origi nal plan of the south entrance way to Group I 's Plaza 2 suggested that the

entranee way itself measured 8 metres wide, and that the eastern annex of Structure F was

25 metres long. A reeent survey of Plaza 2 by the B .V.A.R. Project has corrected these

83

measurements, and has found the playing aHey to measure approximately 4.5 metres wide,

while the Structure F extension measure s 19 metre s long CConIon 1996:39) . These

corrections aH ow ed the strategic and accurate axi al placement of the a[ (eyway units. A 2

metre x 4 metre excavation ( Unit 1 ) was placed i n the centre of the playi ng al ley and

extended towaíds the east to partiaIly encompass the base of Structure H (Con lon 1996:39) .

After reaching the co ( [apse level . Unit 1 was downsized, and excavations concentrated on

the western half of the unir. away from Structure ElH. A second 2 x 2 metre excavation

( Unit 2) was cornmenced at the south end of the proposed a[ [eyway ( Figure 3.6) (Conlon

1 996:45).

No evidence for veneer or cut stones w as encountered in Unit 1 . as mi ght be expected with

typicaI baI lcourt structural col lapse . A poorly preserved p l aster surface was encountered

approximate l y 30 cen ti m etre s below the surface . Whi le no baI l c ourt markers were

recovered from Unit 1 . a circular col lection of burnt l imestone rocks w as found. just below

the te rminal construction phase ' s plastered sUlface (see Conlon L 996: Fig . 6). Further. a

cache of ""a partial vessel, inverted of an unknown . . . type·� was also located w i thin the

playing al Iey 's tenninal fill above an earlier poorly preserved !loor. A Iayer of river cobbles

below the earlier alIey floor was exposed, but were found to be restricted to the north haIf

of the w estern l im it of the uni t. The pen ultimate leveI of aIley construction in this unit

(flooring episode 2) was, unfortunately not dated as excavations i n Unit 1 were termi nated

before a sterile leve{ was reached (eonIon 1996:45) .

Three fragments of daub were coIlecte d from the collapse lev el, and five were recovered

from the fi l l of the terminal floor. The daub fragments suggest that a superstructure may

have once existed on Structure ElH and/o r Structure F. Ceramic evidence from Unit 1

indicated that the terminal phase of alley construction dated to the Hennitage Phase (300

84

S.c. - A.D. 600) (Conlon 1996:45, 48). Evidently the humus/collapse layer from Uni t 1

had ceramics dating from the Hermi tage to Spanish Lookout Phase (A. D . 300-900).

Nonetheless, s ince the deposi ts from this uppennost level are not the result of del iberate

cul tural processes, the dating significance of these sherds is minimaL

The pattero of coostruction evideot in Unit 2 was sl i ghtly different than that in Unit l .

Although no markers or cached objects were recovered from this area either, the re is sorne

correlation between stratigraphic leve[s in both units. \Vhi le an incongruity in t he depth of

the term i nal a [ (ey floor in Uni t 2 in comparison to that of Un it 1 was evident, ConIon

( 1 996:45) suggested this to be reflection of the alleyway being s l i ghtly sloped towards the

south. [o place of the earliest · ·fl ooring·� episode identified in Unit 1 aboye the layer of river

cobb les . a lens of s i l ty c lay/sand was instead encountered in Uni t 2. No artifacts were

recovered from this [ ayer.

Whereas che terminal construction floori ng e pi sode i n Unit 1 dated concl usiveIy to the Early

Classic peri od (A.D. 300-600), ceramics from the corresponding level in Unit 2 ine lude

ceramics ranging in date from the Barton Creek to the Spanish Looko ut phases (300 B .C . -

A.D. 900) and, as suc h, effect ive (y dates the construction revealed in Un it 2 to the Late

Classic periad (Con lon 1 996:45,48). Moreover, unli ke the ceramics co( ( ected from the

humus and collapse of Unit 1 , those collected from this level in Unit 2, included specimens

thal date as early as the Jenney Creek phase (600 S .C.- lOO B .C.) . ConIon ( 1 996:45-48)

has suggested that " so me kind of constructi on modificati on may have taken p lace in the

entrance area to Group 1 around the Spanish Lookout period that may have disturbed an

EarIy Classic component in Unit 2".

Unlike Uni t 1 , excavations in Un it 2 continued be[ow the level of the river cobbles

85

(penultimate leve! ) to steri le . While artifacts from the penultimate fi l l were re [ative Iy few.

the ceramics are noted as dating between the Jenney Creek and Barton Creek phases (900 B .C. - 1 00 B .C. ) (Con Ion 1 996:45) . Con Icn ( 1996:48) has proposed that the layer of river

cobbles formed sorne sort of Late Preclassic path. Wh i le this proposition m ay see m

feasi b l e from this isolated in stance , I suggest that the ri ver cobbIe [ayer is a method of

stabi l ization used in construction at B aking Pot, perhaps in relation the excessive use o f

all uvial soi l as fill . S uc h a layer has sine e been encountered i n the fi l l o f Structure 's F and

K. and in the al leyway of the North Ba[[court (see be low).

Whi l e i t was not possib le to verify the existence of a bal lcourt in the southem entrance way

to Group [ from the 1 995 investigations. excavati ons corroborated the suggestion that a

later construction may ha ve be en added to the exi sti ng architeeture at sorne point in the Late

Classic periodo Moreover. l ike the central axis ' of other baI leourt playing al leys in the

Maya Low Iands. the central axis of the proposed bal lcourt p lay ing al tey at Plaza 2 was

ev idently also a foeus of ri tual deposi tion during the Late Classic period (ConIon L 996:48).

Investigations during the [ 996 field season were i nstigated in the southem entranceway of

Plaza 2. Group 1 by Aimers, in an attempt to determ ine once and for al l whether or nat the

arc h itectural profile fit that of a balleourt (A i mers 1 997:35-36). Four uni ts were p laced

withi n Structure F and five units were p[aced around the area of the indentation reeognized

at this l ocale in [ 995, in an attempt to reveaI the interface of Struc ture � s E-South and H

< Figure 3.7). While the architecture i n Structure F was poorly preserved. that unearthed at

the Structure HlE-south confluence was we l l preserved .

Excavations of Units 5 ( 1 x 3 metres), 6 ( 1 x 2 metres), 1 0 ( 1 x 2 metres) and 24 ( 1 x 2

metres) o n eastem edge of Structure F are interpreted by A imers ( 1 997:35) as confinnation

86

that Structure F formed the westero structure of a ballcourt. and that the entranceway to

Plaza 2 constituted a ballcourt complex. Architectural evidence for this inference included

the identification of a sl oped surface constructed with ,; � irregularly shaped s[abs of l imestone

veneer� t A i rn e rs 1 997:35) . The structuraI core fi l l associated w i th the b aI lco u rt

construction was composed of a '''fine, reddish alluvial material with few artifacts compared

to the fill in other areas'" (Aimers [997:36). The lack of artifacts is typical of other balIcourt

constructions in the Bel ize Val ley (see Ferguson et al. 1 996: Ferguson 1997 and below ).

While Aimers ( [997:35) suggested that the data revealed in S tructure F confirmed the

hypothesis that the Plaza 2 entranceway was a bal lcourt, additional inforrnation revealed in

the Structure ElH excavations rei nforced ¡es balIcourt c1assification.

Of particular significance was the caching of a Iarge (approximatel y 48 x 20 cm) spe l eothem

( either a stalagmite or stalacti te ). located below a plaster surface and s itting on a cobble

surface within Structure F ( Unit 5) (Aimers 1997:36, 1997 personal cornrnunication). The

s ignificance of the spe l eothem can only be specu(ated upon. It is suspected that its i ncI usion

within the western bal lcourt structure is sym bolic of cave associations because caves, l i ke

ballcourts, were and to a large extent sti l l are, considered entranceways to the underworld

( B rady and Stone [986: Stone 1995) . The cobble surface on w hich the spe leothem sits is

reminiscent of the '�cobble pathn exposed in the playing alley of the Plaza 2 ballcourt during

the ( 995 excavations (Con Ion 1996:45) , and of that exposed in the north bal lcourfs

western structure ( Unit 5) and playing aIley ( Unit 4) (see below).

The excavation of Uni ts 4 (2 x 3 metres ) , 9 ( l x 2 metres) , 14 ( 1 x 2 metres), l 5 ( l x. l .5

metres) , and 2 1 ( .5 x 1 metre) in Structure ElH yielded architectural data that has confirmed

Awe�s and Conlon ' s (eonIon 1 996:39) suspicions that Mounds F and E/H were i ndeed

modified. This modification was evidently in the fonn of an addition to the previously

87

existirrg structure. In viewing the structural profile of the addi tian 's north wall and its

juncture with Structure H (See Figure 3.8), arre can determ ine that Structure H was

terraced. and toat thi s addi tion at the entranceway to Pl aza 2, Group [ resu [ted i n the

ereation of a new strueture at this [ocaleo This new structure has been i dentified as a

bal leourt complexo The construction of the addition served to constrict the entranceway.

thereby restricting access to Plaza 2 (Aimers 1 997:37).

Ai mers ( 1 997:3$) proposes that the ''' homogenous a l l uvial fi l l and smalI am ounts of

pottery . . . [an d J l i thies suggests that the ba[ [court was e rected re lati vely quickIy. in one

episode·· . However. the profi l e i ndicates that there w ere actuall y three p hase s of

eonstruetion. Moreover, I eontest Aimer's suggestion that the bal leourt's profile resemb les

that of Structure Ir-O (Ai mers 1 997:36), because the angles of the benches and playing

walls differ. particularly i n the earl iest two phases.

The u lti mate phase of bal lcourt eonstruction compri sed a vertical beneh face . a s l i ghtly

slopi ng bench top , and a vertical playi n g wa[ [ . Duri ng the penu[ti mate phase of

construction , the height and inc l ine of the benc h were raised, as was that of the playing

waIl , changing the angle of the playing wal l fro m vertical , to sl ightly slopi ng. The terminal

phase of construction in the Pl aza 2 ballcourt was the l east weIl preserved and was only

cl early visi b l e in the area of the playi ng walI where remnants of a pl aster surface were

detected. Thi s phase i ncorporated the earL ier constructi ons, w i th the addition of a thi c k

al luvial fi n I ayer. The al luvial fill served t o raise the bench and heighten the playing wal l .

whi le extending the breadth of the bench further i nto the playi ng al ley, and the re by

restricti ng access into the plaza even further. Whi le it can be can detennined that the s[ ope

of the playing wall became less steep[y angled than i n previous phases, the nature of the

bench could not be ascertained due to problems of poor preservatíon. The surfaces of the

88

p l aying wal l and bench were evidently plastered overo Because of i ts position at the

entranceway to a plaza, i t is suggested that this court was of the open-ended variety.

Specific dates for this bal leourt have not yet be en proposed ( A imers, perso nal

eornmunieation . 1998). although it has been noted elsewhere that in Plaza 2 construetion

phases have dated to the Early Classic through to the Late and Terminal CIassie periods i n

the final phas e s o f eonstruction (Aimers 1997:37) . Without eonductin g a thoro u gh

investigation of the ceramics from the ba( lcourt, the dates of the recently identified

additional construetion phases remain uneertain. However, it seems I ikely that the terminal

phase of bal lcourt construction dated to the Late or Termi nal Classic period (600 - 900

A.D. ) .

I t should b e made clear that the profi le provided o f the ballcourt i s tbat o f the nortb wal l of

S trueture H and i ts addition. and that the core of the strueture did not rnirnic that of it 's face.

fn faer. che buI k of the core was pri rnari ly al Iuv i aI fill and no masonry was evident. Thus.

the construetion phases identified in the north waIl are not easily identified within the eore

i tse [f (C. He lmke, personal comrnunieation, 1 998). This faet by i tseIf should not affect

recognition of this strueture as hav i ng more than ane phase of eonstruetion. or from it being

a bal leourt. The masonry defining each phase can be understood as construction pens used

to re tain the aI l u vial fil I used in the eore construction. Whi le the fact that the re is no

apparent backing masonry witrun this baILcourt m ay suggest to sorne thar this strueture was

not a bal Icourt, 1 would disagree. Data from excavations in Structure F further support the

identificatian of a baIlcourt at the entraneeway to Plaza 2, as the typicaI backing rnasonry

assoeiated w ith balIcaurts, that of veneer stones� was identified in a limited nature and of

varying qual ities (Aimers 1997:35).

89

[ am convinced. as are others CC. He l mke, personal cornmllnication, (998) that this court

did not necessari ly function as an official arena for the playing of the baH garne but w as.

instead, a symbolic representation of a ballcourL and aH that a baHcourt carne to si gnify to

the Maya. If this is the case with the Plaza 2 ballcourt. then the backing masonry typical ly

associated with ballcourts w ould not necessarily be required here.

The North Ballcourt fNBC)

The north ball court ( NBC) (Fi gure 3.9a) is located ap proxi mate ly 30-35 me tres nort h of

the north entrance to Plaza 2. Group [ (See Fi gure 3 . 1 0 ) . Whi l e somewhat isolated from

the rest of Group 1 , the NBC's re lative proximity to Group I is clase enough for i t to be

considered part af the site coreo None of the previous investigators at Baking Pot identified

S tructure ' s K and L as components of a bal lcourt complex. as the i r typical ba[ [co urt

confi guration (two north-south running paraI lel structures and a central a[[eyway \vi thin or

close to a mainlpublic plaza) , e vi dently negated a need for exp l ici t identificatian as a

ba[ l court comp lex o Whi le the mo unds measure approximateLy 20 meters in length, the

dimensions of the structures themselves have yet to be determined. Mound K measures

approximately L O metres wide and 1 .64 metres high, while Mound L measures 1 2.5 metres

wide, and 1 .57 metres high. The actual length of the al ley, as weH as its true type was

unab le to be determined, as excavations were not conducted at either of the end zones.

However. the width of the al ley was measured between the benc h faces of both structures,

and \Vas found to be 5.5 rnetres wide. In the absence of a de pression around the ends of

the structllres or pIaying area, or in the existence of structures at either end af the court. it is

hypothesized that the NBC was an apen-ended ballcourt.

The NBC was excavated by the author and the 1997 field schoo l stlldents from the Belize

90

Va( [ey Archaeology Reconnaissance Project. Excavations were initiated in order to

supp lement the sparse database for baIlcourts within the Belize VaUey. and thereby promote

a comprehensive understanding of this specific architectural type as it existed at the site of

Baking Pot. A series of six 2 x 2 metre u nits ( Units B C- I through BC-6) were placed

a[ong the central axis of the bal Ic ourt complex from west to east, thereby encompassing

sections of Structure K (th e westem structure ) , aH of the all ey. and the lower portion of

Structure L ( Figure 3 . 1 l ) . One aI ley unit at the base of Structure K was not excavated

(Unit BC-2). as it was not needed. An add itional aI ley unit ( Unit BC-7) was (ater p [aced

adjacent to the most centrali zed unies south waIl (Unit BC-3 ). in order to ful ly expose a

very i mportant feature there. AH cultural levels were excavated with han d picks and

trowels. whi le aH soi ls were screened through l/4 inch screens. It should be noted that due

to ti me constraints, excavations were unab le to proceed to sterile soi l . However, they were

tcrminated at a point in w hi ch excavators were confident of the comp lex 's structural

composition and method of construction. Because of the lack of vegetation in the area, the

architcctural preservati on was expected to be favorable. Although this was to be the case

for Structure K, it was not so ror Structure L.

Structure L Excavations

The comparatively poor preservation of Structure L e ncountered i n Unit BC-4 was not

immediate ly evident. In ract , it was not unti l excavation in Structure K, Unit BC- [ . had

exposed a thick plastered bench surface that it was recognized that the architecture in

Structure L had been disturbed. After excavating thro ugh the h umus level af Structure L, and approximately 50 cm of a predominantly alluvial deposit, it became quite dear that the

periodic flooding of the Belize River over the [ast 1 000 years occasionally reached as far

inland as the area of (he baUcourt. The river runs from west to east, and when i t rose it

9 l

flooded what is currently an agricultura! fieId. but what was evidently a settlement area i n

Precolumbian times, and even reached the bal lcourt. As the river continued along its path it

was interrupted by S tructure L. whose w estem face it eroded away, carrying with i t

remnants of the disturbed p lastered bench surface . Due to the poor preservation, the

divisions between Ieve ls l (humus ) and 2 (co[ [apse) were indeterminable, and thus. levels 1

and 2 in Structure L were excavated together. The series of bench plasterings identified in

Structure K were unable to be isolated in Structure L. as they occurred on[y as a mass of

bal last fil I .

Despite preserv ation p roblems , excavations in Unit B C-4. did reveal that the benc h ' s

backi ng masonry was composed of cut [ imestone rocks (see bal lcourt structural profi le.

Fi gure 3 . ( 2) . The backing masonry functions to solidify the structure, particu[arly in the

areas Likely to receive the most force from the heavy rubber ball during the playing of the

baI lgame. particularly in the areas of the bench and playing wal l (as opposed to the p[atform

of the structure) .

Of particu lar interest was the coI lection of 18 netsinkers (Figure 3 . 13a) . 167 modified and

9 1 unmodified Pachychilus glaphyrus she l l s , 2 modified Pachychilus indiorum she l l s

(Figure 3 . 13b ) and 9 Pomaceaflagellata shel ls from the al luvia[ and bal last deposit within

the eastem structure excavations (Structure L. Unit BC-4, levels 1 -3 ) . Large caches of

Pachychilus (or j ute) shells were a[so found in ballcourts at Lubaantun (Joyce 1926: 2 1 and

Gann 1 925: 199 in Fox 1996:486-487) and at Pac bitun ( Healy et al . 1990; Healy

1 992: 234).

The netsinkers are fashioned from ceramic sherds and are understood to be used as weights

in association with fishing nets (Sanders 1 960: 26 1 in Willey et al . 1 965:408). S imi lar

92

objects of stone and ceramic pe l lets bel ieved to be fishing net wei ghts also occur in the

Maya subarea (Wi lley et al. 1 965; McKillop [ 980; Garber [ 989). It is possible that the

netsinkers \Vere col Iected by the river as it moved across the field and were eventual Iy

deposited at the foot of Structure L as the rive r eroded Structure L. However. if this was

truly the case. then netsinkers could have just as easily been deposited e lsew here in the

baHcourL and not j ust restricted to the eastern structure . rn fact. it is perhaps more

plausible to suggest that the netsinkers and shells were intentionally cached, or included in

the core fi ll of the bal lco urt " s eastern structure , but were exposed and disp laced by the

river's erosi on of the eastern structure 's architecture . If this was the case, then the presence

of the netsinkers and shells within the ballcourt are of particular sign ificance , i n that they

may represent, a symbolic manifestation of water. Water has impartant associations with

ballcourts in that bal lcollrts are perceived to be entranceways to the underworld. which is in

tum pe rceived as a watery realm (Schele and Miller 1986:305: van Bussel 1 99 1 : 247). The

predominant school of thought in Maya research today is that ritllaI ly-placed marine shel ls

are metaphors for the primordial sea. It is of further significance that mari ne shelIs are

recognized as almost always occurring al the base of caches, or served as the foundation for

strllctures (1oyce [992:498). Perhaps jute sheIls were an i nland variation of this belief and

practice.

Structure K Excavations

Excavations in Structure K found the preservation to be much better than that in Structure

L. It appears , however, that the structure was [ooted by the Maya in antiquity for its cut

stane, a p rized cornmodity in a rive rine area where l irnestone outcrops are not readily

accessible. This was most apparent in Units BC- I and BC-5.

93

Uni t BC- 1 encompassed the bal lcourt ' s bench area. Excavations here reveaLed that the

bench surface was pLastered a total of 5 times (4 refurbishing ). The terminal plaste ring

event was recognized onLy as a remnant bal last [ayer (p Laster surface 5 ( level 3 ) ) . however.

the prev ious four p l astering episodes (p (aster surfaces 1 -4 ( Levels 4 through 7» were

comprised of thick Iayers of plaster. A clearly defined north-south running cut mark that

curved towards the pl aying wal l mid-unit was identified in the plaster of surfaces 1 through

3 a [ong the area of Structure K�s bench face. This same cut appeared to have penetrated

p[aste r surfaces 4 and 5. howeveL due to poorer preservation of the upper levels. it was not

as evidcnt with these surfaces. Plaster surface l ( leve[ 7) was not excav ated through and

thus the backi ng rn asonry of the bench top was llot evident. Moreover. the backing

masonry of the bench face recogni zed in S tructure L was not evident i n S tructure K as

sections of the masonry were apparently removed by the Maya.

Unit BC-5 exposed Structure K�s playing wal l , howeve r. on ly one course of cut stone

remai ned in situ, and thus the ori g inal height of the wal l co u l d not be ascertained.

Nonetheless, the l imestone and river cobble fill of the backing masonry was quite evident

and higher than the cut stone wall . The addi tional height of the backing masonry confirmed

that there were once addi tionaI courses to the playing wall , and that this construction was

indeed the playing wal I . While al l of the bench 's pIaster surfaces were associated with this

playing wal l , a plaster ·" [ ip" covering the base of the play ing waI l was recogn ized i n

association with surfaces 2 and 3 . The scarcity of additional courses o f cut stones in the

playing wal l , and their absence in structural collapse, paired w ith the cut in the be nch ' s

p l aster surface , and the absence of cut stones used i n the construction of the bench.

suggests that these construction materials were scavenged later in antiquity, and l ikely used

as bui lding materials else where.

94

Excavations in UniCs BC-5 and BC-6 indicated that al Iuvial soiI was predo minantl y used as

fill throughout the structure �s constructions� giving them their size and bulk. Construction

pens or retaini ng walls were required to enc [ose the fi U and stabi l ize the structures . A

retain ing wall constructed from river cobbIes averaging 10- 15 x lO cm in size was exposed

in Uni t BC-6. Whi le a great portion of this wall was ex po sed. the foundation of the walI

was never revealed. Evidently the wal l had s l umped towards the east over the years. as can

be seen in the profile ( see Figure 3. 1 2 ).

Two different varieties of al luvial fiH were recognized in the constructi on of the structure 's

platfonn and were effective ly separated by the cobble retaining walL The fil I uti l ized behind

the retaining wal!, in the area of the structure�s surnmit. was a cIay-l ike al luvial soi l . That

used in front of the retai ning wal I and behind the p layi ng waIL was a mixture of aIl uvial soi(

and crushed [i mestone . A uniform [ayer of river cobble simi lar to that of the retain ing walI

was encountered in between these wal ls at a depth of approximate ly 1 20 cm OBO. I do nol

be l ieve that this deposit represents co l lapse from the wa l l � but is i n stead a type of

construction techniq ue used to stabi l ize the struc tures . Such a construction mechanism was

employed in the Plaza 2 bal lcourt in Structure F, and in its playi ng alley. S uch a " layer"

was also identified in the north balIcour C s p laying al ley .

The surface of Structure K ' s p l atform was evidently plastered at one ti me ( leveI 4) as was

indicated by a poorly preserved patch of p laster. Pecul iarly , instead of refurb ishing this

floor at a I ater date with a new coating of plaster, a tamped earth fl oor was in stead

employed (leve( 3). Whi le evidence for a masonry or perishab[e structure was not detec ted

in the fonn of cut stones or post holes� a co [ [ection of daub fragments from Structure K in

Unit BC-5 and particularly in Unit BC-6 at the structure ' s surnmit, suggests that a

perishable superstructure once existed here.

95

Playing Alley Excavations

Excavations in the playing altey ( Un i t BC-3 ) proved to be very infonnative. as 6 flooring

epi sodes were i dentified (l eveIs 3 thro ugh 8), suggesting that the court area was heavily

used, as many refurbishing were e videntI y required. The most exciting d iscovery of our

investigations carne fronl the al ley excavations. In the removal of fl oor 4 ( leve[ 5) and

exposure of floor 3 ( leveI 6). a centrally p[aced cl ustering of " core" or calcified l imestone

rocks was encountered in a depression w ithin floor 3 ( Figure 3 .9b ) . An additional 1 x 1

metre unit (Uni t BC-7) was appended to the south end of Uni t BC-3 in order to expose this

feature more fully ( Fl - I 997). Upon completion of the excavation of Fl - 1 997. it became

evident that the feature was a circular indentation, and that sorne of the rocks were rounded.

as markers genera[[y are . The depression was identified as that in w hich a marker would

have been si tuated. and p laced fl us h with floor 3 . The ca[ci fied l i mestone ro cks were

determined to be the fragmented remains of an appa rently uncarved bal l court marker.

ritually ki lled and deposited back i n i ts hole before being covered by fl oor 4 and subseq uent

flooring episodes. Unfortunately. the pieces were so badly fragmented that they could not

be fitted back t ogether. The two earl ier floors (floors 2 and 1 ) were al so cut through,

suggesting that the marker may have once been in use with these flooring episodes as well.

More like[y. the marker was introduced to the bal lcourt at the inauguration of floor 3. and

that the two previous floors were simply cut through in order to accommodate the marker

effectively. The ballcourt marker is the first recorded from the Belize Val ley.

Similar evidence for a ballcourt marker was encountered at the site of Cerros in northem

Beli ze , where investi gators carne across cen tralIy placed depressions i n both of the

bal lco urts located at the si te, but w hich did not have the marker fragments within them.

These holes were i nterpreted by the i nvestigators at Cerros to be the l ocations where

96

bal lcourt markers had once been placed ( S carborough 1 99 1 a: 1 10). The remova[ of the

Cerros markers fro m the baLlcourt was interp reted as having co inc i ded with the

abandonment of the site ( Scarborough 1 99 I a: 1 10) . This is, however, not the case at the

NBC. as the playing alley \Vas repLaste red three more ti mes before i ts abandonment. An

addi tionaI depression. or '�prominence'" was aLso cut into floor 3 on the south end of the

holeo and appears to have been the area in which a Lever was inserted to help ho ist the

marker out of the ground at the time of its termination.

Since artifacts within the flooring episodes below f[oor 3 ( level 5) were none xi stent. and

the earliest f[oors could be see n in profi le i n the marker depression, it was dee med

unnecessary to excavate Unit BC-3 in i ts e ntirety beyond leve l 7 (floor 2) . Moreover. since

markers are not traditional ly found in ballcourts within the Bel ize VaI ley , and cached

offerings are, it was deci ded that we wouId concentrate on determining whether any such

offerings existed beneath the area of the marker. Thus, excavations foc used on the area

bel ow the 7 1 x 67 centi metre baI lcourt marker orífice.

The fin encountered within the area below the marker (continuation of Level 5 [filID, was

quite different than that encountered e[sew here in the bal lcourt complex construction. The

fi l l was composed of di rt, wi th sections of pure marl added mostly i n what would be the

centre of the holeo At approximately 48 centimetres below the playing aney � s initial floor, a

3 1I2 centi metre thick l ens of ceramics intermixed with charcoal and riv er co bble was

encountered ( level 9) . lnitialLy we labeled this " feature" a cache (F2- 1 997). However. we

later determined that this ""feature" was not associated with the marker, and Chat it was not a

cached offering , per se, as i t continued beneath the area of the marker hole , ¡nto the rest of

the p l aying al ley . It is possib le that thi s deposit encompassed a good po rtion of the

alleyway. if not the who[e a lley , and was nat associated with the bal Icourt at aH. This

97

ceramie layers is remini scent of that found in Plaza 2. and may in faet be found throughout

Gro up I. We continued to excavate below the cobb1e/eharcoallsherd lens (level 9) for

approximate ly an additionaI 40 centimetres and eneountered al l uvial soiI si milar to that met

at the on set of the ba[ [court e xeavation s. Whi le very small [ i thic flakes and tiny

undiagnostic ceramic sherds were occasionally encountered, it 1S suspected that this deposit

was llot cu l tural , but that the artifacts encountered were l ikely the result of natural

transformation processes ( i .e ., river flooding).

Despite the axial Iocat ion of the units. no cached offerings were encountered in the

structures or the playi n g al tey , or below the marker. The absence of a cache in the centre

aI ley way is pecu l iar. given that bal lcourts in the Belize Val ley often had such depos its

p l aced there ( Fe rg uso n et al . 1 996; lamison and Wolf 1 994; l . B a H , pe rson al

corn munication. 1 998) . lt is poss i ble thal a cached offering onc e associated with the

baHcourt did exist, but was re moved at the same time that the marker was removed and

ri tual ly kil l ed. The rernoval of such a cache may, i n fact, have cons urn mated the ritual

ki l l ing of the marker. lnstances of simi lar pits believed to have once accommodated cached

offerings but which were empty, the contents likely having been removed in antiquity. ha ve

been identified at Xunantunich during the Terminal Classic period ( KeIler 1995:97; Connel l

1 994; Yaeger 1 994 ; Ke l l er 1 995:97; Conne l l 1 995: 20 1 ) . losep h B a l l ( personal

cornmunication , 1 998) has noted that at the site of Buenavista, the objects of a central cache

from one bal lcourt playing al ley were removed at the time of its termination and redeposited

in a second, ''"newn bal lcourt ' s alley cache. It is worth mentioning again . however, the

possi bi l i ty that the profusion of netsinkers and modified jute shells (Pachychilus indionllrL

and Pachychilus glaphyrus ) recovered from levels 1 -3 in Structure L were objects from a

cached offering, which were displaced through erosion caused by the periodic floodi ng of

the Belize River.

98

Ceramics from the cobble/charcoal/sherd lens below the marker included types dating to the

Barton Creek (300 B.C. - lOO S.C. ) , Aoral Park ( 1 A.D. - A.D. 300) early Hermitage

(Tzako l ) ( A.D. 300 - A.D. 3 50 ) and S panish Lookout (A.D. 700 - A.D. 900) phases.

Given the broad range of ceramics inc luded within this deposit, and the lac k of ceramics

dati ng to between A.D. 350 and A.D. 700, ( cannot he lp but wonder i f the ini tial deposit

was interred in the Early Classic period, between A.D. 300 and A.D. 350. with the removaI

of the cache , and the ritual ki l ling of the marker, occurring in the Late Classic, between

A.D. 700 and A.D. 900.

As seems to be the nonn with the fi[ l used in ballcourts i n the Valley ( Ferguson et al 1 996:

Ferguson 1 997) . ceramics from the bal lcourt excavations were by no means numero us.

with very few comi ng from the bench refurbishing epi sodes. and vi rtual ly none coming

from the playing aI ley repl asterings. Nonetheless, from those sherds that were recovered.

it has been possible to date the ba[ {court to the Spani s h Loakaut p hase ( A . D. 700 - A.D.

900 ) .

Excavation data from the NBC revealed that the bal lcourt was erected i n ane phase of

constructi on, with multiple refurbishing being required in the areas im pacted the most

during play ( the al Iey, benches and l ikely the playing wal ls as well). Seei ng as the number

of benc h and al ley floor refurbishing differ anly by ane epi sode . it see m s plausi ble thar

these repairs were perfonned at the same time. It makes sense, however, that the playing

al ley would require more refurbishing, as this area would have suffered the most damage

from the bal l game. Judgi n g fro m the numerous reconditioning episodes. it alsa seems

l ikel y that the bal Icourt was used frequently.

From these architectural data, we have been able to piece together the structural form of the

99

north bal lcourt. The bench face was sloped slightly as was the bench topo The plastered

bench met with a more angled playing wall . that l ikely terminated at the structure's summit,

where a perishable superstructure was located and accommodated elite individual s as they

observed of the playing of the bal l game. The general morphology of the NBC seems to

resemble that of the S tructure U-O complex in Group I . in terros of lts size. type and

architectural construction.

D IS C US S IO N

In considering the bal lcourts o f Baking Pot, a few th ings should b e noted . Chronological

references made in this chapter have been formulated in consultatíon w i th James C.

Gifford ' s ( L 976) Prehistoric Portel}' Analysis and the Ceramics 01 Barran Ramie in ¡he

Beli:e Valley. Al[ three ballcourts date to, or have components that date too the S panish

Lookout phase (A.D. 700 - A.D. 900). The tenni nal phases of construction of al l three

courts have similar morp ho logies. with sloping benches and playing walls.

One must recognize the significanee of the faet that all three of the bal lcourt complexes al

Baking Pot either serve as, or form, entranceways to their assoeiated plazas. Of further

consequence is the fact that the Plaza 2 ballcourt of Group 1 and the Structure [I-D complex

are both loeated at the northem termini of sacbeob. Whereas it has been wide ly recognized

that bal lcourts are often components of major site eore complexes and are traditionally

loeated in accessible areas, they are '·seldom found in traffi e-restricted areas" in the Maya

Lowlands (Scarborough 1 99 1 b: l37). Thus, the existenee of a ballcourt at an access poi nt

to a main plaza, wrueh in effect serves to restnet traffic to and from the plaza. is an unusual

feature at Baking Pol. Having three such ballcourts is al l the more peculiar. The faet that

two of these bal leourts have traffie channeled to them via designated and elaborate

l OO

causew ays. i s of even further consequence. Perhaps most si gn ificant o f a l l l S the

positioning of the ballcourts across Baking Pot' s si te coreo

S UMMARY

An i ntrod uc tion to the Maya civic centre of B akin g Pot, and a brief h istory of the

archaeol ogical investigators who have conducted research at the site has been presented in

thi s chapter. The foc us of this chapter was to provide a detai led examinatí on of Baking

Pot 's three characteristic baIlcourts and the excavations conducted of them. A rchaeological

ev iden ce from each of the baI lcourts w as presented and has shown that each of the

complexes differs from the others. However. all seem to date to. or have components that

date to, the Late Classic period and al l act as, or form, entranceways to their associ ated

plazas.

1 I e E I I I I I I I

G 1

P i l a r

Y a x o x O

� �"".f f'. Sarlan '4l Ramle �.f"

�. �.f"f.. S .:> ('IJ 'V\.... _...rv-\ \. T

,"" .¡;

J""- s;, 0Cponlsh loo k o u t · ro - °w� O eokel t l o

:5 . ./ O ) U I

O n l o r io a rrlo Head

O

n c k m o n E d dy "

." ) O Bo k lng No rth F lo ra l Pa rk AIS

\1_ 8 P o i C a ra c ol J �

edran rarm

� �

/-'� O Esperanzo

G

U � B A l E T I L E 1 1 M I Z A l E L I A l

Caha l Paeh .

Act u n c a n

. ? X unanlu nich

i •

o Nohoch Ek

Los Ruina s

VAC" PLATEAU

o Zubi n

o ( C h a o

erJ

Ti pu

o X-u a l'C a n l l

C reek

o Poi Sa k Pak

• P a c b l t u n

UnL[ V�OU[RO CRHI(

" r--J"',,--/L_-

S

\)+ " '\..--_ ... -

f.J '"""

"'" ,,, , ,

Figure 3. 1 . M a p 0 1' A l'chaeolog ical S itcs i n t hc Belizc Valle)'.

'-

t.AOUtllA I Il PI NI: RIOCE

ARCHAEOLOG ICAL S ITES U P P E R BEL IZE VALLEY CAYO D I STR ICT , B ELI Z E • M ajar s i l e s o M Inar s i l e s

o 5km .. - ­

scm Prepored by: Ja mes M . Conlon

1 998

� ��

-O

ferro lo ( �pañl5h ',,, �ookout

" ��,

':' ,

':'" '- ' , ,

= :: ' :�'- J ;}

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�'" 'I:t\\ ���'\ "','\ - - - - - - - - - - - - - \:

�ur .. e:,. Limlt ---l.'t-------- .... �� r - - - - - - - - ....,

.. ,,�t..m �I¡n.a., 740 rD&tcrw

\ \

102

"B

� r e5 ::; :: ::

� -'

8 = -:

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::::

�,�--------------------------------------------------------------------------�/

l/

B a kin_g P o t , C ayo D i st r i c L B e l i z e 1 9 9 7

Be lize Yalley Archaeological Reconnfllssence

o

Figure 3.2. Map of Baking Pote

Plan oy: Iaoe:!l !d, C::l:11on , 1 993 - 99\

SW""ey by: [ames Id, CQ:lloc � 1 9a2 -S7) Melina !04_ lohr�on ( 1 996.'97) Cllmeron ,�, ::;Mffilb ( 1994/96) ShaWIl !d_ 3:-i3b:r: (: 992/34)

500 mel ers Re'\.-uJed: 0 1 .; 15. lOa ReY!3ed: OZ/ 17iS7 Rev:sed: 08/2 1 ;96 Rev!Sed: 1 V t8/liS Revi"ed: 1 0 /::2:54

........ \. .... 1146

e � le9

UnsuT''\.' eyed

o U206

o �86

o U 1 59

o "' 1 50

M l Sj �. M¡&; W l62\�

"' l B I A t a l a va Group

'-_------ CN'ek --____ -

l 03

Figure 3.3. Map of Group II IIlustrating Structure II-D Ballcourt Complexo

...- - - - - - - - ,- - -, I I I I I I I I I I I I I (-, I I I

I 1 I I I I I

-� ¡ I I I

: 1 A

I I 8 : \ ) I I '-- --' J I I I I I : I I

_ _ L _ _ _ _ ___ _ _ � __ _

� Mag . N . o 5 10

, " 5 1 , 1 , , I M .

r- - T- - - - -- - - - - --I I I , I f I I I I I I I I I I

8

r-\ I I I \ ¡ I ! 1 � } '---

r-I I I I I I �_....a._ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ J

A PLAY I N G A L L E Y B B E N C H ES C P LA Y I N G WALLS O P R E S E N T S U R FAC E O F MOUNO

Figure 3.4: Plan and Profile of Strocture II-D (after Bullard and Bullard 1965 :Fig. 7) .

1 04

N o rt h Baking ?J6n by:

B a ll C o urt , P o t , B e li z e

JcsmC:3 M. Canjeo 11 593-9B} Survey b>-:

JcmC:3 M. CanJen ( t 99�-97) MeIi:s:sG. N. John:son (1 996/97) Carnc::-on A. GrifCith 0994/96) Sbawn II Brisbín ( lg9Z/Q.t)

Belize Valle, An:haeo logical Recannai!lsance Rewi .. ed. 01/::1/98 R.....,.rd: 08/ZI.'9t1 Re'I13ed: lZ/16/S:i

o ;;;;¡ -

1

Gr o up 1 ,

K L

1m rrn.'1 íC::.1 �

1--...",..---------=7\

I I I

\ \ \ !

Figure 3.5. Map of Group 1 Illustrating Plaza 11 Balleourt.

l OS

F /1 , I

¡

¡

I

106

E

Suulh Uallwul1. Gmup I Ilaking ['1)(. I QyS

1) ::! mcICr'.l I

r !\�

UNIT 1

UNIT 2

H

Figure 3.6. 1995 Group 1, Plaza II Playing AlIey Excavation Units (after

ConIon 1996:45).

�---------------------------------------------------------; 07 ./ ¡ Exc av'a tion Uni ts : ' 1 9 9 6 F i e l d S e a s o n , i B a king P o t ! I B e liz e ! i o 25 meters í !

B

I

¡

I ; í !

F

Plaz a II

te

I Plan bv: Jemes Y. Con.lon (1 993-97) Sur.rey bv� Jamés !d. Con.lon (1992-94. 1996 ) Ccmeron A. GriIfilh ( L994. 19i5) Sean M. Bnsbin 0992. 1 994 )

R....t:Hd: O I �/1i7 R�:led: OIS .. 'Z I /94 S...taotd: % 2.'t81'1i!. """ud: 1 0/22/94

Eelize VaUev Archaeolog1cal Reconnaissence

l' t 18 \ 6 22 - _ ::0 fJI \

28 I 1 , I i � I

j )\ , \ ¡ \

\ ¡ \

I 1 1'" ¡ I i 1 .. i ¡ ¡ I I

I ¡ : I

i 1

\

\ H I \ \ I \ ) i \ ! i

/� I \L----� r ·

Figure 3.7. 1996 Group 1, Plaza II Exca vation Units (S tr ucture's F and

E/H) (after A i mers 1997 : 25).

, ,

o

Structure H

Ocm 1m

o ,

, o ,

o .

, .�: �o· Hum us/Clll lupsc o i '

Dd) Vencer/Cut Sloncs

:':: .: .: : A l I l I \ iul Pi l l

, ' o " , o '-' . � , ...

• ....,. · . ' o . .. . . \. .

Legend

� Bul lm¡I/PlaSICI' SlI I'I'Ul.'C

fTTTl Plil�lrl ' SlII J"ill'C

'���f:; A l "" iu l / l . imcs lonc Fi l l

Playi ng Al ley

Figur� 3.8. Prot'ile of EastC l' Il Ballcourt S truc tul'c (Strllcture H North Wall, � .. ul )))aying Allcy, Units 9, 1 4, 1 5 and 2 1 . Mopped by C . Hchllkc, SU(lcrvised by J . Ainlcrs, Inkcd b y J . FCl'g uson). ......

�

r� . ' 1 ' . , . . '; . ' • 1tI' . �' "

I . 1\ '

a

b

Figure 3.9. a) Nortb Ballcourt; b} Fragmented Marker and Depression (Fl-

1 99 7).

No rt h B all C o urt , Gro up 1 . B aking P o t , B e li z e PIso by:

.l4:ale3 J(. CQDlon 0993-98) Surv�y by: 14:ale3 J(. Ccmlon ( 1 992-97) KeJbse M. JObn:lOD (1996/97) CameI"Qu A. Griffitb ( 1994/98) Sba-a .. BÑbin (1DUZ/SU)

Belize Valley Arc:haeologic:al Reconnai5:!1anc:e

Rm-d: IU/t3/9B R� 08/21198 Rewtftd: IVle/9�

o

I

Figure 3. 10. M�p of North Ballconrt, Group l.

1 10

nI

-�-----------------------------------------------------------------------------�/ E x c a vat i o n 1 9 9 7 F i e l d B a kin g P o t . B e l i z e

� � e a s o n .

o 1 0 m e t e n, ke A,A

----------

,----------// / .;

/ ,/

,/'/�"

� �:

,' ,'------>

i .. /

'--------�/

BP 5 8

B C - 7

8P 57

P lan by: Jame:> �!. Con Ion ( 1 993 - 98 \

Survev bv: Ja.m�s �:L Conlon l i 992 - 97 ) }.lelissa �I. Johnson ( 1 9::16 /97) r::dmer-on A, G rlffilh ! 1 994 : qf:n Sha;'J'n M. Brlsbin ( 1 992 : 94)

Be lize \-a llev _1.rCha�0 1og iéa l Reconr. 3 I s:::anr:e

L

Figure 3. 1 1. Map of North Ballcoort Excavation Units.

I I L

Structure K

c::J Cut Stonc

� Plaster Surfacc

• •• Ri\'cr Cobblcs

.: O:��Cnl lnpsc . -,

. ,'�,¿ , �:,�\ �. Humusl A l l lIvial Deposi 1 .'

': ".t A I I . I ���<¡;' II \' l a

Á�.""·: _ ·t�·��1T¡¡mpcJ F.:anh

�M(lllcrn Sl1;fuce

Structure L

Pl ayi n g A l l cy

� .»'� -Y.. _ t.' � _� _ .. _ � � '*'

lIllC:\Cil\HlcJ un i t

l .. egend

��:r.-' Bal l ust/A l l llv ial n I !

:f:��!,;, Di 1' 11 A I l u \' ¡al f-i 1 1 . 1 , ' .

iI • • ,. � . ' , " " , '' , ': • t • � . ' . '\ , ' : . ,'ti

. H �-_� .... ;·a .;.���r�·�:¡- ..... ;,i. ·· ,' !" � .. : '.!' • ' .. . ": : b .' '': � '.-' ' , � , ,<.� ''; , >. , •• . :� . . : . . � .• • ;�

o ¡o .. o WLtn (=-a , . � CobblcClmrcoal/Shcrd Dcposi 1

&9 lJ Mari

,: :'. :' A I l l l\ ' i ul lCrllshcd Li I1l csll )(le Fi 1 1 ci:X:J tvlarkcr Fraglllcnls , ,

Figul'c 3. 1 2. S t l' u c t lll'al Pl'ofi lc 0 1' the NOI, th Ba l l c o u l' t ( N ol' t h W a l l uf Exc a va l ion lJ n i t s He- l t l l l' o u g h 8 C-6, S tl' lIc tul'e 's K and L, and PIH)' i ng A lIl')' ) . M a p pí.'d h)' 1 997 BVA R Pl' ojcc t Fic ld S c hool S t lldcnts, Supc . . "iscd by .J . Fe l' g us o n ) . ...... .-N

1 13

a

~ o 1 2 3 4

c m

(illustrated by Christina Halperin)

b

Figure 3. 13. a) Ceramic Netsinkers (BP97-C-006 and -0 10) ; b) Jute Shells (Pachychillls indiorullz, Pachychilus glaphyrus) (after Keller 1 995:Fig. 16).

I l4

Chapter 4.

D I S C US S IO N

INTRODUCTION

Chapter 4 will briefly examine notions of Maya ritual� ideology , sociopolitical complexity �

and architectural theory in l ight of the architectural and spatial dynamics of the balI courts at

Baki n g Poe These discuss i o n s provide an i nterest i ng mode l thro ugh w hi c h an

interpretation of the meani ng and ro le of the ballcourts at the Maya civic centre of Baking

Pot can be postulated.

MA Y A IDEOLOGY AND THE BALLGAME

The social identity of a society is in part established by the cornmunal ly accepted knowledge

of ideo log icaL cosmo logicaI and rel i gious suppositions. These bel iefs assist in the shaping

of the society ' s sociaL political , economic and mi l itari stic realms and serve to arder and

regu late the da i ly behaviours and routi nes of i ts peoples ( Carlton 1977: 22� Hodder

1 986:38-39; Mann 1 986; Nielson 1995:5 1 , 65; Lucero 1 998) . Tradi t io nal ly , the

archaeological record (with the exce ption of epi graph ic and i conographic data when

available) was perceived to be inadequate to empirically attest to the importance or relevance

of the aforementioned realms within a given ancient society , as such aspects of experience

( i .e . , ideology , meanings ) existed primarily in the cognitive sphere of i ts members.

However, archaeol ogists have recently recognized that aspects of these cogniti ve reaIms can

al so be detected in the archaeological record through recogniti on of patteros of ritual

expression and architecture - through the " materializatían" of these otherwise cognitive

1 1 5

beliefs and behaviours ( Fritz 1 978:4O; Glassie 1987:23 1-232 ; Mil ler 1987:99: Shanks and

Ti l ley 1987: l32; Trigger 1 990: 1 27; Richards 1993 : 148; Aannery and Marcus L996; Fox

1996:484: DeMarrais et aL 1996a. 1 996b).

Materi ali zat ion is the proc ess whereby intangible aspects of a social syste m . the

phi losap hies, rnyths. val ues, etc .. are converted into physi cal real i ty ( DeMarrai s et al .

1 996a: 1 6) . The devel ap ment o f w hat may be l a be l l e d by exte nsion ··cogniti ve

materializatían" or the "'materializatían of ideology" (after Glassie 1 9f57: and DeMarrais et

aL L 996a) . pai red w i t h e thnohistori c. epigraph ic and iconographic data. has penni tted

scholars in the Maya subarea to come to a more intel l i gible understandi ng of the nature of

Maya ideology. cosmology and rel i gion during the Classic periodo This k.now ledge has

facil i tated disc ussions about the role these real ms played in other aspects of Maya social

l ife.

The te rms ideology. cosmo logy and re l i gi o n are often i nterchanged or are llsed

inappropriately by scholars and l ay people alike . Thus there is aften canfusion as to what

these terms mean. While the terms are interre lated, they do differ from one another. For the

purposes of this thesis, the following expl anations wiU apply. Cosmology refers to the

principIes that govem a culture ' s understandin g of the origins and character of the cosmos

or universe . and al l that i t entails across time and space. Cosmo logy di rectly affects the

religion and larger ideology of a given peoples (Rannery and Marcus 1 996:352) . Rel igion

refers to the convictions in a di vine energy or venerated bei ng who requires compli ance.

Within the guises of religion are often the tenets of values and behavioural expectations for

its advocates ( Aannery and Marcus 1996:53 ). IdeoIogy refers to the aI l embracing canon

that govems a culture or society 's social order, i nc luding the behaviours, expectati on s,

rnythology and sym bol i sm of that movement, as wel l as políti cal and ri tual practices

1 16

( Carlton 1 977:38; Demarest 1992: 1 35; Freidel 1992: 1 16; Rannery and Marcus 1996:355) .

Ideologies also serve to advocate and maintain the principIes that bind them, and thereby

rational i ze and promote the socio-politi cal and economic movement or order of a given

culture ( Carl ton 1977:222. 28-39). Ideology is manifested thro ugh symbolic or physical

means, such as ritual practices. art, arc hitecture as wel l as site and/or settlernent patteros

( S hanks and Til ley 1987: 132: Ashmore 1 989, 199 1 ; Trigger 1990: 1 28: Joyce and Winter

1 996:35; A annery and Marcu s 1 996:358: DeMarrais et al . 1 996a) . Moreover. the

distri butions and associations of the symbolic and material manifestations of ideologies may

further i l l ustrate pattems of expression and meaning (DeMarrais et al. I 996a: 16).

Through materiali zation, ideological ly derived suppositions. meanings and actions are able

to transcend an y and al l pote ntial boundaries , w hether socio-pol iti cal , economic,

educational , locational or rel i gious ( Glassie 1 987:23 1 -232: DeMarrai s 1996a: (6) . Public

oriented ritual and civic ceremonial architecture afford a community continuity in place and

time (Dunleavy and Mirac le L 98 1 : 1 2 1 ). Through their identification with specific symbolic

obj ects and/or the sharing of experi ences through ritual istic ac ts or ceremonies, a

community. despite potential resistance, can claim or promote group sol idarity, and support

the social order in which they partici pate (Stern 1 949:96; Dunleavy and Miracle 198 1 : 12 1 ;

Schwartzman 1 98 1 :52; Pe rtierra 1987: 206; Hegmon 1989:6: DeMarrais 1996a: 1 7; Fox

1996:484).

The materiali zatíon of ideology can a1so be an effective socio-political '''mec hanism''

(Carlton 1 977: 22 ; Dunleavy and Mi racle 198 1 : 1 2 1 ; Mann 1986 ; Pertierra 1 987: L99-2oo;

Tri gger 1 990: L 25; DeMarrais 1996a: 1 5, 17 ; 1 996b:68; Joyce and Winter 1 996:35). The

Classic period Maya depended heavily on cornmuna[ ritual, and the p hysical and symbol ic

manifestations of their ideology (Demarest 1 992: 1 36) . It has been argued by rnany that part

1 L 7

o f the reason \vhy the ritualization of ideology was so prevalent among Mesoamericao

cultures. particularly the Maya, was because the rulers (or rul íng el ite) recognized that the

mani pulatíon of ideology and ritual was an effective fonn of socio-pol itical control ( Mann

1 986:2 l . 39; T rigger 1 990: 1 26; De Marrais et al . L996a: L 5� Joyce and Winter 1996:37:

Lucero 1998:6-7) . They s uggest tbat by dominating a eornmonly held be lief system. the

rul in g e lite or aJuUl of a given pol i ty was able to convince its citizens of the leader' s '''right''

to rule. while at the same time instil l ing a facade of group cohesion (Carlton 1 977:20 :

McGuire and Schiffer 1 983 :28 1 � Mano L 986:39; Niel sen 1 995:52 ; D e Marrais et al .

1996a: 3 1 : Joyce and Wi nter 1 996:35: Lucero L 998:3 ) . They further su ggest that tbe

manipulation of cosmology. ideoLogy and ritual by the rul ing class was to promote the

differe ntial treatment of themselves with the majority of pol i ty, wealth and power ( Mano

L 986:2 1 : J oyce and Wi nter 1 996:3 5, 39: Lucero 1998:3-4).

Whi le one can see how the manip ulation of ideoLogy can be used as a meehanism for such

purposes. it should not neeessari ly be regarded solely as a means by which the elite or

rul ing c lass holds and maintains power over its "subjeets·' . [ be lieve that the tendeney of

scholars to view sueh use of ideology negative ly. as a form of coercion� may ha ve hindered

an understanding of Maya soci o-politics and power. 1 suggest that the manipulation of

ideology by the ruling cl ass can be understood as a meehanism, but one w hich maintains

power within a communi ty, or gives power lO a communi ty particularly during ti mes of

c hange or e rises C Dunl eavy and Mirac l e 1 98 1 : 1 1 8; Schwartzman 1 98 1 : 52; Nielsen

1995:49-50) . Power [O a cornrnunity can be expressed through g roup identity, prestige and

honour in assoeiation with the eonstruction of an ideologi eal ly significant object, or

participation i n a ritual expression or ceremony associated with an aspect of a group ' s

ideo logy ( Nielsen 1 995:55) . The power of such a mechanism was rooted in a shared

perception of .óreali ty" that served to promote eornmon ideals, while maintaining the soci al

1 18

structure of the collecti ve� and building and maintaining cuLtural pride ( Dunleavy and

Mi racle 198 1 : 1 18; Ashmore 1 996:64)_ The fact that there is no indication that the Maya

ruling elite and general populatíon viewed the role of the ahau differently. lends support to

the idea that the socio-polítical rol e of ideology as a cohesive force as we l l as. or rather

than , a coercive tactic ( Freidel 1992: 1 28). None the less, in order for it to have been

convincíng. the media of communication had to be '''readable'' by alL members of society

(Schele and Freidel 1 990:65). As wil l be shown� two of the most sal ient fonns of

communication are architecture. and community settlement patteros.

The collecti ve conscience of Maya society perceived their world from a predomi nantly

ideof ogically based paradigm (Schele and Freidel 1990:65: Freidel 1 992: 1 1 7) . As such.

aspects of their ideology , such as cos mology, transcended many aspects of Classic Maya

dai ly life and experience. In ract, the Maya reacted to and, as wi l ! be demonstrated. built

the world around them in l i ght of their perception of the cosmos.

The Maya perceived thei r universe as a three-tier domain. comprised of the Upper-. the

Middle- and Underworid (Schele 1 987: 18; Ashmore 1 989:273 ; S chele and Fre idel 1 990:66;

Dernarest 1992: 147) . The Underworld, or Xibalba, was seen as a realm in which the gods

[ ive d and through which the dead had to traveL The Upper- or Overworl d was seen as the

··place" i nhabited by the ancestors after they had defe ated the Lords of Death in Xibalba.

The Middleworld was conceived of as the human plane of existence ( inc l uding plants and

animals) , that floated in the primordial sea, aboye Xibalba (Schele 1987: 12; S chele and

Freidel [990:66).

There are two acts invol ved in the creation of the cosmos and i ts central axi s. Textual

information from Palenque relates that the first act of creation was the centring of the world

1 19

by the gods when they l ay down the first three hearth stones� one for each of the three

··worlds'" (Freidel et al. 1993 :53 ; Bassie-Sweet 1996: 138). The second act was the creation

of the central axis or the partitioning of the worlds when the First Father raised up the sky

and separated earth. or the Middleworld. from the Upper- and Underworld. and there by

formed the " landscape of mountains, lakes, and forest that became the world in which their

new creatures would live" (Tedlock 1985:73; Freidel et al. 1 993 : 128; Garber 1994:35).

The three " worlds" \Vere not mutuall y excl usive, but were interconnected by a central axis .

also referred to as the �Vacah Chan (the ··si x.-" or ""raised-up-sky") which was typical ly

characterized by the world tree (Schel e 1 987: 1 6: Schele and Freidel 1990:66-67: Demarest

1992: 147: Friedel et al. 1 993:53, 1 38; Garber 1 994:38). The world tree, materialized as a

mai ze plant or the great Ce iba tree ( Schele and Freidel 1 990:256; Freidel et al . 1993 :53 .

Fig. 2. 1 2). had its branches in the Upperworld, its trunk it the Middleworld and its roots i n

Xibalba ( Schele and Friede l 1990:66-67: Garber 1994:34, 36). The central axi s was also

perceived as a path taken by the Vision Serpent. The Maya ruler or Ahal{ was perceived to

have been the incamation of both the central axis and the path, and thus acted as a mediator

of sorts as the Ahau had the abil i ty to cornmunicate directly with the denizens of the

otherworlds (Schele 1987: 1 6; Demarest 1992: 147; Freidel 1992: 1 28). The partitianing of

the worlds, or the creatíon of the central axis. was nat restricted to one specific place, but

was mareriali:ed in both the natural and ·';built" environments by the act of ritual (Schele and

Fre idel 1 990:67) .

The creation of the central axis is key to Maya cosmalogy and ideology, for even after the

¡nitial creation of the uni verse , the Maya continue to reenact the partitioning of the worlds,

and the creation of their cosmos ( Freidel et al . 1 993 : 1 23- 1 72; Garber 1994:35) . The

material ization of the concept of partitioni ng is illustrated in the Madrid Codex and in the

L20

glyphs at the comers and on the sides of a Río Azul tomb, and through the partitioning of

agricultural fields and al tars to this day (Freidel et al . 1 993 :57, 72; Garber 1994:35-36;

Bassie-Sweet 1996: 197) ; in the constant uti l ization of the concept of the World Tree, as

best i l lustrated in the icono graphy of Palenque (i.e. Temple of the Cross and a depiction on

Pacal "s sarcophagus lid) (Schele and Freidel 1990: Fig. 6.3 . 256; Freidel et al . 1993 : Fi g.

2. 12): in the constructíon of houses, temples and bal lcourts (as evidenced by the ritual

placement of caches along the central axis of the structures ( Ashmore 1989, 1 99 1 ; Joyce

1992:487) ; and in their settlement patterns (Avení and Hartung 1 986:8; Ashmore 1989.

L 99 1 . 1 992; Garber L994:38).

As mentioned briefl y in Chapter 1, the ballcourt and the ballgame were also percei ved by

the ancient Maya as entranceways to the Underworl d ( Krickberg 1 966 in eohodas

1 974:205; Pasztory 1972; Alegria 1983: 144; van Bussel 199 1 ; Freídel et al . L993 :355) . In

his research on ballgames as intermediaries. van Bussel ( 1 99 1 :256-257) notes how in the

Po pol Vuh the Hero Twins caught the attention of the Lords of the Underworld by playing

bal l and how . by extension. the playing of the balIgame to the Classic period Maya may

have been a reenactment of these initial ballgames, and of the openi ng of the underworl d

( Freidel et al . 1993:341 ) . Imagery assocíated with the baUgame supports this prernise, as

rul ers are i l l ustrated dressed as bal lplayers and potential ly partici pated in bal l games. By

rnimicking the roles of the Hero Twins the rulers are suggested to have aligned thernselves

with cosmic authority (Gil lespie 199 1 :340).

Textual infonnation received from a stair tread of Temple 33 at Yaxchilan notes another

otherworld path or portal . This other portal was a road cal led the Black Transformer (also

known as the Ek ' - Way ) which led from a bal lcourt at the south end of the Raised-up-sky

or the central axis, to the place of the last creation (at Six-S hell-in-hand) (Freidel et al .

12 1

1993:3 5 1 ). The Popol Vuh also mentions the Black Road in the story of the Hero Twins.

[n one instance the Twins were playing a ballgame when the Lords of Death sent for them

vía their owl messengers who fol low the B l ack Road to the ballcourt where the twi ns are

playing the ball game (Tedlock 1985: 109). Later i n the mythistory, the B lack Road itself

calls fue Hero Tw ins to Xibalba (Tedlock 1985: 358). Van Bussel ( 199 1 :247) suggests that

the road to Xibalba may have been a metaphor for the ballcourt itself. Interesti ngly, the

words for bal l in Yucatec Maya. al and waL mean hole or entrance ( Barrera Vasquez

1980:604, 976 in van B ussel 199 1 :257) . further lending support to the perception that the

bal lgame and bal lcourts were perceived to function as entranceways to the otherworlds.

Whi le the Classi c penod Maya baI lgame exists as a hu man. and thus Middle World.

experienee it was intrinsical ly tied to the Underwodd. As sueh, the ballgame and ball courts

symbolical ly and iconographicall y mark the separation of these worlds, their inhabitants ,

and replicated the ereation of the cosmos (Gi llespie 1 99 1 :339). As related through the story

of the Hero Twins in the Popol Vuh, part of the function of the bal lgame and ballco urts was

lo help explai n the workings of the Maya cosmos; the place of human beings in the cosmos;

and the mysteri es of t ife . including the struggle between l ife, death and rebirth. which in

effeet helped to define the social arder of their communities (AIgeria 1983 : 145; Leyenaar

and Parsons 1 988:88; Schele an d Freide l 1 990: 65; Taladoire and Colsenet L 99 1 : 1 63 :

Freidel et a l . 1993:350; Garber 1994:37) . The ballcourt carne to signify the disj unction

between the sacredness of the rul i ng cIass and the " secuLarness " of the masses, while

acting as a mediating force between the two (Gillespie 199 1 :344). Moreover, the ballcourt

physicaI ly marked the disjunction or boundary between civic and private space within site

cores, and thereby delineated the secularness of these precincts (Gillespie 199 1 :340).

Many aspects of the Maya bal lgame and i ts bal lcourts can be considered effecti ve

1 22

expressions of materiali zed ideology. The ritualistic and public display of the ballgame and

all its pomp and circumstance combined ideological and social aspeets of Maya tife together

(Scarborough 199 1 b: 1 43 ) . The construction of a distinct, symbolic and permanent marker

of the ball game allowed this faee t of Maya ideology to be ';';read'� by every member of

society , dai ly, and across ti me and space (DeMarrais 1996a: 1 8) . T h e potency of these

materialized elements of ideology is not in their face va[ue, but in the implicit knowledge of

their broader associations and meanings ( B roadbent and Llorens 1 980: i x-x: Richards

1 993 : 1 75-76). In the case of the ball game. its profound meaning w as rooted in i ts

connections to Maya cosmol ogy and ideo logy .

SOCIOPOLITICAL COMPLEXITY AND BALLCOURTS IN THE B ELIZE

VAL LEY

Human existence is not a static experi enee. Human beings are not simply passive p uppets

who accept and proliferate the conditi ons of the world around them. I nstead, they reaet to

certai n condi ti ons. modify thei r behaviours, and consistently promote change ( Niel sen

1 995:49-50). Whil e change is inevitable, expected, and often accepted, characteristics of

the social system, such as ideol o gy, remai n institutionalized. This is not to say, however.

that ideology does not change , but that maj or social change is a slow process, and that its

tenets general ly remain firrnly establ ished. Thus, in ti mes of stress. it seems l o gical that

members of a gi ven culture or society would tum to an established and constant feature of

their experience in an attempt to reaffirm what and who they were through the ce lebratíon

and validatíon of theír shared c ul tural heritage (Dunleavy and Miracl e 198 1 : 1 18). Thís i n

tum ca uld have been used t o h e l p stabilize and maintain and otherwise precarious socio­

political arder.

123

The socio-political arder of the Precolumbian Maya was not homogenous across time and

space, but \Vas regionalized, with each polity c ultivating i ts own culture history (de

Montmollin 1989; Santley et al . 199 1 ; Demarest 1992: 141 ; Fox. 1996). The Maya subarea

was politically decentralized, and that its lack of centralization worked against unification,

or possibi lity or need for a central authority . This seems to have been the case in the Belize

Val ley , at least unti1 the Late Classic period (Leventhal et al . 1 993 : Golden and Conlon

1996:30). Prior to the Late C1assic . it appears as though civic centres were essential ly

equivalent. The apparent profusion of natural resources in the valley likely aided the growth

of multiple large centres within close proximity to one another. evidently without inciting

competition.

Political stabili ty i n the Belize Val ley appears to have begun to transfonn in the Late Classic

period as a result of a series of changes that served to cause stress at B aking Pol. and other

Val !ey communities. Change. regardless of w hether p rogressive or regressive, i nc ites

stress, as a given cornmunity must come to accept or reno unce the change , and adj ust to the

outcome. Stress is felt by a community when a part or who(e of the ··social organism" feels

threatened ( \Val lace 1956:265). While in sorne areas of the Maya Lowlands evidence for

stress in tenns of eco logical problems, environmental change, and competition in the fonu

of w arfare and defence, is conspicuous (Webster 1977; Freíde l 1986; Healy and Pricker

1989; Taladoire and Colsenet 199 1 : 1 73- 1 74: Demarest 1 992; de Montmol l in 1 997:3 8),

evidence of tbese conditions is not obvious in the Belize Valley (Leventhal 1996: l l ). To a

large degree. signs of social unrest are also not prevalent in the Bel ize Valley. Nonetheless,

this negative evidence should not be taken for granted, as there is also no direct evidence of

the catalyst for the '· collapse" in the Belize ValLey, and yet it is apparent that around 900

A.D. Baking Pot and the majority of sites in the Valley were abandoned . A series of

changes and conditions are evident, however, that together can be seen as the antecedents

1 24

for stress in the Belize Valley, and to an eventual communal disil lusionment with the

cultural ··Gestalt" .

Archae oLogical evidence of change in the Belize Valley in the form of population and

settlement density increases (WiHey et aL 1965:309; Ball and Taschek 199 1 ; Ford 199 1 :38�

Ashmore et aL 1 993 : 20; Leventhal et aL 1 993 ; Yaeger and Connel l [ 1993 : [90; Ashmore

1996: 1 8) ; intensification of agri culture, resource control and production (i .e.�agriculture.

eraft ) ( Healy 1 990; BaIl and Taschek 1 99 1 : 1 5 1 ; Ford 199 1 :35 Ashmore et aL 1993 : 20:

Ke l ler 1993 :9 1 -92 ; Yaeger and Connell 1993 : 19 1 ; ConIon 1 995a:40-42: Connell 1 993 .

1994: 1 56- 1 57. 1 995; Lewis 1995:63 ;) , occupational and ritual speciali zation. as \veH as

differentiation of status and wealth ( B aH and Taschek 199 1 : 1 5 1 ; Ford 1 99 1 :35: Conne ll

1 993 . 1 994: 156- 1 57; Leventhal et aL 1 993: 13; Fedick 1995:29; Healy et al . 1995� Lee and

Awe 1 995; Lee 1 996; PiehI 1997:67), concurs with evidence of c hange from other regions

in the Maya subarea (Ashmore 1 98 1 :44; Santley et al. 1 99 1 :22; McAnany 1993 :227). I n

attempt to deal w ith such change and succeeding stresses, communities, such a s that at

Baki ng Pot had various potential coping rnechani sms avai lable to them. As wiU be

discussed, the res u1ting stresses for these changes at Baking Pot and in the Belize ValLey

served to el icit a revitalization movement by the Baking Pot community, through the

reaffirmation of their cultural identity as expressed through the ball game.

Population in the Maya subarea is known to have steadily increased over the Classic period�

reacrung its apex during the Late Classic period, with population estimates for the central

Maya Lowlands esti mated at greater than three mi ll ion (Turner 1 990 in McAnany

1993 :228). Willey et al. ( 1 965:576-577) suggest that the Belize Valley population during

the Late Classic was around 24,000, while Kirke ( 1980: 28 1 ) estimated the Valley

population to have been around 60,000 people. Population densities in the Belize Valley are

L 25

noted as having spread to " occuPY every arable niche at this time'� (Fedick 1989:245; Willey

and B ul lard 1 965:3 64-365; Willey et al. 1965:309: Wil ley 1973 :99; Ford 1 99 1 :38;

McAnany 1993:228; White et al . 1 993 :347; Driver and McWi lliarns 1995:47).

Coinciding with maximurn population levels during the Late Classic period was an obvious

increase in the need for food resources . With agricultural and land productíon undoubtedly

being taxed and l ike ly unable to meet subsistenee demands� the Maya moved to intensify

agricultural produetion throughout the Maya subarea� thereby perrnitting additional erop

production (WiUey 1973:420: MeAnany 1993 :227; White et aL 1993 :347) . Evidence of

intensified forros of agricu lture in the Bel ize Val ley include the more than 1300 metres of

l i near irri gati on canals or ditched fields at the B edran Group of B aki ng Pot ( Kirke

1980:28 1 ; ConJ on 1 993 b, 1995a:40). The 700 A.D. inception date for the Bedran Group

irri gation systern coincides with the onset of the peak population period at Baki ng Pot and

within the Belize Valley (Conlon 1 995a:4 1 ) . Whi le initia l ly expensive in terms of time,

constructi on and labour investment, the ditched field system would have al lowed for

improved soi l fertil i ty, extended grow ing periods ( Fedick and Ford 1990:22), and the

farming of an esti mated minimum of 8 additi onal hectares of land in areas otherw ise

considered too dry and agric ulturally less productive ( Conlon 1995a:40-4 1 ) .

Other Late Classic forrns of intensified agricu lture in the Bel ize Valley incl ude numerous

terraced hillslopes in and around the Xunantunich area (Ashmore et aL. 1993 :20; Yaeger and

Connel l 1 993 : 1 87; ConneIl 1 994: 1 57) and at Pacb itun ( Healy 1 986 in White et al .

1 993 :347; Healy 1 990; White et al. 1993 :367), reservoirs at Zubin (rannone 1 993 :37) X­

ual-cani l (lannone 1 995:36, 1996, (997), and at Ontario Vil lage (Dri ver and McWi lliams

1 995) ; as well as check dams and the modification to a drainage ditc h associated with X­

ual-canil (Iannone 1995a:36; Ferguson 1997:39).

1 26

The apparent need for additional crop production at Baking Pot and throughout the Belize

Val ley, as evidenced by the intensified forros of agriculture, supports the proposition that

population pressures on the land were extreme during the Late Classic periodo Additional

evidence of the extreme population levels at Baking Pot is apparent when one considers that

the land considered pri me and otherwise used for agricul tural purposes in and around

Baking Pot becomes increasingly encroached upon by household development during the

Late Classic period (WiUey et al . 1965:29 1 ; Willey 1973:99).

Whil e evidence and discussions of subsistence goods other than agricultural production is

Dot as prolific, indications are that animal resources were al so being taxed during the Late

and Terminal Classic periods. Evidence from Cabal Pech (Stanchly 1995). Zubin (Stanchly

1997: 1 07) and Pacbitun (Hohmann and Powis 1996 i n Stanchly 1997: 107) indicates that

freshwater shell species were nat as heavi ly exploited during the Classic periad as they

were in the Formative. Despite limited evidence, and while not explicitly indicated. the lack

of freshwater shell use in the Classic period may have been the result of over exploitation of

these food stuffs due to increases in population and subsistence demands. Norman

Hammond ( 1 983 : 157) has noted a decrease in the size of jute sheUs at the si te of Lubaantun

in southern Belize, w hich may further support the supposition that freshwater species was

being over exploited during the Late Classic, as they may have begun to be harvested earl ier

i n their stage of development than they had been in previous time periods.

Isotopic analysis of human remains from Pacbi tun indicate that despite the intensificatian of

agricultura! practices (terraced hi Il slopes), maize decreased as a dietary staple during the

Terminal Classic, i ndicating it was becoming i ncreas ingly difficult to obtain and was

therefore unable to meet the demands of the hei ghten population (White et al. i993 :366,

370). A growing populati on wouId have necessitated the production of a storable staple

1 27

crop in order to feed the thriving population. and thus the lO% decrease in maize

consumption Can easi ly stored crop ) noted by White et al. ( 1 993 :367) at Pacbitun is

s i gnificant. Whil e evidence is l acking, it is suggested that the Maya began to broaden their

resource base through the cul tivation of supplementary food crops in attempt to effectively

feed the expanding population (White et al . 1 993 :366). It is speculated that the additionaJ

cultigens used to supplement dietary needs included the breadnut or Ramon tree, and that

this crop was perhaps grown in the B ed ran irri gation fields at Bakin g Pot ( Kirke

1 980:28 l ) . Altematively. it has been proposed that cacao was the crop intensively grown

along the al luvial terraces of the Belize River ( McAnany 1993 : Fig. 3 : Connel l 1993 : 155:

Fedick 1995:29). While tbis is obviously not a staple food crop, it would have provided a

profitab le trade item by which needed food items could be obtained.

S ke l e tal data fro m Barton Ramie and Baking Pot shows that bone structure was

increasi ngly fragi le and slender over time, especial ly in the Late and Tenninal C lassic

periods ( Willey el aL 1 965:538; Willey 1973: 1 00). These data indicate that despite efforts

to increase crop production , individuals were apparently stiU unable to effectively meet their

nutritional needs.

[nstances of poor nutri tion are often indicators of stratification amongst commun i ty

members, as are instances of contrasting burial practices, including types of interments and

variations in burial goods. Variations in ho usehold types and el aborations are also

understood to demonstrate class and status distinctions, all of which are present at Baking

Pot ( Piehl 1997:67). Fedick ( 1 995:29) notes that wi th.in the Belize Valley in general ,

distinctions i n residential architectural types according to the production classification of the

land, with Class 1 lands (al l uvial vall ey bottoros) exhib iting household architecture which is

generally larger and more elaborate than in other areas.

L 28

Further evidence of increasing social stratification within is apparent at sites within the

Beli ze Valley. including Xunantunich (Leventhal et al. 1993: 13) , and Cahal Pech (BaH and

Taschek 1 99 1 : 1 54) , as the architecture of these sites in the Late Classic becornes

increasingly introverted, and thus less i nviting and public oriented. Such changes in spatial

and architectural construction indicate the degree of heightened marginality of non-elites

from cornmunity decisions and functi ons, and thus in economic, pol itical and social

standing.

The differential distribution of raw materials across the Belize VaHey's geographical and

political landscape fueled the develapment of occupational and economic special izatians of

different resources, raw materials and objects by polities and s ites ( McAnany 1989a in

McAnany 1993 :23 1 ) . Evidence of specialization is apparent archaeologicaLIy at Baking Pot

through the identification of the di tched field system at the Bedran group ( Kirke 1980: 28 1 :

Conlon 1995a:40). Further evidence o f specialization throughout the Belize Val ley is seen

in the above noted forrns of intensified agricul ture ( Kirke L980:28 1 � Ashmore et al .

1993 : 20; ConIon L993 b. 1995a:40: Yaeger and Connell L993 : 187: Connell 1994: L 57:

Ferguson 1 997:39: [annone 1993 .. 1 995, 1996) ; through the identificatían of a possible

l imestone quarry in the Xunantunich region (Kel ler L993 :9 1 -9 1 ; Yaeger and Connel l

L 993 : 1 80)� of a chert-tool manufacturinglreduction centre near the east bank of the Mopán

Ri ver (Ashmore et al . 1993 :20), of a shell craft production centre at the Cas Pek group of

Cahal Pech ( Lee and Awe 1 995: Lee 1 996) and Pacbitun (P. Heal y, personal

coIrtmunication, 1999), and of a slate workshop at the site of Pacbitun (Healy et al . 1995).

With the development of economic specialization and the modification of the landscape in

arder to fac ilitate intensive forros of agriculture, carne the need for land tenure and

management (Ashmore 1994:20), as well as systems of social and economic networking

l29

(Cormel l 1995: (95). Whi le evidence of such networking and management is difficult to

identify, they are implied and understood to have existed through the level of administrative

organization needed to order and maintain such facilities. What have been termed . buffer

zones ' were establ ished in regioos surrounding core areas, and from which raw material s

and other resources were extracted in exchange for al liances. status and socio-rel igious

affiliations with the core areas (Willey 1973 :425). This may have been the case in the Belize

Valley where severa! peripheral or secondary sites arose duriog the Late Classic periad and

which are percei ved to ha ve been . subordinate ' to larger centres (Ashmore et al . 1994:

Dri ver and McWi l l iams 1 995: [annane 1 995, 1996, 1997 , 1998: 16; Connel l 1993 :2 15.

1 995: 198; Ashmore 1 996: L8; Go1den and Coolon 1996:30). Sorne have argued that the

Belize Val ley region was similarly marginal to the Péten core afea (BaH and Taschek 199 1 ;

Leventhal et al. 1 993 :9: Ashmore 1994) . It may weH have been that the c hanges and

stresses experienced i n the Valley during the Late and Terminal C1assic period were a

corollary of increasing disparities and central izatíon in the Péten region around this ti me

( LeventhaL et al. 1 993: Coolon 1996:30) .

Further evidence of change and increased marginality in the Belize VaIl ey can be seen in the

ceramic industry, as rnass production and regional standardization of pottery in the Late

C1assic period occurs (Gifford 1976:226, 328; Willey 1973:99; Rice 1987a in McAnany

1 993 :228) This intensificatíon and standardization of pottery production is suggested to

have been the result of a great increase in consumer demand due to papulation increases

(Gifford 1 976:226). McAnany ( 1993 :228) has suggested that the intensificatíon and mass

production of ceramic goods was in response to shortages in agricultura1 land. as ceramic

production was also organized on the househoLd level, and when agricuLture production

began to fai l , households intensified ceramic production to make up for an atherwise

i nsufficient i nc ome ( McAnany 1 993 : 228) . Either way, the reg i onal izati on and

1 30

standardization of ceramics, paired with the fact that the ash \Vares associated w ith the Late

Classic \Vere relatively poorly made and more easily prone to breakage, speaks to the

stresses related to over population being experienced in the Valley during this time.

While economic specialization by individuals and polities within a given site ( i .e� craft or

crop speciali zatioo, trade ) may be seen as a mechanism for promoting intra- and i nter-site

relations and dependence. it may very well have been that these specializations increased

competition. conflicts, and alienation among previously connected groups. Additionally, an

increasi ngly taxed resource base in the Belize Val l ey during the Late Classic period would

have affected the stabi l i ty of relationshi ps within and between pol ities in the region and

would have become i ncreasingly competi tive (de Montmollin 1989 :25). It may have been

that the sites considered peripheral to the larger centres io the Valley were in fact the result

of factioning by members of these different communities (Connell 1994, 1995: Golden and

Conlon 1 996; [annone 1997, 1 998: 16). Moreover. the migration of peoples to the civic

centres from the hinterlands would have reached its height (Santley et al. 199 1 : 14). addi ng

further to population densities. Increases in local population densities would have meant

decreases in otherwise arable land, and thus in agricultural resources, there by straining an

al ready and increasingly strained resource base . Extreme pop ulati o n densi ties may also

have caused the over exploitation of other locally obtained food stuffs, including freshwater

she l lfish, and perhaps other animaIs . As has been shown, even with intensi ficatíon of

agriculture. the l and was unable to meet the subsi stence and di etary needs of the Bel i ze

Val l ey population. Such population and l and pressures wo ul d have led to heightened

competitíon for resources and goods, and the ensuing inter- and intra-site friction, paired

with i ncreasing di sparities in classes and decreasing health, woul d have challenged the

socio-poli tical structure and stability of the Belize Val ley .. and the social order of the

individual sites (Willey 1973 :42 1 ) . Such factors have been noted and would have created a

13 1

h ighly stressful atmosphere, a disorganization of the socio-cultural systern and a p otential

disil lusionment with the cultural '"Gestalt" (Wallace 1956:279; Fry 1 985: 1 27) at Baking Pot

and within the Val ley. When a cornmunity experiences a " hi gh degree of i nternal

stress . . . . [and p lersonal dissatisfaction with the existing frarnework" ( Fry 1985: 1 27), one

of the options sometimes chosen by members of the community i n an attempt to

consciously modify and manage the ensu i n g change and stress is the instigation of a

revitalization movement.

A revitalization movement " is defined as a d eli berate, organized, conscious effort by

members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture" (Wallace 1956: 265, 1 966:30:

Fry 1 985: 1 27), through the restructuring of an unsatisfactory and fai l ing socio-cultural

systern. Such restructuring typical ly inel udes changes the political and economic structure

of the cultural system ( Fry L 985: 128) . Revitali zation movements are typicall y i nstigated

w he n members of a cornm unity/culture are experiencing high degrees of stress and have

become disillusioned with, or perceive their c ultural system to be unsatisfactory. Members

of a communi ty thus take measures to cre ate a new cultural system based upon a

combi nation of an idealized version of a ne"" arder and a revival of a tradi tional culture

through the institution of percei ved val ues. customs and views of a past era(s) (Wallace

1956:267, 1966: 1 58; Fry 1 985: 1 27) . S uch movements can be politicall y or ideological1y

motivated, and rely on the integrative capabilities of a shared ideology (Wal lace 1 956: 270:

1 966:34) . Stressful circumstanc es which m ay spur revitali zation movements incl ude

polítical marginality or factioning, increases in social stratification as evidenced by declines

in stature , mal nutrition and di sease and in disparities in ho useholds and artífact

assemblages, as well as ecological disaster, war, i nvasion, oppression and population

changes ( Fry 1 985: 1 27, 1 29, 1 3 6- 1 3 7) . As has be en di scussed, sorne of these

circumstances have been detected at Baking Pot and within the Belize Valley.

132

Ritual expressions are noted as often coinciding with changes and resu lting stresses in a

community (van Gennep [ 1 909 1 1 960� and Turner 1969 i n Dunl eavy and Miracl e

1 98 1 : 1 18) . Ritualized actions act as a form of ideological cornmunication, through w hich

the community redefines its direction , harmonizes its viewpoint and re-centres its foci of

concem (Wallace 1966:239-242 ; Dunl eavy and Miracle 198 1 : 1 18). The prorninence of the

ritually competiti ve Maya bal l game in the Maya Low lands coi n c i de s w ith the

aforementioned changes. During the Late Classic period the ballgame. its ballcourts and

their connections to Maya cosmo1ogy. carne to be venerated by the cornmunity on a

previously unprecedented scale in the Belize Valley. and entered whol ly into the realm of

soci o-politics (S mith 1 96 1 : 1 04: Scarborough 199 La: 1 25: Ferguson 1997:50). As such. the

Maya ballcourt appears to have served as a symbolic and physical manifestation of a shared

ideol ogy rooted in a prev ious or tradi tional era in Maya history , w hich was rev ived.

perpetuated and capitalized on to create a more satisfy ing culture and stabil ize and maintain

soci o-pol itical order. As a sal i ent symbol of Maya c ulture history . the bal lcourts and

baHgame served as symbolic capital for, and imported representations 0[, a previous culture

experience and functioned as integrati ve mecharu sms of a revitalizatíon movement . Fry

( 1 985: 138) has similarly argued that the re-erection of stelae, and the " reuse ' of venerated

artifacts and human remains at Tikal after the hiatus may have been the this commuruty ' s

attempt at a revitalizatíon movement.

The ritualistic n ature of the ballgame , the pomp and circumstance that surrounded it, paired

with the pennaoency of its dai ly arc hi tectural presence, made the ballcourt a partic ularly

salient symbol of Maya ideology and unity. It is my interpretation that the resurgence of

ballcourts and the proliferatíon of the ballgame io the Belize Valley during the Late Classic.

particularLy as exhíbited at the civic centre of Baking Pot, was a physicaI manifestatíon of

the efforts of a revitalizatíon movement, as supported by a traditional c ulture history

l33

involving the cosmological associations of the Maya ballgame. Revitalization movements

are not easily identifiable in the archaeological record� and yet appear to have been a pattern

of response to " structural transformationsn io the socio-political throughout Maya history

(Wal lace 1 956; Freidel 1 992: 1 1 8). Examples of revitalizatíon movements among the Maya

have been demonstrated archaeological ly at Tikal (Dahlin 1976; Fry 1985) and in the

Uayrnil regíon ( Fry 1 985: 1 37) , as well as durin g post-contact ti mes among the Charnula

and the \Var of Santa Rosa� Chiapas 0867- 1870) (Gossen and Leventhal 1 993 : 1 93) , and

the mid- to late nineteeoth century " Caste War" in the Yucatan Península (Fry 1985: 130).

lf a challenge to, or a breakdow n oL the cultural system appeared to be imminent due to

developíng socio-economic crises and increasing polítical centralizatíon. the members of the

comrn unity may have turned lo the foundatíon of their social systern. to their ideo[ogy, to

help thern contend with chaoges and challenges to the socio-political framework. I believe

that in response to the stresses caused by increasing pressures on the socio-political system

due to pop ulation pre ssures. di rninishing resources, and increasin g competitían. pol ities

within the Bel ize Val ley determined that an inspiring way to deal with the stresses and

transition, was to instigate a revitalization movement based on the promotion and use the

bal l game as a lever to boost group cohesion by reaffirming their culture hi story. Such an

action would have been ane of many options exe rc ised in response to such ó' structural

transformations" thro ughout Maya history. Friedel ( l992: l l8) notes how i n response to

socially unstable conditions, there is a "redefinition of [thel basic structural building blocks

of. . . . Maya·' [and for all inteosive p urposes. Mesoamerican] ideology" , and as such the

Maya typicaIly '''reinvented'' or .óreinvested" in aspects of their ideology in times of duress.

This predilection to redefine one ' s ideology in response to changinglstressful conditions is

best illustrated through the Mexica migratíon legend. The legend notes that upon arrived at

Coatapec, and after the building of their villages and the temple dedicated to Huitzilopochtli ,

134

the Mexica were instructed by Huitzilopochtli to build a ballcourt. and thereby sanctioned

the c reati on of their social and sacred space (Stem 1 949:64; Fox. 1996:485) . As will be

seen. triadic principIes and concentric dualisrn are particularly pervasive with Baking Pot's

settlement patterns and the spatial orchestration of its ballcourts.

ARCHITECTURE AND THE MA YA OF T HE BELIZE VALLEY

As mentioned in earlier chapters, the only evidence of the Maya ball game in the Bel ize

VaIley is the ballcourts themsel ves. As such. attempts at discerning the meaning or role of

the ball game within the Beli ze Valley must reIy on the arcrutecturaI data, specificalIy on

patteros of inter- and intra-site distributions, temporal assignments, and how architecture is

understood to relate to, and/or symbolize May a ideology. Fo r muc h of the following

discussion , the reader needs to see architecture as a fonu of communication whose function

is connotated. not denoted ( Eco 1980:4 1 , 1 986:64; Aveni and Hartung 1 986:57: Glassie

1 987: 23 l : Hegmon 1 989 :8; Rapoport 1 990: 292: Sanders 1 990:45; T i l le y 1 99 L : 20 ;

DeMarrais e t a l . 1 996a: L 7) .

As a medi um for cornmunication, architecture is a very pervasive force, as it holds the

a bi l i ty to relate physi cal and metaphoric functions, co nsciously and unconscio usly.

Additionally, as a enduring example of materia1ized ideology, its message is continuously

transmitted across time and space, visual ly and physical ly, and to every member of the

communi ty (Gutman 1 976:47; Glassie 1987: 236� Hegmon 1989:8). Since architecture is

al so experienced (Rapoport 1 990: 1 2), architecture is a particularly " audible" medium

through which social integration and order are si gnified and reinforced (Hegmon 1989:7).

Before a structure has a conventional use, it has a cultural significance (Sanders 1 990:45)

that i s drawn from established sociological and 1ike1y cosmological principIes (Richards

1 993 : l48). As a cornmunicative medi um, architecture not only re lates a message. but is

defined by. and at the same time influences , the social environment and the behaviours of

its actors (Rapoport 1 980: 292� Ric hards 1993 : 1 75- 1 76) . As such. archi tecture can

contribute data relating to the socio-pol itical, economic and ideological mi l ieu of a ti me

periodo and the expected behaviour and experiential processes i nvolved therein (Trigger

1990: 1 28).

Architecture as a medium is generally aimed at, and accepted by, the masses by bui lding a

sense of security, and identity by formulating a sense of place. and by physically affecting

behaviours and ex.periences . and repl icating or building upon c ultu ral characteristics. It

succeeds by " b uildin g" u pon prevai l i n g or understood premise s of order ( Eco 1980: 1 5,

41 ). Messages conveyed through arc hitecture are not easi ly challenged or negated . due to

their non-verbal and permanent nature (G utman 1976:47� Jencks 1980:7� Hegmon 1989:8).

As such. '''architectural media�' are more effectively able to retain their ori gi nal messages.

and are affected less by change ( Sanders 1 990:43) . This is particularly so for ballcourts,

since they are characterized by continual use and reuse, and are rarely destroyed . or built

over (Searborough 199 1 b: 130) . Whi l e modifications to baLlcourts do occur on occasion. as

was the case at Paebitun (Healy 1990, 1 992:234) and Cerros ( Scarborough 199 1a: 1 09-

1 1 0), alterations are general ly restricted to renovations rather than functional changes. As

such, ballcourts act as a communicative medi um when paired with their inherent conoeetion

between the bal lgame , and the Underworld. Moreover, the abi l i ty of the ba llcourt 's

archite cture to retain i ts ori ginal message, whether consciously or uncoosciously intended,

symbolically or practically i ndicated, demonstrates how during a time of stress or change

the ballco urt and/or the ballgame may hav e been used as a unifyi ng or regulatory

mechanism.

136

Traditionally. studies concerning Maya architecture have focused on the function of civic

architecture as a socio-polítical and economic tool in Maya power struggles .. with ideology

being peripheral to this design (Freidel 1992: 1 20). Given the extensive labour and resource

investments required in the construction of monumental architectural projects (such as

ballcourts) , and their proLiferation across time and space, it seems plausible that these

structures were erected through a communal pride established in a collecti ve history and

belief system, rather than by coercion and valor of a ruling elite ( Freidel 1992: 1 29) . This

suggestion seems particularly feasible when. as discussed earlier. one recognizes that while

economic and status disparities between the classes are evident. such disparities were

embedded in Maya ideology. AH members of Maya society conceded that rulers were

agents of their office, whose di vine responsibility was to work for the good of the

cornmunity (Robertson 1974. 1 976, 1979 in Freidel 1 986:93 ; Freidel 1 992: 1 28: Lucero

1998: 7). Thus, differences in wealth and status were reflections of the ruling office. There

are no indications that either the ruling elite or the g eneral populous ack.nowledged the

ruling class as having ··power over" the general population. I believe scholars need to move

away from power-oriented. kinship-centred, mercantile interpretations of baHcourts, and

consider further their ideological and symbolic roles, and then relate the use of the ball game

and its ballcourts to the realms of socio-politics and economics.

SETTLEMENT P A TTERNS AND THE MA YA

The built e nvironment is an expression of design and cognition. The construction of a -

hamlet� village. or civic centre is never arbitrarily decided (Sanders 1 990:45). It is shaped

by its builders' need to order their world (Rapoport 1975a and 1976a and b in Rapoport

1980:284; Fritz 1978: 40; Shanks and Tilley 1987: 1 32), as established by social and

religious needs and standards (Thompson 1983 : 1 1 6; Kent 1 990: t 27; Locock 1994:5) .

137

Conversely, the ordering of the environment further serves to define social, political,

religious, and economic b oundaries. [t regulates suitable behaviours (Gutman L 976:43 ;

Fritz 1 978:40; McGuire and Schiffer 1983 :28 1 : Ashmore 1 989:272; Hegmon 1989:7;

Sanders 1990:45-46: Locock 1 994:9), as meanings and expectations are coded in the built

environment, revealing and reinforcing aspects of a comm unity ' s worldview, identity and

cul ture (Thompson 1983 : 1 16; Richards 1993: 148). Along the same principies, modificaríon

of the bui lt environment can also aid in transfonning the social order (Hegmon 1989:5). [t

has been pro posed that during time of stress or crises, the need to cornmuni cate

information, perhaps symbol ically, inereases and thus structural i nvestments in the built

e nvi ronment would naturally inerease (MeGuire and Schiffer 1 983:28 1 ). During sueh

times, soeio logical and ideological campaigns gain particular ·'explanatory relevance" in an

attempt to deal with the sUITounding stresses (Nielsen 1995:53). Demarest ( 1992: 1 47) has

noted that during the Classic period the Maya utilized ritual , cosmology, public and

monumental displays to support and sanction socio-polítical relations at both the inter- and

iotra-site level . What better medium to utilize than the ballcourt for such purposes, seeing

as how the ballgame and ballcourts penetrate all of these forms of public communication

and display?

The Maya worLd was a locative one (Tate 1 992: 144), in which the built and socio-polítical

environments encompassed and mimicked the natural and cosmological worlds (Aveni and

Hartung 1986:56; Schele 1 987; Ashmore 1 989, 199 1 : 199; Schele and Freidel l990:65, 67;

Scarborough 199 1 b: 1 29; FreideI 1992: 1 16; Freídel et al. 1 993: 138) . To the Maya, the built

environment served to materialize the creatian of the universe. The Maya replícated the

principIes of their creatíon myth in the positioning and arranging of theír settlements by

mimicking the placing of the first three hearth stones and the separation of the three worlds.

This was commonly done through the creatíon of a central axis at the site, or the Wacha

138

chan (Schele 1 987: 16; Sche1e and Freídel 1990:65-67: Demarest 1992: 147; Freidel et al .

1 993 : 1 38; G arber 1 994:38) . The creatíon of the �Vacha Chan o r axis m undi i s

demonstrated a t most Maya sites b y the typical north-south axis, and the complementary

nature or duality of plaza and building locales (Ashmore 1989:273 ).

The cardinal directions also have otherworldly associations that seem to come into play in

site p lanning . TypicalIy, a north plaza group or compo und i s associated with communi ty

and ritual or sacred architecture, whereas the sauth compound is restricted to palace-type

structures andlor elite/secular architecture (Caggins 1 967 in Ashmore 1989:274; Cohodas

1975: 1 29; Ashmore 199 1 : Gi l lespie 199 1 :341 -342; de Montmo ll in 1 997:36). The south is

sai d to be associ ated with the underworld (Fax 1 996:486: de MontmoLli n 1 997 :36) ,

whe reas the north is rep resentati ve of ' � the celestial supematural sphere" (Ashmore

1989:273 ). Bal lcourts are often used to mark the entrances to plazas, often between the

northem " sacred" and southem "private" ar '�el ite" p lazas. The placement af ballcaurts at

these strategic locales is related to their role as interrnediary structures. and gateways to the

underworld (Cohodas 1975: 1 29: Leyenaar and Parsons 1988:7 1 ; Ashmore 1989:273 , 279,

199 L :200; Gi llespie 1 99 1 :34 1 -342; de Montmollin 1997:36) .

Baking Pot, l ike many Maya sites, comprises two main architectural compounds, organized

along a north-south axis. The north group is primarily composed of civic or ceremonial

archi tecture, while the south group is composed of pri vate . palace-type structures. As

di scussed in Chapter 3, Baking Pot is unique to the Belize Valley in that it houses three

ballcourts each of which is strategically placed. more or less. along the sites north-south

central axis. Each ballcourt is either located at, or fonns, an entrance way to one of the main

plaza groups. The NBC is located at the northern extreme of the site. and of Group I; the

Plaza 2 bal lcourt forms the southern entrance way to Group 1, and in effect mediates

139

between the northem-sacred. and southern-secular construction complexes: and the Str. lI­

D ballcourt fo rms the southem entrance to Group 1I. and to the site core proper. The two

southe rn ballcourts (Str. n-D ballco urt complex and Plaza 2 complex) both have sacbeob

l eadin g to, or from the i r southern e nds. It i s possible tbat these ballco urt-sacbeob

complexes were intended to mimic. and function as, the Black Transformer Road as noted

in the Popol Vuh ( see chapter 4) (Tedlock 1985: 109; Freidel et al. 1 993 :35 1 ) .

AH of the Baking Pot bal lcourts. but particularl y those w ith the associated sache. support

the contention that bal lcourts were considered e ntranceways to the Otherworlds. as they

physical ly manifest the gateway to the underworld ( Cohodas 1975: 129; Tedlock 1985: 109:

Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988:7 1 ; Ashmore 1 989:273 , 279; 199 1 :200; Cohodas 1 99 1 :54:

Gillespie 1 99 1 : :34 1 -34: van BusseI 1 99 1 : 256-257; Freíde! el aL 1993 :35 1 ; de Montmo l l i n

1 997:36). Fax ( 1 99 1 : 2 1 7) has nated that ballco urts located in the so uth-west areas of

Quiche site centres were particularly identified with the Underworld, seeing as the south is

associated with the Underworld. and the west is the direction in which the sun disappears

into the Underw orld. S i milar to the Quiche centres, the Str. II-O ballcourt compLex, the

mast southem ballcourt at Baking Pot, is located in the south-west comer of Group 1I and

constitutes an east-we st running court. The erectíon of an east-west oriented baI lcourt,

pai red with its associated sacbe and south-west I ocation. fuL Iy epitomizes the Maya concept

of a gateway to the underworld.

The repetitive construction pattem of Maya centres, and the inc1usion and location of certain

building types contained therein (i .e., temple pyramids and ballcourts) (Harnmond 1 972:83 :

Aveni and Hartung 1986:68; Ashmore 1 989:279, 1 99 1 :200), attests to the importance of

cosmology to Maya site planning. The I ocative facets of Maya site planning principIes noted

aboye are all connected to the concept of parti ti oning and the Precolumbian Maya 's

1 40

understandi ng o f the creation o f the cosmos. The importance of the creatíon '''myth'' to the

Precolumbian Maya can be detected i n both their inter-and intra-site settlement pattems.

A recent study conducted by Jim Garber ( 1994) has suggested that the uniform distribution

panero of the sites i n the Belize Valley. the spacing betw ee n Val ley centres being

approximately 9.9 ki lome tres . was intentional (Garber 1 994:39). Simi lar distributional

regularity of sites with bal lcourts has beeo noled in the westem peri p hery of the Maya

su barea. in the Greater Rosario Valley and tbe Grijalva Basin (de Montmollin 1 997:3 1 -32).

Garber further proposed that the distribution of " major" centres with ballcourts across the

Be lize Val ley landscape was pattemed in sets of three, along roughly straight transects

across the Valley ( see figure 4. 1 ) (he connects the fotlowing sites to gether: Camelote.

Blackman Eddy and Baking Pot: Baking Pot, Cahal Pech and Xunantunich; and El Pilar.

Cabal Pech and Pacbitun [i t should be noted that Camelote do es not in fact ha ve a ballcourt I

( Ga rbe r 1 994:39). Garber ( 1 994:38) co nte nds that the transects created by this

distrib utiooal pattern mimic that of the Milky Way as seen on the two days of Maya creation

rAugust 13th and February 5, 750 B.C. l. He suggests that this pattero i s representative of

the Maya' s partitioning of the region, similarly to the partitioning of their centres,

agricultural fields. plazas, households and a1tars, all in an effort to simulate the creation of

the cosmos as executed by the gods (Garbe r 1994:44). Simi l ar tripartite distribution

patteros have been identified at Uxmal, ··where an al i gnment that starts at the temple

doorway of the Temple of the Magician passes through three structures one of wruch is a

bal lcourt'� (Garber 1994:39) .

While supporting evidence for an astronomical-cosmological template for the Belize Valley

site distribution pattern is lacking and the theory certainly debated, the concept of the

partitioning of site centres as a metaphor for the creatíon myth is supported by internal sÍte

141

schemes. The metaphoric associations of inte mal settLement patteros are particularly

pervasi ve when one considers the role of the ballcourt in Maya ideology , the pronúnence of

ballcourts across the Maya subarea in the Late Classíc period . and partic ularly in the Beli ze

Valley. and the propensity of the Maya to materialize aspects of their ideology . This concept

is especially conspicuous at the civic centre of Baking Pat.

SUMMARY

By examining aspects of Maya ideology, specifically tenets of Maya cosmology. and social

compLexity. and then appl ying concepts revealed therein to the architectural and spatial

dynamics of ballcourts at Baking Pot and within the Belize Val ley. an understanding of the

rol e of the ball game at Baking Pot can be fostered. In th is chapter, I argued that during

ti mes of crises or stress sorne cornmunities, inc ludi ng the Precol um bian Maya. often

instigated and engaged i n revitalizatíon movements. Such rnovements are initiated in an

attempt to mediate transformations and sanctify the socio-polítical actions of the ru ling el ite

duri ng particularly pervasive periods of stress by championing an aspect of a shared

cultural heritage . I have suggested that in d uring the Late Classic period in the Belize

Valley. aspects of Maya cosmology, specifical ly the bal lgame . carne to be used as a

unifying mechanism, gi ving power ro and within the i ndividual communi ties by serving to

reaffirm or reestablish their sense of community . As a pennanent construction. archítecture

is seen as a perm anent expression of Maya ideology. Connections between bal lcourts and

cosmology allowed the Maya to comm unicate a common history through which al l

members of the community could relate.

j 1\1):' Pilor / I ! I I I

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ARCHAEOLOG ICAL S ITES UPPER BELIZ E VALLE Y CAYO O ISTR leT , BEL IZE

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Figure 4. 1 : Alignluents 01' Major Centres witb Ballcourts i n ahe Belize Valley (aller Garber 1 994:f1"ig. 1 ).

t

l43

Chapter 5

CONCLUSIONS

INTRODUCTION

By reviewing what is known of the Maya balLgame. and ballcourts, and by exploring what

is known of the Belize Val l ey ballcourts and sites, contextual and comparati ve data were

presented and provided a basis from which an investigation of the ballcourts at Baking Pot

could be fostered. [n recogn izing the oddity of the presence of three, significantly different

ballcourts at the site. a number of questions were raised. Why does Baking Pot have three

balIcourts, whereas most sites have ooly one, and sti l l others have none? Are the Locations

of the ballco urts at Baking Pot sign ificant? What is the meani ng behind the variatíon in the

ballcourt complexes of Baking Pol and the Belize ValLey? Cou l d these differences, or the

i ncreases in balIcourt numbers in the Late Classic denote societal change? Do they

represent different types of games. or changes in the traditional game? ls the architectural

evidence sufficient to analyze effectively the bal lgame at Baking Pot?

BAKING POT AND ITS BALLCOURTS

While baI lgames and ballcourts may have been perceived as openings to the Otherworlds,

and served to mark sacred ground, their potential role in stabilizing the social systenl may

not have been quite as great prior to the Late Classic periodo The obscurity of such a role

for the ballcourt and bal lgame was L ikely due to the Valley 's apparently stable, decentralized

existence, that was more or less free from the environmental , economic, social , pol itica!

and population pressures with whi ch the Late Classic Valley cornrnunity was faced. The

1 44

ritualistic nature of the baI lgame, the pomp and circumstance that surrounded it, paired with

the permanency of its unifying message inherent in i ts architectural presence . made the

ballcourt a particularly salient symbol/rnechanism for the communities attempts at stabilizing

the socio-polítical order, and for the instigatíon of a revitalization movernent. Whether these

efforts were conscious or unconscious is not known for certain.

It is my interpretatíon that the re gular spacing of the tbree balIcourts at Baking Pot along the

site's central axis. and each at an entrance way to one of the two maín architectural groups.

is inherent to the role of the ballcourts in the partitioning of the site. as a material metaphor

of the creatíon of the cosmos. Similar to the rnythology of the gods having laid down the

fi rst three hearth stanes and separating the '\vorlds'�, 1 submit that the Maya of Baking Pot

erected the three baI lcaurts with the intention that each court represented a hearth stone. In

other words , their construction functioned as a metaphor for the separating of the three

Maya worlds. Following this suggestion, [ pro pose that the NBC was meant to represent

the Upperworld. where the branches of the World Tree reach� w hi le the Plaza 2 baUcourt

represented the middle worLd or the stalk of the World Tree, whose role it was to mediate

between the Middle and other "worlds" ; whi l e the Str. I I-O complex at the south end of the

si te core represente d the roots of the World Tree, and essential ly manifested the

Underworld. Support for this proposition is found in the Maya conv ictLon for partitioning

thei r landscape. the credence invested in their creatían myth, and the notion that the

ballcourt was considered an entranceway to the Othenvorlds.

Sti l l remaining is the question of exactly what happened in the Late Classic period in the

Belize Valley, and at Baking Pot in particular, to cause an apparent '''needn for the erection

of three ballcourts at this site? And, what of the degree of variability in the ballcourts? As

has been suggested, 1 submit that the Maya of the Belize V alley were attempting to retum to

L45

affi rm their cultural identity through the i nsti gation of a revital izati on movement. in

response to stresses and changes in their socio-political order. As noted by McGuire and

Schiffer ( 1 983:28 1 ) , investments in symbolic or ritual architecture escalate as a mode for

promoting unity. and integration. in response to increases in group distinctions. as would

be the case as polities attempted to deaL with stresses and changes in the Belize Valley.

Recognizing the Maya' s propensity to tum to their ideology d uring ti mes of stress. 1

propose that the erectíon of the three strategically pl aced ballcourts at B aking Pot, as well as

the sudden influx in ballco urt construction across the Belize Valley during the Late Classic

peri od. was an attempt to mediate the socio-political transformati ons taking place by

attempting to essentially reestablish the cornmunity. Ballcourts are often u nderstood to

··reestablish the t ime and space of a past creation" ( Freidel et al. 1 993 :350). Perhaps each of

the three baIlcourts at Baking Pot were meant to represent one of the three creation events in

the history of the Maya cosmos. By reaffirming their ideology and communi ty identi ty, the

Late Classic Maya ruling class of Baking Pot were attempting to stabilize the social arder of

the comrnunity, by capitaIizi ng on an origi nal and constant feature of Maya ideology. They

sought to reIy on an eIernent of ideology , which was material ized in a pennanent and

ani mate presence, was recognized across the built environment, and which was able to be

" read" by every member of Maya society.

It appears that the increase of ballcourts in the Bel ize Valley in part reflected a change in the

ro le of the ballgame. that was capital ized on in response to c hanges and stresses that were

transforming in the socio-political system at the time. The role of the ballcourt in sanctifying

sacred space across the built and saci al landscape, helped link the cornmunity to a territory.

While the social landscape may change ayer time, monuments and architecture served to

solidify a community' s associati on with a particular place and its surrounding environment

146

( DeMarrai s et a l . 1 996a: 1 8, 1 9) . S orne sc ho lars have suggested that the v i rtual

standardization of ballcourts i n the Maya subarea during the Late Classic period appears to

have been the result of a change in the rol e of the ballgame at this time (Cl une 1963: 183).

Throughout Mesoamerican history, ballcourts a s representations o f cornmunity identity and

unity have been identi fied with the establishment of commu ni ties (Stem 1950:64; Fox

1996:485) . 1 submit that this ehange was associated with an alteration i n Maya soc i o­

politics in which the bal l game played a role i n ··the apogee of site development and ritual

fl orescence" ( Leyenaar and Parsons 1 988: 72; Tri gg e r 1 990: 1 27) . As noted by d e

Montmo ll i n ( 1 997:38) , the faet that bal leourts are present at sites of varying size and

complexity indicates that the b al l game was not an exc l usi vely el i te rituaL and that its

purpose or meaning w as intended to be read by every member of society . As such, the

ball game was a perfect mechanism through which group cohesion and unity cou ld be

fostered during a time of stress.

Many centres in the Late C lassic Bel ize Valley were evidently attempting to recapture their

culture history by mimieking the recreation of the cosmos with the erection of bal lcourts at

sites p reviously with and w ithout ball co urts. Ballcourts were a lso bei ng erected at sites

whieh had not existed prior to the Late Classic, such as Ontario (Garber et al . 1 994; Driver

and McWill iams 1 995) . X-ual-cani l ( Ferguson 1 997). and North Caracol Farm (Conl on

1 996). These sites. i n particular. speak to the faet that social strife i n the Val ley was causing

fracturing of the larger community, and how these new communities were instituting the

perceived need to ··begin" agai n by reestabli shi ng the place and ti me of past creation

(Freidel et al . 1 993:3 50). Or perhaps the fracturing itself was the root of the social strife

that caused the larger centres to attempt to reaffinn thei r position, even magnify their status

by building additional ballcourts, or by i nvesting in the modification of existing courts. [f

147

bal lcourts were used as forums for, or expressions of. socio-po litical competition both at

the i nter- and intra-site level, structural variatioos in bal lcourt complexes may have beeo

intended to emphasize local or polity distinctions (Gil lespie 199 1 :34 1 ) . 1 propose that the

profusion of bal lcourts across the Belize Val ley, and the multi p lication of bal lco urts at

Valley sites 1S also reflective of an individual community's attempt to reesrablish its identity

through ballgame ideology. in response to developing socio-political and economic stresses

and perhaps grow ing Late Cl assic crises.

Despite the fact that the Late Classic ballcourts in the Belize ValIey typically maintained thei r

traditional design and structural features. as well as a customary north-south orientation.

variations in bal lcourts within the Bel ize Valley. and particu larly between those at Baking

Pot. attest to the apparent shift in the significance and role of the ballgame in the region in

the Late Classi c periodo When one considers tbat revitalizatíon movements serve to incite a

new cu ltural system through the combination of a new order and a reví val of aspects of a

traditional one, the maintenance of the overal l traditional structure of the bal lcourt, and the

manipulation of mínimal variations is appreciated . The question that remai ns unanswered is

why the divers i ry in ballcourt num bers at si tes, and in the i r spec ific features. sizes and

types, not only a mong the three ballcourt complexes at Baking Pot. but across the B elize

Valley, and the Maya subarea? S o rne have suggested that the variation is re lated to the

degree of socio-political centralizatíon across a region, suggesting the fewer bal lcourts there

are the higher the degree of centralization, and conversely the more there are. the more

decentral ized the regi on, or site is (Hendon and Joyce 1993 :30 in Fox 1996:480; Santley et

al . 199 L :22; de Montmollin 1997:30).

Another suggestion proposed in an attempt to help explain the architectural diversity of the

ballcourts, is that the size of the ballcourt rnimics the size or importance of the site w hich

148

houses it (de Montmol lin 1997:32), This is not the case, however, in the Belize VaLley.

For instance, the Baking Pot baIlcourts are relati vely smalI compared to the EBC at the

smaller sized site of Cahal Pecho or either of the courts at Xunantunich.

From a construction perspective. the type of raw materials used in the erection of a ballcourt

should not necessari ly be seen as an indicatíon of the importance of the game to a given

commun ity. as the materials may be more a reflection of those irnmediate ly available, rather

than in the importance of the bal lgame to a given community. This is apparent al Baking

Pat. where both the NBC and the Plaza 2 baHcourt's eonstruction fi l l , in add ition to that

found in m uch of the Late Classic archi tec ture throughout the site (Bullard and Bullard

1965: Aimers 1 997) , consi sts p ri marily of aHuv ial fi l 1 rather than the typical l imestone

rubble aod core fUI seen at o ther si res i n the Belize Val ley (Healy 1992; Ferguson et aL

L996: Ferguson 1 997) . Variations in the structure and construction of the complexes i s

important to consider since such difference s l ikely denote more significant things than such

vari ations in churches , gyrnnasia or sweatlodges since the variaríon may not onty reLate to

deeper meanings, but to the functionali ty of the court and thus the play of the game. In the

case of Baking Pot, the lack of l imestone construetion materials may in faet reflect the

inab il ity of the Baking Pot community to gaio full access to this resource during the Late

Classic period due to politi cal or territorial conflicts and boundaries in the Belize VaIley at

tbis time .

Sorne scholars have suggested th.at di fferentiation of ballcourt complexes may be reflective

of the faet thar different courts were used for different reasons, or for different re li gious or

ritual "cults". as is suggested for El Tajín (Wilkerson 199 1 :67); w hile others argue that the

variations indicate different types of play (Stern 1949:35; Ritman 1968:40). While ane can

see how variations i n ballcourt form may b e seen as reflections of changes to, and resulting

149

in different types of games being played. and perhaps for different reasons, others. such as

de Montmollin ( 1 997:38), question why these variations were not more distinct and

grandiose . I suggest that stnlctural inconsistences in ballcourt features are due to variations

in the play of the game, and perhaps its role, as \Vell as reflections of different " architects",

local preferences. or architectural styles (Stern 1949:3 5; Ritman 1 968:40; Locock 1 994: 10).

The important point is that the main c haracteristics of the ballcourts are maintained. and thus

support the premise that the bal lgame . and ballcourts. are an excell ent medium through

which to communicate and remind the population of its deep-seated culture history, group

identity. and ability to persevere.

With the increases in the number of ballcourts at individual sites and across the region, the

structural diversity of ballcourt types and features. perceived methods of play and scoring,

as well as the imagery and ethnohistoric impressions, the ballgame underwent changes in

the Late Classic period (Acosta 1940 in Clune 1963: 1 83 ). These same points also seem to

suggest that different versions of the ball game existed (Taladoire and Colsenet 199 1 : 162).

Gi ven the diversity of bal leourts w i thin a given region, such as the Belize Val ley. the

Cuyumapa Drainage (Fox 1996) or the Greater Rosario Valley or the upper Grijalva Basio

( de Montmoll in 1997). it would further appear that these versions were not specific to

geography or chronology , but may have been specific to the function of, or the purpose for

playing the bal lgame. The faet that Baking Pot encompasses three differing ballcourts, al l of

which date to, or have construction episodes that date to, the Late Classic period attests to

the l ikelihood that the ballcourts had varying roles.

Based on the construction techniques of the Group 1 ballcourt, it is my interpretation that

the final construction episode of tbis ballcourt \Vas never actually used as an arena for the

active play of the bal lgame. Rather. [ argue that its relevance or value was placed in its

ISO

symbolie assoeiations. The Group [ baI leourf s tenninal phase of eonstruction consists

primarily of a lluvial fill � wh ich was then evidently eapped by a layer of ballast type fi1L

over whieh p laster would have been seto As sueh, tbis ballcourt eomplex is unlike the

others at B aking Pot, or in the Belize Val ley in that no eut stones were util ized in the

creation of a baekiog wall . Sueh a feature is typical of balleourt eonstruetion in that these

walls l ikely served to stabi l ize the strueture� and help braee the strueture for the repeated

impaet of the heavy , solid rubber bal l . Fox ( 1 996:493 ) has also suggested that sorne

bal leourt eomplexes. for example those of unusual size l ike at Chichén Itzá. may oever have

been uti l ized for the actual playing of the bal lgame. It is possible that such courts were

used as theatres, in which performances to re-enaet previous ballgames and past creations

were condueted C Scarborough 199 1 b: l 44). The Maya are known for the construetion of

other arehi tectural comp lex.es w hose meaning is invoked through their symbo l ie or

metaphorie funetion , rather than its operati ve or ¡ntended function. Houston ( 1996) has

identified a symbolie sweatbath at the cross group of Palenque, w hose role it was to imitate

rnythologi eal structures rather than actually funetion as a sweatbath. He rnakes thi s

supposition based on the faet that the structure cootains no evidence that i r could have

produeed or maintained a sweatbath environment (Houston 1996: 132- 133 ). 1 perceive that

the Plaza 2 bal lcourt at Baking Pot served a si mi lar funetion. in that this particular complex

was meant to mi mie the ballcourt util ized by the Hero Twins , as diseussed in the Popa l

Vuh. [ make this suggestion based 00 its medial locatíon at the site, between the

metaphoric Upper- and Underworld of Group 1 and Group n, as well as the presence of the

saebe leading directly from the southern Underworld to the ballcourt symbol ica lly located at

the surfa e e of the earth . However, this w as e v idently not always the case, as the

archaeological record indicates that the Plaza 2 balIcourt was the first balleourt at the site,

and tbat tbe two earlier baIlcourt constructions did possess the baeking wall perceived to be

important in the construction of an act ively utilized bal lcourt. It was not unti l tbe Late

1 5 1

Classic period that the other two ballcourts \Vere erected at B aking Polo and that the role of

the Plaza 2 bal lcourt changed.

The NBC at 8aking Pot is an anomaly in the Belize Valley in tbar, to date, it contains the

only evi dence of a ballcourt marker in the Valley. [ believe that the NBC eomplex is

obv iously associated w i th the civic-ceremonial arehitecture of the northern- secu l ar

architecturaI eompound. This paired with its yet somewhat isolated location . away from the

majority of eivic arc hitecture. relates to the fact that this bal lcourt complex was the only

ballcourt at Baking Pot acti vely uti l ized for the play ing of the bal lgame. I submit that its

location supports thi s premise in that Group [ and its architectural structures are al l publ ic

buildings. intended to be ··uti l ized'�. or " observed" by the general publ ico The association

of the complex with G ro up I therefore speaks to its intended public audience. The

somewhat isolated location of the NBC from Group l ean be seen as funetíon of its use as

an acti ve arena in tbat its isolated location would have assisted in the viewing of the game

by the general publico since the area surrounding the baUcourt was free from otber forms of

architecture. Additionally. the presence of a scoring marker at the site also lends support to

this hypothesis. Perhaps the NBC was constructed in the Late Classic to take over the no

longer active role of the Plaza 2 ballcourt.

S UMMARY

This thesis has examined the role of the ball game at the Maya civic centre of Baking Poto as

evidenced through the architecture and distri bution of ballcourts at the site, and throughout

the Belize Valley . AH three bal lcourts at Baking Pot had individual roles specific to their

location at Baking Pot, but which were related to their metaphoric connections to Maya

cosmology. As such, the bal lcourts became instruments of cohesion, solidarity and social

1 52

orde r. in that their abil i ty to serve as permanent reminders of Maya ideo logy and c ulture

history was capitalízed on during times of change and stress in the Late Classic periodo

1 have argued that dunng the Late Classi c period o the Belize Valley was in a penod of

transition. as the socio-pol iticaI fabric of the regían was being challenged due to climaxing

stresses in the social order. This period of transition was the result of increasing popu latíon

and density pressures on resources. and the resulting economic. pol itical and soc i al

stresses. The resulti n g ro le of the ballcourts in the Bel ize Val Ley at trus time appears to have

changed . They became modes of cornmuni cation for inciting group cohesion and un ity

duri ng this ti me of stress, and i n effect served as a forro of symbo l i c capital for a

revitali zation movement.

The sudden i ncrease in ballcourt canstruction across the regían, and at sites such as Baki ng

Pot, is believed to have be en di rectl y assoc iated with the efforts of indi vidual sites to i nitiate

a revital izatí on movement w ithí n the B elize Val ley. By consciously and unconscious l y

denoting aspects of Maya ideology. ballcourts functioned as a faci l ity for social integratíon

through the participation in the construction of a symbolically charged monument, in their

abi lity to reconstitute the c ulture history of the community and thereby foster a sense of

unity .

Through the coordination o f this ideologically based ritual game and the prevai ling social

order, the ballcourts served as a form of symbol i c capi tal that gives power to, and is uti l ized

as an i nstrument by. the entire community. Because of a community ' s attachment to the

ballgame and its cosmological relations, the Baking Pot and B elize Valley popul ation

evidently accepted the .ómanipulation" of the ball game and ballcourts during this time of

socio-poli tical stress and change. The pennanency of the bal lcourt and its metaphoric

l 53

meaning and role served as an emblem of the past, of stabil ity and of perseverance during

times of stress in the Late Classic periodo As such, Maya ball courts were mecharusms of a

revitalization movement, and by extension of govemance. S uch baLlcourts functioned as

optimal reminders of various f acets of the social arder to all members of saciety.

1 54

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1996 Nohoc h Na (The Big House): The 1 995 Exc avati ons at the Cas Pck Gro u p ..

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1995 Middle Formative Architecture, B unals and Craft S pecial ization : Report of the

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