The auxilia in Roman Britain and the Two Germanies from Augustus to Caracalla: Family, Religion and

„Romanization‟

by

David Benjamin Cuff

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Classics University of Toronto

© Copyright by David Benjamin Cuff 2010

ii

The auxilia in Roman Britain and the Two Germanies from

Augustus to Caracalla: Family, Religion and „Romanization‟

David Benjamin Cuff

Doctor of Philosophy

Department of Classics

University of Toronto

2010

Abstract

This thesis examines the cultural and social relationships cultivated by ethnically diverse auxiliary soldiers

in the western Roman empire. These soldiers were enrolled in the Roman auxilia, military units that drew primarily

on the non-Roman subjects of the empire for their recruits in numbers that equaled the legionaries. I argue that

auxiliary soldiers could and did maintain large families, and demonstrate, from epigraphic data collected and

presented in my dissertation, how foreign ethnic and religious identities were variously integrated into Roman

military culture by both individual auxiliaries and the Roman state.

The history of the auxilia in Germany from the time of Augustus and in Britain from the time of Claudius is

discussed, with extensive reference to epigraphic material provided in appendices to this work. Analysis of military

diplomas from across the Roman empire demonstrates a significant phenomenon of auxiliary family creation that

helps to contextualize the diploma data from Germania and Britannia. Research on further epigraphic evidence from

Germania and Britannia demonstrates a marked diversity in religious dedications by auxiliary soldiers and further

evidence for auxiliary families. From a discussion of the history of the concept of „Romanization‟ and other

theoretical models that can be applied to the study of the auxilia, the continued usefulness of the evolving concept of

„Romanization‟ to our understanding of auxiliary cultural integration is assessed. Auxiliary service is shown to have

provided many non-Roman ethnic groups avenues of cultural and legal inclusion that each soldier, surely in his own

way, could exploit.

iii

Acknowledgments

I would like to offer my deepest thanks to my supervisor, Prof. Christer Bruun for his

expert and patient advice. My research and scholarly development have benefitted enormously

from my participation in the Collaborative Program in Ancient History between York University

and Toronto (COLPAH). At York my heartfelt thanks also go out especially to Prof. Jonathan

Edmondson for agreeing to participate in my dissertation committee. My work was also read by

Profs. Hugh Mason, Michel Cottier, and, in her capacity as Graduate Co-ordinator, Victoria

Wohl, and I thank them all for their effort. Thanks for encouragement and help in matters

academic and otherwise are also due to the Graduate Assisstant, Coral Gavrilovic, and

Departmental Assisstant, Ann-Marie Matti. I am grateful for the observations of my external

examiner, Prof. William Kerr. The suggestions of all who have read my work have improved it

immensely and saved me from innumerable infelicities. It should hardly need to be stated that I

bear responsibility for any errors remaining in the text.

I have been fortunate to have enjoyed generous financial support for my doctoral research

from the Social Sciences and Humanities Resource Council of Canada Doctoral Fellowship and

the Ontario Graduate Scholarship program. From the Department of Classics at Toronto I have

also received additional support from the Bickell Fellowship and the Rene Efrain Memorial

Scholarship in Roman History. The Norwood Travel Fellowship funded travel to Cologne,

Germany in 2008, where I conducted research for this project as a resident scholar at the

Universität zu Köln, Institut für Altertumskunde at the kind invitation of Prof. Werner Eck.

The love and support of friends and family have sustained me throughout my

postgraduate career. My parents have never wavered in their encouragement of my studies here

and abroad, and to them this work is chiefly dedicated. Among my graduate colleagues at

Toronto I would specifically thank Gabriela Doroftei for her friendship throughout our shared

experience as doctoral students striving to become better scholars. Not the least benefit of my

decision to come to Toronto has been the fortuitous event of meeting my wife Linda on a very

cold Canadian winter‟s night in 2005. Although not an academic, she has been unwavering in her

support and encouragement of me throughout my doctoral research. Miluji tě, moje milovaná

manželko.

iv

Table of Contents

Introduction (1-22)

The origins of the auxilia

I Before the auxilia: 1st century BCE socii and the Strabo Decree

(1-4)

II Resistance and Integration: From Arminius to the Claudian

reform and beyond (5-7)

III The Augustan auxiliary unit‟s organization (7-12)

IV Intercisa: a case study of an auxiliary ethnic unit (12-19)

V General Remarks on the present work (19-22)

Chapter 1 (23-49)

Auxiliary Research and the „Romanization‟ Paradigm

1.I „Romanization‟: history and theoretical debate (24-34)

1.I.i Interdisciplinary approaches and challenges in the 1960‟s (29-

30)

1.I.ii „Resistance‟ as a theoretical answer to „Romanization‟ (30-32)

1.I.iii Postcolonialist approaches from the 1990‟s to the present (32-

34)

v

1.II Roman army studies and the auxilia, late 19th – mid 20th

centuries (34-47)

1.II.i Later synthetic treatments of the auxilia by Holder and

Saddington (42-44)

1.II.ii Recent scholarship on the auxilia (44-47)

1.III Conclusion (47-49)

Chapter 2 (50-103)

Military Diplomas as evidence for auxiliary families and

„Romanization‟

2.I Soldiers‟ Privileges (51-56)

2.II Auxiliary diplomas from Britain and the Two Germanies:

General Observations (56-58)

2.III Family (58-69)

2.IV “Wives” recorded on diplomas (69-75)

2.IV.ii Observations on auxiliary wives‟ names, as recorded on

diplomas (75-77)

2.V Remarks on ethnic endogamy (77-80)

2.VI Remarks on children recorded in military diplomas (80-83)

2.VII Women inside and outside the forts: archaeology and epigraphy

(83-85)

vi

2.VIII Children, exposure and infanticide (86-94)

2.IX Gender Imbalance and „Romanization‟ (94-97)

2.X The change of 140: A shift in imperial policy (97-102)

2.XI Conclusion (102-104)

Chapter 3 (105-156)

The Two Germanies: Family, Religion and „Romanization‟

3.I The auxiliary garrison of Germania from Augustus to Caracalla:

general observations (106-110)

3.II Family (110-120)

3.III Religion (120-140)

3.III.i Auxiliary religious co-dedications (135-138)

3.III.ii Interpreting peregrine deities in auxiliary contexts (138-140)

3.IV „Romanization‟ (140-154)

3.IV.i Legionary models in the funerary context in post-conquest

Germania (141-144)

3.IV.ii The legionary template for „Romanization‟ (144-147)

3.IV.iii “Barbarous camp-speech” (147-157)

3.V Conclusion (154-156)

vii

Chapter 4 (157-207) Roman Britain: Family, Religion and „Romanization‟ 4.I The auxiliary garrison of Britannia from Claudius to Caracalla:

general observations (158-162) 4.II Family (163-172)

4.III Religion (173-197)

4.III.i Coh. I Tungrorum and Apollo Clarius (185-189)

4.III.ii Observations on peregrine and local gods in stone inscriptions (190-193)

4.III.iii The Syrian Goddess (193-195)

4.III.iv Remarks on Auxiliary Religion in Britain (196-197)

4.IV „Romanization‟ (197-206)

4.IV.i The King of the Batavians (198-205)

4.IV.ii Auxiliary ethnic integration in Britain: the cives of Vindolanda

(205-206)

4.V Conclusion (206-207)

General Conclusion (208-212)

Bibliography (213-245)

viii

List of Tables

Introduction: p. 8, p. 14

Chapter 2: p. 56, p. 57, p. 59, p. 70, p. 76, p. 78, p. 89, p. 90, p. 91, p. 92

Chapter 3: p. 110, p. 116, p. 120, p. 122, p. 135, p. 145

Chapter 4: p. 162, p. 167, p. 175, p. 176, p. 178, p. 180, p. 183, p. 186, p. 196

ix

List of Figures

Fig.1 (p. 50)

Fig. 2 (p. 132)

Fig. 3 (p. 142)

Fig. 4 (p. 150)

x

List of Appendices

Appendix I (pp. 246-263)

Appendix II (pp. 264-273)

Appendix III (pp. 274-346)

1

Introduction

I. Before the auxilia: 1st century BCE socii and the Strabo

Decree

During the Republic, the Romans supplemented their own legionary armies with allied

Italian troops and special foreign units.1 These two sources of recruitment – dependent and

nominally independent „allied‟ troops – feature in Festus‟ succinct definition of the auxiliary

soldier.2

auxiliares dicuntur in bello socii Romanorum exterarum nationum, dicti a graeco au)/chsij.

The allies from the Romans‟ foreign tribes are called „auxiliaries‟, so-called from the Greek auxēsis

(„help‟).

Festus‟ definition underscores that the Italian allies of the Republic would not become the

true model of the Imperial auxilia.3 A document dating from the Social War, however, does

1 Roman citizenship was extended to non-Romans and freed slaves much more liberally than in the Greek world, but

often the Romans gave partial citizenship grants to Italian and, later, provincial municipia. Such grants might

include the voting rights (civitas optimo iure), or no voting rights (civitas sine suffragio) or exemption from taxation.

This was the case with the ius Italicum, which exempted provincial cities from the tributum soli and tributum

capitis. There were also various forms of the Latin cititizenship (ius Latii), which in the second century CE

admitted the magistrates of towns granted ius Latii to full Roman citizenship. Cf. OCD³ 334-35 s.v. “citizenship,

Roman” and 790-91 s.v. “ius Latii.” 2 Paul. Fest. p. 17. The etymology is false; auxilium was surely formed from the verb augere (to increase). Cf.

Walde-Hofmann: 89 s.v. “auxilium,” TLL 1618-30 s.v. “auxilium.” 3 The main scholarly accounts of the auxilia are Cichorius 1893 and Cichorius 1900, Cheesman 1914, Holder 1980,

Saddington 1982, and Spaul 1994 on the ala and Spaul 2000 on the cohors. Tacitus‟ Histories and Annals often refer

to the auxilia in the course of his narrative, though with inconsistent terminology and vague references to tactical

matters. Josephus‟ BJ contains some important references, e.g. BJ 3.67, the earliest attestation of a cohors milliaria.

Holder 1980: 5 noted that Josephus‟ descriptions seem occasionally anomalous and provide no systematic overview

of auxiliary units in Vespasian‟s army. Several ancient manuals survive: Vegetius‟ epitome rei militaris, Arrian‟s

tactica and ectaxis, the latter of which details the units stationed in Cappadocia ca. 135. [Hyginus] de munitionibus

castrorum, of Hadrianic date, contains brief references to the structure of auxiliary units.

2

foreshadow the Imperial auxilia more directly. The famous decree of Cn. Pompeius Strabo

records a grant of Roman citizenship made virtutis caussa to a turma of Spanish cavalrymen.4

[C]n(aeus) Pompeius Sex(ti) [f(ilius) imperator] virtutis caussa / equites Hispanos ceives [Romanos fecit in

castr]eis apud Asculum a(nte) d(iem) XIV K(alendas) Dec(embres) / ex lege Iulia in consilio [fuerunt] /

L(ucius) Gellius L(uci) f(ilius) Tro(mentina) Cn(aeus) Octavius Q(uinti) f(ilius) [--]cius C(ai) f(ilius)

Ani(ensi) L(ucius) Iunius L(uci) f(ilius) Gal(eria) Q(uintus) Minuci(us) / M(arci) f(ilius) Ter(etina)

P(ublius) Attius P(ubli) f(ilius) Ouf(entina) M(arcus) Maiolei(us) M(arci) [f(ilius) --- Ae]mili(us) Q(uinti)

f(ilius) Pal(atina) Cn(aeus) Corneli(us) Cn(aei) f(ilius) Pal(atina) T(itus) Anni(us) T(iti) f(ilius) /

Ouf(entina) M(arcus) Aureli(us) M(arci) f(ilius) Vol(tinia) L(ucius) Volumni(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Ani(ensi)

L(ucius) [---] f(ilius) Suc(cusana) T(itus) Pompei(us) T(iti) f(ilius) Cor(nelia) C(aius) Rabeiri(us) C(ai)

f(ilius) Gal(eria) / D(ecimus) Aebuti(us) D(ecimi) f(ilius) Cor(nelia) M(arcus) Teiedi(us) M(arci) f(ilius)

Pol(lia) C(aius) Fundili(us) C(ai) f(ilius) Q[ui(rina)] M(arcus) [F]aia[ni(us?)] M(arci) [f(ilius) Se]r(gia?)

T(itus) Acili(us) T(iti) f(ilius) Vel(ina) Cn(aeus) Oppi(us) Cn(aei) f(ilius) Vel(ina) Q(uintus) Petilli(us)

L(uci) f(ilius) Vel(ina) / L(ucius) Terenti(us) A(uli) f(ilius) Vel(ina) T(itus) Terenti(us) A(uli) f(ilius)

Vel(ina) L(ucius) Vetti(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Vel(ina) C(aius) Fornasidi(us) C(ai) f(ilius) Pol(lia) Cn(aeus)

Pompei(us) Cn(aei) f(ilius) Clu(stumina) Sex(tus) Pompei(us) S<e>x(ti) f(ilius) Clu(stumina) / M(arcus)

Hostili(us) M(arci) f(ilius) Vel(ina) L(ucius) Aebuti(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Men(enia) Q(uintus) Hirtulei(us)

L(uci) f(ilius) S<e>r(gia) L(ucius) Iuni(us) Q(uinti) f(ilius) Lem(onia) Q(uintus) Rosidi(us) Q(uinti) f(ilius)

Qui(rina) C(aius) Tarquiti(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Fal(erna) Q(uintus) Marci(us) / L(uci) f(ilius) Pap(iria)

L(ucius) Opeimi(us) Q(uinti) f(ilius) Hor(atia) L(ucius) Instei(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Fal(erna) T(itus) Noni(us)

T(iti) f(ilius) Vel(ina) L(ucius) Noni(us) T(iti) f(ilius) Vel(ina) C(aius) Herius C(ai) f(ilius) Clu(stumina)

L(ucius) Ponti(us) T(iti) f(ilius) Qui(rina) M(arcus) Lucani(us) M(arci) f(ilius) / Hor(atia) L(ucius)

Sergi(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Tro(mentina) P(ublius) Pedani(us) P(ubli) f(ilius) A<e>m(ilia) C(aius) Laetori(us)

C(ai) f(ilius) Vel(ina) A(ulus) Fulvi(us) A(uli) f(ilius) Tro(mentina) Q(uintus) Ampudi(us) Q(uinti) f(ilius)

Aim(ilia) L(ucius) Minuci(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Vel(ina) / Ti(berius) Veturi(us) T(iti) f(ilius) Vel(ina) Cn(aeus)

Busseni(us) Cn(aei) f(ilius) Ste(llatina) T(itus) Petroni(us) P(ubli) f(ilius) Fab(ia) M(anius) Otacili(us)

M(ani) f(ilius) Pol(lia) L(ucius) Pullienus L(uci) f(ilius) Men(enia) M(anius) Aebuti(us) M(ani) f(ilius)

Pol(lia) P(ublius) Salvienus / L(uci) f(ilius) Mai(cia) L(ucius) Otacili(us) L(uci) f(ilius) Pup(inia) // Turma

Salluitana // Sanibelser Adingibas f(ilius) / Illurtibas Bilustibas f(ilius) / Estopeles Ordennas f(ilius) /

T<o>rsinno Austinco f(ilius) / Bagarensis / Cacususin Chadar f(ilius) / [---]licenses / [---] Sosimilus

f(ilius) / [---]irsecel f(ilius) / [---]elgaun f(ilius) / [---]nespaiser f(ilius) // Ilerdenses / <Q>(uintus)

Otacilius Suisetarten f(ilius) / Cn(aeus) Cornelius Nesille f(ilius) / P(ublius) <F>abius Enasagin f(ilius) /

Begensis / Turtumelis Atanscer f(ilius) / Segienses / Sosinadem Sosinasae f(ilius) / Sosimilus Sosinasae

f(ilius) / Urgidar Luspanar f(ilius) / Gurtarno Biurno f(ilius) / Elandus Enneges f(ilius) // Agirnes

Bennabels f(ilius) / Nalbeaden Agerdo f(ilius) / Arranes Arbiscar f(ilius) / Umargibas Luspang<i>b(as)

f(ilius) / Ennegens<e>s / Beles Umarbeles f(ilius) / Turinnus Adimels f(ilius) / Ordumeles Burdo f(ilius) /

Libenses / Bastugitas Adime<l>s f(ilius) / Umarillun Ta<r>bantu f(ilius) / Suconsenses / Belennes

Albennes f(ilius) / Atullo Tautindals f(ilius) / Illuersensis / Balciadin Balcibil(os?) f(ilius) // Cn(aeus)

Pompeius Sex(ti) f(ilius) imperator / virtutis caussa turmam / Salluitanam donavit in / castreis apud

Asculum / cornuculo et patella torque / armilla p(h)alereis et f<r>umen<t>um / duplex

“Gnaeus Pompeius son of Sextus, commander, in recognition of valour made the Spanish cavalrymen

Roman citizens in the camp at Asculum on 18 November in accordance with the Julian Law.5 In his council

there were (names of Roman officers).

The Salluitan Squadron: Sanibelser son of Adingabas, Illurtabas son of Bilustabas, Estoples son of

Ordennas, Torsinno son of Austinco.

Bagarensis: Cacususin son of Chadar.

[---]licenses: [---] son of Sosimilus, [--- son of ---]irsecel, [--- son of ---]elgaun, [--- son of ---]iespaiser.

Ilerdenses: Quintus Otacilius son of Suisetartenus, Cn. Cornelius son of Nesille, Publius Fabius son of

Enasagin.

4 90/89 BCE (CIL 1², 709 = ILLRP 515 = ILS 8888). The authority to grant this privilege was provided by the lex

Iulia de sociis et Latinis civitate danda. 5 The lex Iulia de civitate sociis et Latinis danda of L. Julius Caesar (cos. 90 BC). See Cicero, pro Balbo 8.21,

Gellius, NA 4.4.3, App. BC 1.49.212.

3

Begensis: Turtumelis son of Atanscer

Segienses: Sosinadem son of Sosinasa, Sosimilus son of Sosinasa, Urgidar son of Luspanar, Gurtarno son

of Biurno, Elandus son of Enneges, Agirnes son of Bennabels, Nalbeaden son of Agerdo, Arranes son of

Arbiscar, Umargibas son of Luspangibas.

Ennegenses: Beles son of Umarbeles, Turinnus son of Adimels, Ordumeles son of Burdo

Libenses: Bastugitas Adimels, Umarillun son of Tarbantu

Suoconsenses: Belennes son of Albennes, Atullo son of Tautindals

Illuersensis: Balciadin son of Balcibil(os)”

Gnaeus Pompeius son of Sextus, commander, in recognition of valour presented the Salluitan squadron in

the camp at Asculum with the horn, bracelet, torc, armilla, medals and double ration.”

Strabo‟s grant of citizenship and other privileges – medals and a double ration – were

possible explicitly due to the recent promulgation of the lex Iulia de civitate sociis et Latinis

danda, but only as a special grant in recognition of valorous service. Thus, his act was not an

example of any formal system of reward for non-Romans serving in the military – much less a

precursor to military diplomas, bronze documents containing a record of citizenship and

privileges granted by the emperor to discharged auxiliary soldiers.6 Yet in awarding the turma

with other privileges, Strabo‟s decree foreshadows the honorific titles that many later auxiliary

units won. Moreover, its content is indicative of the Roman state‟s use of citizenship as a policy

designed to reward loyalty, and there are some features that are evocative of auxiliary soldiers in

the imperial period. The enfranchised Iberians provided their origines – hometown affiliations –

and filiation, yet their names were so unfamiliar that a great many of them were not even

superficially Latinized, particularly those of their fathers.

The Strabo decree is a striking early example of the Romans‟ use of allied, and likely

conscripted, non-Italian provincial troops who possessed certain skills that the Romans lacked.

Although the ancient terminology used to describe them varies, it is as auxilia (support troops)

that they are commonly described in ancient sources and modern scholarship.7 Roman

terminology for auxiliary units varied; often they used descriptive references to their equipment

or use as cavalry (levis armatura,8 equites,

9 equitatus).

10 However, the generic term auxilia as

describing military units furnished by non-Roman sources and commanded by their own leaders

was sufficiently well established that Cicero, in his second Verrine oration, could say:11

6 Diplomas will be discussed in greater detail in ch. 2.

7 On variations of terminology in ancient sources, see Saddington 1982: 27-53.

8 E.g. Caes. Bell. Afr. 59.3: post… elephantos armaturas leves Numidasque auxiliares substituerat.

9 E.g. Caes. Bell. Gall. 1.15.3: quo proelio sublati Helvetii, quod quingentis equitibus tantum multitudinem equitum

propulerant. 10

E.g. Caes. Bell. Gall. 1.18.10: equitatui Dumnorix praeerat. 11

Cic. Ver. 2.5.24.1 (Loeb Classical Library Trans. L. Greenwood).

4

Sumptum omnem in classem frumento stipendio ceterisque rebus suo quaeque nauarcho civitas semper

dare solebat…. Erat hoc, ut dico, factitatum semper, nec solum in Sicilia sed in omnibus provinciis, etiam

in sociorum et Latinorum stipendio ac sumptu, tum cum illorum auxiliis uti solebamus.

It had been the regular practice that each state should provide for its naval expenditure on provisions, pay,

and all other such matters, by furnishing its own commander with the sum needed…. This, I repeat, was the

invariable practice, and not in Sicily only, but in all our provinces, and even for the pay and maintenance of

the Italian allies and the Latins in the days (i.e. before the Social War and the lex Iulia de civitate danda of

90 BCE) when they supplied us with auxiliary troops.

The use of Gallic and Germanic cavalry by Caesar is well attested in his War

Commentaries,12

and contingents of auxiliary troops under native leadership took part in the epic

battles of the dying Republic.13

The reorganization of the military initiated by Augustus

famously included a drastic reduction in the number of legions maintained by the Imperial

government. It is on the basis of his attested military reforms that Augustus is also credited with

creating auxiliary units of infantry (cohortes) and cavalry (alae) recruited from peregrini

(“foreigners” living within the imperium Romanum), often under the command of a „native‟

leader. With rare exceptions, the tradition of native command ceased in most auxiliary units

during the Julio-Claudian period.14

12

The passage documenting the exact number of Caesar‟s auxiliary forces is corrupt. Caes. Bell. Gall. 1.39.2:

auxilia peditum †nulla†, equitum III milia, quae omnibus superioribus bellis habuerat, et parem ex Gallia numerum,

quem ipse paraverat nominatim ex omnibus civitatibus nobilissimo et fortissimo quoque evocato; huc optimi generi

hominum ex Aquitanis montanisque, qui Galliam provinciam attingunt. For a discussion of this passage see

Saddington 1982: 6-7.

13 E.g. Cic. Deiot. 13.1: Ad eum [i.e. Pompey] igitur rex Deiotarus venit hoc misero fatalique bello [sc. Pharsalico]

quem antea iustis hostilibusque bellis adiuverat; Phil. 10.24: Quod idem in M. Bruto facere debetis, a quo

insperatum et repentinum rei publicae praesidium legionum, equitatus, auxiliorum magnae et firmae copiae

comparatae sunt.

14 The Batavian units, particularly in the case of coh. VIIII Batavorum at Vindolanda, have been intensely studied.

Native leadership of these units is attested at the beginning of the second century at Vindolanda, and is explicitly

described by Tacitus Germ. 29: Omnium harum gentium virtute praecipui Batavi non multum ex ripa, sed insulam

Rheni amnis colunt, Chattorum quondam populus et seditione domestica in eas sedes transgressus in quibus pars

Romani imperii fierent. manet honos et antiquae societatis insigne; nam nec tributis contemnuntur nec publicanus

atterit; exempti oneribus et collationibus et tantum in usum proeliorum sepositi, velut tela atque arma, bellis

reservantur. est in eodem obsequio et Mattiacorum gens; protulit enim magnitudo populi Romani ultra Rhenum

ultraque veteres terminos imperii reverentiam.

5

II. Resistance and Integration: From Arminius to the

Claudian reform and beyond

Roman citizenship was typically granted to a select few among the aristocracies of

frontier tribes supplying auxiliary troops. These foreign leaders gained a detailed knowledge of

the Roman army that occasionally created dangerous foes. The case of Arminius is instructive.

The victory of Arminius over three Roman legions, XVII Classica, XVIII Libyca and XIX

Paterna, was of lasting consequence to the history of Roman Germany and the Roman army.15

It

should not be forgotten that he was also a veteran of the auxilia:16

Tum iuuenis, genere nobilis, manu fortis, sensu celer, ultra barbarum promptus ingenio, nomine Arminius,

Sigimeri principis gentis eius filius, ardorem animi uultu oculisque praeferens, adsiduus militiae nostrae

prioris comes, iure etiam ciuitatis Romanae ius equestris consequens gradus, segnitia ducis in occasionem

sceleris usus est, haud imprudenter speculatus neminem celerius opprimi quam qui nihil timeret, et

frequentissimum initium esse calamitatis securitatem.

“Thereupon appeared a young man of noble birth, brave in action and alert in mind, possessing an

intelligence quite beyond the ordinary barbarian; he was, namely, Arminius, the son of Sigimer, a prince of

that nation, and he showed in his countenance and in his eyes the fire of the mind within. He had been on

campaigns, had been granted the right of Roman citizenship, and had attained the dignity of equestrian

rank. This young man made use of the negligence of the general as an opportunity for treachery,

sagaciously seeing that no one could be more overpowered than the man who feared nothing, and that the

most common beginning of disaster was a sense of security.” [trans. Loeb Classical Library]

Velleius‟ description of Arminius‟ qualities include clear references to his high status in both

Roman and barbarian terms. He belonged to Cheruscan royal lineage (stirps regia) and had

established his authority among them as “one who had served in Roman camps as the leader of

his people” and gained proficiency in the Latin language.17

Romans had commonly permitted

early auxiliary units to be commanded by leaders of the tribe from which its troops had been

15

Kalkriese, where numerous Roman finds have been discovered, is now the site of a museum. The identification of

it with the site of the battle at the Teutoburg forest is disputed by Wolters 2008: 161-173, arguing that its material

should be connected with Germanicus‟ campaigns.

16 Vell. Pat. 2.118.2. On Arminius in ancient and modern contexts see the various contributions to Wiegels and

Woesler 2003, and esp. 459-469 in the same work for a general bibliography of research on Arminius conducted

from 1994-2003. Arminius, the ancient and modern image of the Germans, and recent scholarship on the Teutoburg

Forest are the subject of much work by R. Wolters, most recently Wolters 2008 (cf. Cuff 2009), and Bleckmann

2009.

17 Tac. Ann. 2.10, Romanis castris doctor popularium meruisset; cf. Ann. 2.88 (military service and language).

Arminius‟ noble lineage is to be inferred from Ann. 11.16, when Italicus, Arminius‟ nephew, is described as being

the last survivor of the Cheruscan royal line: amissis per interna bella nobilibus et uno reliquo stirpis regiae, qui

apud urbem habebatur nomine Italicus. paternum huic genus e Flavo fratre Arminii, mater ex Actumero principe

Chattorum erat.

6

recruited. This practice was fossilized in the names of some early cavalry units, such as the ala

Atectorigiana.18

Arminius‟ career as a Roman soldier had gained him access to the culture of the Roman

army and, of course, Roman citizenship and the rank of eques Romanus, the rank typically held

by auxiliary unit commanders.19

His career provides a number of instructive contrasts with the

privileges granted by Claudius and seen in military diplomas. Although the chronology of

Arminius‟ career is not clear from Tacitus‟ writings, his rewards are presented as being restricted

entirely to himself. Arminius‟ brother Flavus had also received similar rewards, though the

praise of their virtues is a Tacitean composition.20

These rewards for important and presumably

well-connected local elites belong to an established Roman tradition of favouring local elites as a

mechanism of political control, and should not be seen as an active promotion of citizenship.

Indeed, Augustus was reputed to be parsimonious with citizenship grants to peregrines.21

During Claudius‟ reign, a system of reward was established whereby auxiliary soldiers,

after completing 25 years of service and upon receiving an “honourable discharge” (honesta

missio), were granted Roman citizenship by decree of the emperor, conubium with a “wife”

(uxor), and citizenship also for his children born during his service. These decrees were copied

and stored at Rome, but auxiliaries could also obtain a copy – either at request or automatically –

which outlined these privileges, were witnessed, and inscribed on bronze tablets that listed their

unit, the date of receipt, their unit commander, the provincial governor, and a list of all other

auxiliary units in the province in which there were men eligible to receive a diploma on the date

of issue. These documents are called military diplomas in modern scholarship, although their

ancient name is not attested. Along with inscriptions on stone, they are a vital source for

auxiliary families and unit personnel in the imperial period from 51 CE to 203 CE, the date of

the latest extant auxiliary military diploma. After 140 CE, the privileges were altered

significantly to exclude children from the grant of citizenship, although conubium remained. The

18

For a survey of the evidence for this unit, later ala I Gallorum Atectorigiana, see Spaul 1994: 48-49. 19

See Timpe 1970, cf. Wolters 2008: 90-93, summarizing theories regarding Arminius‟ career in the Roman army.

20 Tac. Ann 2.9: Flavus aucta stipendia, torquem et coronam aliaque militaria dona memorat, inridente Arminio

vilia servitii pretia.

21 Suet. Aug. 40.3: et Liuiae pro quodam tributario Gallo roganti ciuitatem negauit, immunitatem optulit affirmans

facilius se passurum fisco detrahi aliquid, quam ciuitatis Romanae uulgari honorem.

7

rationale behind this change, wrought early in the reign of Antoninus Pius, is not clear, and thus

has occasioned considerable debate.22

Aside from a few written records preserved on writing

tablets in Britain and Germania, inscriptions on stone and military diplomas provide our main

firsthand written evidence for auxiliaries and their families.

III. The Augustan auxiliary unit‟s organization

The traditional Roman association of citizenship with legionary service precluded the

inclusion of conscripted provincials in the legions, but the integration of subject provincials into

military service had obvious benefits for the empire. The regularization of auxiliary units that

occurred during Augustus‟ reign should be seen as a part of his greater reorganization of the

army. From a tactical perspective, the auxilia continued to compensate for the legion‟s

deficiencies by providing specialist troops like archers (sagittarii), Germanic soldiers skilled at

swimming (the Batavi), and even camel riders (dromedarii).23

Certain ethnic groups with a

traditional reputation for prowess in a certain skill, such as archery, continued to supply recruits

to some units for generations, as attested at Intercisa (Dunaujvaros). Despite epigraphically

recognizable trends of local recruitment in most auxiliary units, many troops continued to be

drawn from particular groups or provinces in which the local peregrine populations had

longstanding reputations for their warlike character, such as Hispania Tarraconensis, Thracia,

and Germania. Relatively inexpensive to equip, auxiliaries were useful in both battlefield and

policing roles, particularly in provinces with extensive borders.

A characteristic of the post-Augustan auxilia is their fixed unit size, although the exact

numbers remain a point of debate. After the reign of Domitian, some units were doubled in size.

These larger units were given the title milliaria, commonly used to distinguish them from their

former status as quingenaria.24

Mixed units of infantry and cavalry, called cohortes equitatae,

22

This is discussed in more detail in ch. 2. 23

Attested on the eastern frontier as late as the third century CE (coh. XX Palmyrenorum), but not widely used in

Europe after the first century. 24

This is commonly attested on inscriptions by the symbol ∞. The symbol Đ may denote quingenaria, but it is

much rarer and some examples are disputed. See Holder 1980: 6.

8

were later devised, allowing for even greater tactical flexibility.25

As one would expect, the terms

milliaria and quingenaria imply unit sizes of roughly 1,000 and 500 men respectively. However,

these terms are not exact descriptions of any auxiliary unit‟s theoretical strength (Tab. 1).

Tab 1: Theoretical size of auxiliary units (after Holder 1980)

Unit Number of

Centuries

Men per

Century

Number of

Turmae

Men per

Turma

Unit Size

(Theoretical)

c. ped. 6 80 0 -- 480

c. eq. 6 80 4 30 600

c. ped. ∞ 10 80 0 -- 800

c. eq. ∞ 10 80 8 30 1040

ala 0 -- 16 30 480

ala ∞ 0 -- 24 30 720

Cavalry and infantry were subdivided into smaller units of turmae and centuriae respectively,

commanded by a decurio (turma) and centurio (century). These numbers were not strictly

enforced and should perhaps be seen as a guide rather than a fixed system of organization; the

ancient evidence for unit size is not always well attested and is occasionally contradictory.26

Units denoted men of high rank as principales27

and other soldiers, called immunes, also had

special privileges, in that they were exempted from certain obligations normally required of

troops. Units were housed in forts designed on the legionary model, several of which have been

excavated.28

To give an example, the requirements for Britain in the Hadrianic period are well

known. Each century required 1 barrack, while 2 turmae occupied 1 barrack and 1 stable.

Accommodation was arranged by contubernia along the legionary model, normally making ten

25

On the sources for and size of these units see Holder 1980: 5-13. Spaul 2000: 528 offers a succinct summary of

auxiliary duties in wartime. 26

The size of the turma is a particularly good example. Arrian Tact. 18.3 gives 32 as the turma strength, a hay

receipt of ca. 130 (Fink 1971 no. 80) gives 31 (30 + decurion), and a fragmentary pridianum of Claudian date (ChLA

9 no. 501) gives 12 decurions and 434 men in the unit. This works out to 36 men per turma, but Holder 1980: 9, is

surely right to question the reliability of this last statistic. Some scholars, e.g. Keppie 1984: 183-4, accept Arrian‟s

number. 27

For detail on individual ranks Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 57-58 and Holder 1980: 90-96. 28

On fort accommodation of the auxilia see Holder 1980: 10-12. The auxiliary garrison at Vindolanda, while by no

means being the only example of an excavated auxiliary fort, is surely the most famous for its corpus of epigraphic

material, now edited in the volumes of Tab.Vindol. (see Bibliography under Bowman and Thomas) and VRR.

9

contubernia for infantry cohorts and eight for cavalry units, but Paul Holder rightly points out

that fewer could serve the same purpose.29

The auxilia were recruited (i.e. conscripted, particularly in the first two centuries of the

imperial era) from foreign peoples living primarily on the eastern and western frontiers of the

Empire. Early in the Julio-Claudian period auxiliary units were named after either foreign30

or

Roman commanders,31

and some units took the names of emperors during whose reigns they

were created. 18 cohorts raised solely from among Roman citizens (campestres, ingenui, and

voluntarii)32

are attested, and some units are designated not by the soldiers‟ ethnicity but by their

military specialization, e.g. coh. I Sagittariorum.33

Much more commonly, however, the naming

of units was based on ethnicity. 91 distinct ethnic groups are attested in the titles of cohorts

alone. The tribes of even small provinces could provide cohorts. In Sardinia, for example, three

ethnic groups, the Corsi, Nurritani, and Sardi, provided troops for four auxiliary cohorts.34

Peregrine tribes in the northern and western provinces of the Roman Empire alone provided 129

securely attested auxiliary cohorts provided by a total of 51 ethnic groups, all units which were

originally raised in the first and second centuries CE.35

Even this is a deceptive statistic, since

many units were named after generic ethnic terms like, for example, Aquitani, Galli or Thraces.

Within these broad categories there were many individual tribes like the Azali (or Asali), a

Thracian tribe attested as the origo of several auxiliary soldiers and their „wives‟ from military

diplomas but which did not supply an auxiliary unit to the Roman army.

Auxiliary cohorts were named after ethnic groups (in the genitive plural) and usually

given a number.36

For example, the four Sardinian cohorts were I Corsorum, I Nurritanorum, I

29

Holder, 1980: 9 n. 16. 30

E.g. ala Atectorigiana, after the unit‟s first prefect, Atectorix. (Mommsen 1910: 145). For a list of alae named

after commanders, see. E. Birley 1988: 368-84. 31

These were usually cavalry, e.g. ala Patrui, apparently named after a man from Latium Adiectum ca. 43-31

(Demougin 1992: no. 26; cf. AE 1983, no 182), ala Rusonis (a rare cognomen), ala Scaeva, for which cf. Spaul

1994: 20. A coh. I Lepidiana is also attested; for references see Spaul 2000: 155. 32

Spaul 2000: 19-48. 33

Spaul 2000: 487. 34

Spaul 2000: 49-54. 35

Spaul 2000: 17-272, with the names of individual tribes and units provided by each. The “western and northern”

provinces encompass Sardinia, Lusitania, Hispania, Gallia, Britannia, Germania, and the Alps. Note that the total

129 includes both coh. II Vasconum equitata civium Romanorum and coh. II Hispanorum. At some point in the

second century, the former unit was absorbed into the latter (Spaul 2000: 189). 36

There are rare exceptions, e.g. the coh. Apula civium Romanorum. For references on this cohort, which was raised

during the reign of Augustus, see Spaul 2000: 21. For discussion of the numbering system used by the Romans, see

next chapter.

10

Gemina Sardorum et Corsorum, and II Sardorum. Many units which distinguished themselves in

battle for valour or for loyalty in political crisis were awarded honorary titles, such as pia, fida,

fidelis, torquata and civium Romanorum.37

Two trends have been observed. Units raised in the western provincial frontier zone took

their names from tribes or regions, while units in the east, because of long local traditions of

raising armies from the citizen body, often used nomenclature derived from city names, such as

the cohortes Damascenorum, Antiochensium and Apamenorum.38

In the east there remain,

however, cases of ethnic nomenclature in cohorts raised from among the Galatians and Syrians.

Units moved around frequently, and there is dispute about the identification and exact

nomenclature of a significant number. Of the 8639

known auxiliary alae listed by Spaul, 21 are

certain to have been stationed in at least three provinces, 33 in one province apart from where

they were raised, and a mere two remained in the same province where they were raised.40

This

does not include 27 “suspect units”, i.e. units that were raised in the fourth century CE or are

based on dubious evidence. Similarly, Spaul‟s calculations of total auxiliary manpower for the

first half of the second century CE exclude 37 cohorts on the basis either that no second century

evidence exists or that they were raised later. When auxiliary units were stationed in new

provinces, they drew recruits from the local population and often little regard was paid to the

ethnic titles of a unit, although there were some exceptions. The Batavians in Britannia are one

such exception, and there may be more.41

Overall surviving records of auxiliary units are

overwhelmingly lacunose, although it is clear from what has survived in Syria, Egypt and Britain

that Roman units kept detailed records of their personnel.

In the second century CE appear also the so-called numeri, units raised from non-Roman

peoples that permitted recruits to keep their own traditional dress and weapons. The

identification of these as „special units‟ distinct from the „regular‟ auxilia has had a long

37

On these titles, see Holder 1980: 30-41, and, generally, Maxfield 1989. 38

Keppie 1984: 182. 39

This is the number of alae listed by Spaul 1994: 257-260. 40

Spaul 1994: 268 notes that the only two alae to remain in their province of origin were II Flavia Hispanorum

(Hispania) and perhaps II Syrorum (Mauretania Tingitana, if Roxan 1972 was correct in suggesting that it was

formed from a pre-existing cohort of Syrians, coh. II Syrorum sagittaria ∞ equitata, already stationed there).

However I Flavia Numidica should also be included, since it was based in the area of its recruitment also (Africa

and Numidia, with detachments in Mauretania Caesarensis and Tripolotania, cf. Spaul 1994: 107-110). 41

For a recent summary of known Batavian personnel see A. R. Birley 2001a.

11

influence on scholarship. However, Michael P. Speidel has shown that the distinction is an

anachronism imposed by modern classical scholarship.42

These units had ethnic titles like other

auxiliary units and recruited only from the ethnic group, a phenomenon sometimes seen as

starkly contrasting with “regular” auxiliary units. Thus Eric Birley, writing about the duties of

soldiers stationed at Hadrian‟s Wall, wrote:43

While control of the Wall was entrusted to the numeri which garrisoned the milecastles and turrets, the alae

and cohorts in their forts stood poised to defend the frontier district by operations… against any barbarians

who might attempt to disregard Rome‟s authority.

In other words, Birley believed that the „numeri‟ policed the border while the more skilled troops

of the alae and cohortes dedicated themselves to combat training and battle readiness.

However, this distinction has no ancient basis. Numerus was not a technical term and was

applied to alae, cohorts, and legions. It should thus be translated as “unit.”44

Soldiers serving in the auxilia were equipped differently than legionaries, as we know

from ancient representations of them on auxiliary tombstones and monuments like the columns

of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius and Arrian‟s description of a cavalryman‟s equipment.45

Generally the equipment was lighter than a legionary‟s, and there was some variation. Some

units were permitted to retain their native dress, but all auxiliary soldiers wore uniforms that bore

common characteristics that distinguished them from legionaries. Auxiliaries used a standard

long sword, called a spatha, instead of the gladius Hispaniensis. For both cavalry and infantry,

auxiliary equipment was designed to be lightweight and permit ease of movement. This practice

surely began with the non-Roman character of the lightly-armed troops employed as allies by

generals in the Late Republic and is reflected in the foreign character of some of their weapons

and armour. By the time of the Dacian Wars auxiliary equipment had been upgraded. This

reflects both the increasing number and importance of the auxiliaries themselves.46

Since all auxiliary cohorts and alae may not yet be attested, one cannot provide exact

numbers for the total auxiliary manpower of the Roman Empire. However, there is enough

42

M. P. Speidel 1984, esp. 119-123. 43

Cf. E. Birley 1988: 15; Cheesman 1914: 85-87 viewed the numeri as distinct from the auxilia. 44

OCD³ 1054 s.v. “numeri.” 45

Arr. Tact. 4; 34-41. A detailed accounting of military equipment cannot, for reasons of space be offered here. The

overview of military equipment used by the auxilia provided by Cheesman 1914: 124-32 is still useful. The best

standard work on equipment generally is Bishop and Coulston 2006, although it does not treat development of

auxiliary equipment in a systematic manner. 46

See Bishop and Coulston 2006: 254-261 for basic discussion, with illustration.

12

information to give a clear impression of the immense size and tactical importance of the auxilia.

Cheesman estimated for the period of 117-161 CE a total auxiliary force, including alae,

cohortes, and numeri47

of 191,800 men, but felt that this number was far below reality and

suggested 220,000 as a more accurate estimate of the standing auxiliary army of the second

century CE.48

The former number compares well with the more detailed statistics of Spaul for

CE 155. For that year he estimated 56,160 cavalry and 124,680 infantry, for a total theoretical

capacity of 180,840 auxiliary soldiers.49

This figure is based on a more conservative reading of

evidence for auxiliary units in the second century and thus falls short of Cheesman‟s estimate.

Even more striking than the immense number of auxiliaries is their comparison to the maximum

legionary capacity of only 140,000 in the provinces, an overall auxiliary to legionary ratio of 9:7.

IV. Intercisa: a case study of an auxiliary ethnic unit

Numerous auxiliary forts have been excavated, but in most cases the majority of

information preserved about the soldiers stationed there at any given time is limited. This

investigation is concerned primarily with the auxiliary garrisons of Germania and Britannia, but

the corpus of evidence preserved at the Pannonian fort of Intercisa (Dunapentele-Sztalinvaros,

now Dunaujvaros) in Pannonia provides a useful test case for my study. The issues on which I

shall focus deal with the reconstruction of the ethnic diversity of an auxiliary unit, the evolution

of these soldiers‟ sense of ethnic and religious identity, and their impact on their immediate

geographic and social environment. All of these questions are pertinent to my own investigation

of the material from Germania and Britannia discussed in the following chapters. The wealth of

evidence preserved at Intercisa of the Syrian troops of coh. I ∞ Hemesenorum sag. eq. c. R. from

the late 2nd

- mid 3rd

centuries CE makes this site particularly valuable for the study of auxiliaries

in a frontier context.

47

As Cheesman divided the forces. 48

Cheesman 1914: 145-69. He also distinguished between cavalry and “mounted infantry”, but this was a false

assumption; all cavalry were “true” cavalry. 49

Spaul 2000: 526. These calculations operate on the theoretical numbers for a century and turma outlined in Tab. 1

above.

13

Intercisa‟s fort and vicus have been thoroughly excavated.50

The site has yielded

numerous inscriptions, most of which have been edited and published in 1991 by Fitz in the fifth

volume of Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns (RIU), with subsequent discoveries and revised

readings available in AE and other periodicals. The epigraphic record demonstrated that from the

accession of Commodus until ca. 252 CE Intercisa was the home of a large concentration of

Syrians and generally did not recruit from the local population. This was due to the special skills

in archery required by their unit, coh. I ∞ Hemesenorum sag. eq. c. R, one of two auxiliary units

raised from the population of Emesa in Syria.51

This unit, raised during the reign of Marcus

Aurelius and stationed at Intercisa after the site was vacated by ala I Thracum Frontoniana,

probably in the late 180‟s CE, remained at Intercisa until ca. 252 CE, the latest datable reference

to the cohort.52

One of the most striking social features of the Syrian garrison at Intercisa is a

concentration of Jews from the east large enough to construct a synagogue there: 53

Deo Aeter/no pro sal(ute) d(omini) / n(ostri) Sev(eri) [[A[lexan]]]/[[dri]] P(ii) F(elicis) Aug(usti) [[et

Iul(iae)]] / [[Mamae]]ae Aug(ustae) mat(ris) Aug(usti) vot(um) / red(dit) l(ibens) Cosmius pr(aepositus) /

sta(tionis) Spondill() a synag(oga) / I/u/de/or(um)

Spaul‟s claim that “it is difficult to imagine strict monotheists like the Hebrews tolerating the

pantheistic Roman army” is not a convincing argument against these men having been either

soldiers or relatives of soldiers. His characterization of the Roman army as “pantheistic” is

puzzling. Moreover, his assumption that all ancient Jews would have harbored the same feelings

about service in the Roman army does not merit serious argument.54

The presence of a

synagogue at Intercisa provided ample opportunity for Jewish soldiers in the Roman army to

practice their faith, just as the Syrians of the unit had temples to Sol Elagabalus for themselves.

Other vivid examples of non-Roman religious worship at Intercisa are provided. A

temple to the patron deity of Emesa, Sol Elagabalus, was erected there. The likely date of the

50

Barkóczy 1954 and 1957. General surveys of Intercisa include Fitz 1972: 17-44 and Visy 1977. For a critical

assessment of Fitz‟ approaches, see Mann 1972. 51

Spaul 2000: 411. Coh. II Hemesenorum was stationed in Arabia Petraea. 52

AE 1971, a building stone dedicated to the emperor Trebonianus. It is not clear where coh. I Hemesenorum was

stationed prior to its post at Intercisa, cf. Mann 1974: 259.

53 RIU 1051; cf. Fülep 1966, Visy 1977: 33.

54 The famous example of Flavius Josephus, the Jewish general who defected to Vespasian‟s forces, offers a useful

counter-example.

14

temple dedication was 202 CE, coinciding with an Imperial visit.55

This underscores the close

connection between the emperor and the auxilia particularly in the case of Caracalla, whose

mother came from Syria. The familiar invocation of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus in official unit

dedications is attested at Intercisa.56

A brief survey of the extant references to other deities

invoked at the site underscores the diversity of religious worship at Intercisa, particularly in the

case of the Emesenes‟ native cult of Elagabal and the god‟s wife, associated with Diana Tifatina,

a central Italic goddess.

Table 2: Alphabetical list of deities commemorated by auxiliary troops at Intercisa57

Reference Deity

RIU 1051 Deus Aeternus

RIU 1053 Deus Azizus

RIU 1062 Fortuna

RIU 1063 Hercules

RIU 1064-1080 IOM

RIU 1080-1081 IOM Culminaris

RIU 1061 Deus Dobrates

RIU 1083 IOM Dolichenus

RIU 1084 IOM Hero

RIU 1080 Juno

RIU 1079, 1085-1088 Liber

RIU 1089 Mercury

RIU 1054-1055, 1090-

1092

(Sol) Mithras

RIU 1094-1096 Silvanus

RIU 1079 Tellus

RIU 1056-1059 Diana

55

Fitz 1972: 83-91. 56

RIU 1068. 57

AE 1965, 10 was discovered at Szabadegyháza.

15

RIU 1097-1103 Sol

RIU 1104-1107, 1139 Sol Elagabalus

RIU 1108 Venus

One might expect to see a divide between the deities honoured in official altars set up by the unit

commanders (tribuni, in the case of this cohort) and the deities cultivated by lower ranking

soldiers. In RIU 1059, a tribunus, Modius Rufinus, commemorated the efforts of his deceased

predecessor Campanius Marcellus in erecting a temple to Diana Tifatina, a goddess with origins

in Capua whose only other extant provincial inscription comes from Gallia Narbonensis.58

Her

association with Diana, who represents the wife of Sol Elagabalus, demonstrates the complexity

of relationship which could exist between Roman and peregrine religious identification. In

addition, a contemporary inscription dedicated by a lower ranking soldier, Iulius Germanus, to

the peregrine deity Azizus also attests the cultural strength of the unit‟s eastern soldiers, while a

slave, Eutices, made a dedication to Dobrates (RIU 1061).59

The official aspect of Emesene

religion, particularly during the Severan dynasty, should not be seen as a form of cultural

resistance to Rome. This model of cultural interaction is, as will be argued in the next chapter,

flawed. No inscriptions in an eastern language have been discovered at Intercisa;

commemorations made both by unit commanders and lower ranking troops were always made in

Latin.

Low-ranking soldiers, like Aurelius Mu[--]nus, could also honour the Roman god Liber

as easily as they might worship Elagabal. The cult of Emesan Elagabal is well represented, as

one would expect given the presence of a temple at Intercisa. These few inscriptions demonstrate

the fallacy of lumping soldiers of different ranks into different categories of worship. The tribuni

of this cohort were not natives of Emesa but could still set up religious dedications to the unit‟s

popular Syrian deity. The obvious benefits of this action were the establishment of a greater

rapport with the commander‟s troops and, during Elagabal‟s reign, a demonstration of loyalty to

that emperor and his family.

58

Various epithets are applied to Diana, who is generally interpreted as the wife of Sol Elagabalus (Fitz 1991, 15).

She appears as Diana Augusta (RIU 1056), Diana Pat(rensis?) (RIU 1058), and Diana Tifatina (RIU 1059). For other

epigraphic attestations of the Italic deity Diana Tifatina, see CIL 10, 3795, 3828, 3924, 4564, ILS 3241 (at Allifae in

Campania), CIL 12, 1705 (Le Pegue in Gallia Narbonensis), and RECapua 58. 59

A temple to Azizus bonus puer conservator was also built in Dacia by the praefectus legionis V Macedonicae,

Donatus, at Potaissa / Turda in Dacia (CIL 3, 875).

16

The Syrians at Intercisa were thus free to practice religions of their choosing, provided

that they also honoured the emperor and those cults of the Roman state religion which were

scheduled for observance on the calendar. Certain cult practices that the Romans considered to

be abhorrent, e.g. human sacrifice, were obviously not allowed, nor was participation in a

religion that was proscribed by law.60

For this reason no evidence of auxiliary Christians has yet

been discovered. The continuity of Syrian recruitment over multiple generations guaranteed

continuity in eastern cult worship. Bökönyi argued that camel bones excavated from a pit dating

ca. late 2nd

– early 3rd

cent. CE “in all probability” were sacrificial remains, especially given “the

oriental touch [the Syrians gave] to the settlement through their eastern elements.” Since no

Syrian parallels for this survive,61

the sacrificial context is not clear, however, and there are no

auxiliary iconographic representations of this particular animal sacrifice that might illuminate the

matter. The camel remains were excavated from the civil settlement, not the fort. This may be

significant, since there is no reason to assume, with Bökönyi, that the auxiliary soldiers brought

the camels with them. Although auxiliary units of dromedarii were raised in the first century CE,

these units do not appear in the western garrisons of the empire in the second century.62

If camel

meat was a Syrian delicacy, then the most straightforward explanation of the remains would be

that camp-followers or traders supplied this culinary demand. This may have been done

elsewhere on the German limes where camel remains have been found.63

Ethnic cuisine,

therefore, arguably followed the movements of significant ethnic groups within the auxilia.

The epigraphic record at Intercisa also indicates that the children of auxiliary soldiers

followed their fathers‟ careers. After obtaining Roman citizenship they would have been eligible

for service in the legions. The career of one principalis, P. Aelius Proculinus, was recorded on a

tombstone set up for him by his father P. Aelius Proculus, a veteran of the cohort. His son‟s

remarkable 26-year career evidently began in the auxiliary unit until his transfer to legio II

Adiutrix with the rank of eques legionis. Later he served in an urban cohort, coh. VII praetoria,

and finally commanded the castellum Carporum.64

The transferable skills of auxiliaries to

legionary service evident at Intercisa are significant. Although not all auxiliaries could, or did,

60

Bökönyi 1989, esp. 402-404. Tacitus (Germ.) famously mentions human sacrifice as being practiced by Germans,

while the Carthaginians‟ practice of it was well documented in antiquity, especially by Polybius. 61

In pre-Islamic Arabia and Persia the practice is attested, in the latter case up to 1933; cf. Bökönyi 1989: 404. 62

For ala I Ulpia Dromedariorum milliaria, see Spaul 1994: 104-105. It is listed on CIL 16, 106. This unit was

created by Trajan and stationed in Palmyra until at least 150 CE. All evidence of it is limited to the east. 63

At Vindonissa / Windisch, Vindobona / Vienna, and Abodiacum / Epfach; cf. Bökönyi 1989: 403 nn. 22-24. 64

RIU 1155.

17

experience the same career path as Proculinus, his experience underscores the attraction that

legionary service might have for a Roman citizen, because of higher pay and, perhaps, the

ambition of obtaining a higher rank.

Despite a large number of inscriptions at Intercisa attesting spouses and/or children of

auxiliaries, it is impossible to quantify the number of families created at Intercisa. Many

auxiliary inscriptions elsewhere do not contain the striking detail of RIU 1161:

D(is) M(anibus) / Aureliae Barachae vixit / ann(os) XXXV et Aur<e>l(iae) Ger/manillae vixit / ann(os) IIII

et altera / filia Aurelia Ger/manilla vi[xi]t ann(os) / II et Immostae matri su(a)/e vixit ann(os) XL

German/ius Valens mil(es) coh(ortis) |(milliariae) Hem/es(enorum) uxori et matri et fi/liis posuit et sibi

{v}vi(v)us fe/cit

“To the Underworld Shades of Aurelia Baracha (who) lived 35 years and Aurelia Germanilla (who) lived 4

years and the other daughter (named) Aurelia Germanilla (who) lived 2 years and Immosta her mother

(who) lived 40 years. Germanius Valens, soldier of the milliary cohort of Hemesenes, set this up to his

wife, mother and children and did it for himself while alive.”

That the monument tells a sad tale, implying that Germanius was predeceased by his mother,

wife and children, is only one important detail. This soldier had two daughters, both bearing the

same name and being close in age. The lack of praenomina and the gentilicium Aurelius indicate

a third century date, after 212 CE. Although the monument focuses on the deceased women,

Germanius still clearly valued his military identity enough to mention it. The exact details of his

time of service are missing, indicating that he was still in active service when he commissioned

the monument. The Roman names may conceal a provincial, non-Roman ethnic heritage, but the

monument, inscribed in poor Latin, speak to the Roman identity of this auxiliary family.

As will be discussed more thoroughly in chapter 3, auxiliary tombstones of the early

first century display many of the characteristics of their legionary counterparts. Clearly legionary

soldiers were not sequestered in their frontier fortresses, and legiones I and II Adiutrix are

attested in the epigraphic record at Intercisa on brickstamps and stone monuments.65

Vexillations, or even lone centurions often appear among the auxiliary garrisons of Germania

and Britannia throughout the period under investigation. The student of the auxilia should

therefore be mindful of a legionary presence which was both personal and ideological, but not

always visible from the archaeological or epigraphic record for every auxiliary site. An approach

that encompasses the legionary influence has therefore been adopted for this investigation.

65

Leg. I Adiutrix: RIU 1185, 1204. Leg. II Adiutrix: RIU 1116, 1168, 1176, 1183-1185, 1189-1190, 1195, 1200,

1215, 1228, 1232, 1242 and 1253.

18

A final remark on the challenges posed by the Intercisa evidence regards culture and

identity. Fitz used onomastic arguments to support his claim that the vast majority of individuals

living at Interisa were Syrians, and therefore either soldiers or the relatives of soldiers. In doing

so he produced a series of questionable statistics claiming that ubiquitous Roman names like

Rufus, Julianus, Silvanus and Bassus indicated eastern origin, while ignoring a great many

peregrine names.66

As is usually the case, it is impossible to provide a clear demographic

analysis of Intercisa from epigraphic data alone, but enough evidence of non-Syrians survives to

warrant closer attention. The Syrian community was not ethnically homogenous, a characteristic

shared to a greater or lesser degree by all auxiliary units. In any fort, over a significant period of

time, a number of cultural processes can be observed. These include non-Roman religious and

cultural practices (such as peregrine “marriage”) and Roman religious and cultural practices

(expressed in the context of auxiliary service in the fort and vicus). None of these categories

should be seen as mutually exclusive. As the legionary career of Proculinus shows, an Intercisan

Syrian auxiliary could look beyond his cultural enclave to a broader Roman military career, yet

be buried back at home on the Pannonian frontier. Not just his Roman name or citizenship but

also his career indicate the strong cultural influence of the military.

Although scholars have accepted that the Syrian cultural element at Intercisa was

enduring and significant, daily cultural reality of this frontier community is still imperfectly

understood. This situation can be further complicated if one views the Syrian population too

exclusively. Criticizing Fitz, Mann pointedly observed that:67

It seems clear that the author has seriously underestimated the Pannonian element in the population of

Intercisa (and perhaps the Thracian element also). Alongside his suggestion that the large number of

inscriptions at Intercisa derives from the Emesenes‟ knowledge of writing (p. 247), must be placed the fact

that not a single line in any Semitic script seems to have been recognized at Intercisa, and only one Greek

inscription. Yet a strong Syrian element is certainly attested. The society of Intercisa still remains

something of an enigma.

Mann‟s observation applies to a myriad of other ethnic groups that served in the auxilia on the

frontiers of the Rhine and Hadrian‟s Wall. The Germanic, Celtic, Thracian or Spanish troops that

dominated these garrisons had different cultural heritages, but when investigating their complex

interaction between each other and their Roman authorities the same caution should be exercised.

Intercisa‟s „strong Syrian element‟ is significant, but the complexity of the garrison‟s ethnic

diversity can easily be masked if one should focus excessively on one ethnic group. As will be

66

Mann 1974: 260 caustically termed Fitz‟ methodology “derisory”. 67

Mann 1974: 260.

19

argued in the cases of Britannia and Germania, auxiliary units in both provinces were

characterized by much more ethnic diversity than has been previously recognized, sharing many

common traits. Intercisa may have been enigmatic, but its enigma should not be seen as an

exception.

V. General Remarks on the Present Work

Intercisa‟s example of cross-cultural relations in the context of the Roman military

frontier thus presents a useful microcosm of various aspects of peregrine auxiliary integration

that feature prominently in this investigation of auxiliary family, religion and „Romanization.‟ As

will be demonstrated, the personnel of these frontiers often, and not with consistent precision,

adapted their practices to a military context by various means that have commonly been termed

„Romanization.‟ As this is a subject in itself of recent debate among specialists in the field of

ancient imperialism and archaeology – though less so among specialists in the field of auxiliary

scholarship – the first chapter of this study thus begins with an evaluation of the „Romanization‟

model and an assessment of it use within the specialized studies of imperialism in general and

the Roman army in particular.

The second chapter evaluates military diplomas in more detail, not only as evidence for

the personnel and their families of Roman Britain and the Two Germanies but also as evidence,

taken as a whole, for trends in family creation and „Romanization‟ among auxiliaries throughout

the Roman empire. Military diplomas, when complete, provide a compelling amount of

information not only about an auxiliary soldier but also his family, if he had one, his unit, and the

administration of his province, and the usefulness of military diplomas from Britain and Roman

Germany in particular will therefore be evaluated in the context of the large, and growing, corpus

of diplomas from across the empire.

The third and fourth chapters focus on the diverse evidence for auxiliary family, religious

practice and cultural change in the Two Germanies (Germania Inferior and Germania Superior)

and Britain, taking into account both epigraphic and archaeological evidence. The evidence

20

considered is primarily comprised of inscriptions in stone, and these are provided in an appendix

to this study. However inscriptions are not the only evidence for auxiliary life and identity in

these provinces, as in Germania Superior and, especially, Britannia conspicuously detailed

evidence for auxiliary daily life has been preserved at Vindonissa / Windisch and Vindolanda /

Chesterholm. A summary of conclusions derived from this investigation as a whole concludes

this study.

Detailed appendices of the auxiliary garrisons and epigraphic records of auxiliaries for

the three provinces treated in this study – Germania Inferior, Germania Superior, and Britannia,

are provided. Appendix I provides a list of auxiliary units attested in Roman Germany and

Britain, with commentary on certain units provided in citations. Appendix II provides details on

the recipients of all currently published diplomas for Germania Inferior, Germania Superior, and

Britannia. Appendix III provides the texts and references for all auxiliary inscriptions that can be

reasonably dated to ca. 27 BCE-212 CE. Images and tables have otherwise been incorporated

into text.

Given the large number of inscriptions presented in Appendix III, I have employed a

shorthand citation system to refer to inscriptions in the appendices based, primarily, on their

province of origin: GI for Germania Inferior, GS for Germania Superior, and B for Britannia.

Inscriptions are further subdivided by the rank of auxiliaries attested therein: P for inscriptions

commissioned by praefecti, tribuni, and praepositi, i.e. auxiliary unit commanders, IP for

immunes and principales, employed here as a blanket term for all inscriptions commissioned by

officers above the rank of common soldier, U for collective unit dedications that do not explicitly

mention a dedicant, A for inscriptions commissioned by auxiliary infantry and cavalry (or

members of their families) and ARU for fragmentary inscriptions in which an auxiliary soldier is

attested, but whose rank cannot be determined. As with the list of auxiliary units, I have

commented on select readings or issues of interpretation on several inscriptions, some of which I

discuss in greater detail in the text. Consular dates, when preserved, are also noted.

Military diplomas, being considerably fewer in number than inscriptions, are cited by

their publication (CIL, RMD, RGZM, or editio princeps) unless otherwise indicated.68

I have also

for convenience categorized the inscriptions based on their function: F for funerary (i.e.

68

Abbreviations for all published collections of inscriptions are expanded in the Appendices.

21

tombstones), V for votive dedications (or any inscription specifically of a religious nature), D for

dedications made by auxiliary units commemorating the construction or restoration of a building,

and O for inscriptions of another nature, such as, e.g. marks of ownership etched on military

gear. The texts of all Vindolanda and Vindonissa tablets have not been reproduced verbatim in

this study, as excellent collections of these have been published and, in the case of the

Vindolanda tablets, are available online, with commentary.69

The bibliography, arranged

alphabetically by author, follows the Appendices.

Finally it should be recognized that the study of the auxilia, as with other aspects of the

Roman army, lends itself to comparison with modern military structures. For example, one

scholar of the French Foreign Legion observed that “[f]rom earliest times, rulers… were glad to

employ mercenary soldiers, preferably foreign ones, to fight their battles for them…. and they

(sc. “mercenaries”) had their place in the Roman Army.”70

In the context of the British Army,

the Gurkhas, as “archetype ethnic soldiers” who were nonetheless recruited from various

Burmese and Tibetan tribes, have also occasioned comparisons with Roman precedents.71

In

2002, in a decision coincidentally evocative of the imperial constitutiones recorded on Roman

military diplomas, the American government, through an executive order signed by George W.

Bush, authorized the grant of U. S. citizenship to foreigners serving in the American military.72

The frontier narrative, more generally, has a resonance in a western world descended, ultimately,

from an entity whose authority was enforced, in part, by thousands of auxiliary troops.

Nevertheless, I have refrained from such comparisons in this study.73

When comparative

analysis is made, this is done exclusively within the ancient evidence for auxiliary daily life on

the frontiers of the Roman empire. The evidence considered in this study spans over two

centuries, from the death of Augustus to the edict, in 212 CE, of Caracalla, the constitutio

Antoniniana.74

Although some post-212 material will be discussed, this date provides a useful

69

http://vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/ has digital records for Tab. Vindol. II, with Tab. Vindol. III soon to be uploaded. 70

O‟Balance 1974: 16. 71

Van Driel-Murray 2003: 202-204. 72

The executive order is referenced on the US military‟s website at http://www.army.mil/-news/2009/08/07/25610-

us-government-offers-citizenship-through-military-service/ (Retrieved 4/9/2009). It should be noted that only

individuals who already possess a „Green Card‟ (i.e. legal immigrants) qualify for this privilege; illegal immigrants

remain excluded from this benefit. Nevertheless, the provision of this incentive seems remarkable for a military

recruited entirely from volunteers in a modern nation of over 300 million people. It currently remains in effect. 73

On the Roman inspiration of Victorian and Edwardian commentators on British archaeological sites, see Hingley

2001. 74

On the constitutio, see Kuhlmann 1994.

22

terminus for this study. Following its promulgation, the last legal differentiations of auxiliaries

from Roman citizens within the Roman state were removed, although, as this investigation will

show, the process of integration had by then been much advanced.

23

Chapter 1

Auxiliary Research and the „Romanization‟ Paradigm

From the Augustan age until the promulgation of the Constitutio Antoniniana in 212 CE, the

auxilia grew in size and importance for the military protection and policing of the provinces of

the Roman empire. By virtue of their being Roman soldiers, the auxilia are inevitably drawn into

a larger debate about their role as an agent of „Romanization.‟ The acceptance of this concept as

an interpretative model in military studies is universal, and as a result current theoretical debates

about the validity of „Romanization‟ as an interpretative paradigm have not had a strong impact

on auxiliary studies. As such, there is no systematic defence of „Romanization‟ as a valid

interpretative model for the development of the auxilia. Given the occasionally vociferous nature

of this “dialogue of the deaf,” one might be tempted to view this as a blessing.1 However, the

thrust of the „Romanization‟ debate is the healthy desire to test assumptions, and in so doing to

refine and advance scholarly understanding of the ancient world. Therefore, the questions of

what the „Romanization‟ debate is and how it pertains specifically to the study of the auxilia are

central to a modern approach to the development of auxiliary units over the first two centuries of

the Roman empire. These are considered next, followed by a survey of auxiliary scholarship, its

engagement with the „Romanization‟ paradigm, and an assessment of the paradigm as a useful

concept for future research.

1 Wheeler 2007: 237.

24

I. „Romanization‟: history and theoretical debate2

In the nineteenth century scholars began to discuss in detail the process by which the

transformation of Western Europe under Roman rule took place. The challenge was to make

sense out of the many ruins, inscriptions, and institutions that were known at the time.

„Romanization‟ is a modern term used to describe a process by which non-Roman indigenous

societies were incorporated into the social and political fabric of the Roman empire. This process

may be analyzed in terms of archaeological material, e.g. the replacement, either immediately or

gradually, of native pottery with imported Roman ware, or in terms of social assimilation, as

many studies on the elite groups of native societies have done. The result can be seen to be the

transformation of local cultures into new provincial „Roman‟ societies.

The concept of „Romanization‟ has its origins in the Renaissance, but it was with

classical scholarship of 19th

century Europe, during the age of the colonial powers, that the

concept gave a new focus to the discipline of Roman history.3 The ideology of imperialism has

long been acknowledged as featuring prominently in the earliest concepts of „Romanization.‟4

The process, in its earliest manifestation, is seen as parallel to contemporary 19th

- and early 20th

-

century European opinions regarding the superiority of their own culture in contrast to the

„barbarism‟ of colonial societies. These views were expressed further in the concept of the

„civilizing mission,‟ the paternalistic concept which obligated the colonial master to civilize a

barbarian culture that was seen as incapable of civilizing itself. At no point was the validity of

European culture and values questioned, even if occasionally brutal tactics were employed

against intransigent local populations.

2 For reasons of space the debate about the „Romanization‟ of the Greek world, and the parallel controversy

regarding „Hellenization‟, cannot be discussed in detail here. Of course „Hellenization‟ is, like „Romanization‟ a

modern term, first used (“Hellenismus”) by Droysen and originally it had much of the ideological baggage that has

preoccupied the thought of many scholars on „Romanization‟. The process of „Romanization‟ is generally accepted

to have occurred in the Greek east to a far lesser degree than in the western empire. Thus it is on the cultural change

of the western, particularly western European, Roman empire that the most lively debate has recently been

conducted. Evidence for this is generally taken to be the failure of Latin to replace Greek as the lingua franca in the

Greek world combined with the well-known influence of Greek culture on the Roman elite, though even the Greeks

would come to call themselves Rhomaioi. On the concept of „Hellenization,‟ and the „Hellenistic world‟, a term that

is now used only to denote the historical period 323-30 BCE, see the useful discussion of Kaldellis 2007: 21-41. On

the „Romanization‟ of the east, see Alcock 1997 and Kaldellis 2007: 45-61. 3 Freeman 1997: 45.

4 For a concise summary see Woolf 1998: 4-7.

25

Three scholars whose works were formative for the development of the concept of the

„Romanization‟ of the western Roman empire were, in English, Francis Haverfield, in French,

Camille Jullian, and, in German, Theodor Mommsen.5 Of these the earliest and most important is

Mommsen. His contribution to the development of „Romanization‟ and the concept‟s close

relationship to his own contemporary political world are clear, and merit some discussion.

Mommsen was a keen student of Roman law, administration and epigraphy. Of his numerous

publications the most famous and, perhaps, the most keenly felt was his Römische Geschichte.

This was mainly a work of his youth, but, in regard to the debate about „Romanization,‟ the most

important contribution was made in a later addition. This was the fifth volume, subtitled Die

Provinzen von Caesar bis Diocletian.6 This history of the provinces was not concerned solely

with politics. It was a work that brought to bear all of his expertise on Roman society,

institutions, and law.

As a thorough description of the provinces of the Roman Empire covering three centuries

of history, this volume broke new ground, moving away from a traditional approach centered on

Rome. Instead, the gap caused by the absence of the Roman capital from narrative was filled by

a systematic discussion, province by province, of Roman institutions.7 Throughout the book

Romanisirung (sic) is invoked to explain the transformation of each province from a non-Roman

conquered territory into an integrated part of the Roman Empire. Mommsen called the

“Romanisirung des Occidents” one of the “weltgeschichtlichen Werke der Kaiserzeit.”8

This „Romanizing‟ was emphasized by a consistent focus on the development of

institutions, i.e. propagation of citizenship, law, language, coinage, and colonization, which gave

his narrative a unifying theme.9 The penetration of Roman culture into the various provinces

could be measured quantitatively by using archaeological remains and studying the legal

administration of provincial cities and governments. Thus were the Roman provinces in Britain,

Spain, Germany, and Gaul united under the cultural similarities caused by „Romanization.‟

5 Haverfield 1923, Jullian 1908-26, and Mommsen 1885. For useful summaries of their contributions see Woolf

1998: 4-7. Hingley 2005: 31-37 summarizes this early phase of scholarship on „Romanization‟. 6 Mommsen 1885. The work stands on its own as a history of the provinces.

7 Freeman 1997: 31, on Mommsen‟s approach.

8 Mommsen 1885, 61.

9 Freeman 1997 (n. 3 above).

26

Mommsen‟s work was critically acclaimed as “a marvelous effort of constructive historical

investigation. In a series of brilliant chapters the Principate was shown actually at work.”10

The study of the provinces provided a positive antithesis to commonly held beliefs about

the decadence of the provinces. Thus,11

to focus on the provinces was… to suggest the relatively limited influence of individual actions upon the

decadence of the Empire…. as he detailed the complex and triumphantly efficient functioning of Roman

administration in the provinces, Mommsen described the vitality and continuity of Roman institutions.

Mommsen‟s approach had been to tell the history of the provinces from the provincial

point of view. Throughout the book, however, the perspective of Rome remains pervasive.

„Romanization‟ provided a unifying theme, and it was documented by using archaeological,

epigraphic, legal and administrative material alongside the written historical tradition. His

conclusion was that in all provinces of the west the process of Romanization was strongly felt.

The unity of provincial culture was effected through the „Romanizing‟ process. The spread of

Roman institutions and culture created unity in the provinces.

This approach left a deep impression on Francis Haverfield. Like Mommsen, Haverfield

combined a knowledge of epigraphy and Roman history to produce a work that, although brief,

uses examples of art, epigraphy, literature available to him at the time. To interpret these

disparate pieces of evidence Haverfield used „Romanization‟ as an umbrella term. His short

essay The Romanization of Roman Britain12

does not compare to Mommsen‟s history of the

provinces in terms either of length or of scope, for Mommsen treated all provinces whereas

Haverfield was concerned only with Britain. However, in terms of its importance to subsequent

British scholarship it remains fundamental.

Taking inspiration from Mommsen, Haverfield discussed „Romanization‟ in Britain from

the viewpoint of the provincial administration, avoiding a Rome-centered focus. He identified

and discussed the „Romanization‟ of the empire generally, before beginning his discussion of the

process in Britain. Like Mommsen, Haverfield dealt systematically with the „Romanization‟ of

British language, „material civilization,‟ art, a chapter on „town-life, local government, and land-

10

Pelham 1911: 22. Cf. Haverfield 1923: 10. 11

Dowling 1985: 595-96. 12

Haverfield 1923, originally published in 1912 and based, as stated in the Preface, on a paper read to the British

Academy in 1905.

27

tenure,‟ religion, and the chronology of British „Romanization.‟ He concluded with a discussion

of the „Celtic revival‟ in the later empire.

This approach had clear antecedents in Mommsen‟s survey of the provinces, as

Haverfield himself acknowledges:13

The greatest work of the imperial age must be sought in its provincial administration. The significance of

this we have come to understand, as not even Gibbon understood it, through the researches of Mommsen.

By his vast labours our horizon has broadened beyond the backstairs of the Palace and the benches of the

Senate House in Rome to the wide lands north and east and south of the Mediterranean, and we have come

to realize the true achievements of the Empire. The old theory of an age of despotism and decadence has

been overthrown….

Haverfield recognized the multicultural aspect of the Roman empire, and saw a modern parallel,

as well as stark contrast in the Austrian Empire, stating that “[the Empire] resembled modern

Austria rather than France or Germany. But it gained – what Austria has missed – a unity of

sentiment and culture which served some of the purposes of national feeling.”14

The unity of the Roman empire so fundamentally treated by Mommsen Haverfield thus

accepted. The key to its achievement was „Romanization.‟ But could „Romanization‟ be

observed equally throughout the empire? Haverfield concluded that it could not.15

Haverfield

elaborated on how the east did not adopt Roman civilization, while the west, which was “not yet

civilized,” did. He drew a distinction between the Roman experience and the European colonial

rule over both “uncivilized Africans” and “civilized white men.”16

In the Roman case, the

peoples of the west possessed neither advanced culture nor racial diversity. Therefore he

concluded that “it was possible, it was easy, to Romanize these western peoples.” Haverfield

implies that the process was actively promoted by the Roman administration, and he later argues

explicitly for this view, using the example of Agricola‟s career.17

Haverfield‟s concept of

„Romanization‟ was based primarily on the spread of institutions and products and did not

preclude survival of both Roman and non-Roman cultural traits.18

He provided examples of both

in his discussions of Agricola‟s career and of the archaeological remains mentioned earlier. In

13

Haverfield 1923: 9-10. 14

Haverfield 1923: 11. 15

Haverfield 1923: 12, “[Romanization] was… not altogether uniform and monotonous.” 16

Haverfield 1923: 13. as an example of the latter Haverfield offers the Prussian rule of Poland. 17

Haverfield 1923: 75-76, in an influential passage. 18

Haverfield 1923: 22.

28

starting from the material remains rather than from conceptual abstraction, Haverfield set an

example that was followed by most of his successors.

Camille Jullian‟s monumental Histoire de la Gaule, like Mommsen‟s Römische

Geschichte, is an acknowledged classic that has had an enduring legacy for French studies.19

Jullian devoted two of his eight volumes to “la civilization gallo-romaine,” and drew heavily,

though not exclusively20

on archaeological material, in which his own patriotism is apparent. In

stirring prose, he describes the Roman empire as the embodiment of the “natural order” whose

legacy to Gaul endures in the continued reception of Roman “ideas” and “sympathies” by the

Romans‟ descendants:21

Quand cet Empire fut achevé, et avec lui l‟unité du monde méditerranéen, il parut à tous que l‟histoire de ce

monde arrivait à sa conclusion naturelle…. Cet Empire est mort sur la terre, mais il vit quand même en

nous par les idées et les sympathies qu‟il a imposées sans répit à nos aïeux et à nous.

In the west, these descendants were of course the European nations that once were part of the

Roman empire. Roman civilization thus triumphed, while the Celtic culture of pre-Roman Gaul

succumbed meekly:22

La Gaule, en s‟oubliant ainsi elle-même, contribuait à détruire son propre passé. Elle mourait une seconde

fois. Après avoir perdu l‟existence dans la vie présente, elle la supprimait dans la vie d‟autrefois.

It is clear that there is a general impression in these early provincial histories that non-

Roman cultures were seen to be of inferior value to the Roman culture. In addition to the

example provided of Jullian‟s view of Celtic culture, we may add Haverfield‟s claim23

that “the

Roman Empire was the civilized world; the safety of Rome was the safety of all civilization.

Outside roared the wild chaos of barbarism.” „Romanization‟ could allow western European

historians to look with pride on a shared Roman heritage. Those who so wished could also draw

further parallels with the contemporary experience of colonialism, although in essence

„Romanization‟ was held to be a straightforward explanation of what seemed to be the patently

obvious and thorough expansion of Roman civilization in the west, an expansion that differed in

degree, but not in kind, from province to province.

19

Woolf 1998: 4 n. 10. 20

Jullian 1920 v. 6: 151, discussing Pompeius Trogus as evidence of the loss of Gallic tradition. 21

Jullian 1920, v. 6: 543-4. 22

Jullian 1920, v. 6: 154. 23

Haverfield 1923: 11.

29

I.i. Interdisciplinary approaches and challenges in the

1960‟s

This view of „Romanization‟ did not remain static. The first serious challenges to the

traditional view came in the 1960‟s.24

There began a trend, which is still very much in force, of

moving away from the study of provincial history from the „Roman‟ point of view to an attempt

to recover the „native‟ or „local‟ perspective. Also, the objection of anachronism was leveled

against traditional „Romanization.‟ The fact that the concept had often been phrased in the

terminology of European imperialism and colonialism did it little favour in a world undergoing

monumental political changes following the conclusion of the Second World War. This is not to

say that all people who advocated, or might still advocate, the traditional concept of

„Romanization‟ are imperialists, but, as has been shown, the original concept carried what

seemed to many to be a dated and embarrassing ideological baggage. In subsequent debate this

fact has been the subject of frequent, and perhaps excessive, comment.

The influence of the neighbouring disciplines of anthropology and sociology on the

debate has been keen. Classicists borrowed from these disciplines the concept of „acculturation‟

in an attempt to describe processes of cultural change in a less loaded manner.25

„Assimiliation‟,

defined as the complete replacing of one culture by another, was also cited in connection with a

formal „policy‟ of „Romanization.‟ In an important article, Erich Swoboda recognized the

„problem‟ presented by „Romanization,‟ and used the work of Vergil as the basis for an

interpretation of „Romanization‟ as a political program.26

His approach would later be taken up

by scholars working on the auxilia and will be discussed later.

Drawing on the theoretical work of Structuralist anthropologists, Ramsay MacMullen

attempted to examine rural contexts for „Romanization‟ in language and culture.27

24

On the reservations expressed in the 1930‟s by R. G. Collingwood to Haverfield‟s approaches, see Collingwood

1932 and Hingley 2005: 35-36. 25

Cf. Woolf 2001b: 1123 and Woolf 1998: 14 n. 44 for general references on the concept, which is, as he notes, “no

longer a major focus of research among anthropologists.” 26

Swoboda 1954 and 1963, cf. Ver. Aen. 6.851-852, tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento – haec tibi erunt

artes – pacique imponere morem, parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. 27

MacMullen 1968.

30

„Acculturation‟ has received a more enduring application among Classical scholars than in the

studies of anthropology, and it would not be the last time that scholars of Roman imperialism

borrowed from other disciplines.28

Such a „native-focused‟ approach was novel, and necessarily raised the question of

„Romanization‟ as an imperial ideology. MacMullen never questioned the validity of the term

itself. In a study of “rural Romanization,” he saw the process as quite evident.29

MacMullen

questioned not the prospect that non-Romans could use Roman goods or imitate Roman habits

but rather the view, which had prevailed since Mommsen, that the legal structures of the Roman

state gave rise to a thoroughly „Romanized‟ provincial society. His pointedly ironic summary of

this traditional approach in a later publication is worth quoting at length:

Everywhere Mommsen looked he found, and scholars have for long after him also found, legal structures

giving shape to life. If men who could build military camps and roads declared that things must be done in

such-and-such a manner, surely they were obeyed. If they declared a census and a rate of tribute to be

exacted, surely “all went to be taxed, every one into his own city”; and if it was laid down in Italy that

registration in municipalities, colonies, and prefectures should list their citizens by nomen, praenomen,

father or patron, tribe, cognomen, and age,30

then surely it followed throughout the provinces that

registrants would adopt Roman names and thus identify themselves in epitaphs. From warfare to political

organization and to a person‟s very name, the civilizing process moved forward as straight as any Roman

road.”31

This focus on centralized Imperial structure accorded well with a view of an equally centralized

Imperial policy of promoting „Romanization.‟ In other words, government policy included a

conscious „civilizing mission.‟ Beginning in the 1960‟s, MacMullen questioned the capacity of

the Roman government to impose policy effectively in several works.32

I.ii. „Resistance‟ as a theoretical answer to „Romanization‟

Later work tackled this problem by reintroducing agency into the debate. In the 1970‟s

two distinct solutions were proposed. Non-Romans, often characterized as „natives,‟ either

28

It is impossible to discuss all attempts here, for reasons of space. A noteworthy recent example of

interdisciplinary borrowing is Roymans 1996, interpreting the Batavi under the rubric of Structuralist „holism.‟ 29

MacMullen 1968. 30

Luke 2:3; FIRA² 1.151. 31

MacMullen 1984: 161. 32

MacMullen 1964, 1976, 1984.

31

„Romanized‟ themselves or never really „Romanized‟ at all; they even consciously resisted the

imposition of Roman culture. The former process eventually came to be described as „self-

Romanization‟ while the latter developed into the „Resistance‟ model. Peter Brunt, in an

influential article, saw non-Roman provincial elites actively taking on Roman culture, motivated

by the status and advantages created by its adoption.33

The Roman government did not really

need to impose its culture; the local elites became willing participants in it. Brunt‟s approach

allowed for continued use of „Romanization‟ but switched the focus to local initiative.

„Acculturation‟ in Classical scholarship had served, essentially, to offer a neutral

qualification to the more conceptually loaded aspects of „Romanization,‟ but „Resistance,‟ as

articulated in the work of Bénabou34

on the Roman provinces in North (western) Africa posited

that, far from being passive recipients of Roman culture, „native‟ communities actively resisted

„Romanization.‟ The Roman archaeological remains are, in this approach, seen as the works of

the invaders and collaborating local elites; thus they should not be viewed as representative of

the entire provincial culture. „Resistance‟ thus, in the theoretical model, can be both military and

cultural. Beneath a „thin veneer,‟ as it were, of Roman civilization the „native‟ tradition and

beliefs „fought on,‟ in some cases rising up overtly to attempt to reassert itself.

The model provided a new theoretical framework with which to analyze inscriptions, art,

and archaeological material. More importantly, it promised to give a voice to those too poor,

illiterate, or indifferent to set up stone monuments proclaiming their desires, worldviews, or

identities to posterity. A focus on the cultural elites, especially Roman elites, is also criticized as

being either too excessive or forgiving. “We are to believe,” writes Hingley, “that the less rich

and powerful aped Roman culture because of its positive social message.” 35

The model‟s aim is not a priori misguided, but it has suffered, as have other theoretical

approaches, from similar flaws as traditional „Romanization.‟ The most important critique has

been conducted by Woolf.36

Also, „Resistance‟ did not preclude a parallel and ongoing process

of „Romanization.‟ It borrowed further from the language of anthropology. Thus views of

provincial culture were framed in the terms of „Romans‟ and the „Other,‟ i.e. the abstract concept

33

Brunt 1990: 267-281. 34

Bénabou 1976. 35

Hingley 1997: 84. 36

Woolf 1998: 20-23.

32

of non-Roman “barbarians” in Greek and Latin literature. This invites a tendency to interpret

silent archaeological material as conscious evidence of „Resistance‟ to Roman cultural influence.

It also requires a somewhat rigid view of „Romanization‟ as an inexorably uniform, Rome-

centered process imposed on an unwilling, resisting public. „Resistance‟ served only to entrench

this less nuanced concept of „Romanization.‟37

The „Resistance‟ approach viewed any „failure‟ to adopt Roman culture whenever

possible as cultural „resistance.‟38

The qualification that “those who were controlled found new

ways of resisting, or at least reacting”39

however seems rather weak. Even cases of armed

rebellion against Rome do not easily fit a model of cultural „Resistance‟, since not all peregrine

troops joined rebellions against Rome, even though many serious rebellions against the Romans

are known to have been organized by men who had served in the Roman army or were

descended from men who had done so, such as Arminius, Julius Civilis and Julius Vindex.

I.iii. Postcolonialist approaches from the 1990‟s to the

present

The continuing debate into the 1990‟s demonstrates the continuing specialization of

terminology for cultural change. In the works of that decade „Romanization‟ received some of its

staunchest critics as well as some new defenders. Among the latter must be considered Martin

Millett. His The Romanization of Britain recalls Haverfield‟s famous book of a similar name.

Millett‟s study, which included detailed archaeological evidence, focused on the provincial elite

– understandably, given the greater amount of literary, epigraphic, and iconographic evidence

left behind by them – concluding that adoption of Roman culture in Britain was a matter of

prestige. Millett‟s approach to „Romanization‟ in Britain was influenced by the work of Brunt.40

37

Woolf 1998: 22-3. 38

Woolf 1998: 20 n. 64, cf, Bénabou 1976: 368. 39

Hingley 1997: 96. 40

Hingley 2005: 41.

33

Millett‟s conclusion that the result of „Romanization‟ was that the cultures of the western

provinces became indistinguishable accords well with the theme of unity discussed earlier.

Together with Woolf‟s publication in 1998 of Becoming Roman: The Origins of Roman

Provincial Civilization in Gaul, a general view, which Richard Hingley has described as a „new

orthodoxy,‟41

sees non-Romans as adapting the culture of their Roman rulers to create a

synthesized provincial culture. Thus the binary opposites of „Roman‟ and „native‟ become

meaningless; both groups were participants in the gradual creation of new provincial societies.

Two important collections of papers, one edited by David Mattingly and the other co-

edited by Simon Keay and Nicola Terrenato, illustrate the consequences that one‟s choice of

definition can have on one‟s assessment of Roman rule in specific contexts.42

„Romanization‟ is

increasingly studied in narrower contexts, e.g. “Gallo-Roman,” and “Romano-British” religion,

and language, or in narrower territories, such as van Dommelen‟s study of Sardinia.43

Numerous

alternative models and concepts have been posited, often employing alternate terminology.44

Some have advocated supplanting „Romanization‟ with terms, like e.g. „creolization‟,

„Globalization,‟ and „discrepant experience‟ that are claimed to provide a “more nuanced” view,

which moves beyond “the inherited perspectives [that] are holding the discipline back.”45

„Resistance‟ failed to gain traction even among postcolonialist scholars of Roman Imperialism

because, despite the occurrence of armed resistance against Roman rule in the provinces, the

model does not claim that provincials ultimately rejected Roman ways.

Obviously the circumstances surrounding the spread of Roman civilization were

frequently violent and exploitative in nature. One of the great achievements of the postcolonial

perspective has been the debunking of a popular assumption that Roman rule as necessarily

benevolent, and therefore not something that provincials would want to rebel against. It is

commonly accepted that Roman rule had different benefits for different people, or groups of

people. The auxilia, a corps of largely peregrine soldiers, often conscripted against their will,

pose complex questions about conflicting and changing identities.

41

Woolf 1998, arguing that humanitas was the ancient Roman concept of civilization, Hingley 2005: 47-48. 42

Mattingly 1997, Keay and Terrenato 2001. Important studies focusing on „Romanization‟ in an urban context are

also collected in Fentress 2000. 43

In Keay and Terrenato 2001. 44

See Mattingly 2002 for a summary. 45

Hingley 2005: 2. For Britain, see now Mattingly 2006: 14-16, discussed also in chapter 4.

34

Thus the debate cannot simply be reduced to a „pro-Romanization‟ and „anti-

Romanization‟ side of a coin. Those who study the spread to Roman civilization may hold:

A1 – that the Roman government actively and consciously spread Roman culture and institutions

throughout the provinces (Theodor Mommsen, Francis Haverfield, and Camille Jullian).

A2 – that the Roman government did very little; „Romanization‟ just happened (acculturation,

Structuralism, Ramsay MacMullen‟s early work).

A3 – that the Roman government did very little; the native provincials embraced and promoted it

(„self-Romanization,‟ represented by the influential works of Peter Brunt, Martin Millett, and

also Greg Woolf, in some respects).

B1 – People may not want to study the ways in which Roman institutions and culture advanced.

They study „native resistance‟ instead (often called „nativist‟ because of its focus on „natives‟

provincials living under Roman rule. This is the origin of the school of „Resistance‟ scholarship).

B2 – People reject the concept of „Romanization‟ and „culture‟ as a modern construct of

Classical scholarship, and propose new theoretical models designed to supplant it entirely (the

„abolitionist‟ school, as represented by Greg Woolf, Richard Hingley, Peter van Dommelen, and

others).

II. Roman army studies and the auxilia, late 19th – mid 20

th

centuries

Romanization‟ has played an important role in scholarship on the auxilia, but in this

context it has not been systematically defined. Since the vast majority of evidence for the auxilia

is epigraphic and archaeological, the relevance of this concept as a model for our understanding

of social change in areas where large concentrations of auxiliary soldiers resided is obvious.

Epigraphy and archaeology provide at best only an imperfect access to what auxiliary soldiers

35

felt about themselves, their lives and their families. The rest of this chapter will survey the work

of Roman army scholars generally, with particular focus on auxiliary scholarship.

Conrad Cichorius‟ extensive contributions to Pauly-Wissowa on the known units of the

auxilia constitute the first extensive study of these troops in modern scholarship, and remain

useful, if not up-to-date, summaries of the military organization of the auxilia.46

Alfred von

Domaszewski‟s nearly contemporary Die Rangordnung des römisches Heeres47

remains an

essential reference work for all ranks of the Roman army.48

Two of his earlier studies provided

thorough discussion of Roman standards and religion in the army, drawing largely on epigraphic

material.49

The Rangordnung‟s impressive, but not complete, collection of epigraphic evidence

was organized further into an appendix containing a collection of military texts “which enables

us not only to check von Domaszewski‟s own reasoning, but to investigate fresh lines of thought

by quick reference.”50

Von Domaszewski‟s study did not simply discuss the levels of rank in Roman military

units. As his earlier work on religion in the army indicates, von Domaszewski also had an

interest in understanding Roman military culture.51

His approach included a focus on the

“römisch-italische Herkunft.” The “barbarization” (“Barbarisierung”) of the army in the post-

Trajanic period, indicated by the so-called numeri and the awarding of torcs to units, was part of

a topos, which Mommsen‟s history of the provinces sought to refute but that was still very much

alive.52

Von Domaszewski accepted the concept of „Romanization,‟ particularly in the case of

the army, though he never defined it or referred to Mommsen‟s work on the subject.53

We have seen how historians of the Roman provinces might see renewed vitality in the

transformed cultures of the west. The military historian was faced with traditional accounts of

military decline. For von Domaszewski, the reason for this was the eventual absence of Italian

46

Cichorius 1893 and 1900. 47

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967 was originally published in 1903. The pagination of Dobson‟s introduction to the

second edition is given in Roman numerals (i-lxii). 48

More recent general introductions to the Roman army are Watson 1960, Campbell 1984, Webster 1985, Davies

1989, Keppie 1998, Le Bohec 2002, and Goldsworthy 2003. 49

Domaszewski 1885 and 1895. On the importance of these works see E. Birley 1988: 397. 50

As noted by E. Birley 1988: 5, and in the foreword to Domaszewski-Dobson 1967. 51

Domaszewski 1895. 52

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: iii-vi, 83-90, 192-196 (“Herkunft”), cf. 61 (the “Zusammenbruch des römisch

nationalen Heeres”, 70 (torques), xvii-xviii. 53

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 124-125, 133.

36

participation in the army. This was seen as contributing to a decline of old Roman discipline, as

the once offensive-minded military became defensive in outlook in the second century,

precipitating the eventual collapse of the “Roman” character of the army in the west under the

Severan dynasty. Thus,54

Der Preis, den Septimius Severus den Provincialen Legionaren für die Krone bot, war die Ausrottung der

Centurionen italisch-römischer Herkunft.

The turning point is commonly seen in the accession of Hadrian, who put an abrupt end to his

predecessor Trajan‟s aggressive policy of expansion. The further implication is that this

transition is a symptom of the imperial Niedergang and an increasing departure from both the

military and society of Augustus.55

The cause of the decline seemed internal. As long as the army was „Roman‟, security

seemed assured; the barbarian influence sealed its fate. But whence came, exactly, the barbarian

element that replaced “die römisch-italische Herkunft”? The auxilia might seem an obvious

answer, but they were not blamed for this. In their case, „Romanization‟ was seen to have done

its job. Commenting on von Domaszewski‟s approach, Dobson states:56

Hadrian nahm dem Heere auch dadurch die Schlagkraft, daß er die limites schuf und auf den Offensivgeist

verzichtete. Dazu schuf er die numeri, Truppeneinheiten, die – im Gegensatzt zu den auxilia – nie

romanisiert wurden.

The obvious answer was the numeri, set in apposition to the auxilia. The contrast is telling. The

auxilia and the concept of Romanization seem, for Dobson, clearly linked, though in his

comments elsewhere he admits the paucity of evidence concerning these units.57

So different

seemed the soldiers of the numeri that they must have been special units, set apart from the

auxilia. This was a convenient distinction, for it allowed one to minimize the non-Roman aspect

of the auxilia. The link between the notions of ethnic unity in the army and Imperial military and

administrative security are also important themes in von Domaszewski‟s study. Thus:58

Die Vorherrschaft Italiens über die Provinzen war nur dann gesichert, wenn dieses Söldnerheer auch nach

seiner Herkunft den Charakter eines italischen Bürgerheeres bewahrte…. Deshalb nahm (Julius Caesar) bei

54

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 90, cf. Dio 75.2.5-6. 55

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: vi sums it up rather nicely: “Das ganze Heer war von Angriffslust durchdrungen.

Dies war das Meisterwerk des Augustus, das freilich auf der republikanischen Praxis aufbaute.” Cf. von

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 193-196, part of which is discussed below. 56

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: v. 57

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: xviii, “Dies alles zeigt nur, wie wenig wir über die numeri wissen.” 58

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 193.

37

der Werbung im Westen wie im Osten auch die Angehörigen jener fremden Völker an, die nach ihrer

nationalen Eigenart die Bürgerschaft boten, dass eine lange Dienstzeit die Fremden zu Römern werden

liess. So dienen in dem Bürgerheere des Westens auch Iberer und Gallier, in dem des Ostens Galater….

Die zahlreichen aus Peregrinen gebildeten Truppenkörper, die als Auxilia die Grenzheere der

Bürgertruppen verstärkten, erhielten nach einem Grundsatz, den die Republik ausgebildet hatte, in den

Unteroffizieren römischer Herkunft einen Stamm, der auch diese Truppen mit italischer Art erfüllte. So ist

das augusteische Heer in allen seinen Teilen römisch geblieben.

Though „Romanization‟ is not explicitly named, the process is clearly discussed. In particular the

auxilia are cited as a positive force for this change. The „Roman‟ aspect of the command

structure of the army, which von Domaszewski asserted elsewhere,59

and the promise of

citizenship reward seemed vital components of this Romano-Italian military.60

„Provincialization‟, by contrast, promoted disunity.

Und doch war es unmöglich, die Einheit des Heeres und damit die Einheit des Reiches zu wahren, ohne den

römischen Charakter des Heeres neu zu festigen.61

This approach was comparable to the work of „Romanization‟ scholars discussed earlier,

where the theme of unity was stressed in socio-political contexts. The concept of civilization as a

unifying factor is emphatically expressed by the Rangordnung. Some of von Domaszewski‟s

claims would be questioned by later scholars,62

but the concept of unity, created and promoted

by Roman authorities and commanders, has proved lasting. „Romanization‟ was now established

in the discourse of Roman military scholarship, along with the „Romanizing‟ role of the auxilia.

Though important, von Domaszewski‟s observations on the auxilia were not extensive.

As it happened, scholars would not have too long to wait for a comprehensive synthetic account

of the auxilia as both a military organization and a factor for social change in the Roman empire.

Published in 1914, G. Leonard Cheesman‟s The Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army was the

first work to treat comprehensively not only the details of unit deployment and organization but

also the social roles and everyday lives of auxiliary soldiers in the Roman empire. In the book‟s

detailed appendices,63

Cichorius‟ work was updated and organized into a much more readable

form. For many decades it was not superseded at all, and as a concise introduction to all aspects

of the auxilia it remains useful.

59

Esp. Domaszewki-Dobson 1967: 83-90, on the centurionate. 60

Cf. Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 75 n. 2, asserting without proof that the privilege was only awarded ob virtutem. 61

Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 195. 62

See generally Domaszewski-Dobson 1967, esp. lix-lxi. 63

Cheesman 1914: 146-190.

38

His work was not only a discussion of military organization or realia. It demonstrated

convincingly the important military and social position of the auxilia in the Roman provinces.

His estimate that the auxilia numbered ca. 220,000 total forces in the Empire by the mid-2nd

century was not, as noted in the Introduction, extravagant. Even if the estimate were proved to be

high, Cheesman‟s main point, that the auxilia relatively quickly came to outnumber the legions

in the provinces, was correct. He understood the ramifications of this fully. The first line of

frontier defense and policing was held not by the legions but by the auxilia. His appendices

provided comprehensive lists of known auxiliary units, their origins, and their stations; these

alone were not to be superseded for many decades. Thus the subject was not ancillary to more

„important‟ topics of Roman history, but rather was, as he claimed with a certain degree of

understatement, “a subject of some interest and importance to all students of the Roman

Empire.”64

Cheesman‟s study of the cultural role played by the auxilia was of equal significance as

his study of their military organization. He correctly noted that exploitation of subject manpower

was nothing new for Rome, remarking:65

The extent to which a ruling race can safely use the military resources of its subjects and the effect on both

parties of such a relation, the advantages and dangers of a defensive or an aggressive frontier policy, these

are questions of universal historical interest…. As a preliminary consideration it must be considered that

the use of troops drawn from the subject races was not an invention of the imperial government, but goes

back to the most flourishing days of the Republic.”

Imperial policy, however, did not seem to be simply a question of the practical application of

manpower resources. By virtue of their location on the empire‟s fringe, the auxilia served not

only the Roman state but also “the cause of civilization.”66

The cause was served, moreover, not

unconsciously. A footnote of Cheesman‟s is telling: 67

“The locally raised troops in the East started as a rule at a higher level of culture, but possibly a similar

advance was made by Trajan‟s regiments of Paphlagonians, Galatians, and Arabians, although here

Hellenization, not Romanization, was of course the goal.”

Thus the study of the auxilia and the concept of „Romanization‟ again re-appear as two

closely linked subjects. Cheesman did not offer any definition of the concept of „Romanization‟

as he understood it. It would not have occurred to him to do so. By that time, as we have seen

from our earlier discussion, that work had been done principally by Mommsen and Haverfield.

64

Cheesman 1914: 190. 65

Cheesman 1914: 7. 66

Cheesman 1914: 144. 67

Cheesman 1914: 117 n.1 (emphasis added).

39

The contributions of these scholars to the concept of „Romanization‟ are never discussed by

Cheesman. This might prima facie seem odd, especially since Haverfield was a colleague of

Cheesman at Oxford.68

The reason for this would seem, as we have observed in other uses of

„Romanization,‟ that the process was sufficiently obvious to Cheesman‟s contemporary audience

as to require no definition. His study also had a topical relevance. British politics clearly

informed his work. European colonialism in Africa seemed an appropriate parallel for the empire

under Augustus that69

had not as yet reached hardly any of its natural boundaries, although by means of the system of client

kingdoms and „protected‟ tribes it was asserting its claims and intentions in much the same fashion as the

modern powers of Europe are doing in Africa to-day.

There is no question as to the legitimacy, in this comparison, either of Rome‟s or of the

European powers‟ conduct. The reference to “natural boundaries” should also be noted, as it

speaks to the belief in the legitimacy of expansion. The British Empire also seemed to provide

fruitful ground for comparison specifically with the “Romanization” of the auxiliaries. In his

discussion of the equestrian militiae,70

Cheesman remarked that

these regiments contained in the second century far fewer representatives of the governing class than the

native corps in our own Indian army. With the exception of the praefectus, who himself was not

necessarily an Italian, the officers – that is, the centurions and decurions – were practically all, as we have

seen, promoted from the ranks. But to the Roman Empire, in which rulers and ruled, never separated by

any deep racial or religious gulf, were gradually made closer akin by the bond of common civilization, our

rule in India affords in this respect no real parallel.

The assumption of racial homogeneity here is a theme we have encountered elsewhere

both in the context of comparisons with European colonial empires and in the specialist study of

von Domaszewski. The implication is clear: as Roman civilization replaced non-Roman culture,

the provinces gained cultural unity. This, too, we have encountered in generalist studies of the

provinces. Cheesman developed this theme in a discussion of life spent on the frontier in military

service. With a few exceptions for times of war, life in auxiliary service was seen as routine.

Thus, in the second century,71

The progress of Romanization had raised the majority of the provincials, even in the frontier districts, to a

level of culture which placed them far above their ancestors of three generations back, although they might

still seem barbarous to a cultured Greek or Italian. In the conditions of service there was nothing to prevent

68

Cheesman was a Fellow and Lecturer at New College when he published his book on the auxilia. Haverfield

returned to Christ Church College, Oxford, in 1892. For further biographical information on Haverfield, see

Freeman 1997: 37-39. 69

Cheesman 1914: 105. Cheesman‟s reference is certainly to the colonial protectorates, but his readers might also

be reminded of the Boer War, still fresh in the British memory. 70

Cheesman 1914: 94. The sequence of praefectus cohortis – tribunus militum – praefectus alae constituted the tres

militiae. There are some variations, as well as dispute over the addition of a fourth militia. 71

Cheesman 1914: 117.

40

the auxilia from participating in this general advance, and the soldiers who spent their best years of their

lives in these little frontier stations gathered around them all the amenities of provincial life which would

have been found in any country town in the neighbourhood. On the sheltered side of the fort a civil

settlement, technically known as the canabae, sprung up… it was here that the soldiers placed their wives

and children, that retired veterans settled near their old comrades, and traders erected their shops. A bath

house or two and a few small shrines… satisfied the highest material and spiritual needs.

This rather picturesque description expressed concisely a vision of auxiliary service that has had

an enduring quality in specialist scholarship. This view of the civilized, cultured auxiliary soldier

could be seen as the result of the toning down of the provincials‟ non-Roman traits. On the other

hand, Cheesman was also giving an interpretation that in many respects seemed borne out by the

archaeological evidence. In the aftermath of Haverfield‟s contribution to „Romanization‟

scholarship, it would not have seemed necessary for Cheesman to tone down traits which were

not apparent from the available evidence.

An overall view of the auxilia as both „Romanized‟ and „Romanizing‟ is in the work of

Cheesman emphatically expressed. The auxilia become the epitome of cultural transformation.

Many assumptions that lay at the basis for this assessment have not been questioned by later

auxiliary scholarship. Of course, to accept the proposition that the auxilia were a „Romanizing‟

factor is not to endorse imperialism, and the many undeniably Roman features of both the auxilia

and the cultures of the Roman provinces generally justify the characterization of „Romanization.‟

It should also be evident that Cheesman‟s study did not consider the possibility that there might

be limits to „Romanization.‟ That this should be a feature of his approach should not be taken as

a point of opprobrium; Cheesman was not a „Romanization‟ scholar and was in fact applying a

conceptual framework developed by Mommsen and Haverfield to a specialist topic. In doing so

Cheesman discovered the important role played by the auxilia in the provinces of the Roman

empire.

Cheesman‟s then novel study was read eagerly by an undergraduate student of the Roman

army in the 1920‟s. That it also left a profound impression on him was personally attested many

years later by that student, who had by then become Roman military history‟s most

accomplished scholar. Eric Birley devoted his study to a multitude of topics concerning the

Roman military, and many of his most important papers have been collected in a more easily

accessible volume.72

Birley‟s work, by his own admission, was also deeply influenced by his

service in British Intelligence during World War II. “I found myself asking questions,” he wrote

72

E. Birley 1988.

41

in 1986,73

“about [the Roman army‟s] organization and methods which I would probably never

have thought of, but for my practical experience of the ways in which modern armies work.”

Birley frequently referred to his military experience in his scholarly papers. They provide useful

insights into his methodology, the auxilia, and „Romanization.‟

Birley regarded prosopography as an extremely useful approach to the study of the

Roman military. In one of his more famous papers, originally published in 1952,74

he

acknowledged the success of von Domaszewski‟s Rangordnung in establishing the relative

seniority of rank in the Roman military, highlighting the importance of inscriptions both for von

Domaszewski and any future study of the army. Where von Domaszewski‟s study fell short was

his failure to “consider them sufficiently from the point of view of the men who were promoted,

or the officers who promoted them,” and Birley suggested that “a prosopographical approach

will yield the richest dividends, and the origins – geographical and social – of all ranks are as

important as the careers of individuals.”75

While noting the fundamental importance of epigraphy to the study of the Roman army,

Birley gave less focus to the study of theoretical models. He did not write much about

„Romanization‟ and never systematically outlined the process as it seemed to him. In a paper

published in 1965 he did provide an analysis of what he viewed to be the „frontier policy‟ on the

British frontier in the reign of Hadrian.76

Drawing, in part, on his past experience in British

Military Intelligence,77

he interpreted the function of Hadrian‟s wall to be primarily social, not

military, “to separate Romans from barbarians,” and proceeds to describe it as “a boundary

within which romanization (sic) was to be developed.”78

The suggestion was a novel explanation

of the function of the Wall in a frontier context. However, Birley‟s analysis stressed an official

policy “to romanize (sic) all the people who lived inside the [Wall], not that it marked an

existing boundary between civilized and uncivilized people; and when we come to examine the

73

In the Introduction to E. Birley 1988. Other references to his military service are E. Birley 1988: 12, 75. 74

E. Birley 1988: 3-11. 75

E. Birley 1988: 5. Cf. ibid: 93 (originally published in 1957), “[The study of careers that involved service in

Pannonia and Britain is] a technical and complicated subject, depending on minute attention both to epigraphy and

the principles of prosopographical research.” 76

E. Birley 1988: 12-20. 77

E. Birley 1988: 12, “my special interest in the Roman army has inevitably led me to devote much attention to

other frontiers of the Roman empire as well, and some wartime experience in Military Intelligence has suggested to

me some fresh trains of thought in the study of their purpose and their military organization. 78

E. Birley 1988: 14-15.

42

evidence (scanty though it is) from the hinterland of Hadrian‟s Wall, and from the vici which in

due course grew up outside most of its forts, we find clear indications of the extent to which

Hadrian‟s intent was realized.”79

Birley‟s primary concerns were not, of course, the theoretical aspects of the concept of

„Romanization.‟ He clearly applied what was the standard interpretative model for cultural

change in the Roman empire. He never attempted to write a synthetic history of the auxilia.

II.i. Later synthetic treatments of the auxilia by Holder and

Saddington

The rapid progress in archaeological discoveries and techniques did much to enhance the

sophistication of study in the field. None had attempted, however, to consolidate these new

discoveries and techniques into a new synthetic history of the auxilia that might surpass, or at

least update, Cheesman‟s study. Paul A. Holder‟s Studies in the Auxilia of the Roman Army from

Augustus to Trajan was a landmark work that did much to reverse this trend.80

He did not cover

all the themes that Cheesman did, nor was the chronological scope of his studies as broad as

Cheesman‟s.81

In approach, however, there were important similarities.

Holder‟s work remains an excellent introduction to the structure and distribution of

auxiliary units. It is primarily a work of military history, concerned with unit organization,

deployment, and recruitment. In the course of his work he deals extensively with epigraphic and

documentary material alongside available literary evidence for the military‟s various social roles.

In the latter case, the evidence presents more complex interpretative difficulties than might

originally be apparent. Holder showed that Gallic auxiliaries named on diplomas either wrote or

had their names inscribed according to the ancient Gallic practice of filiation by the father‟s

79

E. Birley 1988: 15 [author‟s emphasis]. 80

Holder 1980. 81

Holder concluded his discussion with Trajan‟s reign, whereas Cheesman went down to the third century.

43

cognomen.82

This is an ancient practice whose continued use into the first half of the second

century CE indicates a conscious effort by ethnic Gauls to differentiate themselves from standard

Roman naming practice.83

Holder was not the first to employ onomastic evidence in order to document a long term

regional practice, but he did so without insisting on a strict or undefined process of

„Romanization‟ to explain the phenomenon. In his view, the purpose of his study was to remedy

“an imbalance of knowledge” that had been caused by “individual studies” on specific aspects of

the Roman army.84

Any attempt at a comprehensive account of the auxilia would be encumbered

by the nature of the available evidence. The archaeological evidence is “fragmentary” while “the

literary record is good as long as there is Tacitus to refer to.”85

In light of later scholarship on

Tacitus and the historiographic genre, Holder‟s approach to that author can seem simplistic.86

Holder included several appendices of inscriptions cited in his study, creating, as von

Domaszewski had many decades previously, a very useful corpus of military and auxiliary

inscriptions to complement an updated list of known auxiliary units.

„Romanization‟ had been used in auxilia scholarship commonly, as we have seen, but

after Holder‟s study the study of social historical subjects involving the auxilia began to surge,

and „Romanization‟ as a scholarly concept finally began to be discussed. Important contributions

in the 1980‟s in this regard were made by Denis Saddington. In 1982 he published his own

synthetic history of the auxilia from Julius Caesar to Vespasian. Although even more restricted

in chronological scope than Holder, Saddington provided detailed discussions of the role of

epigraphy in the study of the auxilia and, more importantly, a specific discussion of

„Romanization.‟87

In 1988 he discussed further the ways in which, in his opinion,

„Romanization‟ should be applied.88

An acknowledgement of the larger debate about the process is evident in this discussion.

He remarks that “Romanization was never complete, and allowance must be made for the

82

Holder 1980: 46, 52. 83

Holder 1980: 52. The examples quoted by Holder are CIL 16, 76, 84, and 112. 84

Holder 1980: 1-2. 85

Holder 1980: 2. 86

On Tacitus‟ accounts of the auxilia see Saddington 1982: 27-45, illustrating the variation in detail (31-32) and the

occasionally distorting influence of Tacitus‟ “rhetorical slant” in the Histories especially (42-43). 87

Saddington 1982: 55-76 (“The Epigraphical Evidence”), 187-192 (“Romanization”). 88

Saddington 1988.

44

survival of barbarian features in varying degrees in different stages of development.” Saddington

also remarks that “citizenship may be regarded as formal recognition of the fact that, at first

certain auxiliaries, then all auxiliaries, had reached an adequate level of Romanization.”89

In subsequent work, Saddington follows up on his views of „Romanization‟ in a much

clearer fashion.90

His approach here owes much to the debate about „Romanization‟ and focuses

on the borrowed anthropological terms like “acculturation” and “center and periphery.”91

He

questions the applicability of these borrowings92

and criticizes the „Resistance‟ scholars‟

propositions of „Germanization‟ and „Africanization‟ on the frontier as “perhaps going too far.”93

The majority of the epigraphic evidence of auxiliary alae (1994) and cohorts (2000) was

collected, edited and arranged according to the province of the unit‟s original recruitment by

John Spaul94

. These works have not been updated to include subsequent publications of material,

but each entry contains useful concordances and references to secondary scholarship. His

volumes on auxiliary alae and cohorts are conscious updates of Cichorius‟ articles on the

subjects over a century earlier, although his concordances are already out of date, particularly in

regard to military diplomas.

II.ii. Recent scholarship on the auxilia

The debate about „Romanization‟ thus had finally begun to leave a deeper impression on

the field of auxilia scholarship. This may be understood not only as a response to the polarizing

theories of „Resistance‟ scholarship but also as an aspect of a wider trend towards the writing of

what is commonly referred to as „social history.‟ Throughout the 1980‟s and 1990‟s many

studies employing this approach were conducted. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the most important

89

Saddington 1982: 191. 90

Saddington 1988. 91

Saddington 1988: 416. 92

Woolf 1998:14 n. 44, “like many approaches adopted by archaeologists from neighbouring disciplines,

acculturation no longer a major focus of research among anthropologists.” 93

Saddington 1988: 417. The Germanization of the Roman army is usually assumed, even by scholars critical of

„Romanization, e.g. Mattingly 2006. 94

Spaul 1995 and Spaul 2000.

45

contributions in the field were the result of colloquia. The publication of Heer und

Integrationspolitik: die römischen Militärdiplome als historische Quelle, edited by Werner Eck

and Hartmut Wolff in 1986 was a watershed. The studies of this volume were not only concerned

with the challenges of editing and publishing military diplomas, but rather approached these

documents as sources for various historical problems: military history,95

provincial

administration,96

onomastics,97

family,98

ethnicity and identity.99

The “politics of integration”

unmistakably meant integration of peregrines into a Roman way of life. The editors noted in their

introduction that about 60% of the Roman army was comprised of non Roman (peregrine) units

(i.e. auxilia and navy).100

Although not all of these auxiliarii were peregrine recruits, they go on

to say:

Dürfte es von großer historischer Bedeutung sein, zu wissen, wie denn die in den römischen Staat integriert

wurden. Nicht allein die erwähnten Einflüsse während des 25jährigen oder längeren Lagerlebens, die

kulturellen Vorbilder nicht nur der Offiziere, sondern auch der Legionare sowie Praetorianer und die

unbestrittene Normativität der hellenistisch-römischen Zivilisation machen es äußerst wahrscheinlich, daß

weitaus die meisten Soldaten als “Römer” die Truppe verließen; vielmehr zeigen dies auch allenthalben die

epigraphischen und archäologischen Űberreste.

The term Integrationspolitik did not have staying power, but the social-historical focus

taken by most of the contributors is an enduring feature for much subsequent work on the auxilia

of all provinces. Le Roux viewed Roman identity in the auxilia as being culturally driven by the

legionary example, particularly in regard to status, while the auxilia played a “secondary but real

role” in the policing of the limes and in the early and final stages of battle.101

The role of military

hierarchy and its influence on the military and social identity of the auxilia is a consistent aspect

of auxiliary scholarship. Military hierarchy, as an homage to von Domaszewski‟s

groundbreaking work, was the subject of the contributions to the proceedings of another

conference, published almost a decade later.102

Margaret Roxan‟s contribution to this volume

summarized scholarship on the auxilia ca. 1975-1995 (overlooking, however, Saddington‟s

book), evaluating auxiliary ranks and opportunities for promotion. Subsequent colloquia,

particularly the (now) triannual limes conferences and the MAVORS series, which as Roxan

noted, “saves so much time and effort in hunting down articles and also allows scholars to make

95

Alföldy 1986, Dobson 1896, Isaac 1986 and Le Roux 1986. 96

Eck 1986 and Lörincz 1986. 97

Mócsy 1986. 98

Mann 1986, Mirkovic 1986, and Roxan 1986. 99

M. P. Speidel 1986 and Vittinghoff 1986 100

Eck and Wolff 1986b: 6. 101

Le Roux 1986: 372. Not all auxiliary units saw the same level of combat operations, however. 102

Le Bohec 1995, esp. Roxan 1995.

46

additions and provide revisions of their work,” are important venues for diverse current and past

research on the Roman army.103

A more recent publication in the MAVORS series, focusing on military diplomas and

edited by M. A. Speidel and H. Lieb, updates many of the subjects covered in Heer und

Integrationspolitik.104

Many of the contributors to Heer und Integrationspolitik also published

research in the 2007 volume – the proceedings of a conference held at Bern in 2004. While

avoiding the concept Integrationspolitik, the term “Bürgerrechtspolitik,” as the subject of

Wolff‟s contribution to the volume, clearly approaches similar themes of analyzing how

diplomas particularly document the Roman state‟s use of citizenship to manage its considerable

number of non-citizen soldiers. Also of particular interest to this investigation is Mirkovic‟s

study of auxiliary origines and settlement that explicitly echoes the 1986 study of M. P. Speidel

in Heer und Integrationspolitik. These studies, along with Phang‟s 2001 study of marriage in the

Roman army, provide essential information about auxiliary identity as expressed in military

diplomas. The 2007 volume includes a particularly detailed contribution by Le Bohec and Gallet

on auxiliary recruitment that demonstrates the continuing presence of ethnic recruitment among

auxiliary units in the second century, further debunking the myth that ethnic units ceased

completely to recruit from among their tribes within a generation of their original levy.105

Eck

provides a meticulous study of the changes in 140 to auxiliary privileges recorded in military

diplomas, a subject covered by Roxan in 1986.

Both militaria and social subjects are covered in the recent Companion to the Roman

Army, edited by P. Erdkamp, and the sixth volume in the Impact of Empire series, edited by L.

de Blois and E. Lo Cascio.106

The Companion gathers the work of scholars with diverse fields of

interests and treats the historical, archaeological, demographic and socio-historical topics in a

thematic fashion. As a result, the scope of study can be limited. Although useful as a basis for

103

Roxan 1995: 140 n. 4. Also important are Le Bohec 1995, Goldsworthy and Haynes 1999, and Alföldy, Dobson,

and Eck 2000, and Wilkes 2003. The limes congress publications occur under a variety of names, and not all the

proceedings have been printed. These are provided in the bibliography under the heading Limes, and are cited in this

study by year of publication due to gaps in the published series. 104

M. A. Speidel and Lieb 2007. 105

Evidence of the Tungrians and Batavians at Vindolanda (see ch. 4) also offers a useful example of later traditions

of ethnic recruitment. 106

Erdkamp 2007, De Blois and Lo Cascio 2007. In Erdkamp 2007, of particular relevance to the auxilia are the

contributions by Thorne (tactics and the western limes), Phang (literacy and military documents), Kehne (logistics),

Ando (military relations with urban elites), Hanel (camps and vici), Scheidel (demography), and Stoll (religion).

47

subsequent research on the auxilia, the papers collected in the Companion treat only certain

aspects of the auxilia, with little detailed discussion of auxiliary forces in provincial contexts.

Occasional lack of focus is a consequence perhaps of the series‟ identity as a „companion.‟

In contrast, the Impact of Empire series‟ recent volume on the Roman army, edited by de

Blois and Lo Cascio, adopted a chronological and geographic division of subjects, proceeding

from the “Impact of the Roman Republican Army” to the 3rd

century. Significant sections of the

volume are specifically dedicated to the Roman army in the provinces, divided into discussions

of the western (including Italy) and the eastern (including Africa) provinces. These divisions do

not treat the provinces systematically, however, and none deal specifically with the auxilia. The

value of a multi-provincial perspective is, however, accepted by Birley, noting that “Britain

cannot be viewed in isolation, and Hadrian created far longer artificial frontiers elsewhere,

notably between the Rhine and Danube, where work was already in progress before he came to

Britain”.107

For reasons of space, however, this volume only treats certain aspects of frontier life,

and specifically of auxiliaries on the frontier.

There remains a certain lack of engagement with the debate about „Romanization,‟

despite these publications. Some of the issues have permeated scholarly discourse, but there is a

need to reconcile more recent „Romanization‟ scholarship with the field of auxilia studies. This

discussion has stressed that to engage in the debate is not to invalidate the work of previous

generations or to attempt to assert the absurd. There is no question that the subjects of the Roman

empire saw themselves, on varying levels, as Roman, and frequently described themselves as

such. The postcolonial perspectives advocated by some scholars have not gained traction in the

field of auxiliary scholarship.

III. Conclusion

The increased specialization and refinement of scholarship not only on the auxilia but

also in other relevant fields, such as epigraphy and archaeology, make a synthetic history of all

107

A. R. Birley 2007: 358.

48

auxiliary units in every province of the empire over a significant period of time difficult to do

comprehensively. My investigation cannot, for reasons of space, treat all provinces of the Roman

empire. However, in combining the evidence of two similar and geographically close

concentrations of auxiliary units, I shall examine the religious and family practices of auxiliary

soldiers. Integration at the fort and vicus level is seen as representative of the larger and evolving

integration of the auxiliary garrisons of Germania and Britannia. These aims belong to an

established yet evolving scholarly field that does not focus solely on militaria as a subject of

study.

In evaluating the evidence discussed in this chapter, I accept the premise that

„Romanization‟ is valid as an interpretative concept. The auxiliary experience was a shared one

on several levels. As recruits or conscripts serving in the military organization of the Roman

army, auxiliaries were inundated by the imagery of Roman culture as represented by the Roman

state. In practice, this meant not merely the memorization of routine orders in the Latin language.

In auxiliary forts, as in all military installations, the daily routines included consistent reminders

of the emperor‟s power and patronage, particularly in the list of imperial festivals.108

This

experience cannot be held to have had no effect on the lives of auxiliary veterans, even in the

case of those who, based on the findspots of military diplomas, are known to have returned to

their native lands following discharge.

As this chapter has shown, postcolonial critiques have served to advance scholarship on

„Romanization‟ considerably, but have not consigned the term to obsolescence. It remains an

important tool for understanding the ancient world, and, moreover, an apt model for evaluating

the evidence for both the short and the long term cultural change wrought by the auxilia on the

frontiers of Germania and Britannia. The influence of Roman military culture was aided, in some

respects, by the warlike nature of many of the peoples compelled to provide auxiliary service to

the army. It is not a coincidence that the largest series of auxiliary units belong to peoples viewed

as having a reputation for a warlike nature, such as the Batavi, Galli (i.e. various Gallic peoples),

and Hispani. Auxiliary service provided an opportunity for these peoples, whose culture was

certainly no less warlike than that of the Romans, to reinterpret and, in some cases, invent new

cultural identities. In the context of this study, „Romanization‟ as experienced by auxiliaries

108

On the feriale Duranum, the famous papyrus that partially preserves a list of festivals celebrated throughout the

Roman army, see chapter 3.

49

should be seen as a process by which preceding cultural and martial traditions are broken by

Roman conquest and subsequently redefined by analogous traditions as practiced by the Roman

army. A sense of cultural tradition, thus redefined, was encouraged by the very structure of the

auxiliary units themselves, which were usually named after the peoples from which they were

raised. In Britain and Germany, as will be shown in the following chapters, examples of this

process will be discussed.

Yet „Romanization‟ encompassed many other aspects in the life of the auxiliary soldiers

who will be investigated in the following chapters. Changes took place, for instance, in how

auxiliaries related to religious phenomena and in the way they structured their family life,

changes which show an unmistakable influence from cultural patterns that ultimately derived

from Italy and the centre of the Roman world. How this process developed in Britain and

Germany will be shown in the following chapters.

50

Chapter 2

Military Diplomas as evidence for auxiliary families and

„Romanization‟

This chapter discusses auxiliary „military diplomas‟ both generally and with specific focus on

Roman Germany and Britain. This is a modern term applied to a Latin epigraphic document

detailing a copy of a constitution issued by an emperor to an auxiliary soldier or to any other

non-citizen serving in the Roman army. As noted in the introduction, these documents were

introduced by Claudius. As fig. 1 below shows, they were inscribed on bronze, witnessed and

bound together by wires. The inner sides were inscribed with a copy of the decree, meant to

prove the document‟s authenticity when opened.1

Fig. 1: military diploma (Mainz, Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, Inv. O.38990; photo: author)2

1 On the witnessing of diplomas, see Saddington 1997 and Frei-Stolba 2007.

2 This diploma (RGZM 12 = RMD 9) was issued to M. Spedius Corbulo, infantryman (pedes) of coh. II Ituraeorum,

by Trajan on 24 Sept., 105 CE.

51

The nature of these documents is such that little can be said about auxiliary religion in

connection with them. This chapter therefore will discuss them generally as evidence for families

of auxiliaries and „Romanization.‟ In both cases the evidence provided by them has been

recognized as significant, but there are important debates concerning the interpretation of these

documents. Many of the records provided are fragmentary; however, this chapter will argue that

the diplomas of Germany and Britain can be useful sources for the auxiliary garrisons of these

provinces. They shed important light on the families created by auxiliary soldiers which, for

various reasons, are not sufficiently illuminated by stone epigraphy, particularly in regard to

family sizes. Thus, it will be argued, military diplomas provide an important contribution, for

instance, to the debate over ancient child-exposure rates. Ultimately, an interdisciplinary

approach to their study yields striking information regarding the daily lives lived by auxiliaries in

the Roman empire and, particularly, the provinces of Germania and Britannia.

I. Soldiers‟ Privileges

The primary purpose of diplomas was to record the privileges granted by the emperor to

the recipient, a soldier serving either in the auxilia, Praetorian Guard, fleet, or the equites

singulares Augusti; legionaries, being Roman citizens, did not receive them.3 Of the extant

diplomas hitherto published, the vast majority were issued to the cavalry, infantry and mixed

(equitata) units of the auxilia, with many examples also of diplomas issued to sailors. The

establishment of regular grants of auxiliary privileges represents a radical departure from

previous approaches to Roman rewards for auxiliaries. This is clear from the list of privileges

listed on these epigraphic documents. The earliest extant example, despite numerous recent

discoveries, remains CIL 16, 1 (52 CE):

Ti(berius) Claudius Caesar Augustus / German{n}icus pontifex maxim(us) / trib(unicia) potestate XII

imper(ator) XXVII / pater patriae censor co(n)s(ul) V / trierarchis et remigibus qui mili/taverunt in classe

quae est Miseni / sub Ti(berio) Iulio Augusti lib(erto) Optato et / sunt dimissi honesta missione / quorum

nomina sub scripta sunt / ipsis liberis posterisque eorum / civitatem dedit et conubium cum / uxoribus

quas tunc habuissent / cum est civitas iis data aut // siqui caelibes essent cum iis / quas postea duxissent

dum/taxat singuli singulas / a(nte) d(iem) III Idus Decembr(es) / Fausto Cornelio Sulla Felice / L(ucio)

3 See also n. 7 below for exceptional cases of legionary recipients of military diplomas.

52

Salvidieno Rufo Salviano / co(n)s(ulibus) / gregali / Spartico Diuzeni f(ilio) Dipscurto / Besso /

descriptum et recognitum ex tabula / aenea quae fixa est Romae in Capi/tolio aedis Fidei populi Romani /

parte dexteriore //

Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, pontifex maximus, in the 12th

year of his tribunician

power, imperator for the 27th

time, father of the fatherland, censor, consul for the fifth time, to the captains

and the oarsmen who have served in the fleet which is (based) at Misenum under Tiberius Julius Optatus,

Imperial freedman, and (who) have been dismissed with honourable discharge, the names of whom have

been written below, and to their actual children and their descendants has given citizenship and conubium

with the wives whom they had had at that time when citizenship was given to them, or, if any were

unmarried, with those (wives) whom they had married later, provided that one man married one woman.

(Date) 29 November in the consulships of Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix and Lucius Salvidienus Rufus

Salvianus (52 CE).

(Recipient) To Sparticus Dipscurtus, son of Diuzenus, Bessian, common soldier.

Copied and approved from the bronze tablet which was affixed on the Capitol on the right side of the

Temple of the Faith of the Roman People.

Although CIL 16, 1 is likely not the first diploma ever issued, it seems clear that Claudius

should be credited with approving the first widespread issuing of these peculiar documents.

When complete, they contain a stunning wealth of information of interest to students of military,

social, and provincial history: consuls, provincial governors, witnesses, detailed imperial titles

and lists of auxiliary units stationed in a province clarified the history of the Roman

administrations in numerous provinces.4 Though formulaic, they can be reasonably well dated

even when fragmentary, due largely to the detailed titulature of the Roman emperor invariably

provided. The emperor is a constant feature of all types of diplomas, with extensive lists of his

imperial titles inscribed on the documents. The significance of this should not be underestimated.

Although diplomas were a Claudian reform, regular auxiliary units were a feature of Augustus‟

army. His attention to military matters was well known in antiquity and he is known to have

instituted sweeping reforms to the army, such as banning marriage for Roman soldiers.5 As with

the cult of the imagines present in every Roman unit, military diplomas promoted the emperor‟s

important roles as military commander and benefactor to his soldiers. In the latter respect, they

are impressive testimony to his status as the guarantor of auxiliary privileges.

Whether the military diplomas introduced by Claudius were „special grants‟ (and

therefore issued only occasionally) or regular awards given to eligible recipients for honesta

4 The procedures for recording and issuing military diplomas are surveyed in brief by Eck 2007a:104-108. On the

chronology of provincial governors in the two Germanies, see Eck 1985. 5 On this subject, see Phang 2001, who argues persuasively that Augustus‟ primary motive in doing this was to

enforce an ideology of discipline that, from his perspective, would be weakened if soldiers were allowed to be

married.

53

missio (in which case they will have been much more commonly produced), has been a point of

recent scholarly debate. Von Domaszewski believed that the diplomas were issued only ob

virtutem, a view rejected by most scholars, and the attempt by Dušanić to reassert von

Domaszewski‟s views, as will be demonstrated below, can and has been effectively refuted.6

That military diplomas could be used to record special grants of Roman citizenship for acts of

bravery and loyalty in battle is not in doubt; the titles of many ethnic auxiliary units retained with

pride the honorific c(ivium) R(omanorum) generations after the original grant. However, only

those serving at the time when a unit won this distinction were eligible to receive it. The formula

of regular diplomas, despite alterations over time, never combined the phrase ob virtutem, the

specific sign of a special grant, with a reference to the 25 (or 26) years of service required for

honesta missio. The obvious answer is that two distinct classes of legal document are

represented: one diploma formula was used for „special grants‟ of auxiliary privileges, the other

for regular discharges. Both types provided the same privileges to a soldier‟s “wife” and

children, if he had them.

The argument that diplomas were issued exclusively ob virtutem fails in a number of

respects. First, diplomas typically do not mention meritorious or loyal service as a necessary

prerequisite for receipt of the privileges outlined in the veteran‟s terms of discharge. Second, rare

examples of diploma grants to soldiers ob virtutem issued by Trajan survive, along with earlier

examples of diplomas issued to veterans of leg. I and II Adiutrix, the only examples of diplomas

issued to legionaries.7 It is difficult to see why these diplomas had to include a phrase describing

the soldiers‟ virtus if all diplomas were, by definition, grants ob virtutem.

Third, a better case can be made that auxiliary military diplomas were inspired by ancient

precedents for granting Roman citizenship ob virtutem (or virtutis causa). Claudius‟ studies of

Rome‟s historical and legal traditions would have given him the necessary background to adjust

a long-standing Roman practice of reward for loyal „allies.‟ The preponderance of early first

century provincials in Germany with the names C(aius) Iulius for those who received their

6 Domasweski-Dobson 1967; von Domaszewski‟s views were strongly defended by Dušanić 1986. Phang 2001: 64,

accepting the thesis of Maxfield 1986, rejected this interpretation. 7 Two examples of a special grant, CIL 160 and RMD 343, record its issue to the troops of coh. I Brittonum milliaria

on Aug. 11, 106 CE. After the grant, the unit‟s nomenclature was changed to coh. I Ulpia Brittonum milliaria

torquata pia fidelis civium Romanorum. Seven diplomas issued to legionary veterans of the two Adiutrices are

extant. Four, all issued by Galba to veterans of leg. I Adiutrix, date to 22 Dec. 68 CE (CIL 16, 7-9 and RMD 136; the

other three were issued by Vespasian to veterans of leg. II Adiutrix on Mar. 7, 70 CE (CIL 16, 10-11 and RMD 323).

54

privileges from Augustus and Ti(berius) Iulius for those who received the same from his

successor may attest to the local elites who had benefited from their associations with Roman

campaigns there. Although Augustus may have denied Roman citizenship to “a certain tributary

Gaul” (quodam tributario Gallo) out of reluctance to see Roman citizenship “debased”

(vulgari),8 there are, as E. Birley noted, a “striking” number of Ti. Iulii of high stipendia.

9 It

seems that the privilege of Roman citizenship was reserved for only very few and well-connected

peregrine aristocrats during Augustus‟ reign; the extension of citizenship through Imperial

patronage subsequently expanded among his successors. Claudius‟ policy of granting civitas

Romana to his non-citizen soldiers represents a clever innovation that would make Roman

citizenship a difficult goal to attain. Barring exceptional circumstances (such as would merit a

„special grant‟), Roman citizenship would be granted only after the auxiliary met steep

requirements: he needed an honourable discharge after 25 years of service, essentially all of the

best years of his life, assuming that he did not die from combat or disease. From an ideological

perspective, this would be sufficient time for a peregrine to demonstrate loyalty, while the

authority to grant citizenship remained with the emperor. In the aftermath of his invasion and

conquest of Britain, which had required and continued to require thousands of auxiliaries, his

reform had obvious political benefits. The number of auxiliary troops serving in the Roman

military was steadily growing; in 52 CE, the date of our earliest diploma, the Roman province

was still young, with potential for future expansion at the expense of neighbouring and allied

British tribes. If the honor of Roman citizenship was to be “debased,” then in the provinces

particularly the ideal recipients were the auxilia and the military generally, on whose support

Claudius had secured not only his victories, but his own imperial position.

Military diplomas are and continue to be exceptionally well edited and published. They

were the life‟s work of Margaret Roxan, who published several volumes, entitled Roman

Military Diplomas, that collected all diplomas published since 1954. Her work was a

continuation of Herbert Nesselhauf‟s supplement to his own edition of CIL 16.10

Nesselhauf had

collected the diplomas, some of which had been previously edited by Mommsen and published

in CIL 3, into their own volume. Roxan, inspired by Eric Birley, continued Nesselhauf‟s

8 Suet. Aug. 40.3; cf. E. Birley 1986.

9 Birley 1986: 252-253. i.e. who served more than 25 years.

10 CIL 16 was published in 1936.

55

project.11

In 1978 she published the first of what would be five volumes (so far) of her Roman

Military Diplomas, and the second volume had already appeared when Heer und

Integrationspolitik was published.12

The fourth volume was published posthumously in 2004,

with contributions by Paul Holder. The fifth volume appeared in 2006, also edited by Holder,

with promise of a sixth in the future.

The name of the recipient of citizenship (usually peregrine), as well as the names of his

“wife” and, until 140 CE, his “children” were always inscribed on military diplomas. Being

formulaic, even fragmentary diploma texts occasionally allow a careful observer to restore the

text in order to yield information about family members. A recipient‟s rank is always given

(gregalis, eques, pedes),13

thus allowing observations to be made on various ranks of the auxilia.

This has consequences for our understanding of family creation in the auxilia, as will be

demonstrated in this chapter. After 140 CE, children were no longer included in the grant of

privileges, a subject that will be discussed later.

When complete, diplomas thus offer a wealth of information about their recipients and

their families. This wealth of detail is, however, beguiling. Serious issues of interpretation

remain: how representative a sample of diplomas survives, and what factors contribute to their

survival? Pertinent to this investigation are the value of diplomas for analyzing the development

of auxiliary families and the long-term process of „Romanization‟. They are, however, of

practically no value for the study of auxiliary religious practice, since they record only the names

of the recipient and, if he claimed any, his „wife‟ and children.

Nevertheless, the study of diplomas is vital to the analysis of the Roman auxilia, since

they often preserve important details about soldiers‟ families that may have been omitted in stone

monuments. Thus, the following discussion will evaluate the families which have been preserved

(a) on diplomas discovered throughout the Roman empire, (b) on diplomas discovered in the

Two Germanies and Britain, and (c) propose a new approach to assessing the degree of

11

On Birley‟s influence, see the foreword to RMD vol. 1. 12

The dates of publication for the four volumes are 1978, 1985, 1993, 2004 and 2006. Military diplomas are also the

subject of a more recent collection of papers originally presented in 2004, Speidel and Lieb 2007 (see ch. 1 above). 13

When the diploma was issued to a serving soldier, the rank was given in the dative case (gregali). If that soldier

had already been discharged, as was normal from the late first century, a prepositional phrase with ex (ex gregale)

was used (cf. ch. 3 below).

56

„Romanization‟ both of auxiliary soldiers and of their families, based in the onomastic data

preserved by diplomas.

II. Auxiliary diplomas from Britain and the Two Germanies:

General Observations

A complete list of military diplomas for Germany and Britain has been compiled and

presented in Appendix II.14

For this study I have considered 36 diplomas issued to veterans of

the auxilia of Roman Germany and 35 issued to veterans of the auxilia of Britain. Many were too

fragmentary to preserve concrete details about the recipient and/or any family members: 21 from

Germania (leaving 14) and 16 from Britain (leaving 19). Of the remaining diplomas those which

do preserve clear information as to whether or not a soldier included a wife and/or child(ren) are

provided below:

Diplomas from Germania (DG) attesting a wife and/or offspring

A – Auxiliary unit (ala or cohort), which cannot be restored; C – Classis, i.e. diploma could belong to a sailor); [R] –

„Roman‟ name; [P] – „Peregrine‟ name; [M] – Mixed (Roman and Peregrine names identifiable among children); X

– None; FSU – Findspot unknown

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and Origo

(Dative)

Wife’s Name

and Origo

(Dative)

Offspring (Dative)

‘Family’

Classification

DG 1, RMD 216, 20 Feb.

98

Elst; Germania Inferior

Ala I Batavorum [---] Gaveri f., Batavo [P]

[--- Pere]grini fil., Batavae

[?]

Incertae

Incertae

?

DG 2,

RGZM 9, 11

Mar. 101

FSU (lower

Danube?);

Germania

Coh. I civium

Romanorum pia

fidelis

Mucacento

Eptacentis f.,

Thraci [P]

Zyasceli

Polydori fil.,

Thraci [P]

X X

14

I am grateful to Prof. W. Eck for allowing me, while a visiting scholar in Germany during 2008, to view an early

draft of a publication, with A. Pangerl, of two new diplomas for Germania Inferior. At the time of writing this

publication is in press, and I refer to these diplomas tentatively as FSHell 1 and 2 (see also Appendix II under

“Abbreviations”).

57

Inferior

DG 3, CIL

16, 62, 8 Sept. 117

Wiesbaden;

[Germa]nia

Superior15

Cohors II

Raetorum

Cn. Cornelio [---]

[R]

Pra[---] [?] X R/M

DG 4, RMD

348, (6 Mar.

/ 15 May), 118

FSU;

[Germania

Superior]

A [---] f. Auluseno,

Besso [M / P]

[--- fi]l.

Valentinae,

Besso [M]

Incertae M

DG 5,

RGZM 24, [20 Aug.]

127

FSU

(Balkans?); [Germania

Inferior]

[Coh. I

Latobicorum et] Varcianorum

[---] Daubasgi [f.,

---] [P?]

[---]namesis

fil. [P?]

X P

Diplomas from Britannia (DB) attesting a wife and/or offspring

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and Origo

(Dative)

Wife’s Name

and Origo

(Dative)

Offspring (Dative)

‘Family’

Classification

DB 1, RMD

8, [1 May /

13 Jul.] 105

Middlewich;

[Britannia]

Ala Classiana

civium

Romanorum

[---]o Ramni f., [-

--] [P/M]

Amabili Firmi

filiae [---] [R]

X R

DB 2, ZPE

162 (2), 119

/127

FSU ; (eastern

Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---]V[---]aecesto

N[--- f., ---] [P?]

X Vannio [P]

Incertae/o

P/M

DB 3, ZPE 162 (4), pre

140

FSU (Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---] f., V[---] ? Incertae/o16

Bi[---] (m/f) [P?]

P/M

DB 4, ZPE

162 (5), 127

/ 140

FSU

(Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---], Cornovio [?] X Incerto/ae ?

A Thracian couple (DG 2) is recorded on a diploma of what was nominally a citizen

cohort: coh. I civium Romanorum pia fidelis. This cohort, which lacks an ethnic affiliation, was

originally levied solely from Roman citizens during the Augustan period. Such cohorts were

evidently conceived as units for Roman citizens who either could not or would not serve in the

15

Provinces listed in square brackets belong to texts that have been either partially or fully restored, based on other

data preserved on the diploma. Findspots are given when known; findspots in parentheses are the suggestions of

diploma editors. 16

Possibly designates a wife. As the editors note, the naming of two individuals (signified by the appearance of et

twice) clearly places this diploma before 140. Little else remains of the names, unfortunately. The second name Bi[-

--] clearly denotes a child. A peregrine expansion seems likely, perhaps Bi[tho], from Bithus, a common Thracian

name (see n. 37 below).

58

legions, but as this diploma demonstrates strict exclusion of peregrines was evidently not

practised. Greater integration of peregrines into those auxiliary units that had originally been the

province of Roman citizens alone was a sensible policy in Germania, a young province with a

large military garrison and relatively low proportion of Roman citizens among the provincial

population.

The five German and four British diplomas all predate 140 CE. DB 4 is a rare example of

a diploma issued to a native Briton identified by a specific tribal affiliation (the Cornovii).

Usually British recruits were recorded as Brittones.17

If the Balkan provenance is correct, then

this Cornovian did not return to his homeland in Wales following his discharge.18

The presence

of a son or daughter, almost certainly born during his service in Thrace, may have been one

significant influence on his decision not to move back to Britannia. Two diplomas, DG 1 and DG

4, record details of both a wife and child(ren). DG 1 records a Batavian couple and their two

children, both of whom were female, while DG 4 records a Bessian couple and their daughter.

The presence of female offspring in auxiliary families on diplomas is not a statistical anomaly. In

the discussion of evidence from military diplomas presented later in this chapter it will be argued

that there appears to be no significant general tendency among auxiliaries to favour one gender

over another, as one might perhaps expect.

III. Family

As CIL 16, 1 (cited above, pp. 50-51) demonstrates, not every military diploma mentions

the name of a „wife‟ or child, despite the formulaic nature of the citizenship grant. The name of

the recipient, his rank, and his tribal / hometown origo were invariably given. When a „wife‟ was

17

ZPE 162 (2007): 233-234. 18

Although British recruits were recorded as Brittones, auxiliary units raised in Britain were variously styled coh.

Britannorum, coh. Brittonum and one coh. Britannica. With the exception perhaps of coh. VI Brittonum (possibly

stationed in Cappadocia), all the British units were stationed in Balkan provinces, particularly Dacia and Moesia.

The significant presence of British recruits in the Balkans may supply the answer to the question of why the

Cornovian elected to stay in the province of his service, since not only his comrades but also a significant number of

fellow Britons with similar life experiences were there. On the garrison history of these units, see Spaul 2000: 193-

204.

59

included in the text of a diploma, her name, like her „husband‟s‟ was recorded according to

standard conventions of Roman onomastics. In the case of Roman citizens, in the first two

centuries CE this meant the explicit recording of the tria nomina, filiation, voting tribe, and

origo. On diplomas the voting tribe was omitted, perhaps because there was no possibility of

confusion with a peregrine‟s name or because the act of enrolling in the Roman tribe was done

subsequently in the presence of local civil or military officials. Peregrines were recorded with

one, occasionally two, personal names, filiation, and origo. Moreover, their peregrine names

were dutifully recorded on the diploma, despite their right to assume the Roman tria nomina

granted by diplomas. As will be shown, several examples of Roman tria nomina are recorded on

diplomas, but most of these examples were issued to recipients serving in the Praetorian Guard.

Auxiliary diplomas, the largest category of military diplomas, were issued to recipients whose

names overwhelmingly conform to peregrine forms. Children were invariably listed with only

one name. Presumably the recipient would take a new name bearing, at least the same

praenomen and gentilicium as the emperor mentioned on the diploma plus a cognomen that

might derive from his peregrine name.

The study of Roman onomastics has a long tradition and is particularly relevant for the

study of ethnic diversity and cultural development in the provinces. Diplomas, with their reliable

standards of onomastic records, provide good opportunities for the study of trends in family

creation and formation among the auxiliaries. In Diploma Table 1 below I have collected a list of

all diplomas of the Roman empire which mention either a „wife,‟ children, or both.

Diploma Table 1: Diplomas With Children (to ca. 140 CE), numbered sequentially in bold19

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and

Origo

(Dative)

Wife’s

Name and

Origo

(Dative)

Offspring

(Dative)

‘Family’

Classification

1.1: CIL

16, 2; 13

Feb. pre-

54

Sremska

Mitrovica;

[Illyricum]

Cohors II

Hispanorum

Dasenti

Dasmeni f.,

Cornacati [P]

Lorae / Iorae

Prososii fil.

[---] [P]

Emerito [R]

Turunae [P]

Emeritae [R]

M

1.2:

RMD

202, 2;

Vukovar;

Illyricum

Ala II

Hispanorum et

Arvacorum

Dasio Carmai

f., Breuco [P]

X Proculo [R]

Priscillae [R]

R

19

For abbreviations, see pp. 56 and 68.

60

July, 61

Proculae [R]

Procellae [R]

1.3: CIL

16, 5; 16

Jun, 64

Geiselbrechting;

[Raetia or

Noricum]

Ala Gemelliana Cattao Bardi

f., Helvetio

[P]

Sabinae

Gammi fil.,

Helvetiae

[M]

Vindelico [R?]

Materionae [P]

M

1.4: CIL

16, 38;

13 Jul.

94

Split; Delmatia Cohors III

Alpinorum

Veneto Diti

f., Daverso

[P]

Madenae

Plarentis fil.,

Deramistae

[P]

Gaio [R] R

1.5:

RMD 6;

12 Jul.

96

Viminacium;

Moesia Superior

Cohors VI

Thracum

Dolenti

Sublusi f.,

Besso [P]

X Valenti [R] R

1.6:

RMD

337; [9

Sept.] 97

FSU

(Romania?);

[Moesia Inferior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

Lucio

Satur[nini? f.]

[R]

X Mucasei [P] P

1.7:

RMD

80; [20

Feb.] 98

Dunáujváros;

[Pannonia]

A [C?]iv[---]

[R/M]

Incertae? Incerto/ae? ?

1.8:

RMD

216, 20

Feb. 98

Elst; Germania

Inferior

Ala I Batavorum [---] Gaveri

f., Batavo [P]

[---

Pere]grini

fil., Batavae

[?]

Incertae

Incertae

?

1.9: CIL

16, 44;

14 Aug.

99

Oltina; Moesia

Inferior

Cohors II

Gallorum

M. Antonio

M. f. Rufo,

Abrettensi

[R]

X Marco [R] R

1.10:

RGZM

11; 13

May 105

FSU (“lower

Danube”);

Moesia Inferior

Ala I Asturum Urbano

Ateionis f.,

Treviro [M]

Crispinae

Eptacenti fil.,

[M]

Attoni [P]

Iulio [R]

Crispino [R]

Praetiosae (sic)

[R]

M

1.11:

CIL 16,

49; 12

Jan. 105

Szöny; Britannia Cohors I

Britannica ∞

civium

Romanorum

Lucconi

Treni f.,

Dobunno [P]

Tutulae

Breuci fil.,

Azala [P]

Simili [R]

Luccae [R]

Pacatae [R]

R

1.12: Wels; [Noricum] Cohors I Clementi A[- Secciae Saturnino [R] R

61

CIL 16,

52; 106

Asturum -- f., ---] [R /

M]

Sabini[fil., --

-] [M]

1.13:

CIL 16,

55; 30

Jun. 107

Weissenberg;

Raetia

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

Mogetissae

Comatulli f.,

Boio [P]

Verecundae

Casati fil.,

Sequanae

[M]

Matrullae [R] R

1.14:

RGZM

14;

[Sept. –

Dec.]

107

FSU; [Moesia

Inferior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetu[lorum]

C. Annio [---,

---] [R]

Saturnin[ae?]

[R]

(possibly

son)

Saturnin[o?] [R]

(possibly wife)

Astico [R]

Norbano [R]

R

1.15:

RMD

147; 99 /

108?

FSU (“Balkans”;

prov. inc.

A Talaic[-- --- f,

---] [P]

Iusti[---] [R]

(possibly

offspring)

Iusti[---] [R]

(possibly wife)

R

1.16:

CIL 16,

161; 14

Oct. 109

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala I Hamiorum

sagittariorum

Bargati Zaei

f., Hamio [P]

Iuliae Iuli

fil., Deisatae,

Surae [M]

Zenae [P]

Saturnino [R]

M

1.17:

RMD

84; [14

Oct.]

109

Pernik;

Mauretania

[Tingitana]

Ala I Augusta

civium

Romanorum

Sitali Cultra[-

-- f., ---] [P]

Iuniae

Gaditani fil.,

M[---] [R]

Martiali [R] R

1.18:

RMD

148; 14

Oct.

10920

Ranovac; Dacia Cohors I

Montanorum

M. Herennio

M. f.

Polymitae,

Berensi [R]

X Ianuario [R]

Marcello [R]

Lucanae [R]

R

1.19:

CIL 16,

57; 17

Feb. 110

FSU

(“Hungary”);

Dacia

Ala I Augusta

Ituraeorum

Thaemo

Horati f.,

Ituraeo [M]

X Nal [P]

Marco [R]

Antonio [R]

M

1.20:

CIL 16,

163; 2

Jul. 110

Cluj; Dacia Cohors I

Brittonum ∞

Ulpia torquata

civium

Romanorum

M. Ulpio

Sacci f.

Longino,

Belgo [M]

X Vitali [R] R

1.21:

RMD

223; 3

May 112

FSU; Raetia Ala Arvacorum

et Hispanorum

Dasenti

Liccai f.,

Pannonio [P]

Matenae

Etdeidatis

fil., Azalae

[P]

Atulli [P]

Rumae [P]

M

20

The last two names, although fragmentary, must attest women as the abbreviation fil(iae) has been preserved on

the diploma. The second daughter has an indeclinable name ending in –ru, surely of Bessian origin.

62

Sibullae [P]

Ianuariae [R]

1.22:

RMD

225; (17

Dec.)

113 / (2 /

3 May)

114

FSU; [Dacia] A Ti. Claudio

[--- f. --- , ---]

[R/M]

X Torquato [R]

Dizalae [P]

Torco [P]

Tertullae [R]

Quintae [R]

M

1.23:

RMD

227 /

RMD

14; 19

Jul. 114

Bostanluk;

Thracia

Cohors IIII

Gallorum

C. Iulio C. f.

Valenti,

Trallibus [R]

X Iulio [R]

Valentinae [R]

Gaiae [R]

R

1.24:

CIL 16,

61; 1

Sept.

114

Carnuntum;

Pannonia

Inferior

Ala

Frontoniana

Nertomaro

Irducissae f.,

Boio [P]

Custae

Magni fil.,

Aquinco [R]

Victori [R]

Propinquo [R]

Bellae [R]

R

1.25:

RMD 16

/ CIL 16,

166; [28

Mar.

118]

FSU

(“Thamusida”?);

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

A [---]loni f.

Flavo,

Virovesca

[R/M]

X [---]liae [R] R

1.26:

RMD

348; (6

Mar. /

15 May),

118

FSU; [Germania

Superior]

A [---] f.

Auluseno,

Besso [M / P]

[--- fi]l.

Valentinae,

Besso [M]

Incertae M

1.27:

CIL 16,

67; 29

Jun. 120

Tricornium;

Macedonia

Cohors V Flavia

Bessorum

M. Antonio

Timi f. Timi,

Hieropolitano

[M]

Doroturmae

Dotochae fil.,

Tricornio [P]

Secundo [R]

Marcellinae [R]

R

1.28:

RMD

18; 114 /

120

Volubilis;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

Ala [---] civium

Romanorum

[---] Fusci f.,

[---] [R/M]

[---]ae Rufi

fil. Rufinae

[R]

Fuscinae [R] R

1.29:

RMD

19;

[Mar. /

Karaivanov,

Miroljubov;

prov. inc.

A / C [---], Besso

[?]

Incertae Incerto/ae

Incerto/ae

?

63

Apr.]

121 Incerto/ae

1.30:

RGZM

19; 9

Aug.

121

FSU; Cilicia Coh. IIII

Gallorum

Alexandro

Andronici f.,

Antiochia [P]

X Maximo [R]

Iambae [P]

Heraclide [P]

Alexandrae [P]

M

1.31:

RGZM

20; 17

Jul. 122

FSU (“lower

Danube”);

[Dacia Inferior]

Ala I Claudia

Gallorum

Capitoniana

Bolliconi Icci

f. Icco,

Brittoni [P]

X Aprili [R]

Iulio [R]

Aproniae [R]

Victoriae [R]

R

1.32:

CIL 16,

169 / 16,

73; 18

Nov.

122

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala Gallorum

Tauriana civium

Romanorum

torquata victrix

M. Antonio

Antoni f.

Maximo,

Syro [R]

Valeriae

Messi fil.

Messiae,

Transducta

[R]

Maximo [R]

Maximae [R]

R

1.33:

RMD

20; 118 /

122

Românaşi;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A / C [M. U]lpio

Landion[is

f.,] [M]

[---]acherae

Anma[---

fil.] [P]

[---m]aro [P]

Sur[---] [?]

Solorigi [P]

Cr[---] [R?]

Suruccae [P]

P?

1.34:

RGZM

22; 14

Apr. 123

Urfa; Dacia

Superior / Dacia

Porolissensis

Coh. II Flavia

Commagenorum

Zaccae

Pallaei f.,

Syro [P]

Iuliae Bithi

fil.

Florentinae,

Bessae [M]

Arsamae [P]

Abisalmae [P]

Sabino [R]

Zabaeo [P]

Achilleo [P]

Sabinae [R]

M

1.35:

RMD

26; [16

May / 13

Jun.]

124

Alba Iulia;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A [---]o,

Hadrumeto

[?]

Incertae,

Pannoniae

Incerto/ae

Incerto/ae

?

1.36: Banasa; Ala Gemelliana [---]ni Daci [---]e Luci Dacio [R] M

64

CIL 16,

171;

[Sept. /

Dec.]

124

Mauretania

Tingitana

[f., ---] [P/M] fil. Sat[---]

[R]

1.37:

RMD

234; 118

/ 124?

FSU; prov. inc. A / C [--- f.,]

Scordisco

Incertae,

Sordiscae

Incerto M?

1.38:

RMD

235; 1

Jun. 125

FSU

(“Bulgaria”?);

[Moesia

Superior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

[---]lo Iresi?

f., Besso

[P/M]

[---]iu

Lucosis fil.,

Bessae [P]

Incerto

Gaio [R]

Incerto

[--]VN[---]

[---]ru [P]

M

1.39:

RMD

236; 1

Jul. 126

FSU

(“Balkans”?);

Dacia Superior

Ala I Ulpia

Contariorum

Ulpio M[--]I

f. Valenti,

Besso [R/M]

X Incerto ?

1.40:

RMD

241; 20

Aug.

127

FSU; Moesia

Superior

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

Veladato

Dialonis f.,

Eravisco [P]

Iuliae Titi fil.

Eraviscae [R]

Fortunato [R]

Atrecto [P]

Ianuario [R]

Magno [R]

Ianuariae [R]

M

1.41:

RGZM

23; 20

Aug.

127

FSU

(“Balkans”?);

[Moesia Inferior]

Coh. I Thracum

Syriaca

Calo Papi f.,

Cyrro [P]

X Mocimo [P]

Frontoni [R]

Rumae [P]

Rufo [P]

Carisae [R]

Rufinae [R]

M

1.42.

RGZM

24, [20

Aug.]

127

FSU

(“Balkans”?);

[Germania

Inferior]

[Coh. I

Latobicorum et]

Varcianorum

[---]

Daubasgi [f.,

---] [P?]

[---]namesis

fil. [P?]

X P

1.43:

RMD

Manching;

[Raetia]

A Flavio Al[---

f., ---] [R/M]

X Flacco [R] M

65

32; 118 /

121 or

125 /

128

Nic[---] [?]

Syrill[ae] [P]

1.44:

RMD

351; 12

Nov.

119

FSU (Hungary?);

Dacia Supe[rior]

Coh. VIII

Raetorum

Demuncio

Avesso[---

f.], Eravisco

[P]

X Primo [R]

Su[---] [?]

Potenti [R]

Incertae/o [?]

Comatum[arae?]

[P]

M

1.45:

RMD

361; 17

Jul. 122

FSU; Dacia

Inferior

Ala [---] [---]oli f.,

Besso [M / P]

X Incertae M / P

1.46:

RMD

366; 1

Jul., 126

FSU; [---]a

Superior

Coh. [---]orum [---]rmo, [---]

[?]

[---]ris fil., [-

--] [M / P]

Crescen[t--- f./

fil] [R]

Incertae

M?

1.47:

RMD

368;

(Oct. /

Dec.)

127

FSU; [Africa] A Flavio

Steri[ssae? f.,

Daco] [M]

X Nattopori [P]

Incertae/o

Duccidavae [P]

P

1.48.

ZPE 162

(2), 119

/127

FSU ; (eastern

Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---]V[---

]aecesto N[---

f., ---] [P?]

X Vannio [P]

Incertae/o

P/M

1.49:

RMD

370; 118

/ 120 or

126 /

128

FSU; Incerta A Flavio Fr[---

f., ---] [M]

Sangon[---

fil.,]

Be[ssae?]

Frontoni [R]

Incerto

Frontinae [R]

Incertae

M

1.50:

RMD

245; 114

/ 129?

Enns; prov. inc. A [---]beri f.,

P[annonio?]

[P]

[An?]gulati

fil.,

N[oricae?]

[P]

Incertae/o

Atecinae [P]

P / M

1.51:

RMD 89,

110 /

129?

Buciumi; prov.

inc.

A Incerto X Incertae

Incertae

?

66

1.52:

RMD

374; 119

/ 129

FSU; Dacia

Inferior

Coh. I ∞

Brittonum

Augusta

Nerviana

Pacensis

[---]

Asclepiadis

[f., ---] [M /

P]

X [---]sio [?]

[---]riae [?]

M?

1.53:

CIL 16,

173; 18

Aug.

129 or

130

Banasa;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

Ala Tauriana

civium

Romanorum

M. Publilio

Publili f.

Saturnino,

Tingitano [R]

X Saturnino [R]

Prisciano [R]

R

1.54:

CIL 16,

174; 132

Mautern;

[Noricum]

Cohors II

Batavorum ∞

Octavio

Octavi f. [---]

[R]

Wife or

Offspring

Wife or

Offspring

?

1.55:

CIL 16,

76; 2

Jul. 133

Györ; [Pannonia

Superior]

Ala I Ulpia

Contariorum ∞

Claudio

Motti f.

Novano,

Helvetio [M]

X Secundo [R] R

1.56:

CIL 16,

78; 2

Apr. 134

Giurgiu; Moesia

Inferior

Cohors I

Claudia

Sugambrorum

L. Sextilio

Sextili f.

Pudenti,

Stobis [R]

X Lucio [R]

Valerio [R]

Petronio [R]

Valenti [R]

Luciae [R]

Anniae [R]

R

1.57:

CIL 16,

105; 129

/ 134

Pappenheim;

[Raetia]

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

[---, ---]uli f.,

Frisio

[R/P/M]

[---]ini fil.,

Batavae [?]

Incerto/ae [?]

[---]ellinae [R]

R/M

1.58:

RMD

248; (14

Nov. / 1

Dec.)

135

Pomet; Dacia

Porolissensis

Cohors [---]

civium

Romanorum

[--- P?]alladi

f., D[---]

[P/M]

X Incerto

Incerto

?

1.59:

RMD

382, 31

Dec. 135

Thamusida;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

Ala Gemelliana

civium

Romanorum

Aemilio Flavi

f. Flavo,

Tingitano [R]

X Fortunato [R]

Gemelliano [R]

R

1.60:

RMD

255; 117

/ 137

FSU; prov. inc. A / C [---]eisunti

[f.?, ---]

[P/M]

X Incerto

Incerto

P/M

67

[---]ni [P]

Incerto

Dourpinae? [P]

1.61:

CIL 16,

83; 28

Feb. 138

Tirnovo; Moesia

Inferior

Cohors II

Mattiacorum

Clagissae

Clagissae f.,

Besso [P]

X Spor [P]

Derzizeno [P]

Eptacento [P]

Zinae [P]

Eptaperi [P]

P

1.62:

CIL 16,

84; 16

Jun. 138

Vásony;

[Pannonia

Supe]r[ior]

Cohors I

Thracum

Sex. Iulio

Primi f.

Primo,

Treviro [R]

X Primo [R] R

1.63:

RMD

254; 98 /

138

FSU, prov. inc. A / C [---]ae f. [---]

[?]

[---]s fil. [?] Incerto

Incerto/ae

?

1.64:

RMD

385 /

260; 10

Oct. 138

FSU (Bulgaria);

Thracia

Coh. I

Cisipadensium

Flavio Ialysi

f. Valento,

Perintho [M]

X Senecae [R]

Marciano [R]

Bruttiano [R]

R

1.65:

CIL 16,

175;

[Mar. /

Oct.],

139

Albertfalva;

[Pa]nnon[ia

Inferior]

Ala I Thracum

veterana

sagittaria

Octavio Q. f.

Vi[---] [R/M]

Mariccae

Curin[--- fil.]

[P]

Octaviano [R]

Octav[---] [R]

R

1.66:

RMD

43; 138 /

140

Volubilis;

[Mauret]ania

[Tingitana]

A [---] Lucei f.

[---] [R/M]

X Incerto/ae ?

1.67:

RMD

262; 90 /

140?

FSU; prov. inc. A [---]isu [f.? --

-] [P/M]

Incertae [-]naeo? [R?]

[---]ori [R?]

[---]ral [?]

[---]si[-] [?]

R / M

1.68: FSU; Sy[ri]a Coh. [---] [---]i Stai f., X [---]ri [?] P?

68

RMD

388; 114

/ 140

PIT? [P]

D[--- f. / fil.] [?]

1.69:

RMD

389; 120

/ 140

FSU; Dacia

Inferior

Coh. [---] [---] Lucii f.,

[---] [P / M]

X [---]ttarae [P]

Incertae/o

Incertae

Incertae

M

1.70.

ZPE 162

(4), pre

140

FSU (Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---] f., V[---] ? Incertae/o

Bi[---] (m/f) [?]

P/M

1.71.

ZPE 162

(5), 127

/ 140

FSU (Balkans?);

[Britannia]

A [---],

Cornovio [?]

X Incerto/ae ?

1.72:

RMD

41;

before 7

Aug.

133 /

143

Volubilis;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

A Cocceio

Co[ccei f.?, --

-] [R]

X Co[cceio?] [R]

Sat[---] [R]

R

73:

RGZM

71;

[134-

137]

FSU; prov. inc. A / C [---], Besso

[P?]

? Incerto

(+ other

children?)

?

The names listed here are given as they appear on the diplomas. They are in the dative

case (indirect object), since the formula of the citizenship grant, despite later changes in form

during the first and second centuries CE, was always Imperator …. civitatem … (recipient) dedit.

The classifications R(oman), P(eregrine) and M(ixed) are based on the presence or absence of

recognizably „Roman‟ names among the recipient, his „wife‟ or any of the children. These will

not necessarily correspond to an individual‟s ethnic background – rather, this data represents

individual choices, particularly in the case of „Roman‟ names, that could appear among auxiliary

troops or their families.

Several classes of non-citizens could be represented in this collection of data: a peregrine

(“foreigner”), a non-Roman living within the territory of the Roman empire, or a „Romanized‟

peregrine, who had been given by his parents or had assumed a Roman name, or a Junian Latin.

69

In some cases the name of the auxiliary recipient conforms to the onomastic practice among

Roman citizens, but the majority of diplomas that provide data about the recipient‟s name

preserve the name used prior to enlistment.

Phang accepted the testimony of literary sources, principally Tacitus (Ann. 14.27),

Libanius (Or. 2.39-40), and Tertullian (exh. cast. 12), that soldiers were not accustomed to

marrying or raising children and remained unmarried during the Principate.21

It is not surprising,

however, that this trend should be observed in literary sources, since it was common knowledge

that, due to the marriage ban instituted by Augustus, soldiers could not marry. It was difficult to

maintain families within the fort itself except for the unit commanders, whose principia provided

ample space for their wives and children.22

Roman barracks were hardly spacious enough to

house even small families, so any soldier who chose to raise a family would by necessity have

housed it in the vicus.

However, the option of creating a family, whether or not it was sanctioned officially by

the Roman state, clearly appealed to a great many auxiliaries. Tacitus focused on legionaries,

who already possessed the privilege of Roman citizenship, while Libanius‟ declaration that

soldiers during the Principate did not marry is clearly an exaggeration. Rather, creating a family

was a viable option for many auxiliaries across the empire. It is impossible to be certain about

the degree to which a non-Roman cultural impetus might have motivated some individuals to

„marry.‟

IV. “Wives” recorded on diplomas

A brief survey of auxiliary diplomas clearly mentioning a „wife‟ yields the following

results.

21

Phang 2001: 195. 22

Unsurprisingly much evidence from Vindolanda in Britain for the prefect‟s family, including leather shoes, have

been discovered there. This will be discussed in chapter 4.

70

Diploma Table 2: Auxiliary Diplomas recording a ‘wife’

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and

Origo (Dative)

Wife’s Name and Origo

(Dative)

2.1: CIL 16, 2; 13

Feb. pre-54

Sremska

Mitrovica;

[Illyricum]

Cohors II

Hispanorum

Dasenti

Dasmeni f.,

Cornacati [P]

Lorae / Iorae Prososii

fil. [---] [P]

2.2: CIL 16, 5; 16

Jun, 64

Geiselbrechting;

[Raetia or

Noricum]

Ala Gemelliana Cattao Bardi

f., Helvetio

[P]

Sabinae Gammi fil.,

Helvetiae [M]

2.3: CIL 16 38; 13;

Jul. 94

Split; Delmatia Cohors III

Alpinorum

Veneto Diti

f., Daverso

[P]

Madenae Plarentis fil.,

Deramistae [P]

2.4: RMD 80; [20

Feb.] 98

Dunáujváros;

[Pannonia]

A [C?]iv[---]

[R/M]

Incertae?

2.5: RMD 216, 20

Feb. 98

Elst; Germania

Inferior

Ala I Batavorum [---] Gaveri

f., Batavo [P]

[--- Pere]grini fil.,

Batavae [?]

2.6: RGZM 11; 13

May 105

FSU (“lower

Danube”?);

Moesia Inferior

Ala I Asturum Urbano

Ateionis f.,

Treviro [M]

Crispinae Eptacenti

fil., [M]

2.7: CIL 16, 49; 12

Jan. 105

Szöny; Britannia Cohors I

Britannica ∞

civium

Romanorum

Lucconi

Treni f.,

Dobunno [P]

Tutulae Breuci fil.,

Azala [P]

2.8: CIL 16, 52; 106 Wels; [Noricum] Cohors I

Asturum

Clementi A[-

-- f., ---] [R /

M]

Secciae Sabini[fil., ---]

[M]

2.9: CIL 16, 55; 30

Jun. 107

Weissenberg;

Raetia

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

Mogetissae

Comatulli f.,

Boio [P]

Verecundae Casati fil.,

Sequanae [M]

2.10: RGZM 14;

[Sept. – Dec.] 107

FSU; [Moesia

Inferior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetu[lorum]

C. Annio [---,

---] [R]

Saturnin[ae?] [R]

(possibly son)

2.11: RMD 147; 99 /

108?

FSU; Incerta A Talaic[-- --- f,

---] [P]

Iusti[---] [R] (possibly

offspring)

2.12: CIL 16, 161;

14 Oct. 109

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala I Hamiorum

sagittariorum

Bargati Zaei

f., Hamio [P]

Iuliae Iuli fil.,

Deisatae, Surae [M]

2.13: RMD 84; [14

Oct.] 109

Pernik;

Mauretania

Ala I Augusta

civium

Sitali Cultra[-

-- f., ---] [P]

Iuniae Gaditani fil.,

M[---] [R]

71

[Tingitana] Romanorum

2.14: RMD 223; 3

May 112

FSU; Raetia Ala Arvacorum

et Hispanorum

Dasenti

Liccai f.,

Pannonio [P]

Matenae Etdeidatis fil.,

Azalae [P]

2.15: CIL 16, 61; 1

Sept. 114

Carnuntum;

Pannonia

Inferior

Ala

Frontoniana

Nertomaro

Irducissae f.,

Boio [P]

Custae Magni fil.,

Aquinco [R]

2.16: RMD 348; (6

Mar. / 15 May), 118

FSU; [Germania

Superior]

A [---] f.

Auluseno,

Besso [M / P]

[--- fi]l. Valentinae,

Besso [M]

2.17: CIL 16, 67; 29

Jun. 120

Tricornium;

Macedonia

Cohors V Flavia

Bessorum

M. Antonio

Timi f. Timi,

Hieropolitano

[M]

Doroturmae Dotochae

fil., Tricornio [P]

2.18: RMD 18; 114 /

120

Volubilis;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

Ala [---] civium

Romanorum

[---] Fusci f.,

[---] [R/M]

[---]ae Rufi fil.

Rufinae [R]

2.19: RMD 19;

[Mar. / Apr.] 121

Karaivanov,

Miroljubov;

Incerta

A / C [---], Besso

[?]

Incertae

2.20: CIL 16, 169 /

16, 73; 18 Nov. 122

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala Gallorum

Tauriana civium

Romanorum

torquata victrix

M. Antonio

Antoni f.

Maximo,

Syro [R]

Valeriae Messi fil.

Messiae, Transducta

[R]

2.21: RMD 20; 118 /

122

Românaşi;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A / C [M. U]lpio

Landion[is

f.,] [M]

[---]acherae Anma[---

fil.] [P]

2.22: RGZM 22; 14

Apr. 123

Urfa; Dacia

Superior / Dacia

Porolissensis

Coh. II Flavia

Commagenorum

Zaccae

Pallaei f.,

Syro [P]

Iuliae Bithi fil.

Florentinae, Bessae

[M]

2.23: RMD 26; [16

May / 13 Jun.] 124

Alba Iulia;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A [---]o,

Hadrumeto

[?]

Incertae, Pannoniae

2.24: CIL 16, 171;

[Sept. / Dec.] 124

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala Gemelliana [---]ni Daci

[f., ---] [P/M]

[---]e Luci fil. Sat[---]

[R]

2.25: RMD 235; 1

Jun. 125

FSU

(“Bulgaria”);

[Moesia

Superior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

[---]lo Iresi?

f., Besso

[P/M]

[---]iu Lucosis fil.,

Bessae [P]

2.26: RMD 241; 20

Aug. 127

FSU; Moesia

Superior

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

Veladato

Dialonis f.,

Eravisco [P]

Iuliae Titi fil.

Eraviscae [R]

72

2.27. RGZM 24, [20

Aug.] 127

FSU

(“Balkans?”);

[Germania

Inferior]

[Coh. I

Latobicorum et]

Varcianorum

[---]

Daubasgi [f.,

---] [P?]

[---]namesis fil. [P?]

2.28: RMD 366; 1

Jul., 126

FSU; [---]a

Superior

Coh. [---]orum [---]rmo, [---]

[?]

[---]ris fil., [---] [M / P]

2.29: RMD 370; 118

/ 120 or 126 / 128

FSU; Incerta A Flavio Fr[---

f., ---] [M]

Sangon[--- fil.,]

Be[ssae?]

2.30: RMD 245; 114

/ 129?

Enns; Incerta A [---]beri f.,

P[annonio?]

[P]

[An?]gulati fil.,

N[oricae?] [P]

2.31: CIL 16, 174;

132

Mautern;

[Noricum]

Cohors II

Batavorum ∞

Octavio

Octavi f. [---]

[R]

Wife or Offspring

2.32: CIL 16, 105;

129 / 134

Pappenheim;

[Raetia]

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

[---, ---]uli f.,

Frisio

[R/P/M]

[---]ini fil., Batavae [?]

2.33: RMD 254; 98 /

138

FSU, Incerta A / C [---]ae f. [---]

[?]

[---]s fil. [?]

2.34: CIL 16, 175;

[Mar. / Oct.], 139

Albertfalva;

[Pa]nnon[ia

Inferior]

Ala I Thracum

veterana

sagittaria

Octavio Q. f.

Vi[---] [R/M]

Mariccae Curin[--- fil.]

[P]

2.35: RMD 262; 90 /

140?

FSU; Incerta A [---]isu [f.? --

-] [P/M]

Incertae

At all periods during which military diplomas were produced, women‟s filiation was

abbreviated fil(ia). The majority of women listed had names which adhered to Roman standards

applied to peregrines: one name followed by filiation and origo, the latter invariably in the form

of the Latin adjective of her tribe: Tutulae Breuci fil(iae), Azala(e), “to Tutula, daughter of

Breucus, an Azalan.”

The privileges granted (retroactively if needed) to auxiliary soldiers and reflected in the

military diplomas throughout the first century CE were conubium with one current or future

„wife‟ and civitas liberorum, Roman citizenship for any children he might have.23

Conubium,

properly ius conubii, is not to be confused with Roman citizenship. A person to whom this right

was granted was permitted to contract a legal Roman marriage and create a legal Roman family.

23

Roxan 1986: 271-281. On conubium, see Mann 1986. For the Claudian reform, see E. Birley 1986 and Beutler

2007.

73

The diplomas use the telling word uxor to describe the „wife‟ of the soldier, yet the female

partner, under Roman law, could only become a true uxor once her husband received his

auxiliary privileges. Until that time, their union was technically illegitimate and the relationship

would have been viewed by the authorities as either concubinatus or matrimonium iniustum.24

There is a dearth of pre-Severan juristic evidence for the legal definition of soldiers‟ „marriages‟

prior to 197 CE, but the diplomas themselves, all of which predate the Severan dynasty, identify

in their formulae these women universally as uxores, a common Latin term for a legal wife,

though others are attested epigraphically.25

While they became legal „wives‟ through the grant of

conubium, the formula recognizes that they were de facto uxores prior to the grant, now

legitimated by the emperor.

Until the privilege was granted, the legal status of a de facto wife compared to a de iure

wife could create problems, particularly in regard to “divorce” and inheritance. Striking evidence

has been preserved in a papyrus record of court proceedings, the Cattoui Papyrus (P.Catt. and

BGU 114).26

In one case from Jan. 5, 117 CE, a woman named Lucia Macrina requested her

„deposit‟ from the account of her deceased husband Antonius Germanus, a soldier perhaps of the

auxiliary coh. I Thebaeorum.27

The request was denied, as the judge Lupus interpreted the

„deposit‟ to be a dowry and observed that “if you had demanded a dowry and I give a judgment,

then I will seem to have been persuaded that the marriage is legal.”28

The general legal principle

that children of serving soldiers‟ marriages were illegitimate was recognized explicitly in the

judgment of a case recorded in August 142: “whether this man enlisted in a legion or in a cohort

or in an ala, he is not able to have a legitimate son.”29

When both parents were Roman citizens, military service was a bar to the creation of a

legal Roman family, but not necessarily to the creation of Roman citizen offspring. Another case

from P.Catt. demonstrates this. Longinus Hy[---], a soldier of coh. I Thebaeorum, petitioned for

24

Phang 2001: 199-201, arguing persuasively against the suggestion that soldiers‟ „wives‟ were concubines. 25

See below, p. 85. 26

For text and translation, see Phang 2001: 395-401; for a survey of the cases and bibliography on the papyrus, see

Phang 2001: 23-34. Translations given here are those of Phang. 27

P.Catt. and BGU 114 were published separately, but are fragments of the same papyrus; the two fragments were

subsequently edited together as M. Chr. 372. Other cases tried in these records attest soldiers of the Theban cohort,

Longinus and Iulius Martialis, the latter of whom is also identified by the Greek name Isidorus, but who likely only

received Roman citizenship after being discharged (Phang 2001: 27). 28

M. Chr. 372 i.10-14. 29

M. Chr. 372 v. 4-6: Ἐcerxome/nou ei)/te e)n ta/cei ei)/te e)n spei/r# ei)/te e)n ei)/lv o( gennhqei\j ou) du/natai

ei)=nai no/mimwj ui(o/j.

74

the certification of his children, two boys named Longinus Apollinaris and Longinus Pomponius,

as citizens, since he “was himself a Roman citizen … [and] had cohabited with a Roman

citizen.” Although the text is fragmentary, is seems that the judge recognized citizenship status

for the boys, but could not recognize Longinus Hy[---] as their „legal father.‟30

The absurdity of

this situation would only be enhanced by the fact that Longinus Hy[---], as an auxiliary soldier,

could still name his sons as heirs to his estate.31

No equivalent texts from Britain or Germany survive, but, while some of the terminology

would doubtless have been different32

such disputes over money or status can hardly have been

resolved differently. The evidence from Egypt implies that significant numbers of „married‟

soldiers and women were unaware of the marriage ban‟s legal complications on their lives.

While this was likely true for an indeterminate number of cases, it seems difficult to accept that

soldiers were not generally well informed about what legal rights and benefits auxiliary service

could provide. The exchange of dowries clearly shows that soldiers did „marry‟ according to

customs typical of ancient, and many modern, marriages. Such relationships surely were viewed

in everyday life as a marriage, yet carried none of the legal rights of marriage in so far as the

spouses were concerned. For the woman, the choice to marry carried significant financial risks.

As it seems likely that most peregrine women, typically the „wives‟ of auxiliary soldiers, will not

have recognized this fact, it seems likely that many dowries exchanged in good faith by the

brides of soldiers were lost, in the event of divorce. As the Egyptian evidence shows, since no

legal marriage had been contracted, no legal dowry could be held to have been provided – a

principle upheld in the judgments preserved in papyrological records. Thus a „wife‟s‟ family

could not recover what they surely considered to be a dowry through the Roman legal system.

Therefore low marriage rates for soldiers need not be explained simply as a reflection of

30

M. Chr. 372 iii.11-22: ...Longi/nou U..[..]ou ei)pontoj “Rwma[i=]on e(auto \n o)/nta e)stra[teu=sqai e)n]

spei/rv prw/tv Qhbai/wn u(po\ Seouh=[ron], sun%ke/nai de\ e)n tv= stratei/# gun[ai]ki\ “Rwma[i/]# e)c ῄ=j

pepaidopoih=sqai Lon[ge]i=n[o]n Apolina/rion kai\ Longei/nion Pompw/[ni]on ou(/sper a)cioi=

e)pikriqh=nai, Lou=p[oj] lalh/saj meta\ tw=n nomikw=n ei=)pen: “.[....].h[..]ntai oi( pai=dej w(j e)k

“Rwmai/aj [gegenhme/]noi. Su \ au)tou\j kai\ q[e/]lei[j] e)c epi[.........]mouj katalei/pen, no/mimon de\

p?a?t?e/ra au)tw=n poiei=n ou) du/?nama[i] (emphasis added). 31

Cf. M. Chr. 372 iv.13-15, where the validity of the will of Julius Martialis, deceased soldier of coh. I

Thebaeorum, naming his son Theodorus as heir, was upheld. This text refers to Martialis by his peregrine name,

Isidorus, except when quoting the final judgment: “Ou)k e)dunato Martia/l[ioj] strateuo/menoj no/mimon

u(io\n e)xei=n, klhrono/mon de\ au)to\n e)/grayen nomi/[mwj].” 32

For example, neither province was governed by a praefectus, and the governors of these western provinces would

certainly not “delegate the strategos of the city as a judge” (M. Chr. i.1-4).

75

„military culture.‟ The financial risks for the bride, if fully appreciated by her family, might

provide a strong deterrent to „marriage‟ with an auxiliary soldier, particularly in the case of

women from a higher social class than a potential peregrine auxiliary suitor.

The proportion of auxiliary diplomas before 140 CE which record an auxiliary family,

including a wife, is about 10% - a low figure (but on this see 2.IX below). This has been

commented upon by previous scholars,33

and several explanations have been proposed for this

phenomenon. Saller and Shaw concluded that there was a low level of family formation and

maintenance of family ties among soldiers.34

As noted previously, their conclusions have not

been widely accepted, largely on the basis of their failure to account for local biases against

inscribing in stone. More recently, Phang has argued that soldiers married later in life, around

their thirties, and consequently later in their period of service. On the basis that many auxiliaries

died young, either as casualties of war or through illness or injury, many such soldiers simply did

not have „wives‟ to mention on their monuments. Instead, these soldiers would tend to be

memorialized by siblings or parents, if not by their fellow soldiers, in the epigraphic record.35

However, this conclusion has been criticized by Serrati as being based on an unrepresentative

sample of evidence that also does not account for regional practices, such as preference given to

parents over unofficial wives.36

Thus, military diplomas provide an important insight into

auxiliary families by providing more detailed records than is often the case with inscriptions on

stone. Diplomas, as records of legal privileges, by necessity included the names of all those

eligible to benefit from the veteran‟s rewards.

IV.i Observations on auxiliary wives‟ names, as recorded

on diplomas

33

See Roxan 1991. 34

Saller and Shaw 1984: 142. 35

Phang 2001: 164-176. 36

Serrati 2005.

76

The occurrence of duo nomina is apparent in four cases, nos. 2.12, 2.18, 2.20, 2.22. The

presence of Roman names in these cases is a telling characteristic:

2.12: CIL 16, 161;

14 Oct. 109

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala I Hamiorum

sagittariorum

Bargati Zaei

f., Hamio [P]

Iuliae Iuli fil.,

Deisatae, Surae [M]

2.18: RMD 18; 114 /

120

Volubilis;

[Mauretania

Tingitana]

Ala [---] civium

Romanorum

[---] Fusci f.,

[---] [R/M]

[---]ae Rufi fil.

Rufinae [---] [R]

2.20: CIL 16, 169 /

16, 73; 18 Nov. 122

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala Gallorum

Tauriana civium

Romanorum

torquata victrix

M. Antonio

Antoni f.

Maximo,

Syro [R]

Valeriae Messi fil.

Messiae, Transducta

[R]

2.22: RGZM 22; 14

Apr. 123

Urfa; Dacia

Superior / Dacia

Porolissensis

Coh. II Flavia

Commagenorum

Zaccae

Pallaei f.,

Syro [P]

Iuliae Bithi fil.

Florentinae, Bessae

[M]

If the text of the diploma breaks off after the woman‟s filiation, then the possibility that a

lost second name, particularly in second-century CE cases where the fragmentary extant names

are Roman, must be entertained. The duo nomina indicate that these women were either Roman

citizens or Junian Latins.37

Three examples of duo nomina pertain to „wives‟ of soldiers who

were discharged in Mauretania Tingitana, two of whom came from Syria. For example, Iulia

Deisata, listed only as a “Syrian” (Sura), was married to another Syrian, Bargates, son of Zaeus,

a Hamian recruit of ala I Hamiorum sagittariorum. Since the diploma was found in Mauretania,

it seems likely that she followed her „husband‟ to his military post. There is no certainty that they

were married prior to Zaeus‟ enlistment, since it is possible that their meeting and subsequent

„marriage‟ occurred when Bargates was at home on leave.

Also Syrian were the husbands of Valeria Messia and Iulia Florentina, although Messia‟s

husband did not serve in a unit that had originally been recruited from the eastern Roman empire.

The derivation of Messia‟s second name from her father‟s parallels the names previously

37

Phang 2001: 193.

77

discussed. Her hometown was Colonia Iulia Traducta, near Tarifa in Hispania Baetica.38

Florentina‟s father was clearly a peregrine, as shown by his name, and Bithus is a Thracian name

well attested elsewhere.39

It has been noted that the overall number of „wives‟ with the duo

nomina is quite small, even in comparison to the total number of extant military diplomas which

mention a „wife.‟40

The obvious conclusion is that auxiliaries tended to „marry‟ women who

belonged to the same legal status as they, although not necessarily of the same ethnic

background. Service in the Roman army might have brought prestige and a regular income, but it

seems not to have compensated for lack of Roman citizenship. At least one of the husbands of

the four women discussed was a Roman citizen while serving in the auxilia, and in his case no

clash of status would have occurred.

V. Remarks on ethnic endogamy

Diplomas are useful sources for assessing the phenomenon of marriage among a given

ethnic group. As noted in the previous section, marriage within the group was not exclusively

practiced; since auxiliaries were normally stationed far away from their homelands, specific

cases of endogamous ethnic marriage are rare, but by no means unattested. Previously discussed

evidence for „wives‟‟ homes has already demonstrated this in a number of cases. Peregrine wives

are easily distinguishable on military diplomas, often from fragmentary references. Diplomas

regularly abbreviate fil(iae) as opposed to f(ilio), although in the late second and third century

diplomas issued to praetorians fil(io) occasionally appears. As a result, even a fragmentary text

of an auxiliary diploma containing the abbreviation fil(--) allows one to infer that the recipient

claimed a „wife‟ in the original text. Peregrine wives and their husbands are listed in the

following table:

38

CIL 16, 169 comm. ad loc. 39

In Italy, e.g. AE 1988, 310 (Misenum) : Lucio Flavio Bitho / veter(ano) ex scrib(a) / cl(assis) pr(aetoriae)

M[is(enensis)] natio(ne) Bessus vix(it) ann(os) LXIII / Flavi(a) Potamilla et / Flavi(us) Bithus patri f(ecerunt),

noting two generations of Bithi. Cf. AE 1933, 103 (Taurianum), D(is) M(anibus) / Hedistes vix(it) an(nos) / XIII

m(enses) V / Bithus et Successa parent/es piisimae posue/runt provinciale[s] contubern(ali) carissim(ae) /

faciund(um) curaver(unt). On the Thracian origins of Bithus, see Detschew 1957 s. v. „Bithus.‟ 40

Phang 2001: 193.

78

Diploma Table 3: Auxiliary peregrine ‘husbands’ and ‘wives’41

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and

Origo (Dative)

Wife’s Name and Origo

(Dative)

3.1: CIL 16, 2; 13

Feb. pre-54

Sremska

Mitrovica;

[Illyricum]

Cohors II

Hispanorum

Dasenti

Dasmeni f.,

Cornacati [P]

Lorae / Iorae Prososii

fil. [---] [P]

3.2: CIL 16, 5; 16

Jun, 64

Geiselbrechting;

[Raetia or

Noricum]

Ala Gemelliana Cattao Bardi

f., Helvetio

[P]

Sabinae Gammi fil.,

Helvetiae [M]

3.3: CIL 16 38; 13;

Jul. 94

Split; Delmatia Cohors III

Alpinorum

Veneto Diti

f., Daverso

[P]

Madenae Plarentis fil.,

Deramistae [P]

3.4: RMD 216, 20

Feb. 98

Elst; Germania

Inferior

Ala I Batavorum [---] Gaveri

f., Batavo [P]

[--- Pere]grini fil.,

Batavae [?]

3.5: RGZM 11; 13

May 105

FSU (“lower

Danube”);

Moesia Inferior

Ala I Asturum Urbano

Ateionis f.,

Treviro [M]

Crispinae Eptacenti

fil., [M]

3.6: CIL 16, 49; 12

Jan. 105

Szöny; Britannia Cohors I

Britannica ∞

civium

Romanorum

Lucconi

Treni f.,

Dobunno [P]

Tutulae Breuci fil.,

Azala [P]

3.7: CIL 16, 52; 106 Wels; [Noricum] Cohors I

Asturum

Clementi A[-

-- f., ---] [R /

M]

Secciae Sabini [fil., ---

] [M]

3.8: CIL 16, 55; 30

Jun. 107

Weissenberg;

Raetia

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

Mogetissae

Comatulli f.,

Boio [P]

Verecundae Casati fil.,

Sequanae [M]

3.9: CIL 16, 161; 14

Oct. 109

Banasa;

Mauretania

Tingitana

Ala I Hamiorum

sagittariorum

Bargati Zaei

f., Hamio [P]

Iuliae Iuli fil.,

Deisatae, Surae [M]

3.10: RMD 84; [14

Oct.] 109

Pernik;

Mauretania

[Tingitana]

Ala I Augusta

civium

Romanorum

Sitali Cultra[-

-- f., ---] [P]

Iuniae Gaditani fil.,

M[---] [R]

3.11: RMD 223; 3

May 112

FSU; Raetia Ala Arvacorum

et Hispanorum

Dasenti

Liccai f.,

Pannonio [P]

Matenae Etdeidatis fil.,

Azalae [P]

41

On the designations [P], [M] and [R], see pp. 40 and 68 above.

79

3.12: CIL 16, 61; 1

Sept. 114

Carnuntum;

Pannonia

Inferior

Ala

Frontoniana

Nertomaro

Irducissae f.,

Boio [P]

Custae Magni fil.,

Aquinco [R]

3.13: RMD 348; (6

Mar. / 15 May), 118

FSU; [Germania

Superior]

A [---] f.

Auluseno,

Besso [M / P]

[--- fi]l. Valentinae,

Bessae [M]

3.14: CIL 16, 67; 29

Jun. 120

Tricornium;

Macedonia

Cohors V Flavia

Bessorum

M. Antonio

Timi f. Timi,

Hieropolitano

[M]

Doroturmae Dotochae

fil., Tricornio [P]

3.15: RMD 20; 118 /

122

Românaşi;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A / C [M. U]lpio

Landion[is

f.,] [M]

[---]acherae Anma[---

fil.] [P]

3.16: RMD 26; [16

May / 13 Jun.] 124

Alba Iulia;

[Dacia

Superior?]

A [---]o,

Hadrumeto

[?]

Incertae, Pannoniae

3.17: RMD 235; 1

Jun. 125

FSU

(“Bulgaria”?);

[Moesia

Superior]

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

[---]lo Iresi?

f., Besso

[P/M]

[---]iu Lucosis fil.,

Bessae [P]

3.18: RMD 241; 20

Aug. 127

FSU; Moesia

Superior

Ala I Flavia

Gaetulorum

Veladato

Dialonis f.,

Eravisco [P]

Iuliae Titi fil.

Eraviscae [R]

3.19. RGZM 24, [20

Aug.] 127

FSU

(“Balkans”?);

[Germania

Inferior]

[Coh. I

Latobicorum et]

Varcianorum

[---]

Daubasgi [f.,

---] [P?]

[---]namesis fil. [P?]

3.20: RMD 370; 118

/ 120 or 126 / 128

FSU; Incerta A Flavio Fr[---

f., ---] [M]

Sangon[--- fil.,]

Be[ssae?] [P]

3.21: RMD 245; 114

/ 129?

Enns; Incerta A [---]beri f.,

P[annonio?]

[P]

[An?]gulati fil.,

N[oricae?] [P]

3.22: CIL 16, 105;

129 / 134

Pappenheim;

[Raetia]

Ala I

Hispanorum

Auriana

[---, ---]uli f.,

Frisio [P?]

[---]ini fil., Batavae [P]

3.23: CIL 16, 175;

[Mar. / Oct.], 139

Albertfalva;

[Pa]nnon[ia

Inferior]

Ala I Thracum

veterana

sagittaria

Octavio Q. f.

Vi[---] [R/M]

Mariccae Curin[--- fil.]

[P]

Most of the names in the extant diplomas, for both recipient and „wife‟, adhere to peregrine

conventions: name, filiation and origo. The only pair clearly attested on a military diploma from

80

Germania Inferior were both Batavians, whose territory lay on the lower Rhine (Table no. 3.4).42

The location of the recipient‟s unit was also Germania Inferior, indicating that the recipient had

known his wife from a young age, perhaps prior to enlistment. Auxiliary service was a consistent

reality of these groups‟ participation in the military of the Roman empire. In the case of the

Batavi, whose contributions to the Roman army were considerable, it will be argued in chapter 4

that military service promoted the development of a coherent Batavian identity influenced by the

culture of the army. The bonds of family were particularly easy to maintain, given both the

proximity of the recipient‟s province of service (Germania Inferior) to the Batavian homeland

and surely the presence of many other Batavians in his unit, ala I Batavorum.

A diploma of Germania Superior records a pair of Bessi, whose territory was located in

the Haemus mountains of Thrace (3.13).43

Other Bessi, both male and female, are attested

elsewhere on military diplomas from other provinces in close proximity to Germania Superior.

Another pair of Bessi are attested on a diploma issued to a veteran of ala Flavia Gaetulorum

from Moesia Superior, and the wife of another unknown auxiliary soldier was also a member of

this Thracian tribe. The intra-tribal marriage phenomenon is attested in several other diploma

records. Occasionally, these connections might be obscured by conventions in Roman military

record-keeping, such as the recording of a Pannonian soldier‟s origo as Pannonius when he was

stationed outside of his home province. Thus, the Pannonius Dasens (3.11) and his Azalian wife

Matena could both have belonged to the Pannonian tribe of the Azali.

VI. Remarks on children recorded in military diplomas

A feature of the majority of military diplomas is the absence of either a „wife‟ or a child,

and as such the low numbers of attested auxiliary families from Germania and Britannia are

examples of this empire-wide trend. Part of this may be due to “a disinclination to shoulder

42

On the Batavians, see Roymans 2004. For a summary of references to the Batavi in literary sources, see Spaul

2000: 205-206. Pliny, HN 4.15.101 noted that their homeland was an island in the Rhine, perhaps modern Betuwe. 43

For a summary of literary evidence about the Bessi, see Spaul 2000: 339-340.

81

burdens or cling to outworn ties.”44

However, the examples cited above of auxiliary „wives‟ from

similar tribal backgrounds demonstrate that this was not a universally felt sentiment among the

auxiliary soldiery. Other factors are possible:

1) Any “family” that the veteran may have had perished prior to his discharge.

2) The veteran would have been reluctant to acknowledge a relationship that was illegal.

3) The soldier‟s „wife‟ was already a Roman citizen.

4) The soldier had children, but refused to acknowledge them.

5) The soldier was already married according to his own native customs, and did not feel the

need to „register‟ his marriage in Roman terms.

It seems to me that mortality rates, particularly among women of childbearing age, should not be

discounted. This may be the case with diplomas (and other monuments like tombstones) which

record children, but no spouse. Even auxiliaries had a high mortality rate, with roughly 50%

failing to reach their 25 year goal;45

auxiliary tombstones, the vast majority of which

commemorate soldiers who died before reaching 25 stipendia, reinforce this broad statistic.

It seems unlikely that points (3) and (5) account for many missing auxiliary families in

the diploma records. It would be rare for a peregrine auxiliary to marry a Roman citizen,

particularly in the first century CE. Marriage at or below the same social status as the soldier was

the norm in antiquity.46

In the case of peregrines, it is not surprising to observe that women of the

same or a geographically close ethnic origin as their „husbands‟ are well attested among

diplomas. The location of a unit‟s garrison obviously altered this dynamic, particularly when

soldiers were stationed far from their homelands.

In regard to point (4), a letter of Hadrian on August 4, 119 CE is pertinent:47

‟An[ti/]gra(fon) e)p?is?t[ol(h=j) tou= kuri/ou me]qhpm[hn]eu---me/nhj [. . . . . . . . .]w [h)/]

[(e)/touj)] gV Trai[a]no[u= ‛Adriano[u= Sebasto]u= [Pou]p?li/ou ‟A[ili/ou to\ gV kai\ „Rou]stikou=

44

Roxan 1986: 269. 45

Roxan 1986: 269 n. 8. 46

Alston 1995: 65-66, 138. 47

BGU 140, slightly reformatted. The translation is that of Phang 2001: 402-403.

82

[u(pa/]toij proe[te/qh e)n. . . . . . . . en ‟Alecandrei/# t$=] parembol($=) th=[j] xeimasi/a[j

legiw=no(j) tri/thj] Ku[rhnaikh=j k[ai\] legiw=no(j) [B] k[ai\ ei)ko]st[h=]j D$ioterianh=j

pri/die no/[n]aj ‟Aougo[u/s]taj, o(/ e)stin Mesorh\ iVaV e)n prinke[p]i/oij.

‟Epi\stamai, „Ra/mmie/ mou, t[o]u/touj, o[u(\]j oi( gonei=j au)tw=n t%= th=j stratei/aj a)nei/- -

lanto xro/n%, th\n pro\j ta\ patrika\ [u(pa/r]xonta pro/sodon kekwlu=sqai, k[ai\ t]ou=to ou)k

e)do/kei sklhro\n e[i)=]nai [tou)n]anti/on au)tw=n th=j stratiw[ti]kh=[j] [dida]xh=j pepoihko/twn.

῞Hdista de\ au)to\j proei/enai ta\j a)forma\j di‟w(=n to\ au)sthro/teron u(po\ tw=n pro\ e)mou=

Au)tokrato/rwn staqe\n filanqrwpo/---ter[o]n e(rmhneu/w. ῞Onper toigarou=n t[ro/p]on ou)/k

ei)sin no/mimoi klhro --- [no/m]oi tw=n e(autw=n pate/rwn oi( t%= [t]h=j strate[i/]aj xron%

a)nal[h]mfqe/n---tej, o(/mwj kat[o]xh\[n] u([pa]rxo/ntwn e)c e)kei/nou tou= me/[r]ouj tou=

diata/gma---toj, ou(= kai\ toi\j pro\j [g]e/nouj sungene/si di/dwtai, ai)tei=sqai du/nasqai kai\

au)tou\j kre[i/n]w. Tau/thn mou th\n dwrea\n kai\ toi=j stratiw/taij e)mou= kai\ ou)e---tranoi=j

eu)/gnwsto/n se poih=sai deh/---sei, ou)x e(/neka tou= dokei=n me au)touj e)nlogei=n, a)lla\ i(/na

tou/t% xrw=ntai, e)a\n a)gnow=si.

Copy of a letter of the emperor, translated48

… which was publicly displayed in the third year of Trajan

Hadrian Augustus, in the consulship of Publius Rusticus… in the winter camp of the III Cyrenaica legion

and the XXII Deiotariana on the 4th

of August which is the 11th

of Mesore, at headquarters.

I know, my dear Rammius, that those whom their parents in their period of military service acknowledged

as their children have been debarred from succeeding to their fathers‟ property, and this measure did not

seem harsh since their action was contrary to military discipline. But I find it most pleasant to put forward

precedents through which I may interpret more liberally the rather harsh rule established by emperors

before me. For although those acknowledged in the period of military service are not legitimate heirs of

their fathers, nevertheless I decide that they can also claim possession of property from that clause of the

edict which gives this right to cognate relatives. It will be your duty to make this grant of mine well known

both to my soldiers and to the veterans, not to enable me to be exalted in their eyes, but so that they may

profit by this, if they are unaware of it.

As is evident from Hadrian‟s letter, the ideological nature of Augustus‟ marriage ban was

not a secret. The belief that a married soldier would necessarily lack the discipline and

concentration of an unmarried soldier is primarily, as Phang has demonstrated, an ideological

construct that is a feature of both ancient and modern commentators of the Roman army.49

Although even peregrine auxiliary soldiers enjoyed the right to make legally recognized Roman

wills,50

their children were not legitimate heirs to their estate. The letter helps to explain why

sons of auxiliaries rarely appear as heirs on auxiliary tombstones, and perhaps why so many

auxiliary diplomas and monuments lack family references. Diplomas, like stone inscriptions,

48

I.e. from Latin into Greek, as was commonly done in military units stationed in the eastern provinces of the

Roman empire. 49

Phang 2001: esp. 372-377; cf. Pflaum 1969: 97. 50

Aside from the fact that this is stated on numerous tombstones that include the terms heres/heredes and/or

testamentum, a soldier‟s ability to make a legal will that could bequeath property and money to Latins and

peregrines was noted by Roman jurists, e.g. Gaius, Inst. 2.11.1-11; Note, however, that Hadrian revoked a woman‟s

ability to benefit from a soldier‟s will if she had engaged in turpis suspicio (Dig. 29.1.41.1), adultery or stuprum

(Dig. 34.9.14). On soldiers‟ wills, see Phang 2001: 217-221 (military wills) and 38-40 (intestate succession).

83

were Roman forms of cultural expression. While Roman law could not prevent auxiliaries from

having families, it did not have to recognize them.

Hadrian clearly recognizes that the children of soldiers was significant enough to warrant

a shift in away from to\ au)stero/teron u(po tw=n pro\ [Hadrian] Au)tokrato/rwn staqe\n, a

harshness of Augustus that his successors had, as with many other elements of his policy,

maintained. Clearly the number of soldiers with children was sufficient enough to have gotten

Hadrian‟s attention. His decision reflects the importance of family among his troops, in whose

good graces, despite the emperor‟s apparent modesty, it was wise to stay.

VII. Women inside and outside the forts: archaeology and

epigraphy

Military diplomas alone sufficiently demonstrate that women and children were a feature

of daily life in frontier contexts, and clearly lower-ranking auxiliaries shared with fellow soldiers

of higher ranks the widely tolerated ability to maintain a family while still serving in the army.

This topic has received further attention in a recent archaeological study, namely Allison‟s

catalogue of „gendered‟ artifacts at Ellingen, which attempted to identify women within the walls

of the fort.51

The archaeology of this site, as will be shown later, can be given further context

when discussed alongside auxiliary family data preserved in the military diploma record.

Nestled on the frontier of Roman Germany near Weissenberg, Ellingen (whose ancient

name is currently unattested) has been the subject of extensive excavation.52

Built near the end of

the 2nd

cent. CE, it covered only 0.7 ha, small even for an auxiliary fort in Germania.53

It is well known that commanders and officers could bring their families with them on

campaign; Germanicus, Agrippina and Gaius in his little boots are perhaps the most famous

51

Allison 2006. 52

The standard study of the fort is Zanier 1992, which includes a thorough inventory of the site‟s archaeological

finds. 53

For surveys of auxiliary forts in Germania, see Schönberger 1969 and 1985.

84

example,54

but the Vindolanda tablets also contain numerous private correspondences from the

wife of the prefect of the coh. VIIII Batavorum. The discovery at Ellingen of well preserved

perinatal remains invites further discussion of this topic.55

Given the low number of well

excavated forts, this is not a question which archaeology alone can answer in a fully quantitative

manner. Although the same problems of quantification apply to the surviving corpora of

diplomas and epigraphy, the Ellingen remains should be evaluated alongside these sources. An

interdisciplinary approach to the evidence will yield the best possible illustration of how the

Ellingen remains relate to more general trends in the family practice and structures of the auxilia,

also regarding infant mortality.

The extent to which women were permitted inside the walls of a fort is discussed in

Phang‟s study, which dealt in detail with a particularly relevant aspect of current research on

auxiliary soldiers, namely the illegal but widely tolerated phenomenon of marriage among

Roman soldiers from the time of Augustus to the lifting of the ban in 197 by Severus. Phang,

however, was circumspect regarding the possibility of women living inside Roman forts:56

The archaeological evidence suggests that some women were occasionally present in the barracks, but we

know nothing about the origin, status or occupation of the women… were the women prostitutes, as at

Numantia in 134 BC (Appian, Iber. 85; [Frontinus] Strat. 4.1.1)? Were the women the soldiers‟ “wives”,

some soldiers being allowed to “live with” their wives before Severus (Herodian 3.8.5)? Perhaps the

women were slave women, of low enough status to be ignored, as native Asian concubines were tolerated

in Dutch Indonesia…. It seems improbable that cohabitation in the barracks can have been allowed on a

large scale; it would suggest that units were not kept up to strength, unless some soldiers, “married” or not,

were lodged elsewhere.”

This approach owes more to modern military practices than to ancient evidence, as

modern military historians read back into antiquity the military practices of their own day.

Allison proposed a different model. Using GIS mapping techniques, she classified various

artifacts excavated and catalogued from three forts in Germany according to the likely gender of

54 Suet. Cal. 9.1 and, famously, Tac. Ann. 1.41: Augusti avi memoria, socer Drusus, ipsa insigni fecunditate,

praeclara pudicitia; iam infans in castris genitus, in contubernio legionum eductus, quem militari vocabulo

Caligulam appellabant, quia plerumque ad concilianda vulgi studia eo tegmine pedum induebatur, but see also Ann.

1.69: id Tiberii animum altius penetravit: non enim simplicis eas curas, nec adversus externos <studia> militum

quaeri. nihil relictum imperatoribus, ubi femina manipulos intervisat, signa adeat, largitionem temptet, tamquam

parum ambitiose filium ducis gregali habitu circumferat Caesaremque Caligulam appellari velit. That the

popularity of Agrippina the Elder and Germanicus‟ family among the German legions was potentially a serious

threat to Tiberius‟ own position (nihil relictum imperatoribus), is a clear theme in both of these passages, as

elsewhere in the Annals. As emperor, Gaius repudiated the nickname (Sen. Dial. 2.18.5-7). 55

See Schröter‟s catalogue in Zanier 1992, 305-306: “fast reife und reife Feten, relativ kurz nach der Geburt

gestorbene Säuglinge.” 56

Phang 2001: 127-129.

85

its ancient user, a process which she called “engendering.” Allison‟s approach is concerned

primarily with ascertaining the ownership and function of archaeological remains like brooches

and spindle-whorls. Phang had noted the difficulties involved in assigning ownership to objects

discovered in a military context, and the methodology of Allison‟s later work has been

criticized.57

Soldiers did not need a wife to fasten their brooches, and other menial tasks could be

performed by them, their slaves, or by lixae attached to the fort.58

The work of both scholars,

however, invites more investigation into the role of women, and soldiers‟ wives within the

auxiliary fort context. The most unambiguous evidence for such women – and their children – is

in the epigraphic record.

The evidence for officers‟ wives living inside Roman forts, including centurions and

decurions in the auxilia, is extensive, and has been recently surveyed by Hassall.59

Allison and

Phang are both concerned with the possibility that this privilege was not limited strictly to the

officer class, but also involved common soldiers. Here it becomes relevant to include Roxan‟s

analysis of the epigraphic record of women in military contexts60

Although she is not able to

shed more light on the question of where women who accompanied auxiliary soldiers lived, she

does marshall evidence for firm ties between these soldiers and their male companions.

In the inscriptions collected by Roxan61

spanning the 1st – 3

rd centuries, in the case of

monuments set up by serving auxiliary soldiers or their wives, coniunx appears 45 times, uxor 11

times, matrona 1 time, maritus/a 5 times, sponsa eius 1 time, hospita 1 time, liberta 7 times, vir /

suus 4 times. In the case of monuments from the same time period set up by auxiliary veterans

or their wives, coniunx appears 36 times, uxor 8 times, maritus/a 8 times, conpar 1 time, liberta

et coniunx 3 times, liberta 5 times, vir / suus / eius 3 times. Despite the small sample,62

the

variety of terms employed offers useful hints to the families created in these military contexts.

The appropriation of coniunx – again, sensu stricto illegally – is noteworthy, since this term,

along with uxor, is the most common term for wife in most other contexts. This tendency to

commemorate a coniunx and uxor provides a useful insight into these relationships as they were

57

Several responses were published in the same issue of Archeological Dialogues in which Allison‟s paper was

published. 58

Phang 2001: 127-128. 59

Hassall 1999: 35-39. 60

Roxan 1991. 61

For references, see Roxan 1991. 62

Texts on perishable materials such as wood have obviously not been preserved, as pointed out by Serrati 2005.

86

viewed by the participants, as opposed to their Roman legal definition. One supposes that the

wives were of different backgound, some may have been local, and some foreign peregrine

women; while some soldiers may have married their freedwomen, a practice well attested in

numerous civilian contexts.

VIII. Children, exposure and infanticide

When discussing what the presence or absence of children of Roman auxiliary soldiers in

our evidence can tell us about the formation of families, the question of child exposure and

infanticide becomes important.63

Although child exposure is generally accepted as being a

widespread phenomenon in the Roman world,64

the extent to which various ranks of soldiers

practiced it is debatable. There were no laws against Roman soldiers having children, only

against their marriage, and even then only after enlistment.65

The Ellingen remains are a vivid

reminder that a soldier‟s mind at a Roman fort was not solely focused on military matters,

although “marriage” might reasonably be assumed not to have been desired by all auxiliary

troops. Thus, when assessing soldier‟s families, scholars often point to what is termed “military

culture,” the consequences of which were numerous abandoned women, children and broken

hearts. This approach has been the subject of recent criticism by Phang, who notes that this is a

long-standing tradition in the scholarship dating to Otto Seeck‟s conclusions that infanticide in

the army was a common phenomenon.66

Seeck‟s interpretations derived from a questionable

interpretation of Tacitus Ann. 14.27, in reference to soldiers who are neque coniugis suscipiendis

63

For a summary of research on this topic, “one of the most emotive and debated topics in the Greco-Roman

world,” see Phang 2001: 296-305, esp. 296-297 nn. 1-3. 64

Phang 2001: 296 n.1 observes that the scope of child-exposure in the Roman period is less hotly debated than in

the Classical period of Greek history. Roman historians are in broad agreement that this practice was common and

widespread, as argued by W. Harris in a well-known paper (Harris 1994). This was partly a consequence of high

birth rates, since ancient methods of contraception were ineffective (Harris 1994: 57-58, Phang 2001: 296 n. 2).

There is debate, however, as to whether the majority of exposed children were enslaved (Harris 1994 and Harris

1999), rescued (Boswell 1984: 1988: 42-43, 128-131) or simply died (Phang 2001: 297, noting the significance of

the miraculous rescue of the exposed infant in many ancient myths). 65

Hassall 1999. 66

Seeck 1893: 620.

87

neque alendis liberis sueti.67

Phang‟s observations are valid, although susceptible to

overgeneralization. Ellingen played host not to Roman legionaries, who were the subject of

Tacitus‟ remark, but to auxiliaries, many of whom belonged to provincial ethnic groups, and who

were perhaps less eager to practice infanticide for cultural reasons.68

Without unambiguous evidence of the history of the fort‟s garrison, it is pointless to

speculate on the degree of ethnic diversity which might have existed in the garrison community.

In general, the list of 69 diplomas presented and discussed above illustrates the ethnic diversity

of the auxilia, a fact also well attested in the epigraphic record. Birley‟s study of the personnel at

Vindolanda revealed a collection of names deriving from Greek, Latin, Celtic and Germanic

origins.69

Even though it is difficult to pinpoint exact places of origin from names alone – the

Celtic names may belong to local Britons or to Celts from the Continent, for example70

– the

continued presence of peregrines bearing non-Roman names in the auxilia remained a common

feature of the lower ranking personnel of this section of the army well into the second century.

Of course Roman citizens too could serve in auxiliary units, but even auxiliary units that were

originally restricted to Roman citizens admitted peregrines, such as Liccaius Vinentis f. and

Valens Iangali f., both serving in the coh. III Campestrorum stationed in Moesia and Dacia.71

Thus, the peregrine factor should not be dismissed when discussing attitudes to exposure

and infanticide; it would be a mistake to assume that all Roman soldiers, regardless of rank,

status or citizenship had the same cultural view of family structure. With the auxilia, where one

unit could bring together recruits from several ethnic groups, one might expect greater diversity

in family structure. The lack of wives named on many auxiliary tombstones is one example;

regional variation, as recently observed by Serrati,72

could account for a great many absences,

particularly in the case of soldiers who were not, under Roman law, married, and many

67

As Phang 2001: 298 n. 8 observes, “[Seeck] assumes a modern-European degree of prejudice against bastards.” 68

Ellingen‟s occupation history is not well documented; it is impossible to be exact about the ethnic character of its

auxiliary garrison. 69

A. Birley 2001a. 70

The dichotomy is well illustrated by an inscription of the coh. IIII Gallorum from Vindolanda, mentioning cives

Galli and cives Britanni (see ch. 4.IV.ii). 71

Liccaius was beneficiarius tribuni militum (AE 1897, 93), while Valens, a miles, (CIL 3, 7289), was buried in

Athens where perhaps, as Spaul suggests (2000: 31), he died while on detached service. On the personnel serving in

so-called “citizen cohorts” see M. P. Speidel 1984: 91-100. 72

See n. 62 in this chapter.

88

tombstones from Germania, as Roxan demonstrated,73

name other family members besides a

wife.

There are few sources about family practice among peregrines, including evidence for

exposure and infanticide. In addition, evidence for these practices is invariably filtered through

the medium of Roman historians, whose claims may owe more to ethnographic conventions than

to close study of foreign cultures. Tacitus‟ claim that the Germani were less willing to expose

infants is a good example of this interpretative ambiguity, since the Germans supposed concern

for family is explicitly contrasted with Roman practice.74

This approach is a hallmark of Tacitus‟

style, and of ethnographic approaches generally, of which Caesar‟s famous excursus about the

customs of the Germani in the Gallic War is only the most obvious comparandum.75

To this debate auxiliary military diplomas can make a useful contribution. Roxan did not

use military diplomas in her 1989 study, which was based on stone inscriptions; she argued that

that diploma evidence must be read in conjunction with the stone epigraphic record.76

This is

certainly so, and has been reiterated by Derks and Roymans more recently,77

and with a recent

upsurge in the publication of diplomas, and given the wealth of specific detail which they can

provide about the families of auxiliary soldiers spanning low ranks to officers, this material

merits fresh assessment. In Diploma Table 1 all diplomas published up to 2008 that preserved

evidence for a child were provided.78

These data are summarized in three tables below, recording

73

Roxan 1991.

74 Tac. Germ. 19 (cf. Rives 1999 comm. ad loc.): numerum liberorum finire aut quemquam ex agnatis necare

flagitium habetur, plusque ibi boni mores valent quam alibi (i.e. among the Romans) bonae leges (i.e. the lex Papia

Poppaea). 75

Caes. BG 6.14-28, contrasting the Germani with the Gauls; cf. Harris 1994, 7 n. 50 for other examples of cultural

digression regarding the family practices of foreign peoples: Jews and agnati (Tac. Hist. 5.5), Diodorus 1.80.3;

40.3.8 = Hecataeus Abd., FGrH 264 F6 (Egyptians raise all young). 76

Roxan 1991 (in Limes 1991). 77

Derks and Roymans 2006. 78

Diploma publication has continued, with important evidence published especially in ZPE and Chiron by Eck and

Pangerl. These will likely be included in future volumes of RMD. In Chiron 2008 Weiss published 16 diplomas for

Moesia, all of which are too fragmentary to provide any information for their recipients‟ wives and/or children. In

the same journal Eck and Pangerl (2008) published another 3 diplomas for veterans of Moesia and 17 for veterans of

Moesia Superior. Of these 36 diplomas, the following preserved information about children: Eck and Pangerl Chiron

2008: nos. (1), (2) and (10). (1) was issued on 8 May 100 CE to Aulusenus Densetralis f. of the Bessi, a Thracian

tribe; he had one son, Densetralis, obviously named after his grandfather. On May 16, 101 CE (Eck and Pangerl

Chiron 2008 (2)) was issued to Ciagitsa Sitae f., another Bessan, and mentions three male offspring, Valens,

Valerius, and Sabinus. His name is cognate with Clagissa (CIL 16, 83). Eck and Pangerl Chiron 2008 (10) was

issued in 115 to L. Iulius L. f. Claudianus, who had a son Iulius and a daughter Domnina. As he had served in the

ala praetoria singularium on Trajan‟s Parthian campaign, he may have received citizenship upon enlistment; the

89

(a) definite instances of female offspring listed on military diplomas, (b) definite instances of

male-only offspring listed on diplomas, (c) definite instances of female-only offspring listed on

diplomas and and (d) diplomas that may or must have listed a child or children, but are too

fragmentary to be listed in (a)-(c).

(a) Diplomas that attest both genders among offspring. Numbers in the left-hand column correspond to Diploma

Table 1 provided above.

Definite Female Offspring /

Total Offspring

“Wife”

recorded?

1.1 (1/3) Yes

1.2 (3/4) No

1.3 (1/2) Yes

1.10 (1/4) Yes

1.11 (2/3) Yes

1.18 (1/3) No

1.21 (2/4) Yes

1.22 (2/5) No

1.23 (2/3) No

1.24 (1/3) Yes

1.27 (1/2) Yes

1.30 (3/4) No

1.31 (2/4) No

1.32 (1/2) Yes

1.33 (1-2/5) Yes

1.34 (1/6) Yes

tria nomina indicate that he was either a Latin or a Roman citizen. It seems odd that his daughter does not bear a

name derived from her father‟s gentilicium; perhaps this is a Latin form of an individual peregrine name; following

her father‟s receipt of his privileges, her formal „Roman‟ name would perhaps have been Iulia Domnina. Also

noteworthy are four diplomas including soldiers‟ siblings and parents in their privileges: RMD 19, RMD 357, ZPE

165: 213-218; ZPE 166: 276-284. This, however, was a unique special grant (ante emerita stipendia) made by

Hadrian to the troops of the ala Ulpia contariorum based in Dacia.

90

1.38 (2/5) Yes

1.40 (1/5) Yes

1.41 (2/6) No

1.42 (1-2/3) No

1.43 (1-2/5) No

1.46 (1-2/3) No

1.48 (2/4) Yes

1.51 (1/2) No

1.55 (2/6) No

1.59 (1/5) No

1.60 (2/6) No

1.68 (1-2/4) No

Total: 42-47 females / 69-

64 males in 28 families

Yes: 13, No: 15,

?: 0

(b) Diplomas that attest male-only offspring

(Total Offspring) Wife recorded?

1.4 (1) Yes

1.5 (1) No

1.6 (1) No

1.9 (1) No

1.12 (1) Yes

1.14 (2-3) ?

1.16 (2) Yes

1.17 (1) Yes

1.19 (3) No

91

1.20 (1) No

1.36 (1) Yes

1.37 (1) Yes

1.39 (1) No

1.52 (2) No

1.54 (1) No

1.57 (2) No

1.58 (2) No

1.61 (1) No

1.63 (3) No

Total: 28-29 males in 19

families

Yes: 6; No: 12;

?: 1

(c) Diplomas that attest female only offspring

(Total Offspring) Wife recorded?

1.8 (2) Yes

1.13 (1) Yes

1.25 (1) No

1.26 (1) Yes

1.28 (1) Yes

1.44 (1) Yes

1.50 (2) No

Total: 9 females in 7

families

Yes: 5, No: 2,

?: 0

92

(d) Fragmentary diploma records of auxiliary families; genders provided when known

(Total Offspring) Wife recorded?

1.7 (1) ?

1.15 (1?; may be “wife”) ?

1.29 (3) Yes

1.45 (2) Yes

1.47 (2, including 1 male) No

1.49 (2, including 1 female) Yes

1.53 (1?; may be “wife”) ?

1.56 (2, including 1 female) Yes

1.62 (2, including 1 male) Yes

1.64 (2, including 1 male) Yes

1.65 (1) No

1.66 (4, including 3 males) ?

1.67 (2, including 1 male) No

1.69 (2) ?

1.70 (1) No

1.71 (2) No

1.72 (x ≥ 1) ?

Total: x ≥ 31, including 6

males, 2-4 females in 17

families

Yes: 6, No: 5,

?: 6

As copies of legal documents, diplomas are formulaic, and, although the wording of the

formula was altered in various ways at various times, the structure of these documents remained

largely the same.79

The one major exception is a change which happened in 140, after which

79 One of the privileges granted by the Roman emperor was conubium – the right of legal Roman marriage. “Wives”

did not get Roman citizenship. The soldier could use this conubium for one woman, with whom he currently had a

relationship (cum uxoribus quas tunc habuissent), but this grant of conubium was granted also to all „unmarried‟

soldiers (caelibes), each of whom could form a legal marriage with the first woman whom he subsequently married.

93

children were no longer included in auxiliary diplomas, except in the case of junior officers like

centurions and decurions.

If Roman “military culture” also involved common infant exposure, and if that exposure

was biased specifically against females, one might expect to observe this trend in the auxiliary

diplomas. As mentioned above (in 2.IV), it is commonly held that military diplomas which

mention a family constitute a very small proportion of the total. The argument that auxiliary

families were statistically infrequent, based on diploma records is, however, weak. All diplomas

published in major collections to date (CIL 16 and its supplement, five volumes of RMD, one

volume of RGZM) total 710, of which 69 clearly attest the presence of auxiliary soldiers‟

children. However, once all non-auxiliary diplomas are excluded (i.e. diplomas issued to

praetorians, the urban cohorts, seamen, the equites singulares Augusti) this total is reduced; it is

further reduced by the exclusion of diploma fragments too incomplete to permit the

reconstruction of any information about the recipient and/ or any possible family members.80

The

total number, with which diplomas citing children are compared, must necessarily be reduced

further, since all post-140 diplomas should be excluded, as they under no circumstances can

preserve any information about children. Ultimately, the percentage of pre-140 auxiliary

diplomas that preserve information about children is 69/222, or 31%.81

Another 38 diplomas may

be either auxiliary or fleet diplomas, but are too fragmentary to provide a definitive

identification. Even if all were issued to auxiliaries, the total increases only to 69/260 (27%); it

therefore seems prudent to estimate that around 30% of extant pre-140 military diplomas issued

to auxiliary soldiers attested a family. This is a significant figure, very different from the one

commonly cited in the scholarly debate. The evidence from military diplomas clearly does not

support the notion that auxiliary soldiers tended not to maintain family ties.

Tables (a) – (d) demonstrate that boys and girls are not equally well represented in the

auxiliary families. Leaving aside table (d), which contains uncertain cases, it turns out that 19

families attest male-only offspring, while only 7 families have exclusively female offspring. The

If a soldier were to divorce and attempt to remarry, any future bride, if peregrine, would be unable to enter into a

legal Roman marriage. 80

Occasionally even tiny fragments can yield useful evidence for an auxiliary family, based on the presence of the

abbreviation fil(io / ia). associated with „wives‟ and children, so caution must be exercised when evaluating diploma

fragments for demographic purposes. 81

Pre-140 diplomas, by collection: CIL: 102; RMD: 261; RGZM: 16. Possibly auxiliary, by collection: CIL: 9, RMD

28, RGZM: 1.

94

total number of children, all families (a)-(c) included, is 92-98 boys and 51-56 girls. This results

in a ratio of almost 2 males for every female, which clearly cannot reflect a natural demographic

situation.

Roxan suggested that the gender gap separating boys from girls in the epigraphic record

could be partially explained by marriage: by the time the auxiliary completed 25 years of service,

many children would have come of age. If these were daughters, then they were probably already

married off, and “would no longer be his legal responsibility; indeed under Roman law he might

well not be allowed to name them on diplomata.”82

This is an important contribution to our

understanding of the data, and may explain at least part of the inequality in the gender

distribution among children. Yet it is warranted to continue our discussion of the evidence, and

bring in the question of ethnicity.

IX. Gender Imbalance and „Romanization‟

The diploma tables provided in this chapter (see sections 2.III-IV) include a column for

family classification. Families are classified based on the onomastic trends observable in the

soldier‟s offspring. Children‟s names on diplomas are the names that they bore as peregrini, so

the incidence of Roman names and peregrine names is also significant as an index of Roman

cultural influence. The designation M (mixed) refers to onomastic evidence for the mingling of

individuals bearing Roman and peregrine names. The benefit of this approach is that it will

clearly demarcate, when sufficient information has been preserved, cultural backgrounds.

Auxiliary families of two peregrine parents and children with both peregrine and Roman-

influenced names provide vivid examples of a fundamental transitional experience clearly

facilitated by the cultural impact of auxiliary service in the provinces.

Children are listed in the sequence that they appear on the diplomas, i.e. males first, in

order of birth, and females second, in order of birth. Table 1.22 (above, pp. 61-62) gives a likely

indication of this arrangement, for the fifth name is Quinta, “Fifth,” which may be owed to the

82

Roxan 1991.

95

status of being the youngest child of five. She and her sister have Roman names; two of her

brothers do not.

A perceptible gender gap among some families preserved on military diplomas raises

questions about child exposure in auxiliary contexts. As noted earlier (above, p. 93) Roxan

suggested that many female children would have reached adulthood by the time their father

completed his 25 years of service; presumably they would have already been married by that

time and not eligible for inclusion in the diploma. Evidence of female infant exposure may be

found in incidents of families with only one male child or, on the other extreme, families with a

large number of children, few or none of which are female.

12 of the 19 entries in table (b) on pp. 90-91 above attest just 1 male. Most of these

“only” children bore Roman names, although even a „Roman‟ name could be used to express

ethnic identity. A notable example of this is Dacius, the son of a Dacian soldier (1.36), whose

name is clearly based on the Latin Dacus. These one-child fathers seem likely candidates for

potential expositors of unwanted infants. In families where females are present, the reverse trend

is evident. Table (c) on p. 91 attests 5 cases where only 1 daughter was listed on a diploma, and

two cases of multiple daughters. Moreover, table (a) on pp. 89-90 provides another 27 families

that included offspring of both genders; of these, 12 certainly included multiple females, with

another 4 possible cases of multiple female offspring.83

As noted above, scholars have generally

assumed a high rate of female exposure in the ancient world. For example, Brulé argued that an

arresting 65.9% of female children may have been exposed among the Greek populations of

Hellenistic Miletus and Ilion. The statistic, derived from registration lists of new citizens, surely

gives a false sense of accuracy and is of dubious applicability to the practices of Roman auxiliary

soldiers who came from much more diverse origins.84

Yet in general there is the suspicion that

exposure of females must have been widely practiced. There is no reason to assume that an

83

In all cases it is impossible to account for any children who may have been reared but simply died in childhood. 84

Brulé 1990: 242-244. His sample, derived from lists of citizen registration, includes all social strata of Hellenistic

Miletus and Ilion from the late third-second centuries BCE; even if his statistical analysis were accurate, one cannot

extrapolate later auxiliary practices from such the specific cultural context of Brulé‟s analysis. Brulé‟s statistic is by

his own admission (244) an estimate, and other authors are more cautious about extrapolating general cultural

practices among Greek cities from this evidence; see Phang 2001: 297 n. 4 on this controversy, and also Phang

2001: 298 n. 10, “[b]ecause they commemorate enfranchisements, they are not an unbiased source.” Moreover, the

number of sons recorded on the Milesian citizen lists may be artificially inflated, since families would have retained

sons longer than daughters, many of whom would have been married early in their adolescence (cf. Phang 2001:

303).

96

auxiliary soldier would not elect to commit an act which was legal under Roman law but

possibly proscribed by his own ethnic cultural norm. Nevertheless, the number of auxiliary

families that include females outnumbers the number of male-only families significantly,

demonstrating that the exposure of females was practiced by a minority of those auxiliaries for

whom the creation of a family was important.

The lack of wives attested on diplomas adds another factor, for of the single male

children, only 5 had mothers included on their father‟s diploma. This absence is a further

problem for which the evidence provides no easy solution. Half of the auxiliary families

recorded on diplomas lack wives. Either the child‟s mother was dead or not recognized by the

father, although, in cases where the latter circumstance is the case, the father was not reluctant to

claim the son as his own. Significantly, in some cases the sole child could be female, and the

diplomas would not apply to girls who had already married by the time their father received his

diploma (in which case she would fall under the potestas of her husband),85

but the overall trend

for one-child families in the diplomas seems prejudiced toward males. Such families are not the

majority, however, of attested auxiliary families, and the diploma evidence attests several

examples of large numbers of children of both genders.

As the evidence shows, simply counting the number of male children and comparing it to

the number of female children does not tell the entire truth; family size must also be taken into

account.86

Auxiliary soldiers claimed multiple children frequently. The largest families attested

list 6 offspring and another 6 families contain 5 children. In the case of large families girls are

underrepresented, but this need not be due to child exposure. Large auxiliary families have been

cited by Wolff as a possible indication of fraud, perhaps leading to the eventual cancellation of

this privilege for auxiliary soldiers.87

In addition, it should be reiterated that large families such

as these are what demographers expect from ancient families, given the unreliability of

contraceptives.88

Girls are well represented in families that number 2-4 offspring, and of the

85

Roxan 1986. 86

Phang 2001: 300-302 focuses on the sex ratio, ignoring the evidence of large families and gender distribution,

particularly on the diplomas. 87

Wolff 1974. 88

Riddle 1992 argued that certain plants were effective contraceptives and abortifacients, but was attacked by Harris

1994: 57-58 and Frier 1994: 318-333; see Phang 2001: 296 n. 2 for references. The legality of infant exposure will

have obviated the fears of parents regarding unwanted children but not the risk of the mother‟s death during labour.

97

cases where more than one child is recorded, only 7 list no girls.89

Thus the diploma evidence

indicates that auxiliary soldiers could support large families if they chose to do so, and that these

large families could include girls. An absence of daughters in diplomas was attributable, as

Phang argued, to “social roles [where] sons commemorate soldier fathers because sons carry on

the family name; sons appear more often in the diplomas because the Roman citizenship is

traditionally associated with military service and political participation, from which women were

excluded.”90

However, the current diploma evidence implies a more complex picture, with more

daughters in onomastically diverse families, reflecting both ancient social norms (large families

or small, predominantly male one-child families) and the „Romanizing‟ effect of military service.

Families could be mixed, particularly in regard to children, in regard to „Roman‟ and peregrine

names, further demonstrating the point of transition which „Romanization‟ as a cultural process

represents.

„Mixed‟ families, as designated in the above tables, therefore should not be

interpreted as „resisting‟ Roman culture, but rather as indicative of the dynamic process of

cultural change gradually effected by their father‟s auxiliary service.

X. The change of 140 CE: A shift in imperial policy

Along with the low incidence of „wives‟ attested on diplomas, a feature of the diploma

records of Germania and Britannia particularly, one of the most significant interpretative puzzles

posed by military diplomas is provided by an alteration in the document‟s formula regarding

citizenship privileges granted to children ca. 140 CE. By this time some very large families are

preserved by military diplomas. Until this date the diploma formula adhered to the construction

Imperator … eis … qui militaverunt in .. ipsis posterisque eorum civitatem dedit et conubium

cum uxoribus quas tunc habuissent aut, si qui caelibes essent, cum iis, quas postea duxissent

dumtaxat sunguli singulas …. “The emperor x … has given citizenship to those … who served in

(unit), to their children and their descendants and right of marriage with their wives whom they

89

See table (b) on p. 89 above. 90

Phang 2001: 302.

98

then had, or, if any were unmarried, with those whom they married later, one man to one

woman”. After 140 CE the phrases ipsis posterisque and si qui caelibes essent were removed and

the formula rewritten as Imperator … (eis) qui militaverunt in … civitatem Romanam, qui eorum

non haberent, dedit et conubium cum uxoribus, quas tunc habuissent, cum est civitas iis data, aut

cum iis quas postea duxissent dumtaxat singuli singulas. “The emperor… has given Roman

citizenship to (those)91

who served in (units), who of them did not have it, and the right of

marriage with their wives whom they then had when the citizenship was given to them, or with

those whom they married later, one man to one woman.” As the purpose of this chapter is to

evaluate what the military diplomas can tell us about the integration and acculturation of

auxiliary soldiers in the Roman state and about the imperial policy in this regard, it is clear that

this event needs to be assessed.

This simple change of 140 CE has been the subject of scholarly debate since Cheesman,

who assessed it as a “curiously retrograde” act,92

expressing puzzlement at the elimination of

children from inclusion in their fathers‟ privileges. More recent treatments of the change have

variously understood is as a measure to eliminate fraudulent cases in which bogus “children”

were offered by the veteran for inclusion in his privileges, or scholars have argued that it was

designed to encourage the children of auxiliaries to enroll in auxiliary units. Most recently,

Weiss has focused on the personality of Antoninus Pius, the emperor under whom the change

was effected, arguing that the change reflects an aspect of his policy – aequitas – and is part of a

larger political campaign that highlighted images of marriage during his regime.93

Wolff‟s „fraudulent children‟ argument rests on the evidence for large families included

in military diplomas. The inclusion of large families in diploma grants, however, cannot be

clearly demonstrated to be fraudulent in any specific case, and the presence of significant

numbers of female offspring among the large families of 5 or more children is a telling statistic

against the proposition that these are bogus families. Surveying previous treatments of the 140

change,94

Phang noted that the recruitment theory is generally the more popular one. This

argument assumes that there was a clear recognition by the imperial authorities that auxiliary

91

Typically the terms for cavalry and infantry were used: equitibus et peditibus. 92

Cheesman 1914: 34. 93

Weiss 2008, esp. 30-37. 94

Phang 2001: 76.

99

soldiers were supporting families of sufficiently significant numbers to be effective sources of

military recruitment.

However, this interpretation has been criticized on the basis that the „internal

replacement‟ of army personnel, i.e. exclusive recruitment from within military families and

communities, was simply insufficient to compensate for losses caused by desertion, death,

disease or retirement. Phang in particular has demonstrated the continuing need for other sources

of recruitment during the imperial era.95

As has been demonstrated, diploma evidence

particularly bears out the fact that auxiliary families could be very large, and there is clear

evidence that traditions of military service were established in many cases, particularly in

contexts where a single ethnic group experienced a prolonged period of service in a given

location. Enfranchised children could serve either as auxiliaries or legionaries, helping to fill

gaps in all military classes. Such children would often bear the origo castris (“from the camp”).

While pre-140 diplomas do not mention the origines of children, they must have been born

during the recipient‟s time of service and would have borne this designation.96

The arguments articulated against internal replacement have been effectively made by

Phang and others.97

It is obvious, for example, that Augustus “by no means intended to create or

even encourage … a hereditary army,”98

since such a policy must assume both a low mortality of

serving troops and a high percentage of family creation among the troops to produce enough

illegitimate male offspring to meet the army‟s recruiting needs. This approach, as a general

interpretation, has effectively been demonstrated to be false. One should not deny, however, that

multi-generational military service was a visible phenomenon that created close attachments of

soldiers‟ families to their forts and vici – a phenomenon that will be explored in future chapters

more closely. Along with other sources of recruitment, a limited phenomenon of internal

replacement could provide useful recruits, since soldiers‟ sons, having grown up around forts,

could reasonably be assumed to have acquired a familiarity with military routine. The propensity

of peregrine auxiliaries to give Roman names to their children, a phenomenon that increases

steadily until the change of 140, can be seen in this light. By removing the citizenship grant from

95

Phang 2001: 337-342. 96

On origines as recorded on diplomas, see Mirković 2007: 327. 97

Phang 2001: 326-337, and 329 n. 9 with references to previous critiques, accepted by both specialist works on

diplomas and generalist treatments of the Roman army. 98

Carrié 1993: 108.

100

auxiliary soldiers‟ children, a valuable pool of potential new recruits, who required less basic

training or guidance to military life, was created.

Certainly there was no shortage of new peregrine recruits, as can be seen from military

diplomas which continued to be issued to auxiliary soldiers for another 63 years after the

change.99

By 140 CE, unlike in Augustus‟ time, auxiliary ranks and provincial populations had

more „Romanized‟ people, both in terms of names and familiarity with the army and, in Britain

and Germany in particular, familiarity with auxiliary service. Removing this privilege thus did

not evoke widespread outrage and encouraged continuing recruitment among auxiliaries, as there

is no single recorded event of military unrest that can be linked to it; the change is so called only

on the basis of the diploma record.

The arguments discussed so far have essentially viewed the 140 change as an event

motivated by actions among the auxilia, but Weiss has sought an answer to the problem by

focusing instead on the personality and policy of the emperor who granted the privileges, and

concludes that the change in 140 CE should be understood as a manifestation of Pius‟

conservative Roman views, especially concerning marriage. In 138 the diploma formulae

underwent a brief change (changes in bold type):

Previous: civitatem dedit et conubium cum uxoribus, quas tunc habuissent, cum est civitas iis data, aut si qui

caelibes essent cum iis, quas postea duxissent.

28 February 138 CE100

: civitatem dedit et conubium cum uxoribus, quas nunc habent, cum civitas iis datur, aut si

qui caelibes sunt cum iis, quas postea duxerint.

This change was ephemeral; by 139 the previous diploma formula was again in use, since the

privilege itself was not altered by the change in wording. Weiss suggests that this first change

was likely not suggested by Hadrian, who was then gravely ill and who had not, in any case,

proposed anything similar hitherto during his reign. Pius, however, had clearly been designated

Hadrian‟s successor by this time, and had been proclaimed as such in January of 138 to leading

senators.101

99

As noted in chapter 1. 100

CIL 16, 8; RMD 253. 101

Weiss 2008: 31-32 n. 105; cf. Dio 69.20.1, SHA Hadr. 26.6, Pius 4.4.

101

Whether or not one accepts the suggestion that these early changes were motivated by

Pius during the last days of Hadrian‟s life, the more substantial change of 140 must have been

approved, if not suggested, by the emperor. Cheesman had been puzzled by the change in 140

partly because it was not congruous with the image of the emperor as a patron of an army that

had a long tradition of spreading Roman culture in the provinces. Weiss‟ treatment of Pius views

the emperor‟s approach to the army differently, as a conservative aristocrat concerned with

fairness (aequitas). This is a variation on a theory that the auxiliary discharge privileges were too

generous and a relic of earlier generations when the loyalty of peregrine units was suspect.

Striking examples of the shaky fides of first century auxiliary units abound: the famous Batavian

revolt of 69-70 CE included eight units from the Batavi alone, while another unit conscripted on

the Rhine, the coh. Usiporum, was recorded by Tacitus as rebelling soon after its transfer to

Britannia.102

After 140, children could only be included in an auxiliary veteran‟s privileges if they

were born prior to their father‟s enlistment, or if their father was a centurion or decurion. Their

children by concubines – since no „marriage‟ ceremonies, peregrine or otherwise, between a

serving soldier and a woman were recognized by the state – could not be considered liberi

(“freeborn children”). Instead, these children could only be biological children (filii). One

diploma, RMD 39 (December 140 CE), contains two versions: the post-140 version inscribed on

the outer face, and another version including the phrase ipsis liberis posterisque. This diploma

preserves a striking example of a bureaucracy in transition, and illustrates the careful choice of

terminology used in diploma texts. Soldiers in other ranks who remained eligible for inclusion of

children in their privileges were given Latin citizenship upon enlistment: namely recruits to the

navy, the horseguards (equites singulares Augusti) and the Praetorian cohorts. Auxiliary recruits

at this time would have held either peregrine or Latin status, as would their „wives.‟ Legally,

however, liberi were the offspring of a Roman citizen father who was married, i.e. in a

relationship where conubium applied. Weiss‟ approach assumes that the status of being a Roman

citizen was not, in Pius‟ view, one which could be retroactively conferred either on the father or

the children.

102

Tac. Hist. 1. 59. On the Usipi (i.e. Usipetes), see Tac. Agr. 28.

102

Although some aspects of his reconstruction are doubtlful, Weiss‟ argument is generally

compelling.103

Throughout the history of military diplomas one aspect remained consistent: the

direct role of the emperor in granting the veteran‟s privileges. Diplomas were only copies of

imperial constitutiones, and Pius‟ reform eliminates the legal question of whether status can be

granted retroactively. Although auxiliary units by this time almost equaled the legions in total

manpower, Pius could make this change without fearing any serious discontent among the

auxilia. By 140 the processes of „Romanization‟ evident in the auxiliary families discussed in

this chapter demonstrates that auxiliary units had clearly changed: their peregrine elements were

less pronounced, or if they were, they were drawn from various ethnic groups. In this respect Eck

has observed that the changes of 140 also reflect Antoninus‟ attention to the concept of

disciplina militaris.104

Aequitas and disciplina would naturally encourage concordia among the

various ranks of the army, a concordia that, as Weiss observed, is evident in Pius‟ presentation of

his own marriage‟s insignis concordia.105

The 140 change indicates that the auxiliary peregrine

paradigm of the first century had shifted.

While the argument from imperial ideology, as noted above, cannot in every respect be

proven, it provides a compelling solution to the puzzle of the 140 change. Moreover, it also

allows for the possibility that recruitment among families was a factor. Pius‟ legalistic definition

of Roman citizenship, now applied evenly to all ranks of the Roman army, meant that auxiliary

children of either Latin or peregrine status would have an equal incentive to enlist in their

father‟s units in order to obtain the status of Roman citizenship. While not a solution to the

army‟s recruitment needs, this group provided an experienced base of recruits who were

thoroughly familiar with army life. Numerous peregrine recruits, largely – though not exlusively

- from the Danubian provinces106

could still look forward to the reward of Roman citizenship,

now explicitly stated in the formulae of post-140 diplomas. The application of imperial aequitas

thus demonstrated the power, prestige, and moral authority of the auxiliaries‟ patron in

unmistakeably Roman terms.

103

Weiss does not explain why the minor changes in 138 were so short-lived; it may be because these were initiated

by Hadrian himself, despite Weiss‟ argument that Pius had directed this change. If Pius was responsible, it is not

clear why the old formula‟s use was quickly reinstated. 104

Eck 2007b: esp. 90-91, 101-102. 105

Weiss 2008: 38-39. 106

Danubian recruitment as demonstrated from diplomas is the subject of Eck 2008 (FSHell in press). However, as

eastern Europe has been the source of most recent diploma discoveries (for which see Weiss 2003), it is possible that

Danubian recruits are overrepresented among the extant auxiliary personnel known from diploma records.

103

XI. Conclusion

From the evidence discussed in this chapter, it is possible to use the diplomas from

Britain and Germany for writing history more broadly than one might prima facie assume. It has

been shown, for instance, that auxiliaries were willing and able to maintain large gender-diverse

families, which militates against an assumption, held in some ancient and modern sources, that

soldiers were unwilling or unable to raise families: hence the two daughters of a diploma from

Germania (DG 1; see section 2.II above) should not be seen as an anomaly.

In the auxiliary context, unrecognized marriages to women were a common sight, and not

all marriages were local. Some ethnic groups maintained long traditions of service, and

marriages of two members of the same tribe are preserved on some diploma records. DG 1, DG

2, and DG 3 all illustrate this type of ethnic marriage. Dating from the end of the first century or

the early second century, they alone demonstrate that relationships were not necessarily limited

to „local‟ women. Many more obviously were, and it seems likely that the Cornovian recipient of

DB 4 retired to the Balkans because of personal ties to that area, most likely his place of service

and, perhaps, the land where his wife was born. Only one of the families attested on the diplomas

from these provinces can be fully classified as „peregrine‟ based on the information surviving [P]

– DG 5, with perhaps DG 1. All cases, however, experienced „Romanization‟ in tangible

respects, since the recipients and their families, of these and all diplomas, were transformed in

the eyes of the state by the privileges granted by imperial decree, of which military diplomas

were only a copy.

The overall study of military diplomas in this chapter demonstrates that auxiliary families

were a much more frequent phenomenon than has been appreciated. Also, in studying these

families it is possible to observe large, gender-diverse families. The significant presence of

female offspring in diploma records provides an important rebuttal to the assumptions that

auxiliary soldiers were reluctant to raise families and that they were reluctant to raise girls.

Indeed, large families especially are fairly balanced in the case of children‟s gender. Examples of

sole male offspring are present; these may reflect exposure or neglect of subsequent children.

Nevertheless, they are a clear minority.

104

As the priviliges attested in military diplomas were granted by the emperor himself, these

documents shed important light on the emperor‟s relationship with the army. This relationship

had a long tradition that could be traced back to Caesar and Augustus, and the change in 140,

which removed children from the grant of citizenship, should be seen as a manifestation both of

the emperor‟s influence and the changing nature of auxiliary soldiers in the second century CE.

By 140 military service had helped to spread Roman citizenship in the German and Danubian

provinces particularly since Tiberius‟ lifetime, and diplomas themselves represent an innovation

of an emperor, Claudius, that explicitly connected the rewards of service with loyalty to the

princeps. Antoninus Pius, whose auxiliary units in 140 contained many more Latin and Roman

citizens than Claudius‟ had, was in a position to impose his own concepts of citizenship and

service on these ranks. One result was an ideological emphasis of the emperor‟s virtues of

fairness and morality that, for a minority of auxiliaries, meant a redefinition of their own

tradition. Another result was that auxiliary units might get some new recruits from the peregrine

or Latin children of post-140 auxiliary veterans, though this was not, as has been argued, a

primary motivation, for the diplomas also show that peregrines were receiving the emperor‟s

privileges of honesta missio into the third century.107

107

The last extant auxiliary diploma was issued on Aug. 31, 203 CE (RMD 187). Two examples of shorter bronze

„discharge certificates‟, issued not by the emperor but by the unit commander, date to 215 and 240 respectively.

They record only honesta missio and no privileges, since after 212 CE none were required; see RMD vol. 4,

“Appendix 1” (609-613). This may explain the sharp decline in diploma issues in the later second century. A larger

number of Roman and Latin recruits (cf. e.g. CEL 140, discussed in ch. 4) may have reduced the need for diplomas,

documents which must have been expensive, particularly if they were issued to all veterans (i.e. not on request; no

evidence currently exists to confirm or disprove the notion that diplomas were “standard-issue”).

105

Chapter 3

The Two Germanies: Family, Religion and „Romanization‟

In this chapter I will analyze the evidence, mainly derived from epigraphic material, of auxiliary

soldiers and their families known to have served in Roman Germany from the period of its initial

conquest in 12 BCE until the promulgation of the constitutio Antoniniana in 212 CE, a period of

over two centuries. This significant period of time includes numerous Roman military campaigns

both within the province and elsewhere. One such subsequent campaign, the conquest of

Britannia, will constitute the opening of the following chapter.

The objective of this study is to trace the evolution of auxiliary diversity, both in terms of

unit personnel and individuals‟ families and descendants. As such, my analysis focuses on three

broad aspects of the evidence – family, religion, and „Romanization‟ – which have traditionally

characterized much modern scholarship on auxiliary soldiers. Following some general

observations on the auxiliary garrison of Germania, I shall present the results of my research in

these areas.1

1 As noted in the Introduction (pp. 20-21), I have employed a citation system for inscriptions pertaining to the

auxilia from Germania Inferior and Germania Superior classified by province (GI and GS). The distinction between

Lower and Upper Germany is applied, for sake of convenience, to all auxiliary inscriptions regardless of whether

they antedate the division of Germania in 89 CE. The inscriptions are further subdivided by their content: P =

inscriptions that record unit commanders, i.e. praefecti, tribuni, or praepositi; U = “unit dedications” that record an

auxiliary unit but no specific personnel, IP = inscriptions that record immunes and principales, i.e. all individuals

above the rank of common solder, A = inscriptions that mention an auxiliary soldier (i.e. at the rank of miles

gregalis), and ARU = “auxiliary rank uncertain,” for inscriptions too fragmentary to classify in the previous

categories. Inscriptions are also classed in the appendix as F for “funerary,” V for “votive” and D for “dedications,

typically for construction / restoration of buildings,” although this information, where self-evident, is omitted from

the text of this chapter. All inscriptions are provided in Appendix III and listed alphabetically by findspot, with

publication references and explanatory notes where appropriate.

106

I. The Auxiliary Garrison of Germania from Augustus to

Caracalla: general observations

Characterized by a large concentration of Roman legions and auxiliary units, Roman

Germany was a set of provinces where the army comprised a significant portion of the

population.2 Following the Varian disaster of 9 CE, the province of Germania was garrisoned by

eight legions, each of which accompanied by two auxiliary units, plus other auxiliaries.

Following 89 CE, almost certainly as a result of a brief rebellion instigated by L. Antonius

Saturninus, Germania was divided into two provinces, with four legions assigned to each

province.3 The new provinces, geographically delimited in the east by the Rhine and in the west

by Gallia Belgica and Gallia Lugundensis, were named Germania Inferior and Germania

Superior.

Both provinces had governors whose residences were established at important Roman

cities. In Germania Inferior Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (CCAA) / Köln / Cologne was

a former legionary fortress protected by the nearby legionary garrison at Bonna / Bonn. The

original settlement, Ara Ubiorum, was famously established as a refuge on the left bank of the

Rhine for loyal members of the Ubii, although the Ubius ethnonym itself was soon displaced by

the civic origo Agrippinensis in the first century CE.4 In Germania Superior Mogontiacum /

2 On the history of modern research and for general references for introductory works on Roman Germany, see

Creighton and Wilson 1999b, where the authors note that “Roman Germany has regrettably seen very little

substantial publication in English during the past few decades.” For more recent bibliography on the archaeology of

Roman Germany and the limes see Wilson 2006c. Subjects discussed by the contributors to Creighton and Wilson

1999a include „Romanization‟ (A. Wigg 1999 and Krausse 1999), agriculture (Kreuz 1999), and fort design and

expansion (Sommer 1999a; cf. Sommer 1999b). The subject of pre- and post-Roman coinage, a subject relevant to

the dating of the German-Raetian limes, is the subject of Körtum 1998. His work has revolutionized the

understanding of the development of the fortifications on the limes; Cf. Sommer 1999a: 177 and Wilson 2006c, the

latter of whom refers to Körtum‟s work as “required reading.” On general method and approaches see Herz 1989.

The history of auxiliary and legionary forts has been dealt with by Schönberger 1985 in a seminal work that was

conspicuously absent from Spaul‟s studies of the ala and cohort; Spaul instead used Schönberger 1969, an English

article that Schönberger 1985 rendered obsolete. For the onomastic evidence of provincials in Germany, OPEL can

be supplemented by Kakoschke 2002, 2004, and 2006. 3 On Saturninus‟ rebellion, see Dio 67.11, Suet. Dom. 6.2; 7.3 and Aur. Vict. Epit. 11; a summary of the primary

source evidence is provided by Syme 1984: 1081-1082. 4 In accordance with common practice in the majority of scholarship on Roman Germany, e.g. Schönberger 1985

with now standard maps, modern place-names are used here. When an ancient name is known, it is provided when a

site is first mentioned; subsequently modern names are used. On the settlement of the Ubii and their subsequent

107

Mainz was the site of a permanent legionary garrison occupying a strategically important

position on the Rhine. Although a Roman city grew up in the vicinity of Mogontiacum, the

settlement, named after Mogons, a Germanic deity, remained an active military installation

throughout the period studied in this investigation.5 Roman campaigns in the second century CE

significantly increased the territory of Germania Superior and its neighbouring province of

Raetia, resulting in a series of fortifications east of the Rhine; these are collectively termed the

limes by modern scholarship and were primarily garrisoned by auxiliaries. The Germanic limes,

the remains of which are now a UNESCO World Heritage Site, began from the eastern bank of

Rhine at the point where the borders of Germania Inferior and Superior met and extended east

and south to the Danube in Raetia. Although it greatly reduced the length of the German frontier,

it required considerable forces to maintain, and ultimately collapsed in the mid 3rd

century,

resulting in the loss of all Roman territory east of the Rhine and Danube.6

The total number of units needed to protect the Rhine frontier that had been established

following the conclusion of Drusus‟ campaigns in 16 CE was considerable. In 98 CE, the date of

a military diploma discovered among a coin hoard at Elst, that document records 31 auxiliary

units, and at least 3 others are known to have been stationed in Germania Inferior at that time,

yielding 34 units in Germania Inferior alone.7 In Germania Superior a diploma from late in

Trajan‟s reign attests to the presence of 19 units in that province, and it is likely that the total

garrison of this province is underrepresented as well.8 In absolute numbers, the total number of

auxiliary troops stationed in the two Germanies rivaled the legions, and, as noted in the

Introduction, overall the auxiliaries‟ numbers had not only matched but had surpassed those of

the legions by the second century.

appellation as Agrippinenses, see Tac. Hist. 4.28. The history of CCAA has most recently been covered extensively

by Eck 2004. The latest auxiliary inscriptions recording an Ubius is GS A 79, a tombstone of Fronto Dregeni f.,

eques of the ala Indiana and a tombstone from Moesia Superior (ILBulg 137 = AE 1925, 70) recording Blandus

Singiberti f., an eques of the ala Bosporanorum. A coh. I Ubiorum continued to exist at least until 179 CE (RMD

123), although the Ubius ethnonym itself had died out by this time (and the unit, in any case, was based in Dacia

Superior). 5 For a useful survey of the history of Mogontiacum‟s history and archaeology, see Selzer 1988 and more recently

Spickermann 2006. 6 On the chronology, which can be precisely dated from numismatic evidence from the limes forts, see below, pp.

108-109. 7 RMD 216. The unit list on a diploma, as previously mentioned, contains only those units in which there was at

least one soldier eligible to receive discharge privileges at the date of issue. The three additional units are the ala

Augusta Vocontiorum, coh. VI Ingenuorum c. R., and coh. XV Voluntariorum c. R. (see Holder 1980 comm. ad

loc.). 8 CIL 16, 62, 8 Sept. 117. Baatz 2000: 353-354 lists 25 cohorts and four alae for Germania Superior, plus legions,

provincial guards (singulares) and numeri.

108

The archaeological sites that have yielded the largest concentrations of auxiliary stone

monuments are the large urban centres of Roman provincial administration, CCAA and

Mogontiacum, with numerous remains deriving from the frontier garrisons on the Rhine and the

limes.9 In this sense, the provinces of Germania Inferior and Germania Superior may be

considered to be “military zones.” The auxiliary garrison of Germania is known primarily from

a small number of military diplomas issued to soldiers who received their discharge while

serving there; these have been discussed in chapter 2.

A large number of auxiliary units either served or are likely to have served in Roman

Germany. In the pre-Diocletianic period these include 35% of all known Roman alae (31 of 89)

total and 13% of known cohortes (51 of 391).10

In the first century of the Imperial period many

military units on this frontier could expect to be transferred around the province or even the

empire,11

although at any given time the concentration of auxiliary units in Germania was

considerable. This concentration was due, as previously noted, to the large number of legions

stationed there and the length of the provincial frontier, which stretched from the Rhine‟s mouth

in the north to the south and west toward the Agri Decumates, which were gradually fortified by

the limes fortifications. The practice of frequent transfers changed during Hadrian‟s reign,

however, when auxiliary units on the frontier became, as Holder has stated, “sedentary,”

although wars did not cease.12

Roman coins were closely connected to the military presence, and the connection

between coinage and Roman culture was proverbial.13

Prior to the establishment of the Roman

frontier natives living on both banks of the Rhine had employed their own coinage, as early as

9 For general surveys of the limes, see Baatz 2000, Cyzysz et al. 2005 and Wilson 2006c.

10 The totals are based on the number of units listed in the Appendix I tables, “Auxiliary units of Germania Inferior”

and “Auxiliary units of Germania Superior.” These numbers attest units known to have been stationed in Germany

within the period covered by this investigation – not all units served in Germany at the same time. 11

Two extreme examples would be coh. VI Thracum which served, in order, in Britannia, Germania, Pannonia,

Moesia Superior, and Dacia / Dacia Porolissensis, or the ala I Flavia Britannica, which served in Germania,

Britannia, Dalmatia, Pannonia, Dacia, Pannonia Inferior and finally Syria, and was stationed at Ariminum / Rimini

in Italy by Vitellius‟ generals in 69 CE (Tac. Hist. 3.41). See Spaul 2000: 380-382. 12

Holder 1980: 142. 13

See M. A. Speidel 1996: 54, Wolters 2008 on the association of coins primarily with the military, especially in the

first century. Tacitus Germ. 5.2-3 remarks that the Germani do not use money, though those living near Roman

territory had acquired from the Romans the practice of exchanging currency in coins, preferring “the old and well-

known money (i.e. coin issues of the Late Republic), the coins with notched edges and pictures of chariots” (trans.

Rives 1999). Rives also notes (pp. 134-135) that this description is reflected in coin hoards from the area, although

this likely reflects the larger number of late Republican coins in circulation.

109

the 2nd

century BCE.14

These types had already been in declining use, due primarily to upheavals

among the Celtic and Germanic settlements, by the date of the first invasion of Germania in 12

BCE, while after 15 CE, with the firm establishment of permanent Roman garrisons on the

Rhine, native coinage in Gaul and Germany began to be supplanted by Roman types.15

Since

soldiers were typically paid in bronze coinage, the most commonly attested metal for native

coinage of this period as well, the Romans integrated native circulations into their own system,

“in spite of the fact that rainbow cups must have appeared very strange to an Italian legionary” –

but not, perhaps, to recruits from among the Treveri and Germanic tribes supplying auxiliaries to

the provincial armies.16

Körtum‟s work on coin distribution on the limes in Germania Superior

and Raetia has demonstrated the close connection between coins and forts, as seen particularly in

the vici.17

Analysis of the chronology of coins has led to the striking discoveries that vici quickly

appeared adjacent to new forts, and that an extension of the limes to the Taunus – Wetterau –

Main – Odenwald – Neckar line previously attributed to Domitian should in fact be dated to the

reign of Trajan, ca. 105 – 111 CE. Though it remains unclear when precisely the fullest extent of

the limes was finally reached, its collapse in the mid 3rd

century, with the evacuation of the Agri

Decumates territory, is evident in the numismatic record.18

The dynamic of social interaction among native tribes created by the presence of the

auxilia was more complex than that created by legionaries. Early recruitment of auxiliary units

drew heavily on provinces either neighbouring or distant from the early forts of the first century.

Occasionally such recruitment was enforced as conscription, a practice never abolished in the

Imperial period.19

The conscription of local men of fighting age, combined with the assimilation

of local elites as commanders of early units, fit a long-standing Roman pattern of adapting

recently conquered territories to their own administrative needs. However, auxiliary garrisons

were not exclusively manned by local recruits, and the military culture of the auxilia itself was

adapted from the cultural practices and bureaucracy of the legions. The ala Afrorum brought

14

D. Wigg 1999: 102-104. The territory has been attributed to the Leuci, present in the first century BCE;

subsequently the Treveri were dominant in the same territory, and Wigg surveys their pre-conquest coinages as well,

with numerous examples dating to the period of Caesar‟s Gallic Wars. 15

D. Wigg 1999: 108-114, noting that native coin types were not demonetized. 16

D. Wigg 1999: 112, cf. 118, fig. 11, referring to Bochum rainbow cup coins, so named from the distinctive image

struck on them. 17

Körtum 1998. On the vici see Hanel 2007, Sommer 1999 and Sommer 2006. 18

On the collapse of the limes, see Körtum 1999: 58-60. Spaul 2000: 306 n. 2, failed to take Kortum‟s study into

account. 19

Tac. Ann. 4.49 records a Thracian revolt inspired by a dilectus commissioned among their tribe.

110

with it one Anno Imiclonis f., while another individual who identified himself as an Afer is

attested at CCAA.20

Thus, investigations of auxiliary vici, or auxiliaries stationed near major

urban centres like CCAA or Mogontiacum, should avoid the limitation of the „Roman‟-„native‟

dichotomy.

II. Family

When assessing the diversity of families evident from the surviving evidence of auxiliary

soldiers in Germania, it is necessary to observe whether soldiers have a tendency to marry (a)

within their tribe (b) within their social status group and, (c) how they represented themselves on

their monuments. The detailed observations of family data in military diplomas presented in

chapter 2 need not be repeated here. Other epigraphic data can provide potentially more

information about a soldier‟s extended family. An auxiliary‟s immediate family may be

identified epigraphically from any text which records a “wife” and/or children of an auxiliary.

Parents, siblings or other member of a soldier‟s extended family might also be mentioned – most

of which information is not recorded on diplomas. The information from these monuments is

provided in two tables below:

Table 1: Auxiliary inscriptions recording ‘wives’ and /or offspring in Germany21

Reference Text

Germania Inferior

1.1: (GI A 6), Bonna Vellaunus Nonni / f(ilius) / Biturix eques / ala Longiniana / turma L(uci) Iuli Reguli /

an(norum) XXXVIII stipendio/rum XVIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / ex testamento factu /

cura(ve)runt L(ucius) Iulius Reg/ulus decurio et Macer Aspadi / f(ilius) eiusde(m)

turma // L C T

1.2: (GI A 10), Bonna [---] ex c[oh(orte)] / [--- T]rhaecum(!) / ann(orum) XXX sti[p(endiorum)] / VIII h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) / Mucasius f(ilius) p(osuit)

1.3: (GI ARU 3), CCAA D(is) M(anibus) / Aprilioni qui vixit m(enses) XI / et dies VII / et Inno/centiae qui vixit

20

Spaul 1994: 23; cf. CIL 13, 8335. The lack of aspiration in both names (viz. Hanno Himiclonis) is notable. 21

On the shorthand citation system employed here, see either n. 1 of this chapter or the legend provided in Appendix

III.

111

an/nos VII et dies XXXXVIII / Verinius Friattius / miles et Apra / fili(i)s dulcissi/mis

curavit faciun/dum

1.4: (GI A 18), Houten Ti(to) Iul[lio C(ai) f(ilio) An(iensi)] / Pro[bo(?) Foro] / Iuli m[issicio(?)] / c(o)hort(is)

[---] / an(norum) [---] / Iulia Ti(ti) [f(ilia?) ---] / Mater[nus(?) h(eredes) ex

t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt?)]

1.5: (GI ARU 6),

Rigomagus [---] f(ilius?) Ma[---] / [---]x coh[---]

1.6: (GI A 59),

Rigomagus

M(arco) Cassio Verecu/ndo veter(ano) ex coh(orte) I His/pano(rum) sibi et Anniae /

[A]vitae uxori et Cassio / Verecundino Firmo / fil(io) suo vivos(!) fecit

Germania Superior

Reference Text

1.7: (GS A 1), Altiaea Faustinio Faustino Sennauci Florionis fil(io) mil(iti) / coh(ortis) I F(laviae)

D(amascenorum) ped(iti) sing(ulari) co(n)s(ularis) Gemmellinia Faustina mat(er) / et

Faustinia Potentina sor(or) her(edes) secundum volumt(atem!) / testamenti pos(uerunt)

vixit an(nos) [---]V decidit in flore iuvent(a)e / f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

1.8: (GS A 24),

Borbetomagus

Leubius Claupi / f(ilius) eq(ues) missicius / ala Sebosiana / an(norum) LXXXI h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) / Gratus f(ilius) miles / ex t(estamento) f(ecit)

1.9: CIL 13, 7057,

Mogontiacum22

[Severius? ---] / [eq(ues) si]ngul(aris) miss(us) [hone]sta / [mi]ssione Severi Ursus

S[er]/[v]andus Fabricius fili(i) / [et] heredes patri pientissi/[mo f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt)]

1.10: (GS ARU 9),

Mogontiacum

Dis Man(ibus) / Q(uinto) Favonio / Varo fil(io) / Q(uintus) Favoni/us Varus / coh(ortis)

XXXII / Vol(untariorum) pater / et Terenti/[a

1.11: (GS A 64),

Mogontiacum

Paulla Ti(beri) / Iuli Selvani / ex c(o)hor(te) Sur(orum) / anno(rum) XXIIX / h(ic) s(ita)

e(st) / (h)ospes si vacum / est tumuli cog/noscere cassus / perlege nam mo/rtis [[---]]

caussa(!) / dolenda fuvit / dic rogo nu(n)c iuve/nis sit tibi terra / levis

1.12: (GS P 26),

Noviodunum

Equestrium

D(ecimo) Iul(io) L(uci) f(ilio) Vol(tinia) Ripano / Capitoni Bassiano / equo publico

honorato / praefect(o) fabrum / trib(uno) mil(itum) coh(ortis) I Gal[l(ica)] i[n

Hi]sp(ania) / L(ucius) Iul(ius) Brocchus / Valer(ius) Bassus / filio

1.13: (GS IP 36),

Stockstadt

In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) / I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Attius Terti/[u]s

|(centurio) coh(ortis) II His/[pa]norum p/[ro] salute sua / [et] Cissonis / coniugis su/ae

et filior/um suoru/m v(otum) s(usceptum) p(osuit) / l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

Auxiliary military diplomas, as noted in the previous chapter, typically record the

families of the lowest ranking soldiers of the auxilia. While diplomas issued to centurions and

decurions are attested, they are a minority. The auxiliary stone epigraphic record, however,

22

This inscription is omitted from the appendix, as it documents an eques singularis appointed to the governor‟s

bodyguard in Mogontiacum. The soldier‟s previous affiliation cannot be ascertained, though his status as eques

indicates that he may have been originally a member of an ala.

112

attests a lower ratio of gregales to soldiers of higher pay ranks (duplicarii and sesquiplicarii) and

military ranks (centurio, decurio, tribunus, praefectus). Table 1 above lists inscriptions attesting

at least one child – not necessarily a „wife.‟ There are examples of a parent commemorating a

child, as in the case of the deceased prefect of coh. I Gallica (1.12), buried at Noviodunum /

Nyon despite his unit‟s official attachment to the army of Spain. His father did not identify

himself as being a soldier, but both are clearly Roman citizens enrolled in the Voltinia tribe.

Lower ranking soldiers are represented in this epigraphic record however, and as with the

diploma evidence they are not devoid of references to women.

Paulla and Tiberius Iulius Selvanus (1.11), a soldier noted ex cohorte Surorum were

married. Both bear Roman names, with Selvanus‟ tria nomina indicating that he received Roman

citizenship during the reign of Tiberius. Paulla‟s tombstone has an added rare detail for an

auxiliary tombstone, an epitaph that bewails in a very personal fashion the unfortunate

circumstances of her death. The text itself bears a number of linguistic oddities deriving from

provincial influences – Selvanus for Silvanus, the insertion of an intervocalic v in fuit, repetition

of s in cassus and caussa, the latter of which is an archaism. The epitaph hints at the “grievous

cause” of her death, perhaps in childbirth. The formula of the monument, as well as the

onomastic details of Selvanus‟ names, places this in the early first century. Its detail, clearly

intended to communicate personal experience to a Roman audience in a sophisticated manner,

attests that the early potency of Roman culture in early 1st century Mogontiacum was not

necessarily limited to the upper ranks alone. The text is a striking example of a provincial

carmen epigraphicum that illustrates the value placed by this couple on the verse epitaph, a

monument that, as was the case with Vergil, advertised to posterity the deceased‟s literary

learning. This type of epitaph was also commissioned in Germany by an auxiliary prefect

stationed at Cliviae / Kleve in the 3rd

century, although his unit of service is not clear.23

As noted in connection with the diplomas, soldiers‟ consorts were regularly described as

“wives” (uxores, coniuges) in both official and unofficial records. Where a soldier himself

mentions that he has a “wife,” however, one of the following scenarios must apply:

(1) The soldier was already married upon his enlistment.

23

GI P 7: Cla[udius A]eli[anus (?)] / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) I I(ngenuorum) (?) OR (H)i(spanorum) (?) / quem

[g]enuit / terra / Mauretania / p(raefectum) obruit / terra. On this inscription, and its Vergilian inspiration, see the

note ad loc. in Appendix III. Neither GI P 7 nor GS A 64 were included, however, in CLE.

113

(2) The soldier had “married” a woman in accordance with a peregrine ceremony, not recognized

by the state.

(3) The soldier and his “wife” did not formally marry in any ceremony, but self-identified as

married.

In the imperial period most peregrine recruits will have entered military service before

their 20th

birthday;24

those auxiliaries who mention their families on inscriptions in most cases

will have formed these families after enlistment. Table 1.13 illustrates this pattern: an auxiliary

centurion bearing a Roman name, Attius Tertius of the coh. II Hispanorum set up an altar to

Jupiter Optimus Maximus to pray for the welfare (salus) of himself, his wife Cisso, and their

children. Cisso‟s name is peregrine, while Attius Tertius‟ cognomen is Latin.25

Since Tertius‟

does not bear an imperial gentilicium (e.g. Iulius or Ti. Iulius), he evidently did not descend from

enfranchised auxiliaries and may have already been a Roman citizen, in which case his

„marriage‟ to the peregrine Cisso would be noteworthy also as an example of a union between

socially unequal individuals. The reference to more than one child („filiorum’) indicates that this

monument was set up at least 2-3 years into their „marriage‟, which likely began following his

enlistment.

Two auxiliary families (1.5, 1.6) are attested epigraphically at Rigomagus in Germania

Inferior, although only one of these is sufficiently preserved to discuss. A veteran of coh. I

Hispanorum with the tria nomina of a Roman citizen or Junian Latin, Marcus Cassius

Verecundus saw to the establishment of the funerary monument while alive (vivus) for himself,

his wife Annia Avita and their son Verecundinus Firmus. The the cognomen Verecundinus

clearly was derived from the cognomen of his father Verecundus, a feature, as Holder has

noted,26

of Celtic onomastic practice. Verecundus‟ name indicates that he did not receive Roman

citizenship from a Roman emperor. Annia Avita is explicitly designated as his uxor, as was

legally possible following his discharge from service.

The internal replacement of auxiliary units through sons following their fathers‟ lead by

serving in the auxilia, as noted in the last chapter, is a well attested phenomenon among lower

24

M. A. Speidel 2000. 25

This cohort was moved to Germania Superior by Trajan, and later (between 130 – 179 CE) moved to Britannia;

Spaul 2000: 125. 26

Holder 1980.

114

ranking auxiliaries, who occasionally commissioned detailed funerary epitaphs. A grave from the

auxiliary fort of Altiaea / Alzey records the resting place of Faustinius Faustinus (1.7), a

bodyguard of the governor and son of Sennaucus Florio. His gentilicium interestingly seems to

derive from his mother‟s cognomen Faustina, as did his sister‟s. Both women were named in his

will as his heirs. This, along with the statement that he “died in the flower of youth” (decidit in

flore iuvent(a)e), indicates that he died “unmarried,” perhaps at the age of 25.27

A father and son

are also attested at Borbetomagus / Worms (1.8). A discharged peregrine cavalryman named

Leubius, son of Claupus, was commemorated by his son, who bore the Roman name Gratus.

Although families with only one child are attested elsewhere, Leubius‟ advanced age of 81

illustrates the difficulties of assuming that the entire family is mentioned on the monument.

Leubius had obviously been discharged for a considerable time before his death. As he was still

in active service when Leubius died, Gratus must have been born when his father was nearing

the end of his service, probably when his father was in his forties. This is not, therefore, sound

evidence for the argument, challenged in the previous chapter, that auxiliary families were

necessarily small.

The potential for auxiliary soldiers to establish large families has been clearly

demonstrated by the diplomas.28

Yet occasionally their closest ties may have been to fellow

soldiers. The esprit de corps or „regimental identity‟ felt by auxiliaries has been investigated by

various authors.29

A. R. Birley has referred to the equestrian commanders of the auxiliary units at

Vindolanda as a “band of brothers,” employing a phrase usually applied to modern militaries.30

This is accurate not only in the habit soldiers had of referring to each other as “brother” (frater)

but perhaps also in the allocation of inheritance. Many tombstones bear only the vague formula

heres ex testamento faciendum curavit. In these cases the heir concealed might be a parent,

sibling, freed slave or fellow soldier. The inscriptions discussed above represent those which

27

The deceased age is only partially preserved as [---]V, which may be restored [XX]V. 28

See Ch 2. 29

Most recently by Saddington 2009: 87-88, emphasizing shared unit standards and religious identity. For a

discussion of Spanish units stationed in Britain, see Bidwell 2005 and, on the subject of regimental identity

generally, Coulston 2004. 30

A. R. Birley 2001a.

115

attest specific family members; many auxiliary inscriptions refer simply to an heir or heirs

(heres, heredes, typically abbreviated): 32 for Germania Inferior and 45 for Germania Superior.31

It seems reasonable to assume that much of an auxiliary‟s income would be spent on his

family‟s needs, if he had these personal commitments. The lower status of the auxilia compared

to that of the legions is reflected in their pay – although the difference is not as great as was once

assumed. The auxilia‟s ancient connection with the legions was never fully broken in the

Imperial period, even in the case of units stationed on frontier posts distant from legionary

garrisons. The status difference that existed between the legions and the auxilia, particularly

regarding citizenship but also regarding equipment and pay, has been well attested; the known

figures are given below (following page).

31

See Appendix III for texts of auxiliary inscriptions. Obviously, not all heirs mentioned on a tombstone were

related by blood to the deceased, but the ratio of e.g. family heirs vs. soldier heirs cannot be reconstructed from

formulaic tombstone data.

116

Table 2: Roman Army annual basic pay in denarii (after M. A. Speidel 200032

)

The standing army that manned Germania‟s provincial garrison was a creation of

Augustus‟ military reforms, and the annual salaries to be paid to the Praetorians, urban cohorts,

vigiles, legions and auxilia were fixed at this time.37

The cornicularius or librarius of the unit

32

Multiply by 1.5 for a sesquiplicarius, by 2 for a duplicarius. Such soldiers kept the same rank, but received higher

pay. Auxilairy pay has been hotly debated. Alston 1994 argued that legionaries and auxiliaries were paid equally,

but was rejected by M. A. Speidel 2000: 79-83, esp. 79 n. 93: “Alstons Beitrag ist leider oft fehlerhaft im Einzelnen

sowie in der Methode und im Ergebnis widersprüchlich und irrig.” Southern 2007: 122 summarizes the debate, but

does not cite M. A. Speidel 2000. Speidel‟s work indicates, however, that an auxiliary‟s pay was no les than 5/6 of

the sum paid to a legionary – hardly a pittance – while cavalry troops received the same annual pay as a legionary. 33

This pay grade of cohortes civium Romanorum excludes those units which acquired the title c. R. subsequent to

their formation. Originally conceived during Augustus‟ reign as auxiliary cohorts manned exclusively by Roman

citizens, these units were entitled, on the basis of the citizenship of their personnel, to the same pay as the citizen-

manned legions. The pay rates remained unchanged after this recruiting restriction broke down in the first century. 34

Pay rates for centurions serving in cohortes civium Romanorum are not directly attested, but a salary equal to a

legionary centurion‟s seems probable. The salaries for centurions serving in the Urban and Praetorian cohorts are

also not definitively attested, but were higher than those paid to legionary and auxiliary centurions. 35

The primi ordines were the centurions in a legion‟s first, and therefore most prestigious, cohort. See Parker 1961:

34 and M. P. Speidel 1984: 40-42. 36

Centurion of the first century of the legion‟s first cohort. This rank later often came to be designated by the term

primipilaris. See Dobson 1978; Wolff 2004 presents all evidence for the terms primus pilus and primipilaris. 37

Dio 54.25.5 reports that Augustus‟ new regulations for service in the army were instituted in 13 BCE; cf. Suet.

Aug. 49.2; M. A. Speidel 2000: 66. Legionary pay had been doubled by Caesar (Suet. Jul. 26) and Watson 1969: p.

Rank 13 BCE 83/84 CE 197 CE 212 CE 235 CE

mil. leg. 225 300 600 900 1800

mil. coh. 187.5 250 500 750 1500

mil. coh. c. R.33 225 300 600 900 1800

eq. leg. 262.5 350 700 1050 2100

eq. coh. 225 300 600 900 1800

eq. alae 262.5 350 700 1050 2100

cent. leg. 3375 4500 9000 13500 27000

cent. coh. 937.5 1250 2500 3750 7500

cent. coh. c. R.34 3375 (?) 4500 (?) 9000 (?) 13500 (?) 27000 (?)

dec. coh. 1125 1500 3000 4500 9000

dec. alae 1312.5 1750 3500 5250 10500

primi ordines35 6750 9000 18000 27000 54000

primus pilus36 13500 18000 36000 54000 108000

117

was in charge of managing accounts, distributing pay, and maintaining detailed records of the

unit‟s finances, but detailed records for units in Germania are lost. Few pay records exist; a

writing tablet from Vindonissa preserves a receipt for pay to a cavalryman, but offers no insight

into the recipient‟s finances.38

Some conclusions can be made, however, based on what is known about general practice

in the Roman army. Gilliam has argued that some military records from Egypt can be cited

appropriately as parallels for what must have been common practice in Germania, although his

cautious assertion that this approach can be attempted only in “few” cases should be

remembered. An important piece of evidence is a receipt given to Semphasies for the depositum

of her deceased auxiliary soldier (stratiw/thj) son Ammonius Ammoni f.39

At the time of his

death he had accumulated 235 denarii, 14 ½ obols, most of which his mother inherited, almost as

much as an entire year‟s salary for a miles coh. in 143 CE.40

The army deducted from a soldier‟s

salary small amounts for various items and services (such as upkeep of armour, tents and socks),

but also compelled each soldier to leave a portion of his pay in deposito. Soldiers had been

required to pay for their equipment since the origins of the army, and the ability to pay for one‟s

own equipment was a major factor in determining the military assignment of annual recruits

during the Republic.41

Traditionally the siege of Veii was the catalyst for the introduction of

salary in the Roman army, along with other military reforms.42

Augustus fixed new salary rates,

89, working back from the Augustan basic pay rate of 225 denarii places the pre-Caesarian legionary pay rate at

112.5 denarii. For estimated amounts in sesterces, see M. A. Speidel 1996: 66. 38

M. A. Speidel 1996, no. 2: 94-97. Asinio Ce[l]ere Non[io] co(n)s(ulibus XI k(alendas) / Aug(ustas) [22 July 38

CE]. S(upra) s(criptus) Clua, eq(ues) Raetor(um) / tur(ma) Albi Pudentis, ac(c)epi (denarios) L / [e]t stipendi

proximi (denarios) 75. [Actum Vindonissae (?)]. The odd payment of 50 denarii may be due to an absence from the

fort, as Speidel suggests, but this does not explain why 50 and not 75 denarii were paid out. If this is a cavalryman

from coh. VII Raetorum equitata, as Speidel suggests, then Clua‟s annual salary would be 225 denarii, the amount

suggested by the 75 denarii of his stipendium proximum. If Clua served in an ala, his stipendium proximum should

be higher. Deductions for camp expenses are not recorded on this brief document, but would have been recorded by

the librarius. 39

P. Columbia 325; cf. Gilliam 1967: 233, speaking originally to an audience at the Rheinisches Landesmuseum in

Bonn, states that “[m]any papyri from Roman Egypt may have little direct value for students of Roman Germany.

Others, in substance or form, at least suggest what has been lost with the complete disappearance here of countless

thousands of official and private documents on papyrus that each year, in Germany as elsewhere, recorded and made

possible administration and much of the pattern of daily life… in particular, we may assume that military clerks

prepared precisely the same kind of documents each day in posts along the Rhine as in those along the Nile.” 40

The date is preserved on the papyrus. 15 denarii were subtracted as a legacy for Silvanus, optio of coh. II

Thracum equitata, and another 10 as a legacy for Flavius Mevianus. Both men had been named as procuratores

(“executors”) in Ammonius‟ will. It is impossible to ascertain the length of Ammonius‟ service at the time of his

death. 41

Livy 1.43; Diodorus 23.3, referring to oi( ta\ o(/pla parexo/menoi. 42

Livy 5.7.5; Plut. Cam. 40. Cf. Parker 1961: 11.

118

and subsequent pay increases in the Imperial period maintained his original ratio of pay for the

various ranks of the army.

Basic pay for a miles gregalis in the auxilia was originally set by Augustus at 187.5

denarii per year, or five-sixths of the basic pay for a legionary of the same rank. This same ratio

was maintained during subsequent pay increases. Auxiliary cavalry serving in a cohors equitata

were also paid five-sixths the salary of a legionary eques, but the cavalry in the alae were paid a

salary equal to that of their legionary counterparts. Studies of army pay rates43

demonstrate that

auxiliary pay was not as far below the legionary salary rates as had once been thought. Watson‟s

assessment of auxiliary pay led him to conclude that auxiliary soldiers kept very little in savings,

forcing him to explain away the large sum of savings that a cavalryman had accumulated.44

The

legacy of Ammonius discussed above also argues against the notion that auxiliary soldiers were

so poorly paid as to have little in the form of savings. The section of a soldier‟s pay forcibly set

aside as savings, the deposita, must account for part of these accounts; since soldiers were

required to pay for the maintenance of their equipment, forcing them to set aside a portion of

each stipendium as savings was a prudent financial measure, and some records of soldiers

petitioning for pay advances from their savings have survived.45

Vegetius claimed that the main

motivation for collecting soldiers‟ deposits was to forestall the tendencies of soldiers to waste all

their money on extravagant purchases and the like.46

The overall picture therefore is hardly one of auxiliary penury versus legionary wealth.

The lavish nature of many auxiliary tombstones also provides vivid evidence for one outlet of a

soldier‟s salary and savings. Famous examples from Germania include the tombstones of

Silvanus (GI A 62), which contained a verse epitaph to himself and his sister, and Pintaius (GI IP

43

M. P. Speidel 1973, M. A. Speidel 2000. 44

Watson 1969: 101 placed auxiliary basic pay rates at 100 denarii in the period spanning Domitian to Severus, or

one third that of a legionary. 45

See Fink 1971 no. 73, a summary of withdrawals, amounts owing, and sums on deposit; no. 74 includes receipts

for deposits made by auxiliary soldiers; these were written in Greek and several were witnessed by another soldier,

as the recipient was stated to be illiterate (cf. also Fink 1971 no. 76). 46

Veg. Epit. 2.20 (trans. Milner 1993): Illud uero ab antiquis diuinitus insitutum est, ut ex donatiuo, quod milites

consecuntur, dimidia pars sequestraretur apud signa et ibidem ipsis militibus seruaretur, ne per luxum aut inanium

rerum conparationem ab contubernalibus posset absumi. Plerique enim homines et praecipue pauperes tantum

erogant, quantum habere potuerint. “It was a divinely inspired institution of the ancients to deposit with the

standards (apud signa) half the donative which the soldiers received, and to save it there for each soldier, so it could

not be spent by the troops on extravagance or the acquisition of vain things. Most men, the poor especially, spend as

much as they can get.” Vegetius‟ term “donative” refers to the fourth century payment distributed on imperial

birthdays and dies imperii. The traditional stipendia at this time paid insignificant amounts; cf. Milner 1993: 53 n.

6. The reference to the “ancients” clearly indicates that this was a well-established practice.

119

1), which preserves a detailed representation of the deceased. Auxiliary soldiers throughout the

empire were paid well, and this allowed them leave more than the minimum, if they so desired.

Peregrine families clearly stood to benefit from the income of auxiliary soldiers, and even

premature death of a soldier during service could, as in the case of Ammonius, still leave a

family with a large sum of money. Occasionally fellow soldiers of the deceased auxiliary could

pay for his tombstone. Although in most cases the identities of the deceased‟s heirs remain

hidden, it seems clear that enough money was left behind in many cases for his will‟s

beneficiaries to pay for his tombstone. Family members are rarely mentioned explicitly, yet this

does not prove that auxiliary wills rarely named family members; in this case, the formulaic

nature of tombstones offers a strong argument against the argumentum ex silentio.

It seems reasonable to conclude that even low ranking auxiliary soldiers could have

significant sums of money saved in the fort strongroom despite the costs of living associated

with camp and family life. While many auxiliary soldiers dedicated funds to the production of

funerary monuments, their heirs could still inherit sums of money significant enough to occasion

disputes in court over inheritance. Numerous examples of these actions exist, along with clearly

defined rules for soldiers‟ wills in ancient juristic literature.47

Before 119 CE, when Hadrian

granted the illegitimate children of soldiers inheritance rights, only those children explicitly

acknowledged by the soldier as testamentary heirs (i.e. heres / heredes, as stated on tombstones)

could legally inherit property from their father.48

Hadrian‟s edict seems to respond to disputed

inheritances that would have arisen following the death of soldiers with children – if their father

had not documented his wish that his children be included in his will, the law hitherto did not

grant this inclusion. In general, the ability to make legal wills and the advantages of military

service beyond the acquisition of Roman citizenship directly affected the home life of many

auxiliaries, whether their families were living in the vicus of a fort or far away in another Roman

province.

47

Gaius Inst. 2.11.1-11; cf. Phang 2001: 214, “[i]t seems that the soldiers, who were not able to legally marry (sic),

were both given complete capacitas to receive inheritances and legacies [irrespective of the restrictions laid out in

the lex Iulia et Papia] and also were permitted to bequeath freely to caelibes and orbi – the soldiers‟ comrades and

their “wives” (author‟s emphasis). 48

Hadrian‟s letter (BGU 140) was translated into Greek and displayed publicly at Alexandria on August 4, 119. It

had been addressed to Rammius, the prefect of Egypt. See Phang 2001: 38-40 for a translation of the letter and

explanation of how this change in policy effectively removed the need for a soldier to name explicitly a child as an

heir; though marriages remained unrecognized by the army, biological children retained the ability to inherit.

120

Thus no discrepancy between the evidence of auxiliary families on diplomas and on

tombstones can be observed. Both indicate a culture where families, sometimes large ones, were

not only tolerated by the state but also could be supported by the resources of individual

auxiliaries.

III. Religion

There was great diversity in the ethnic origins of many auxiliary units in Germania,

particularly in the first half of the first century. As noted earlier, in terms of absolute numbers the

total of votive inscriptions extant from Germania Inferior is less than those from Germania

Superior. This is the case largely because of a much larger number of ancient sites in Germania

Superior, particularly along the limes established in the Agri Decumates during the first two

centuries of the Imperial period.49

Table 3a: Auxiliary votive dedications in Germania Inferior, alphabetically by findspot

Reference and Findspot

(ancient Names given

first, if known)

Text

1. GI P 1, Alphen aan der Rijn

[Coh(ortis)] VI Breuc(orum) cui prae/[est] Vitel(lius) Ampliatus pr(aefectus)

2. GI A 12, Cliviae /

Cleve [---] / eq(ues) [alae] / Afror(um) [tur(ma)] / Crescen[tis] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

[m(erito)]

3. GI IP 2,

Colijnsplaat50 Deae Nehale/niae Sumaro/nius Vitalis / sesquip(licarius) alae / Noric(orum) Averini/us

Secundus / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

4. GI IP 5, CCAA Deae Hariasae / HDTI Ulpius / Acutus du[p(licarius)] al(ae) / Sulp(iciae) sing(ularis)

co(n)s(ularis) / cives Traianenses51

/ v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) Crispino et /

Aeliano co(n)s(ulibus)

5. GI A19, CCAA Herclinti / sacrum / Petitor Piro/bori mil(es) / coh(ortis) II Var(cianorum) / sing(ularis)

co(n)s(ularis) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

49

For the chronology, see Körtum 1998, and generally Baatz 2000. 50

Currently the only dedication to Nehalennia made by an auxiliary soldier, in this case, a sesquiplicarius. 51

i.e. civis Traianensis. The alternate spelling for the nominative of the third declension is attested in numerous

other inscriptions from Germania.

121

6. GI IP 6, CCAA In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) / diabus Malvisis / et Silvano / Aur(elius) Vere/cundus

ordi(narius) Brito(num) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

7. GI A 20, CCAA Simplex Sepli / eques a(lae) Af[r](orum) / sing(ularis) co(n)s(ularis) / Matribus

Ma/sanabus sa/crum l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

8. GI A 21, CCAA Quadrivi[s] / Trivis Viis / Semitis ex / voto M(arcus) / Cocceius / Dasius vet(eranus) /

alae Noric(orum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

9. GI ARU 2, CCAA [--- coh]ortis / [---] Class(icae) / [---] P(iae) F(idelis) f(ecit)

10. GI P 6, CCAA I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / pro salute / imp(eratoris) T(iti) Aeli An/tonini Aug(usti) Pii /

p(atris) p(atriae) et M(arci) Aurel(i) / Caes(aris) fili(i) eius / T(itus) Fl(avius) Firmus /

praef(ectus) eq(uitum) / [alae No]ric(orum)

11. GI A 42, CCAA Deae Matri App/ius Mercato/r Attonis eq/ues coh(ortis) I Lato(bicorum) / stator Pompei /

Honorati pr(a)ef(ecti) eq(uitum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

12. GI A 43, CCAA Matronis / sacrum / Victor eques / alae I Astur(um) / militat in Mysia (sic) / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

13. GI A 15,

Durnomagus / Dormagen

Deo Soli Imp(eratori) s(acrum) T(itus) Sura[---]is Didil[---] / dup[l(arius)] al(a)e

Noricorum c[ivi]s T(h)rax v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) [m(erito)]

14. GI ARU 1, Gelduba

/ Gellep52 Matribus Octocannis / Albinius Gratinus Albinius / Albulus / Albinius Ursulus / Albinius

Paternus milis (sic) / Oglannius Lubainus mil(es) / [O]glannius Messor milis(!) / [--

]issinius Verinus / pro se et suis ex iussu ip/sarum v(ota) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

15. GI IP 4, Hemmen Deae Vagdavercusti Sim[p]li/cius Super dec(urio) alae Vocontior(um) / exerci[t]uus(!)

Britannici

16. GI P 3, Herwen I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / M(arcus) Val(erius) Ch/alcidic[us] / praef(ectus) c[oh(ortis)]

/ II c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) p(iae) [f(idelis)]

17. GI IP 17,

Mohnheim [---]nnis / [Lon]ginius(?) / Aeternus / d(ecurio) s(ingularis) c(onsularis) al(ae)

Noric(orum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

18. GI A 52,

Monterberg53 [---]TO[---] / [---]o eq(uiti?) [---] / [---]IT [---] / [---] co(n)s(ulibus)

19. GI U 2, Rigomagus / Remagen

[Fortuna]e coh(ors) <I> Flavia

20. GI IP 23, Vetera /

Xanten Dupl(icariis) / et sesquipl(icariis) / alae veter(anae) / Flav(ius) Simplex / vet(eranus) ex

dup(licario) / al(a)e eiusd(em) / d(onum) d(edit) // R

21. GI IP 24, Vetera /

Xanten [---] / dupl(icariis) et sesquipl(icariis) / alae veter(anae) Flav(ius) / Simplex

vet[e]r(anus) ex / dup(licario) al(a)e eiusd(em) d(onum) d(edit)

52

The actual unit of service is not stated, but the peregrine name Oglannius of this family, combined with the

ambiguity of expression, may suggest auxiliary service. 53

Although it is unclear whether this individual served in an auxiliary unit from the text alone, the context suggests

association with the ala Vocontiorum (cf. CIL 13, 8671).

122

Table3b: votive inscriptions in Germania Superior, alphabetical by findspot

22. GS A 4,

Argentorate / Strasbourg

Marti / Loucet(io) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito) / Fittio Cond/olli f(ilio)

eq(ues) al/a Petri(ana) Treve(rorum)

23. GS IP 1, Baden-

Baden Matri Deum / C(aius) Sempronius / Saturninus |(centurio) / coh(ortis) XXVI

vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

24. GS P 1, Baden-

Baden Minervae / sacrum / Nympheros / L(uci?) Lolli(?) Certi / praef(ecti) coh(ortis) V

Sp(anorum?) / [---]

25. GS P 2, Benningen

am Neckar Campestribus / sacrum / P(ublius) Quintius L(uci) fil(ius) / Quir(ina) Terminus(?) / domo

Sicca / Veneria / trib(unus) / coh(ortis) XXIIII vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

26. GS P 3,

Böckingen54 Fortunae / Respicienti sacr(um) / Nasellius Pro/clianus |(centurio) leg(ionis) / VIII

Aug(ustae) prae/positus c(o)hor(tis) / I Helvetiorum / Torquato et / Iuliano co(n)s(ulibus)

/ v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

27. GS P 4, Böckingen Seno(nibus) / Matro(nis) / coh(ors) I / Helvet(iorum) / [c]ui [p]ra[e]/est V[a]l(erius) /

Ci[t]us [|(centurio)] / leg(ionis) [V]III [Aug(ustae)] / P(iae) F(idelis) v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) [m(erito)]

28. GS P 5, Borbetomagus /

Worms

C(aius) Baburius / Festus Pom(ptina) Ar/retio trib(unus) leg(ionis) / VII G(eminae)

F(idelis) / praef(ectus) / alae Scubu/lorum / Iovi

29. GS P 6,

Borbetomagus /

Worms

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Octavius / Celer praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) VII

Breu(corum) / et coh(ortis) I Thrac(um)

30. GS P 7, Brohl Herc(u)lenti / vexel(l)atio(!) c/o(ho)rt<i>s Ti(beri) Astur(i) / votum retul(l)i(t) / l(---)

l(aeta) lib(ens) s(olvit)

31. GS P 8, Brohl Her[c]u[li Sax(ano?)] / vexillari(i) / [lim(itanei)] l[e]g(ionis) [VI] Vic(tricis) et /

l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) et al(ae) co[h(ortis) / [---]L q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto)

Acut(io) / [s]u(nt) [cu(r)a] M(arci) Iu[l]i / [C]ossuti |(centurionis) l(egionis) V[I] /

Vic(tricis) P(iae) [F(idelis)]

32. GS IP 4, Brohl Herc(u)li Saxa/no Gemell/us im[a]ginif(er) / coh(ortis) III Astu/rum P(iae) F(idelis)

D(omitianae) et / vexil(latio) s(?) coh(ortis) / eiusdem / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes)

l(aeti) m(erito)

33. GS IP 5, Brohl Herc(uli) Saxsan(o!) sacr(um) / Iulius Verecund(us) / centurio c(o)ho[r(tis)] II

Var/cianorum(?) ex voto

34. GS IP 6, Brohl I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Iun(oni) / Marti Her(culi) / [s]acrum C(aius) / Domitius /

Rufinus d(ecurio) / coh(ortis) II c(ivium) R(omanorum) P(iae) F(idelis) D(omitianae) /

[e]t commilitones / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito)

35. GS U 2, Brohl Herculi / Saxano / vexellatio(!) / cohortis / I c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

54

148 CE.

123

36. GS U 3, Brohl Herculi Sa/xsano(!) sac/ru(m) coh(ortis) II / [---]VM / [---]

37. GS P 9, Brohl I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Her(culi) Sax(ano) / vexil(latio) / l(egionis) VI Vic(tricis)

P(iae) F(idelis) l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) / et al(ae) coh(ortis) cla{g}(ssis) /

P(iae) F(idelis) q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto) Acut(io) / su(nt) cu(ra) M(arci) Iul(i) / Cossuti

|(centurionis) / l(egionis) VI Vic(tricis) P(iae) F(idelis)

38. GS U 4, Brohl55 I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Hercu/li vexil(l)a/ti[o] c(o)ho(rtis) [X]V / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

39. GS IP 7, Burgbrohl Nimphis(!) et A[p]/ollini sacr[.] / [.] Iunius Ela[..]/us |(centurio) coh(ortis) I ci[v(ium)] /

Romanor[u]/m v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

40. GS A 26, Freidberg Victor/iae / M(arcus) Iuni[us] / Iovin[ia]/[n]us m[il(es)] / [c]oh(ortis) I Aq(uitanorum)

(v(otum) [s(olvit)] / l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

41. GS P 10,

Grosskrotzenburg [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] Doliche/[no ---] / [---] / [---] / [---] / [---]RIA [---] / [---]

Fl(avius) [A]ntio[chia]n(us) / [p]raef(ectus) coh(ortis) I c(ivium) R(omanorum)

eq(uitatae) / P(iae) F(idelis) [p]raep(ositus) coh(ortis) IIII V(indelicorum) / d(omo)

PRILASEC [--- Cae]/sarea p[ro concor]/dia coh(ortium) [s(upra) s(criptarum)

Aproni]/ano(?) et B[radua(?) co(n)s(ulibus)]56

42. GS IP 10, Grosskrotzenburg

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) P(---) / M(--- ) |(centurio) c(o)h(ortis) IIII / Vin(delicorum) / ex

iu(ssu) d(edit)

43. GS A 27,

Heidelberg [--- eques] / coh(ortis) II Aug(ustae) / C[y]ren(aicae) eq(uitatae) / tur(ma) Au[r]el(i)

Res/titut(i) v(oto?) a(nimo?) l(ibens?) f[e]c[i]t

44. GS P 11,

Holzhausen [In h(onorem)] d(omus) d(ivinae) deo Marti / c[oh(ors) I]I Treverorum / sig(num)

[M]artis de suo / inst[auraver]unt l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito) / inst(ante) Fl[avio

Pate]rnio(?) |(centurio) l(egionis) XXII

45. GS IP 12, Iona57 C(aius) Oc(tavius?) Provin/cialis sign(ifer) <c>(ohortis?) / C(aius) Ul[a]gius(?) Vis/[---

] pro se s/[uisque] omnib(us)

46. GS P 12, Ingelheim am Rhein

[--- p]raee[s]t C(aius) ILI/[---]ius Secun/dus praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aeta) m(erito)

47. GS P 13,

Jagsthausen [In] h(onorem) [d(omus) d(ivinae)] / di(a)e(!) Fortu[nae ---] / [---]i trib(unus?) [---] / [--

-]anu[---]

48. GS IP 13,

Jagsthausen I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Iunoni Reg(inae) / L(ucius) Petronius / Tertius |(centurio)

coh(ortis) / I Ger(manorum) ex voto / suscepto pro / se et suis pos/uit l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

49. GS P 16,

Kapersburg Fortunae / C(aius) Mogillo/nius Prisc[i]/anus pra/ef(ectus) coh(ortis) II Raet(orum) /

c(ivium) R(omanorum) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

50. GS U 8, Lopodunum /

Sulevis so/roribus L(ucius) / Gallionius Ianuar(ius) / dec(urio) al(ae) I Cannanef(atium) /

55

Although present with no epithet, comparison with other inscriptions from Brohl suggest that Hercules Saxanus

was understood to be the deity mentioned. 56

191 CE. 57

A rare example of a soldier failing to identify his unit.

124

Ladenburg v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

51. GS P 19,

Mainhardt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Astur(um)

58 eq(uitata) / cura(m) agente M(arco)

Mevio M(arci) f(ilio) Fab(ia) / [C]apriolo praef(ecto) / fec(it)

52. GS P 20,

Mainhardt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Ast(urum) / cui prae(e)st / C(aius) Iul(ius) Arte/mo

praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

53. GS P 21, Mainhardt59

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) Ast(urum) / cui prae/est C(aius) Iul(ius) / Artemo /

praef(ectus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

54. GS P 22, Mainhardt

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / c(o)h(ors) I Astur(um) / eq(uitata) cura(m) / agente / Diodoto

55. GS P 23,

Mainhardt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Astur(um) eq(uitata) / cura(m) agente M(arco) /

Mevio M(arci) f(ilio) Fab(ia) / [C]apriolo praef(ecto) / fec(it)

56. GS P 24, Mainhardt

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I / Astur(um) / eq(uitata) cur(am) a[g(ente)] / [---] /

[---]o prae[f(ecto)]

57. GS P 25, Miltenberg60

[In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae)] / [Victoriae] / [Perpetuae sacrum] / sub cur(a) Sexti

Cat[i] / Clement[ini] / co(n)s(ularis) p[r(ovinciae) G(ermaniae) s(uperioris)] / [C(aius)

Semproni]/[us Martialis] / [praef(ectus)]

58. GS U 9, Miltenberg I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [ // coh(ortis) I] / Seq(uanorum) et Rauracor/um curaverunt

59. GS IP 16,

Miltenberg61 [I]n h(onorem) [d(omus) d(ivinae)] / Mercur(io) Cimb[riano] / Mansuetinius Se[---] /

|(centurio) coh(ortis) I Seq(uanorum) et R[auric(orum)] / sigil(lum) Mercur(i) [posuit?] /

Apronian(o) et Bra[dua co(n)s(ulibus)]

60. GS IP 18,

Mogontiacum62 In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) deo / Mercurio / C(i)m{a}briano(?) / aed(em) cum

si/gillo et ar/am posuit / Marcellin/ius Marcianu/s cor(nicen?) coh(ortis) IIII

Aq(uitanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) mer(ito) Fau/stino et Ru/fino

co(n)ss(ulibus)

61. GS ARU 7,

Mogontiacum In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) Genio c(o)hor(tis) I / Septimi(a)e Bel(garum) [[---]]

p(ecunia) s(ua) / pos(uerunt) / Clau(dius) Valerius / Genti(lius?) Augustus / Simili(us?)

Pat[e]rnus / Senec(ionius?) F[---]inus / Hibern(ius?) Agilis / Iunian(us) Rogatus / S[---

I[---]M[---]S / Resti(tutius?) Patruinus / [ // [G](e)ntius Verinus / S[enu]r(ius?) Maternus

/ P(ublius) Ae[lius] Moderatus / Aquin(ius) M[---]nus / [(A)e]lius Lupionis / Decemi(us?)

Florinus / [---]V[---]

62. GS U 10, Mogontiacum

D(eo) I(nvicto) M(ithrae) / pro salute / [tu]r(mae) equi[tum] / [coh(ortis) I

I]tur(aeorum?) / [---] / [---] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

63. GS A 77,

Mogontiacum / Kastel I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Meloni/us Nigr/inus vex(illarius) / [coh(ortis) I Lig(urum)] /

[v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)] // I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Meloni/[us

Nig]/[rinus] / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)]

58

AE erroneously reads Astur(ia). 59

A rare example of an auxiliary cohort identified without a numeral; cf. the almost identical GS P 20. 60

The identity of this prefect‟s unit is uncertain, but it may be coh. I Sequanorum et Rauricorum (GS U 9). 61

191 CE. 62

210 CE.

125

64. GS P 30, Murrhardt S(oli) I(nvicto) M(ithrae) / Sex(tus) Iulius / D(ecimi) f(ilius) Hor(atia) Flo/rus Victori/nus

trib(unus) co[h(ortis)] / XXIIII V(oluntariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) tem[p(lo)] / a

solo restitu/to votum pro / se ac suis solvit

65. GS IP 24, Muttenz Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Andecamulus / dec(urio) alae Gem[ell(ianae)] / veteran[us] /

Apol(lini) et M[inervae?] / v(otum) [s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

66. GS A 82, Nida / Heddernheim

Divabus SO[---]63

/ Solimarus m[il(es)] / coh(ortis) IIII Vind(elicorum) [ex i]/us(su?)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito) s(olvit?)

67. GS IP 25, Nida /

Heddernheim64 I(ovi) O(ptimo) [M(aximo)] / Doli[che]/no Tib(erius) Cl(audius) |(centurio) co(hortis) / I

Dam(ascenorum) [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

68. GS IP 26, Nida /

Heddernheim D(eo) in(victo) C(aius) / Lollius / Crispus]/ |(centurio) coh(ortis) XXXII /

Vol(untariorum)

69. GS IP 27, Nida /

Heddernheim Deae Candidae / Reginae / L(ucius) Augustius / Iustus |(centurio) coh(ortis) / II

Raetorum / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

70. GS IP 28, Nida /

Heddernheim I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Sextius Ur/sus vetera/nus ex dec(urione) / c(o)ho(rtis) I

Damas/cenorum in / suo ex voto / posuit Albi/no et Maximo co(n)s(ulibus)

71. GS A 83, Nida / Heddernheim

Deo Dol(icheno) / Atilius / Tertius / ex coh(orte) / II Aug(usta) <C>(yrenaica?) / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) me(rito)

72. GS A 84, Nida / Heddernheim

Fortu[n(ae)] / sacrum / Tacilus eq(ues) / alae I Fla(viae) / t(urma?) Cl(audi) Amici /

v(otum) [s(olvit)] l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

73. GS P 31,

Niederberg Fortunae / Gn(aeus) Calpurnius / Verus praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) VII Raetor(um) /

eq(uitatae)

74. GS U 13,

Niederberg [Genio l]oci |(centuria) coh(ortis) VI[I] / [Raetor(um) eq]uit(atae) Anton(inianae) / [---

]irio

75. GS P 32,

Niederberg Fortunae / Cn(aeus) Calpurnius / Verus praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) VII Raetor(um)

eq(uitatae)

76. GS U 14, Niederberg

[Genio l]oci coh(ors) VI[I] / [Raetorum eq]uit(ata) Anton(iniana) / [votum solvit m]erito

77. GS IP 29,

Niederberg I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Iu/noni reg/[i]nae Titio/niu[s] Prim/us |(centurio)

[c]oh(ortis) VII / Rae[t(orum)] eq(uitatae) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) [l(aetus)] m(erito)

78. GS IP 30,

Niederberg L(ucio) Valerio Alb/ino dom(o) IIIISI[---] / |(centurio) c(o)ho(rtis) I Trhacu[m] (!) /

ann(orum) LXV sti(pendiorum) XXIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

79. GS P 33, Nieder-

Ingelheim [I(ovi] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [c]oh(ors) IIII Aquit(anorum) / [e]q(uitata) c(ivium)

R(omanorum) cui / [praeest C(aius) Tet/[t]ius Secun/dus praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

63

So[leviis]? 64

227 CE, included because the soldier is a veteranus, and therefore recruited before the constitutio Antoniniana.

126

80. GS P 36,

Obernburg am Main I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Petronius / Florentinus / domo Saldas / praef(ectus)

coh(ortis) IIII / Aq(uitanorum) eq(uitatae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

81. GS P 37, Obernburg am Main

Campestr/ibus sacrum / L(ucius) Petron[ius] / L(uci) filius Ste[l]/latina / Florentinus /

domo Sald/as(!) praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) IIII Aq(uitanorum) / [[Commodia]]/[[nae]]

eq(uitatae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

82. GS P 38,

Obernburg am Main I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Apollini et Aes/culapio Saluti / Fortunae sacr(um) / pro salute

L(uci) Pe/troni Florenti/ni praef(ecti) coh(ortis) IIII / Aq(uitanorum) eq(uitatae) c(ivium)

R(omanorum) M(arcus) Ru/brius Zosimus / medicus coh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae) / domu

Ostia / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

83. GS IP 32,

Osterburken Genio t(urmae) I[us]/ti At[ti]an[i] / Iustius At/tianus d[ec(urio)] / de suo pos(uit) [---]

84. GS ARU 16,

Osterburken In h(onorum) d(omus) d(ivinae) deae / Victoriae / [V]erinus(?) V[---]/[---]cal[---] /

equit[um] / coh(ortis) III Aq/uitanorum / ex voto po/suit l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

85. GS U 16,

Rottenburg I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Al(a?) Valle/nsium / posue/runt / ex voto / l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

86. GS P 42, Saalburg,

Bahnhof [For]tuna[e]/ [S]extiu[s] / [Vi]cto[r] / [p]ra[ef(ectus)] / [coh(ortis) II Raet(orum)

87. GS P 43, Saalburg,

Bahnhof [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et Geni]o loc[i] / [in] h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) pr[o] /

[sa]lute Impp(eratorum) L(uci) / [Sep]t(imi) Severi [P(ii)] / [Pertinac(is)] Aug(usti) et

[M(arci)] / [Aur(eli) Antonini Aug(usti)] / [et P(ubli) Sept(imi) Getae Caes(aris)] / [et

Iuli]ae A[ug(ustae)] / [mat(ri) Aug(ustorum)] Q(uintus) A[---]/[---]ndr[us] /

[praef(ectus) coh(ortis) II Raet(orum)]

88. GS U 19, Saalburg, Bahnhof

I(ovi) [O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / Do[lich]en(o) / [sacru]m coh(ors) / [II Raet]or(um) cu[i] /

[praeest ---]

89. GS P 44, Saalburg,

Bahnhof Numfhis(!) / sacrum / coh(ors) II Raet(orum) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) cui / pr(a)eest / [---

S]exti/[us V]ictor / [prae]fect(us) / [v(otum)] s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

90. GS U 18,

Schlossau I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / vexil(latio) / coh(ortis) I / Seq(uanorum) et Raur(icorum) /

eq(uitatae) sub cur(a) / Antoni Nata/lis |(centurionis) leg(ionis) XXII P(rimigeniae) /

P(iae) F(idelis) ob burg(um) ex/plic(atum) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

91. GS U 17,

Steinbach65 Minervae / aeneatores / coh(ortis) I Seq(uanorum) / et Raur(icorum) eq(uitatae) / v(otum)

s(olverunt) l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito)

92. GS A 98, Steinheim66

[I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et] Ion[on(i)] / [Reg]in[ae pr]o sal(ute) / L(uci) Dur[i] A(uli)

[f(ilii)] Pereg/rini vet(erani) ex |(cohorte) vol(untariorum) / et suorum omni/um voto (!)

suscepit l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

93. GS IP 34, Stettfeld I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Florentini(us) / Quintianus / vet(eranus) coh(ortis) XXIIII /

65

An aeneator specialized in playing a bronze trumpet; cf. OLD 64 s.v. “aeneator.” 66

This altar was most likely set up while the unit was in transit or on detached duty. There is no further epigraphic

record of this unit at Steinheim.

127

vol(untariorum) ex corni/cul(ario) pr(a)ef(ecti) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

94. GS P 47,

Stockstadt [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / Helio[p]oli[ta]/no V[e]ner[i F]/elici Merc/urio

[A]ug[ust(o) M(arcus?)] / Iulius Ma[rci] / fil(ius) Fab[i]a R[uf]/us Pap[irianus?] /

Sentiu[s] Gem[el]/lus do[m]o B[---] / praef(ectus) c[oh(ortis) I] Aqu[it(anorum)] /

castris [---]III[---] / [---]N[---] / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)] m(erito)

95. GS IP 35, Stockstadt

[I]n h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) Herc[ul]]i/no Adn(amatius) Superstis(!) / dec(urio)

coh(ortis) II Hisp(anorum) v(otum) / s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

96. GS IP 36,

Stockstadt Minervae / [P]apias sig/[n]if(er) coh(ortis) I / [Aquit(anorum) vet(eranae) eq(uitatae) ---

]

97. GS IP 37,

Stockstadt In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) / I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Attius Terti/[u]s |(centurio)

coh(ortis) II His/[pa]norum p/[ro] salute sua / [et] Cissonis / coniugis su/ae et filior/um

suoru/m v(otum) s(usceptum) p(osuit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

98. GS P 48,

Stockstadt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Doliche/no coh(ors) / I Aquit(anorum) / vet(erana) eq(uitata)

/ cui prae/est T(itus) Fa/bius Libe/ralis praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta)

m(erito)

99. GS P 49, Stockstadt

I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno / L(ucius) Caecilius Cae/cilianus praef(ectus) /

coh(ortis) I Aquitanor(um) / domo Thaenis / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

100. GS P 50,

Stockstadt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dol[i]chen(o) / L(ucius) Caecilius L(uci) f(ilius) / Quirina

Caecili/[a]nus praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / [I Aq]uit(anorum) domo Th[a]/[enis] Afric[ae ---

]

101. GS A 100,

Stockstadt I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Val(erius) Qua/rtus vet(eranus) / ex coh(orte) II

H/isp(anorum) pro sal(ute) / et suorum / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

102. GS IP 38, Strassheim

Marti et Victo/riae / Soemus67

Severus / cornicul(arius) coh(ortis) <I> Fl(aviae) /

Damas(cenorum) |(milliariae) eq(uitatae) sag(ittariorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

103. GS A 108,

Wimpfen I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Iul(ius) Iblio[m]/arus [mil(es)] / coh(ortis) I[I His]pan(orum)

b(ene)f(iciarius) [pra]/ef(ecti) v(otum) [s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)]

104. GS IP 40,

Wolfersheim I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Quintioni/us Severian/us veteran(us) / ex

|(sesquiplicario) al(a)e In/dianae Ant/oninian[ae] / [---]

105. GS ARU 27,

Zugmantel [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo et Iuno]ni Reg(inae) [---] / [--- A]ug(usti) M(arci) [A]ure[li ---

] / [---] et cast(rorum) [ // [---]IM[---] / [--- co]h(ors) I [Trever(orum)] // ] s [---] / [---]

sacer[dote(?) ---]

Of the 105 inscriptions listed, 21 originate from Germania Inferior, reflecting the

generally lower number of extant inscriptions from that province compared to Germania

Superior. Within each province the pattern of distribution varies. In Germania Inferior 8 of the

21 votive inscriptions derive from CCAA, as one might expect, but only 4 of the 84 auxiliary

67

I.e. “Sohaemus.”

128

stone inscriptions from Germania Superior derive from Mogontiacum. The paltry number of

votive inscriptions from Mogontiacum is clearly outnumbered by e.g. those from the small fort

of Brohl, which boasts an interesting array of Hercules dedications discussed below.

Not all auxiliary votive dedications were made to a deity. Dedications could also be made

on behalf of a fellow soldier and/or unit, such as nos. 1, 20 and 21. Two of these (20 and 21)

were set up by the same individual, an auxiliary duplicarius named Flavius Simplex on behalf of

his colleagues in the ala veterana: “(Dedicated to/for) the duplicarii and sesquiplicarii of the ala

veterana. Flavius Simplex, veteran and former duplicarius of the same ala gave the gift.” The

abbreviations duplic(---) and sesquiplic(---) pose an interpretative problem. They cannot be

expanded to nominative singulars agreeing with Simplex as one might typically expect in an

inscription such as this, since a soldier could not simultaneously hold these ranks.68

In this case,

Flavius seems to have given a grant to his unit, most likely out of a sense of close affinity with

his comrades. This affinity, as a manifestation of the „military‟ family of the soldiers‟

brotherhood, was, as argued above, a characteristically Roman aspect to military service. As

such, it is not surprising to see commemorations of “gifts” (dona) made by individuals on behalf

of their unit. In Simplex‟ case, however, his gift was restricted to soldiers distinguished by the

rank of “double-pay” (duplicarius) and “pay-and-a-half” (sesquiplicarius). The attendant status

of these designations, the higher of which Simplex himself held, underscores the hierarchical

culture of the Roman army. The prevalence of auxiliary soldiers of a higher rank among stone

monuments is not surprising: lower ranking soldiers, as discussed previously, had significant

incomes – but not sufficient to commission regular votive monuments in stone.

However, even if votive inscriptions dedicated by auxiliaries are not representative of all

ranks, they preserve a broad selection of deities from both Roman and peregrine backgrounds.

The following deities are attested by these inscriptions:

Apollo, occasionally with Minerva (GS)

Campestres (GS)

Dea Candida Regina (GS)

68

I can find no parallels attesting a soldier as both sesquiplicarius and duplicarius. If he were a former

sesquiplicarius and current duplicarius, one would expect ex sesquiplic(ario) et duplic(arius); cf. the common

diploma formula ex gregale for veteran milites gregales.

129

Fortuna (GS)

Fortuna cohortis (GI)

Fortuna Respiciens (GS)

Genius loci (GS)

Hariasa (GI)

Herclintus (GI, GS)

Hercules (GS)

Hercules Maponus (GI)

Hercules Saxanus (GS)

Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (GI, GS)

Iuno Regina, usually with IOM (GS)

IOM Dolichenus (GS)

IOM Heliopolitanus, with Venus Felix and Mercury Augustus (GS)

Malvisi, with Silvanus (GI)

Mars and Victory (GS)

Mars Loucetius (GS)

Mater(GI)

Mater Deum (GS)

Matr. Mases (GI)

Matr. Otocannae (GI)

Matronae (GI, GS)

Matronae Senones (GS)

Mercury Cimbrianus (GS)

Minerva, occasionally with Apollo (GS)

Mithras, Sol Invictus Mithras (GS)

Nehalennia (GI)

Numfae (i.e. Nymphae)

Quadrivae, Trivae Viae Semitae (GI)

130

Sol Imperator (GI)

Sulevae (GS)

Vagdavercustus (GI)

Victoria (GS)

This evidence alone provides insights into the religious diversity present in many

auxiliary camps, which is exclusively documented in Latin commemorations. Many of these

deities were worshipped in both provinces, and this holds true particularly for Roman deities

whose worship was regularly celebrated by the army. Auxiliary religious activity coexisted with

numerous military festivals that had their own traditions. The feriale Duranum, a partially

preserved record of festivals celebrated by the Roman army in the third century CE from Dura

Europus in Syria, includes several references to previous and contemporary members of the

imperial house.69

The prominence of the emperor is of course unsurprising, however the list

included other members of the imperial house popular in specific regions of the empire. Two

centuries after his death, a supplicatio in memory of Germanicus in this list attests to his

enduring popularity in the army.70

The list also records the celebration of other festivals of a non-

military, yet quintessentially Roman, origin: the Vestalia (June 9) and the dies natalis Romae

aeternae (April 21). The veneration of many deities was explicitly connected to the emperor‟s

welfare and the continued existence of the Roman empire:

[III Nonas Ianuarias quod solvantur ac nuncupentur v]ota et ob salutem / [domini nostri M(arci) Aureli(i)

Severi(i) Alexandri Aug(usti) et ob aetern]itatem / [impe]ri(i) P(opuli)[R(omani) Iovi O(ptimo) M(aximo)

b(ovem) m(arem), Iunoni Reginae b(ovem) f(eminam), Iovi Victori] b(ovem) m(arem) / [Iunoni] Si[spiti

b(ovem) f(eminam), Saluti b(ovem) f(eminam), Marti Patri taurum, Marti Victori ta]urum / [Vict]oriae

b(ovem) [f(eminam) …]

January 3. Because vows are paid and undertaken both for the welfare of our Lord Marcus Aurelius

Severus Alexander Augustus and for the eternity of the empire of the Roman nation [to Jupiter Optimus

Maximus an ox, to Juno Regina71

a cow, to Minerva a cow, to Jupiter Victor] an ox, [to Juno Sospes72

a

cow, to Health a cow, to Mars Pater a bull, to Mars Victor] a bull, to Victoria a cow.

Many Roman deities commemorated in auxiliary inscriptions are also attested in the

feriale, and could thus be considered “official” military cults. Altars to Iuppiter Optimus

69

Fink 1971 no. 117, col. i.1-5. Latin texts are based on those of Fink, with editorial changes. 70

Col ii.12-13: viii Kal(endas) Iunias ob natalem G[er]mani[c]<i> Cae[sa]ris sup[pli]cat[i]o / [me]mori[ae

Ge]rm[anici] (“May 24: For the birthday of Germanicus Caesar a supplication to the memory of Germanicus”). 71

Schleiermacher 1933:110 notes that IOM and Iuno Regina were a typical pairing in many inscriptions from

Roman Germany. Cf. Spickermann 2003: 237. 72

On the restoration for Juno Sospes / Sospita, and the following deities up to Mars Victor, see Fink 1971 comm. ad

loc. nn. 4-5, noting that the epithets Seispes and Sispes were in use during the Severan period (ILS 9246).

131

Maximus (henceforth IOM) were ubiquitous in auxiliary forts and vici, as they were in legionary

contexts also. Auxiliaries could set up such altars either individually or as a unit, in the latter

case usually dedicated by the equestrian unit commander. “Jupiter Best and Greatest” was

obviously the chief deity of the state religion, whose imagery was adopted by Roman emperors

in their own representations. One famous example of this is the Jupiter column, a common

monument peculiar to the German provinces.73

These columns, topped with an image of the god,

were often elaborately decorated with scales and set on bases which frequently displayed images

of four other deities and representations of planetary deities.

73

Woolf 2001a: 116-121 gives a good introduction to this type of monument. In German scholarship the scaled

columns are often referred to as Schuppensäule, while Viergötterstein refer to the bases. The planetary gods often

depicted on a second base block (Zwischensockel) were connected with the days of the week; hence the

characterization of these as Wochengötterstein.

132

Fig. 2: Schuppensäule, with representation of IOM enthroned (Bonn: Rheinisches Landesmuseum; photo:

author)

This “typical Roman cult”74

obviously affirmed one‟s (or a group‟s) loyalty to the

Roman order represented by the chief deity, not only of Roman state religion, but also of the

Roman army. Few who spent much time around significant concentrations of auxiliary soldiers

will have failed to notice that the cultivation of IOM was conspicuous among all ranks of the

army. Along with obvious veneration of the emperor, by whose authority the privileges of

Roman citizenship were granted, the setting up of this type of monument represented an official

act of loyalty.

74

Woolf 2001a: 117.

133

One should be wary, however, of restricting the columns‟ cultural relevance to that of a

detached, official act. Indeed, some have seen close connections to the pre-Roman indigenous

religious order in the iconography of some German columns.75

Tenuous reconstructions of

hidden Germanic identities, an approach similar to the „Resistance‟ model critiqued in chapter

one, should, however, also be rejected.76

A “Celtic renaissance” in the cultivation of deities in

Roman Germany was implied by Ruger, based on a long-standing tradition in German

scholarship. Yet Celtic deities, when mentioned in votive inscriptions, are overwhelmingly

incorporated into the religious system of the privileged class in monuments inscribed in coherent

Latin.

A blending of Roman and non-Roman traditions in some, but by no means all, of the

Jupiter columns illustrates the dynamic cultural reality of provincial society. The „Romanization‟

of these monuments is expressed by the explicit acceptance by the dedicator(s) of Roman rule

with a column whose main effect was the glorification of the primary deity of military stationed

on the German frontier. The investment of time and money into a column depicting the chief

Roman deity was hardly an ideal vehicle for Germanic / Celtic cultural „Resistance.‟

The official aspect is reinforced by the absence of any specific reference to a wife or

child by any dedicant of a monument set up to a Roman deity. Occasionally related soldiers

might set up a monument, as in the case of a dedication to the Matres Octocannae by seven men,

four of whom bearing the gentilicium Albinius and two named Oglannius.77

Three of the seven

explicitly referred to themselves as soldiers (milites), implying that the others were not members

of the army. It is likely that the „civilians‟ were relatives from the vicus of Gelduba / Gellep,

fulfilling a vow pro se et suis, a phrase which could, but did not need to, include families.

The exclusion of family from official religious cult was an inevitable feature of a ritual

whose raison d‟etre was the cohesion and loyalty of a military unit whose soldiers, until 197 CE,

were prohibited from marrying. Since official Roman policy typically viewed families as a

hindrance to the creation of an effective soldier (peregrine or otherwise), it never occurred to a

75

Müller 1975, criticized as “speculations” by Woolf 2001a, 119 n. 8. 76

Ruger 1991: 230; cf. Spickermann 2003: 238 n. 411, noting it pre-WWII tradition German scholarship 77

Table 3a no. 14.

134

prefect to erect a monument to a Roman deity on behalf of the troops‟ families or children.78

Nevertheless the provincial reality was clearly different. Tacitus mentions that soldiers stationed

in Syria sueto … contubernio gaudebant, plerique necessitudinibus et propinquitatibus mixti, et

militibus vetustate stipendiorum nota et familiaria castra in modum penatium diligebantur.79

There is nothing in this statement indicating that this sentiment was limited to Syrians, though

the marriage patterns among Syrians in Germany noted previously largely concur. This contrasts

with Tacitus‟ more well known reference to legionary soldiers being unaccustomed to having

wives, though the context of both remarks is different.80

In practice, families were more

integrated into the daily routines of auxiliaries on the frontier than was prima facie the case. In

regard to religious practice, similar circumstances prevailed. Non-Roman religious worship was

not prohibited by the army, and thus a great diversity on religious practice is observable in the

epigraphic record.

Regional expressions of Roman deities, i.e. the Jupiter columns, have already been noted.

Other regionalisms in religious expression have also been identified. For Germany detailed

analysis has been conducted in recent studies, particularly by Spickermann.81

He observed that

the cult of the Matronae (qualified with various epithets and easily recognizable in stone

monuments) characterize particularly the epigraphic record of Germania Inferior among both

military and civilian sources.82

Other non-Roman deities were commemorated by auxiliaries, and occasionally offer

insights into the cultural background of their dedicants. Often these appear without a reference to

a Roman equivalent. A Dacian enfranchised by Trajan, Ulpius Acutus, set up a dedication to

Hariasa at CCAA (tab. 3a no. 4). Vagdavercustus, a Celtic female deity, was honoured by

Simplicius Super, a soldier of the ala Vocontiorum that belonged to the garrison of Britannia

(tab. 3a no. 15). Both of these monuments were set up by decurions, men with higher rank and

leadership responsibilities for general auxiliary recruits in cavalry units. Most of the extant

78

Prefects might set up altars to peregrine deities, but this was infrequent. No extant examples from Germany

survive. 79

Tac. Hist. 2.80. Phang 2001: 16 notes that this does not indicate whether or not soldiers could marry, yet this is

not surprising; a ban on marriage, as previously noted, was in effect since Augustus‟ reign. See also Wells 1998:

180-190. 80

Tac. Ann. 14.27. 81

Spickermann 2001, and, for Germania Superior especially, 2003. For the Celtic deities in Germania Inferior, see

Spickermann 2005. 82

Spickermann 2005: 126.

135

inscriptions to both Roman and peregrine gods were set up by soldiers above the ranks of mere

eques or miles, perhaps a consequence of the costs involved in procuring stone monuments. The

larger number of lower ranking auxiliary tombstones seems to affirm the impression that

commemoration in stone of personal religious practice, Roman or peregrine, was not frequently

practiced by lower ranking auxiliaries.

III.i. Auxiliary religious co-dedications

Legionary soldiers, either individually or as vexillations, were often assigned to oversee

an auxiliary unit that had been ordered to repair a road or a building.83

At Brohl in Germania

Superior nine inscriptions involving both legionary and auxiliary units were dedicated to

Hercules Saxanus, a cult of Italian origins patronized overwhelmingly by military personnel in

Germany.84

Those that attest auxiliaries explicitly are given reproduced below.85

Tab. 4: Auxiliary (co-)dedications at Brohl

GS P 7, Brohl Herc(u)lenti / vexel(l)atio(!) c/o(ho)rt<i>s Ti(beri) Astur(i) / votum retul(l)i(t) / l(---)

l(aeta) lib(ens) s(olvit)

GS P 8, Brohl Her[c]u[li Sax(ano?)] / vexillari(i) / [lim(itanei)] l[e]g(ionis) [VI] Vic(tricis) et /

l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) et al(ae) co[h(ortis) / [---]L q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto)

Acut(io) / [s]u(nt) [cu(r)a] M(arci) Iu[l]i / [C]ossuti |(centurionis) l(egionis) V[I] /

Vic(tricis) P(iae) [F(idelis)]

GS P 9, Brohl I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Her(culi) Sax(ano) / vexil(latio) / l(egionis) VI Vic(tricis)

P(iae) F(idelis) l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) / et al(ae) coh(ortis) cla{g}(ssis) /

P(iae) F(idelis) q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto) Acut(io) / su(nt) cu(ra) M(arci) Iul(i) / Cossuti

|(centurionis) / l(egionis) VI Vic(tricis) P(iae) F(idelis)

GS IP 4, Brohl Herc(u)li Saxa/no Gemell/us im[a]ginif(er) / coh(ortis) III Astu/rum P(iae) F(idelis)

D(omitianae) et / vexil(latio) s(?) coh(ortis) / eiusdem / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes)

l(aeti) m(erito)

GS IP 5, Brohl Herc(uli) Saxsan(o!) sacr(um) / Iulius Verecund(us) / centurio c(o)ho[r(tis)] II

Var/cianorum(?) ex voto

83

On vexillations in the Roman army, see Sayer 1964, Holder 1980: 80-81. 84

On the cult, see Bauschenss 1986 and Bendlin 1996. 85

Legionary soldiers acting alone are attested in CIL 13, 7698-7704, 7709-7710, 7712, 7717-7720, and Finke 251.

136

GS IP 6, Brohl I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Iun(oni) / Marti Her(culi) / [s]acrum C(aius) / Domitius /

Rufinus d(ecurio) / coh(ortis) II c(ivium) R(omanorum) P(iae) F(idelis) D(omitianae) /

[e]t commilitones / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito)

GS U 2, Brohl Herculi / Saxano / vexellatio(!) / cohortis / I c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

GS U 3, Brohl Herculi Sa/xsano(!) sac/ru(m) coh(ortis) II / [---]VM / [---]

GS U 4, Brohl86 I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Hercu/li vexil(l)a/ti[o] c(o)ho(rtis) [X]V / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

Brohl is the only place in Germania Superior where evidence for the veneration of this

deity is found, and, as Sauer has recently argued, the specific regionalism of this “represents a

hybrid between native and classical traditions rather than just the classical Hercules.”87

The

overwhelming majority of the Brohl inscriptions involve the Roman military, six of which

mention auxiliary units either exclusively or in connection with legionary units. Two can be

securely dated to late in Domitian‟s reign (GS IP 4 and GS IP 6), a rare example of an inscription

escaping Domitian‟s damnatio memoriae.88

Hercules‟ popularity in the Roman army and across

the provinces of Germania notwithstanding, the concentration of inscriptions to Hercules “of the

stone” (from saxum) primarily derives from Brohl‟s importance as a quarry, a fact in line with

earlier manifestations of this deity in Italy. As one would expect, Hercules Saxanus was not

venerated here to the exclusion of Roman gods, as common examples of vows exclusive to

Roman deities have also been found at Brohl.89

No low-ranking soldier‟s names are recorded in

these inscriptions, all of which seem to be standard vows taken by commanders, decurions or

centurions of units for the general well-being of the unit. The lowest ranking auxiliary soldier is

Julius Verecundus (GS 1P 5), whose name is common among peregrine soldiers enfranchised in

the first century, and whose cognomen is commonly recognized as being a Latin translation of a

Celtic / Germanic name.90

Another inscription (GS P 7) includes a reference to limitanei, a term

that came into use in the third century. Among the provincial populations and non-Roman

peoples across the empire Hercules was a god of many faces, with the result that his cult was

86

Although present with no epithet, comparison with other inscriptions from Brohl suggest that Hercules Saxanus

was understood to be the deity mentioned. 87

Sauer 2007: 39. 88

This reference was, of course, very slight, since it was represented on the stone by only a single letter among the

other abbreviations of the cohort‟s titles. 89

Cf. GS IP 6, contemporaneous with GS IP 4. Other inscriptions at Brohl which record auxiliary units and mention

Hercules alone, lacking the epithet Saxanus, are GS P 6 and GS U 4. 90

Kajanto 1965: 264.

137

equally acceptable to legionaries and auxiliaries, as is particularly evident from joint legionary

and auxiliary dedications (e.g. GS P 9).

In contrast there is a unique example from Ganuenta / Colijnsplaat in Germania Inferior

(tab. 3a no. 3). A dedication to the local goddess Nehalennia, a deity associated with trade, was

made by a sesquiplicarius of the ala Noricorum:91

Deae Nehale/niae Sumaro/nius Vitalis / sesquip(licarius) alae / Noric(orum) Averini/us Secundus / v(otum)

s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

To the goddess Nehalennia, Sumaronius Vitalis, sesquiplicarius of the ala of Norici (and) Averinius

Secundus happily, deservedly fulfilled this vow.

One of these individuals was an auxiliary, but his connection with Averinius Secundus is

unclear. If the latter were an auxiliary soldier he would most likely have recorded it on this

monument. Both men bear gentilicia of peregrine origins.92

On the one hand it is possible to take

this as evidence of the opportunity for auxiliaries to engage in commercial activities, although it

is not clear what business in this case involved a serving auxiliary soldier of fairly high rank.

What is clear, however, is that this is an outlier among the corpus of Nehalennia dedications,

which currently number over 120 in total.93

In contrast with evidence from the Hercules Saxanus

at Brohl discussed earlier, this rarity seems noteworthy. Sumaronius‟ dedication to Nehalennia is

not representative of auxiliary religious or economic practices.

These inscriptions, when placed in the context of daily use in auxiliary sites, underscore

an important aspect of Roman religious toleration of non-Roman cults. The diversity of worship

rarely corresponds to the diversity of auxiliary soldiers‟ origins; thus it it not the case that all

auxiliaries either adapted or could adapt native beliefs to the cultural media of the Roman army.

The Roman state had a long tradition of proscribing certain religious practices which it deemed

offensive or subversive, such as the suppression of the Bacchanalian cult, Druidism and certain

rituals such as human sacrifice or, perhaps, circumcision.94

This is not sufficient to explain other

gaps in evidence. For example, the ala Parthorum et Araborum, originally from ancient

91

Sumaronius‟ unit was stationed at Durnomagus / Dormagen. 92

AE reports a Celtic origin for Sumaronius. Averinius is a rare name, recorded elsewhere perhaps as Averenius

(CIL 8, 21726), although Solin and Salomies 1988: 29 s. v. „Averenius?‟ were not certain of that inscription‟s

reading. While Sumaronius‟ gentilicium was recorded (Solin and Salomies 1988: 178) they did not record

Averinius‟ name in their repertorium of gentilicia and cognomina. The cognomina recorded in this inscription,

however, are quite common. See Kajanto 1965: 274 (Vitalis), 292 (Secundus). 93

On Nehalennia, see de Bernardo Stempel 2004. 94

Circumcision: SHA vit. Had. 14.2.

138

Armenia, has left no trace of local eastern deities in Germany, where it was stationed in the first

century.95

Few ethnic deities in the auxiliary context can invariably be connected with auxiliaries

on this frontier. An important factor in this phenomenon was the cost of stone monuments. The

regular practice of unit dedications in stone to IOM by the unit commander were made on behalf

of the entire unit, as were numerous other festivals. In the Roman army there were several

religions, as has recently been stressed,96

but the resources of auxiliary units in Germany were

invested in the celebration of the deities of the Roman state and military. In the auxiliary military

communities of Germany, expensive and conspicuous monuments to the worship of peregrine

deities seems to have struggled to compete with the more visible and accepted military cults

supported by the army. Unless a recruit practiced a religion that was exclusionary, and

recognized as such by his superiors,97

all peregrine soldiers, in terms of religious worship,

partook by necessity in multiple religious worlds: his own, the state‟s, and, in the case of

ethnically diverse units, those of his fellow soldiers.

III.ii. Interpreting peregrine deities in auxiliary contexts

Epigraphic evidence represents high ranking soldiers partaking in various cults which

would have belonged to the visible space of the auxiliary vicus. Most units, and their subsequent

recruits, came from the various Celtic, Germanic or Thracian peoples of the Balkan region, but

there was also a need for the specializations of certain eastern units as well. The ala Parthorum

et Araborum, raised in Armenia Minor, served in both Dalmatia and Germania. However, the

potential diversity of cultural practice among the Gallic, Germanic and Thracian auxiliaries

95

Cf. Spaul 1994: 176-178. Spaul suggests that it was originally recruited from Parthians and Arabs, although there

has been debate, based on variations in the unit‟s nomenclature, about whether the evidence attests more than one

unit of Parthians and/or Arabs and Spaul may be correct to suggest that the unit‟s title was shortened to ala

Parthorum while still in Germany. Attested at Mogontiacum as ala Parthorum et Araborum, there is clear evidence

for its residence at Novaesium / Neuss from a silver ring inscribed ala P(a)rthor(um) vet(erana), CIL 13, 10024, 35

in the first century. From there it was transferred to North Africa, where an inscription dedicated to the local Dei

Mauri Salutares at Altava / Lamoricière is the only extant reference to a deity by the troops of this unit (CIL 7,

2172). 96

Stoll 2007. 97

Judaism is one such example; the significance of the synagogue excavated at the auxiliary fort at Intercisa has

already been discussed (Introduction).

139

could have been equally as great, if somewhat less exotic, than the Parthians‟. Auxiliary soldiers

were free to name a Roman or peregrine god, and many inscriptions equated a peregrine deity

with a Roman equivalent. This practice is often described, after Tacitus‟ reference to a Germanic

priest, as interpretatio Romana, but was not systematically applied by any central Roman

authority.98

The classification of this practice as interpretatio Romana is now seen as a complex

process, and not simply a case of replacing, as Tacitus did, a nameless or barbarian deity‟s name

with one (e.g. Castor or Pollux) that a literate Roman audience would understand.99

Rüpke,

although focusing on Celtic dedicants, described three manifestations applicable to any peregrine

cult:

1: The Romans equated a peregrine deity as a manifestation (Erscheinung) of a Roman

god. The connection was drawn not on the basis of related names but rather on the existence of

similar ritual and cult practices.

2: Peregrines adopted the use of Latin and Roman iconography to represent and worship

their gods. This need not have required the peregrine worshipper to give the peregrine deity a

„Roman‟ name; a Latinized version (e.g. Maponus) or an anonymous Latin dedication would

suffice.

3: Particularly in the case of Thracian and Syrian auxiliaries,100

one peregrine deity could

be equated with another. This could involve Roman cult practices, but need not have included

the invocation of a „Roman‟ deity‟s name.

Since the auxiliary garrison of Germania, particularly in the first century CE included

recruits from diverse backgrounds, it is not surprising that peregrine and Roman religious

traditions adapted, in part, to conform broadly with the protocols of the military culture. As in

the case of eastern recruits stationed in Germany and, as will be shown in the next chapter,

Britain, the accommodation of foreign cults was often in the interest of the unit‟s command

structure. Once auxiliary units largely began to be commanded by leaders of tribal groups,

respect for foreign religious practices was a convenient mechanism for equestrian unit

98 Tac. Ger. 43.4: apud Naharvalos antiquae religionis lucus ostenditur. praesidet sacerdos muliebri ornatu, sed

deos interpretatione Romana Castorem Pollucemque memorant. Cf. Beard et. al. 1997: 317. 99

Rüpke 1990: 257-258. 100

Rüpke 1990: 258.

140

commanders to establish their authority among their subordinates. This would be especially true

for units that continued to recruit either exclusively or significantly from a particular ethnic

group, a practice that is attested for certain eastern and western units throughout the first and

second century. All the models described by Rüpke are nevertheless compatible with the

established order of the military hierarchy. Thus, while an auxiliary‟s freedom to worship

peregrine deities was considerable, he was not relieved of his obligations to the state religion

cultivated by the army. As will be discussed further in the following chapter, the „Romanizing‟

effect of military culture even over units that maintained traditions of ethnic recruitment and

command were deeply transformed by military service.

IV. „Romanization‟

The evidence of auxiliary families and religious practice in Roman Germany surveyed

above demonstrated trends in „Romanization‟ that were possible, in part, because auxiliary

commanders were willing to ignore regulations concerning marriage and the traffic of women in

a fort.101

There is no evidence that soldiers were punished for „marrying‟ while still in service.102

A similar situation applied in regard to the production of children, whose support was not the

unit‟s responsibility. The rewards of service listed on the diplomas seem rather to have

encouraged unofficial families, all of whose members, at the time of the father‟s honesta missio,

stood to benefit from the veteran‟s privileges. These privileges, civitas Romana for father and

children (until 140) and conubium with his current or future “wife” (uxor), created legal Roman

families and spread the names of the Iulii, Flavii, Cocceii, Ulpii, and Aurelii throughout the

provinces. Many of these names, in various altered forms, remained popular in antiquity

following the deaths of the emperors who bore them. The spread of such names surely owes

much to the emperor‟s role as provider of military privileges to the auxilia of the provinces.103

101

The “legal awareness” of soldiers, as well as the general population of the empire, is difficult to quantify, though

marriage disputes in papyri from Egypt are known (cf. Phang 2001: 22-49 for the most relevant examples). 102

Phang 2001: 50, noting that “dowries were not confiscated, as was done in the case of some other illegal

marriages.” 103

This seems particularly the case with Aurelius, the name of many citizens enfranchised by the constitutio

antoniniana, from peregrine auxiliaries at Dura Europus to the family of Zenobia.

141

An auxiliary soldier‟s savings could be legally bequeathed to an heir, and many such heirs are

mentioned by name in the monuments from Roman Germany.

IV.i. Legionary models in the funerary context in post-

conquest Germania

As has been observed, auxiliary service provided non-Romans living within the Roman

empire access to important privileges otherwise restricted to Roman citizens. Clearly these

privileges were valued and access to them desirable, since Claudius saw fit to grant Roman

citizenship to all auxiliaries who completed 25 years‟ service in the army, with the added

incentive of „special grants‟ of citizenship in return of valourous and / or meritorious service. Yet

many auxiliaries failed to reach that milestone, dying before the completion of their term of

service. Their tombstones, however, offer dramatic evidence that, although they died peregrines,

they viewed their military service as worth commemorating in a Roman style similar to that of

the legionaries. This is particularly the case in Germania, where a number of impressive auxiliary

tombstones from early in the history of the imperial period have been discovered.104

In the first decades of Roman rule in Germania, the legionaries had been recruited almost

exclusively from Italy and Gallia Narbonensis.105

Since religious dedications to both Roman and

peregrine deities used the same formulae on monuments, they should thus be seen as monuments

that consciously adapted unfamiliar or foreign peregrine deities to the cultural practices of the

dominant military culture of military vici and towns. The archetypes for the auxiliary monuments

discussed in this study were the tombstones and votive dedications of Roman legionaries.

Auxiliary tombstones are divided into two broad categories of figured and plain tombstones,

104

Particularly impressive examples survive of cavalrymen on horseback, as well as depictions of the Totenmahl

(“banquet of the dead”) motif. 105

Mann 1983: 25-28.

142

found in both Germania Inferior and Superior, and a sub-category of figured stones depicting a

funeral banquet, the Totenmahl type, which appeared during the Flavian period (fig. 3).106

Fig. 3: GI A 28, Totenmahl monument for Longinus Biarta, Bisae f., eques alae Sulpiciae. The individual in

the lower scene attending to the horse may be either the deceased or his calo107

(Köln, Römisch-Germanisches

Museum; photo: author)

Images of the deceased are typically carved in a niche in the shape of a small shrine

(aedicula), the decoration of which eventually became more abstract over time. Half-figured

tombstones set in a niche with an aedicula belong to the latter part of Tiberius‟ reign.108

Full

figured tombstones are similarly set, and belong to the mid-first century or later. The aedicula

106

Surveys of inscriptions from Germania are Weynand 1902 (a comprehensive study of funeral stelae), Gerster

1938, and the seminal study of Gabelmann 1972, all of which used by Holder 1980. The subsequent art historical

study of Boppert 2001 has dealt with the overall corpus of figured tombstones, but not comprehensively. For a

survey of legionary and auxiliary figured tombstones, also edited by Boppert, see CSIRD 2.5. On the Totenmahl

monuments, see now Stewart 2009, who surveys the Totenmahl motif in both military and civilian contexts. 107

As argued by Mattern 2003 and accepted by Stewart 2009: 257. 108

Holder 1980: 145.

143

style was developed in Italy and attained widespread use in Roman Germany. These tombstones

represent examples of models that, presumably, the customer might order from the lapidarius of

a specific shop; thus the inclusion of certain images, such as the Totenmahl type common in

Germania, may not reflect a rejection of a particular identity so much as a participation in a

current fad in funerary design among the general population of Germania.109

It should be noted

that no single style is exclusive to military tombstones. As noted earlier, there is no extant

example of an auxiliary tombstone inscribed in any language other than Latin, even by

auxiliaries from whom inscription in a language other than Latin might be expected. A

particularly striking example is the tombstone of Heliades Adrasti f. from Antioch, whose

tombstone commemorated 34 years of service.110

It would be too simplistic to say that auxiliaries merely emulated their legionary

colleagues, although a close relationship between the monuments of early legionaries in Roman

Germany and early monuments of auxiliaries is clear, differing only in the average size.

Monumental tombs were set up by legionaries like L. Poblicius L. f. Tere(ntina).111

This

monument, set up ca. 40 CE, far outstrips the largest extant auxiliary tombstones, yet just as

impressively demonstrates the importance of family to that soldier‟s life. Poblicius takes care to

mention his military career in the leg. V Alaudae, a feature of auxiliary tombstones, as well as his

family members. Yet he represented himself as a Roman citizen, electing to highlight his

possession of this privilege. Auxiliaries who died while still serving did not have this option;

Roman citizenship was not awarded posthumously, so the military identity is more pronounced

among auxiliary monuments than among legionary tombstones. The explicit references to family

and military service nevertheless were adopted in numerous auxiliary monuments, and those

with sufficient funds could commission elaborate tombstones that, if not able to compete with

the likes of Poblicius, could hold their own against those of their auxiliary peers.

109

Stewart 2009: 257 notes that the Totenmahl monument in Germany began to evolve, in the second century, into a

Familienmahl scene, which are “more familial [and] less sympotic.” The Totenmahl style persisted in Britannia until

the third century, however, although evidence for its presence there in the first century remains slim (cf. Stewart

2009: 258-267, arguing that some monuments may be much earlier than previously thought). 110

GI A 64. 111

RSK 216 = IKoeln 311 = Schillinger 172 = AE 1979, 412: L(ucio) Poblicio L(uci) f(ilio) Tere(tina) / vet(erano)

leg(ionis) V Alauda(e) ex testamento / et Paullae f(iliae) et vivis / [--- coniugi] / [et L(ucio?) Poblicio --- f(ilio)] / [et

libertis] / [L(ucio) Poblici]o Modesto L(ucio) P[oblicio ---] / [h(oc)] m(onumentum) h(eredem) [n(on) s(equetur)].

An impressive reconstruction of the complete monument is on display in Köln at the Römisch-Germanisches

Museum.

144

As will be shown, the auxilia embraced the ancient Roman cultural vehicles for status

manifestation that were reinforced by the military hierarchy and, perhaps, by aspects of their own

cultural backgrounds, of which peaceful and not so peaceful competition may often have been a

part. The image of the barbarians as constantly warring with each other in Roman literary

sources has some corroboration in archaeological studies of the German frontier.112

D. Wigg

notes that burial customs abruptly shifted in the Rhine area, surely due to violence among the

tribes that resulted, historically, in the relocation of the Ubii in particular to the left bank of the

Rhine prior to Drusus‟ invasion of Germania in 12 BCE. In the Roman period, many German

tribes living near the Rhine were exploited for auxiliary units and/or troops.

IV.ii. The legionary template for „Romanization‟

There were plenty of opportunities for auxiliaries to interact with their legionary

colleagues. The history of legionary garrisons in Roman Germany is well known and may be

summarized briefly. The Roman invasion of Germania began in 17-16 BCE and represented a

massive investment of soldiers, supplies and money. XVII Classica set up a fortress at Fectio /

Vechten, XVI Gallica and the XVIII Libyca established a joint fortress at Vetera / Xanten (later

Colonia Ulpia Traiana), V Alaudae and XXI Rapax established the fortress at Novaesium / Neuss,

and I (Germanica) established a fortress at Mogontiacum / Mainz.113

Drusus expanded Roman

territory to the Elbe before his death in 9 BCE, but Germania was left with four legions to

occupy the new province. After the clades Variana the Elbe frontier was abandoned and the

Romans retreated to the Rhine, where CCAA, Vetera and Mogontiacum each became home to

two legions, with attendant auxiliary units. Strategically important forts on the new frontier were

occupied by auxiliary units.

The following table illustrates how itinerant certain legions were in the first century of

Roman occupation in Germania.

112

D. Wigg 1999. 113

Formerly Augusta, the cognomen which this legion lost in 19 BCE for reasons which remain obscure. XIX set up

in 14 BCE a short-lived fortress at Dangstetten to guard the Raetian frontier. The site was evacuated in 8 BCE

following Drusus‟ death.

145

Tab. 5: Occupation History of Legionary Bases in Germany (Legions destroyed at Kalkriese in bold)114

Site Legion Occupation

Aliso / Haltern XIX 8 BCE-8 CE

Argentorate / Strasbourg II Augusta 15-43 CE

--- VIII Augusta 90-406 CE

Bonna / Bonn I Germanica 35-69 CE

--- XX1 Rapax 70-86 CE

--- I Minervia 86-359 CE

Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium XIX 8-9 CE

--- I Germanica 9-35 CE

--- XX Valeria 9-35 CE

Dangstetten XIX 14-8 BCE

Fectio / Vechten XVII 17 BCE-7 CE

Noviomagus / Nijmegen XVII 7-9 CE

--- II Adiutrix 70-71 CE

--- X Gemina 71-101 CE

--- IX Hispana 121 CE

Vetera / Xanten XVI Gallica 17-11 BCE

--- XVIII 17 BCE-9 CE

--- V Alaudae 9-69 BCE

--- XXI Rapax 10-46 CE

--- XV Primigenia 46-69 CE

--- XXII Primigenia 70-102 CE

--- VI Victrix 102-122 CE

114

The standard reference works on the Roman legions are RE s.v. “legio”, Forni 1963, Parker 1961, Dobson 1978.

Farnum 2005 also offers convenient tables of reference, but with little commentary and no reference to secondary

scholarship. He is confident that legiones XVII, XVIII and XIX bore the cognomina Classica, Libyca and Paterna

(Farnum 2005: 24), but this confidence is not shared by other scholars who have denied that these legions even had

cognomina (e.g. Webster 1985: 106). Without direct epigraphi evidence, one cannot assume that these cognomina,

perhaps first applied during their campaigns under Antonius during the civil wars, were retained by Augustus. For

the history of specific legionary camps, see Schönberger 1985. Other briefly occupied legionary camps must have

existed, but relatively few are known, and only those sites where the identity of the legion stationed is known are

included. For recent research on one such fortress, the site Marktbreit in Germania Superior (140 km east of

Mogontiacum), see Pietsch 2003.

146

--- XXX Ulpia 122-355 CE

Novaesium / Neuss XXI Rapax 17 BCE-11 CE

--- V Alaudae 17 BCE-9 CE

--- XX Valeria 35-43 CE

--- XVI Gallica 43-69 CE

--- VI Victrix 70-102 CE

Mogontiacum I Germanica 16 BCE-9 CE

--- II Augusta 10-15 CE

--- XIV Gemina 10-43 CE

--- XVI Gallica 15-43 CE

--- IV Macedonica 43-69 CE

--- XXII Primigenia 43-69 CE

--- I Adiutrix 70-86 CE

--- XIV Gemina 70-102 CE

--- XXI Rapax 86-89 CE

--- XXII Primigenia 102-355 CE

Mogontiacum / Mainz-Weisenau XV Primigenia 39-46 CE

--- XXII Primigenia 39-43 CE

Vindonissa / Windisch XIII Gemina 16-45 CE

--- XXI Rapax 46-69 CE

--- XI Claudia 70-101 CE

Two new legions, XV and XXII Primigenia, were recruited here for Gaius‟ attempted

British campaign,115

the latter staying in Germania permanently. CCAA existed only briefly as a

legionary fortress but nevertheless, due to its importance as a Roman colonia and center of

provincial administration, preserves many monuments of legionary and auxiliary soldiers. After

the revolt of Saturninus against Domitian was suppressed in 89 CE, a long-standing practice of

stationing two legions in one camp in Germania was discontinued and one old fortress at

115

Dio 59.21, 25.2-5.

147

Vindonissa was closed in 101 CE.116

The reduction in the legionary presence in the German

provinces coincided with greater expansion of the limes.117

IV.iii. “Barbarous camp-speech”

Thus representation in the Roman manner is the common thread linking auxiliary

religious dedications and tombstones. Even personal dedications to Celtic and Germanic gods are

universally inscribed in Latin and conform to standard Roman formulae. While this does not

necessarily mean that auxiliaries chose between their culture and Roman culture, the evidence

suggests that auxiliaries clearly understood their status disadvantages vis à vis their Roman

counterparts, and actively sought to compensate for this by conscious and costly funerary

monuments. Admission to the status and privileges of the empire‟s ruling class was an attractive

prospect. Pre-Claudian auxiliaries could not depend on regular citizenship grants, although

individual distinctions were possible. Self-representation in Roman cultural media, however,

allowed auxiliaries to participate in the culture of the ruling elite, to which they might be and,

after the Claudian reform, would be admitted.118

Access to Latin language and literacy in early Roman Germany would, for most

peregrines, be available mainly through service in or association with the army. All military units

appointed competent soldiers to keep detailed records of personnel, orders, and accounts. Such

soldiers held the rank of an immunis with the title cornicularius, though the rank gradually

developed into a bureaucratic position.119

Although one might expect a large degree of

uniformity in the terminology of military terms, in Germania a regional peculiarity of pre-

116

The practice of billeting two legions in one fortress was not abolished, however, and [Hyginus] Munit. explains

how one can station not two but three legions, with auxiliaries, Praetorians and even an Imperial bodyguard in one

fortress; see von Domaszewski 1972: Tab. 2. for an illustration. This was especially practical in the later imperial

period, when legions were manned by fewer soldiers. 117

See Schönberger 1986 Map C (Flavian) and D (Hadrianic) for chronological presentations of Roman sites. 118

On the pre-Claudian practice, see E. Birley 1986. The significant prerequisite of 25 years of service, however,

made this a difficult goal to achieve. 119

For a survey of tombstones of soldiers employed as record-keepers in the army, see Stauner 2004.

148

Flavian tombstones from Germania is the formula mil(es) ex coh(orte), which ordinarily would

designate a veteran of the unit.120

This formula provides a useful insight into a Latin regionalism. In Germania, this formula

is used in the case of soldiers who died during service and were not, therefore, discharged; a

veteran would use vet(eranus) ex coh(orte). One would expect miles cohortis (“soldier of the

cohort”). Mommsen‟s explanation of this as an example of “barbarische Lagersprache” on the

Rhine has generally been accepted, but it remains speculative and does not explain why to date

no comparable example from the alae have been securely attested, along with a few legionary

cases.121

Many contemporary cavalry inscriptions use a similar ablative without a preposition,

eques ala, usually expanded by editors to the more „correct‟ eques ala(e). Still, the absence of an

exact parallel formula in cavalry monuments on the Rhine is curious, since, if Mommsen‟s

suggestion is taken at face value, it would imply that a different “barbarische Lagersprache” was

in use among the cavalry, but not among certain legionaries, for their funerary monuments.122

This, indeed, proposes a more significant inconsistency, and perhaps the focus should be

adjusted away from the “barbarity” of the Latin formula. Mommsen‟s suggestion no doubt

resonated with the image of the “barbarous” auxiliaries learning Latin in the camp, with varying

degrees of success. Kraft was more explicit in this reasoning, citing “Barbariserung” as the

reason why children were excluded from the privileges of Roman citizenship in the diplomas in

140 CE, while Holder passed over the issue in silence.123

Yet the miles ex cohorte formula is not

unintelligible,124

and it is used on some of the most intricate auxiliary tombstones from

Germania, such as the monument of Annaius Pravai f. from Bingium / Bingen which preserves a

well preserved sculpture of the deceased in full military uniform.125

Regardless of the formula‟s

120

Cf. the diploma formula ex gregale (“former trooper”) as opposed to gregali (“serving trooper”). For what

follows, see M. A. Speidel 1993, esp. pp. 193 and 196. 121

Mommsen 1965: 429-430, M. A. Speidel 1993: 193 n. 22 (list of pre-Flavian mil ex coh tombstones). The

legionary parallels are CIL 13, 6946, 8284 and possibly 1122, although the text is uncertain (cf. Speidel ad loc.).

Speidel also notes that the only potential example from an ala is also restored (D(is) M(anibus) S(acrum) C. Iulius

Donatus, eques [ex?] ala Pannon[i]orum I em(eritus)…), and rightly notes that the restoration proposed by Le

Bohec 1989: 47 is redundant with em(eritus). 122

For the rare examples of mil(es) ex leg(ione) see M.A. Speidel 1993: 193 n. 22. 123

Kraft 1951: p. 120, “[s]o fügt sich die Änderung in den Diplomen der Alen und Kohorten einerseits ein in die

Bestrebungen, den Dienst allmählich erblich zu machen, anderseits äußern sich darin Maßnahmen gegen eine

Barbarisierung.” See also ch. 1. 124

In classical Latin the use of ex with the ablative to denote the part of a whole, an expression synonymous with the

use of the partitive genitive, was commonly used with numerals. 125

GS A 7, who died aftr 15 years of service.

149

origins and the reasons for its continued use until the Flavian period, the detailed Roman

iconography of the mil(es) ex coh(orte) tombstones testifies to the sophistication which auxiliary

infantry could demand in their funerary monuments during the Julio-Claudian period.

Jonathan Edmondson has remarked on “the almost suffocating sameness of Roman

epigraphy around the western provinces,”126

and, indeed, many auxiliary tombstones, and their

epitaphs, have common attributes. Auxiliary epitaphs such as the text cited above, however, can

offer some less formulaic and local perspectives. Another feature of auxiliary Latin from

Germany and paralleled in Britannia is the rendition of civis as cives. This is a consistent feature

of the epigraphic record, regardless of rank. As such, it must reflect common usage. Such

regionalisms are important evidence for the diversity of Latin in the provinces, offering hints at

what the “German” provincial dialect would have been, analogous to dialects that were

recognized in other provinces in antiquity.127

The following tombstone (GI IP 1) was commissioned in the Claudian or Neronian

period, and Pintaius‟ unit seems to have been stationed in Bonna, where it would have served as

one of the auxiliary units attached to legio I Germanica stationed there. The stone depicts a

peregrine as a Roman soldier, represented in his role of signifer, through the Roman media of the

funeral stele, Latin inscription, and sculpture (Fig. 4).

126

Edmondson 2001: 57. 127

On Latin bilingualism and dialects, see Adams 2003 and 2007. Adams 2003: 600 questions the characterization

of Latin as the army‟s “official language,” citing papyrological evidence from the eastern empire. While the usage of

Greek for communication of orders or other “official” documents is notable, the context helps to explain such

instances. Given both the widespread usage of Greek in the east and Greek‟s status as a language of learning among

Roman elites, it was a convenient second language, conceivably useful for equestrian commanders of eastern

auxiliary units. In any case, there can be no doubt, as Adams admits, that Latin in the army was a “super-high”

language whose usage served to reinforce the imperial order among the troops and in the provinces (Adams 2003:

608-609). Other languages might result in Latin accents that carried a social stigma. The most famous example (cf.

Adams 2007: 260) is the “African” dialect of Septimius Severus, the inspiration of a dubious reference to his

embarrassment at his sister, who could “hardly speak Latin” (SHA vit. Sev. 15.7). The truth of the account is beside

the point, as it demonstrates that there was a recognizable African accent to Latin.

150

Fig. 4: Tombstone of Pintaius (Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum; photo: author)

Pintaius Pedilici / f(ilius) Astur Trans/montanus caste(l)lo / Intercatia signifer / c(o)ho(rtis) V Asturum /

anno(rum) XXX stip(endiorum) VII. / h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit) / ave.

“Pintaius son of Pedilicus, Asturian from across the mountains, from the fort of Intercatia, standard-bearer

of the Fifth cohort of Asturians, thirty years old, seven years‟ service. The heir saw to this monument‟s

construction, in accordance with the terms of the will. Farewell.”128

This, like other examples of auxiliary representations from Germania, indicates that auxiliary

service, even if compelled by conscription – a practice which, as Haynes recently reminded us,

was never abolished in the auxilia129

– was worth recording in Latin and in sculpture. Pintaius,

although living in the company of fellow Asturians on the frontier of Germania, was

128

In the auxilia careers meant that not only individuals, but entire ethnic groups accompanied their units to frontiers

of the Roman empire that could be thousands of miles distant from their homes. The unit most likely did not long

outlive Pintaius, although the question whether it was disbanded. Bonn was destroyed during the revolt; if this

cohort joined Civilis‟ rebellion, it might have had a hand in the destruction. See Spaul 2000, comm. ad loc. and

Schönberger 1985: 441 for a summary of the evidence for destruction at the fort. 129

Haynes 1999: 166 n. 2.

151

monumentalized in an unambiguously Roman monument, the style of which, as art historians

such as Gabelmann have demonstrated, was deeply influenced by Northern Italian models,

particularly in the first half of the first century.130

Pintaius‟ epitaph belongs to an important

period in the cultural history of Roman Germania; the global culture of Rome, clearly

identifiable from Roman monuments like Latin inscribed Italian funeral stele, quickly became

important media for auxiliary soldiers. Peregrines could use inscriptions to advertise not only

auxiliary careers of themselves, but also the careers and values of their relatives. This is the

case with another inscription, an epitaph from Vetera / Xanten in Germania Inferior (GI A 3):131

Silvano Loupi f(ilio) Trever(o) / eq(uiti) ala(e) Vocont(iorum) an(norum) XXX / stip(endiorum) XII et vivis

Primae / sorori eius hered(es) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt) / vos rogitat quaeso soror unica132

/ fratris amantis

ni dissigilletis / nive violetis opus

“To Silvanus son of Loupus, Trever, cavalryman of the ala of Vocontii, thirty years old, 12 years‟ service,

and to Prima his sister, while both were alive. The heirs saw to this monument‟s construction. Please, the

peerless sister of a loving brother requests that you neither unseal nor vandalize the monument.”

This funerary monument bearing an inscription and a representation of a Totenmahl

formerly included an image depicting a cavalryman‟s horse and attendant.133

The ala Augusta

Vocontiorum was stationed in Germania Inferior in the first century, and this monument dates to

the early Flavian period.134

Remarkable is the metrical plea of Prima, Silvanus‟ sister, for future

onlookers to respect this monument, a plea which, given the monument‟s current state, has sadly

not come to pass.135

This verse is not quite perfect; the pentameter, as Bücheler recognized, requires

dissignetis neu to scan; disigilletis is a hapax.136

The appearance here of Latin verse speaks to

the permeation of Latin culture in the legionary fortress of Xanten. By the Flavian period Latin

elegy along with the conventions of epigraphy and military iconography, were well established

in camps, even if the rules of meter were not being strictly followed. However, this epitaph

130

Gabelmann 1972. 131

For images and illustrations, see CSIRD 3.1: 40, no. 22, plates 24-24. 132

For this meaning of unicus, also in connection with a female, see CIL 12, 4745: Cornelia T(iti) f(ilia) uxor unica

frugi, and OLD p. 2093 s.v. “unicus.” 133

On the identity of the attendant, see n. 107 above. 134

Kraft 1951: 164, Spaul 1994: 240-241. 135

The monument itself is now partially lost and severely decayed, and is best known from earlier illustrations. 136

See Bücheler‟s commentary in CLE ad loc, OLD s.v. “disigillo” for the meaning “unseal”. The sigilla were the

ornaments and seals of the tombstone. Bücheler‟s suggestion, which was not proposed as an emendation, would

yield a proper dactylic pentameter. This carmen is instead listed among many other “defective” carmina classified

as dactylic elegiacs.

152

speaks with the voice of Prima, not Silvanus. While Silvanus‟ career as an auxiliary soldier is

properly documented, along with his peregrine status, Prima‟s epitaph advertises both his and her

character. The favour given to her voice over his is even more striking given the adjective vivis,

which indicates that Silvanus and Prima were still alive when this monument was commissioned.

The epitaph, with a heartfelt plea from the soldier‟s sister, adds a literary element to this

monument. That Prima was the sister of an eques alae (not a higher ranking soldier like a

decurion or a principalis) is evidence that lower-ranking auxiliaries and their families could have

the opportunity of attaining to Latin literary pretension. Obviously, one inscription is not

evidence for all auxiliaries. However, this monument offers posterity more than a summary of a

soldier‟s career and surely represents a significant investment in thought and money. It is also

not an isolated example, since, as noted earlier, two other metrical inscriptions commissioned by

auxiliaries, both tombstones, can be identified in Germania.137

A survey of the figured tombstones also reveals a clear pattern. Nearly all of the most

detailed representations of auxiliary soldiers, apart from Trajan‟s column, are preserved on

funerary monuments. Occasionally the deceased is simply depicted in uniform, such as in the

case of Pintaius.138

In other examples, largely of equites alae, the deceased (or a standard image)

is depicted on horseback, occasionally spearing an enemy. At Mogontiacum alone 15 depictions

of cavalrymen in fighting posture are known, 12 claiming peregrine tribes as their origo, with 3

unknown.139

The image of the auxiliary cavalryman in battle has a parallel in CIL 13, 8059, a

legionary tombstone from the Claudian-Neronian period depicting an eques legionis, obviously a

Roman citizen, in battle posture.140

These monuments must be placed in perspective. Not all auxiliary tombstones have these

impressive images, and the poetic epitaph of Silvanus and Prima here is a rare example among

the auxiliary ranks of Germania. The fact that most auxiliary monuments do not deviate from

formulaic inscriptions should not obscure the great variety of images that individuals chose to

137

See pp. 126-127 and n. 23 above. 138

Above, p. 163. 139

CSIRD 2.5, p. 58 and nos. 27-35, 40, 43, 45, 48, 50 and 52. One of Boppert‟s unknowns was a peregrine of the

ala Picentiana named Abaius who is “viellecht Pannonier”. This motif was closely connected to Roman military

expansion and security along the Rhine; see Boppert‟s commentary in CSIR Deutschland 2.5, p. 57 with

bibliography. 140

C. Marius L(uci) f(ilius) Vol(tinia) Luco Augusto eques leg(ionis) I annor(um) XXX stipend(iorum) XV h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) Sex(tus) Sempronius frater facien(dum) curavit. Sempronius was surely Marius‟ fellow soldier.

153

have engraved on their final monuments. It is clear that auxiliary soldiers of both the cavalry and

infantry, even at the lowest ranks of the Roman army, elected to memorialize their service with

elaborate tombstones, and the distribution of figured auxiliary tombstones throughout Roman

Germany testifies to the pride placed by them and their families in military service. Clearly these

monuments cost money; many legionaries, and even commanders like equestrian prefects, often

opted for humbler monuments.

Auxiliaries from specialist cohorts could proudly display themselves in their, from the

Roman perspective, unorthodox equipment, as in the case of Monimus Ierombali f., of coh. I

Sagittariorum from Mogontiacum.141

The deceased is depicted in an aedicula holding arrows in

his right hand and a bow in his left hand. Dating to Tiberius‟ reign, Monimus‟ tombstone speaks

to the wider acceptance of Roman media for self-representation among auxiliary soldiers

generally.142

One may stress the „otherness‟ of the individual represented, but the Roman

medium of an Italian-style tombstone inscribed in Latin should underscore not Monimus‟ status

as a peregrine Ituraean but rather as a Roman auxiliary, buried alongside other auxiliary soldiers

and commemorated in a quintessentially Roman way.

The survey of the epigraphic evidence and the examination of how salary and income

were connected to status in Roman Germany raises further questions about the close relationship

between the iconography of auxiliary tombstones and legionary monuments. As soldiers in the

Roman army, many clearly found that emulation of legionary practices was natural. Individual

motives will have varied. As previously stated, auxiliary service offered a path to Roman

citizenship which was available at all periods via special grants for meritorious service and, after

Claudius‟ introduction of citizenship grants at the end of service, predictable.143

Many auxiliary

soldiers lived in close quarters with legionaries. A good example is Vindonissa, the subject of a

study by Hartmann and Speidel.144

Although auxiliary units were stationed outside the legionary

fortress proper, the writing tablets discovered at this site show that auxiliaries nevertheless had a

significant presence at the camp. Fragmentary letters from auxiliaries stationed there are

unfortunately too fragmentary to preserve much information beyond names, although a

141

GS A 47, Monimus / Ierombali f(ilius) / mil(es) c(o)hor(tis) I / Ituraeor(um) / ann(orum) L stip(endiorum) XXI /

h(ic) s(itus) est. The monument dates to Tiberius‟ reign (Boppert 2001: 272). 142

Boppert 2001: 272-273. 143

On the pre-Claudian practice, see E. Birley 1986. 144

Hartmann and Speidel 1991. The garrison at Vindonissa was closed in 101 CE.

154

stipendium receipt issued to Clua, a peregrine eques serving in the ala Raetorum, concerns a man

whose homeland probably lay in the Northern Alps.145

The significance of separate quartering

should not be overemphasized, however. Legionaries were often assigned to command auxiliary

units or auxiliary vexillations, and they were Rome‟s most visible presence on the frontier. The

structural modeling of auxiliary units after the legions has also been discussed, while Roman

values and regulations concerning religious practices were uniform among the ranks.146

The high

incidence of non-Roman deities in the epigraphic record should not be read strictly as “local /

provincial” versus “Roman,” as James Rives has recently observed,147

but the Roman medium of

expression uniformly employed in these dedications underscores the important role of these

Roman cultural “trappings.”

V. Conclusion

Being one of the oldest provinces to be organized during the imperial period, Germania

provides important evidence for the formative years of the imperial auxilia. Since pre-Flavian

auxiliary inscriptions in Germania particularly can be recognized fairly easily from their

formulae, we can recognize various examples of early adaptation by auxiliary soldiers of the

classical form, particularly based on the monuments set up by other ranks of the Roman army.

Unsurprisingly, the soldiers of the eight legions assigned to garrison the province (later split into

two, with four legions assigned to each), can be identified as significant influences on auxiliary

self representation from an early date.

However, this “provincialization of the classical form,” to use Lindgren‟s term,148

should

not be interpreted solely as a manifestation of the art forms employed by tombstones.

Peculiarities in military language, and even examples of Latin verse, indicate a complex

engagement with Roman culture. One can conclude that the appearance of participation in the

culture of imperial Rome, as represented particularly in a heavily militarized frontier province

145

Speidel 1996: no. 2, with commentary. His unit was probably coh. VII Raetorum. 146

See Chapter 1 on the organization of auxiliary units; cf. also Holder 1980: 5-13. 147

Rives 2007. 148

Lindgren 2003.

155

like Germania, was often seen as desirable even by soldiers who did not belong to the privileged

class of Roman citizens who not only governed the province but also sustained their livelihoods

through the provision of a regular pay.

Before the introduction of regular constitutiones that promised Roman citizenship and

other privileges, auxiliaries had much less of an opportunity to attain the rights of a Roman

citizen, although these were attainable from a „special grant.‟ The diversity of religious

dedications evident among the auxiliaries is as old as the units themselves, and was surely

tolerated as a concession to the non-Roman recruits, who otherwise possessed a lower status and

lower pay than Roman citizen soldiers. There is no evidence, however, that any auxiliary was

exempted from the regular religious observances required of all soldiers serving in the army.

Thus were many non-Roman cults patronized often in Roman ways, even by Roman citizens, as

a part of the broader military culture introduced into Germania, which had already been

developing for decades when Claudius‟ promise of regular grants of citizenship privileges

transformed auxiliary service.

The status difference between legionaries and auxilia from the earliest years of the

history of Germania was sharp, and not limited to rank or pay. The handbook de munitionibus

castrorum lays out specific areas in an ideal camp to locate auxiliaries and other foreign troops,

noting that the legions should be located closer to the ramparts “since they are the most reliable

provincials in the military.”149

The author‟s claim could be seen as having a particularly strong

force in Germany, where the legions and the auxilia were involved in several notorious military

struggles during the time period covered in this investigation. Separate quartering and status

distinctions should be remembered when approaching the dynamic of social interaction within

the ranks of the army. The early legionaries provided models that their peregrine auxiliary

colleagues could emulate, although it would be simplistic to argue that all auxiliaries merely

copied legionary behaviour. Clear distinctions in military and social rank in the military context

would be obvious to a new auxiliary „recruit,‟ who was in practice often a conscript. The process

of belonging could proceed variously, beginning first with a military cultural context.

149

[Hyginus], Munit. 2: legiones, quoniam sunt militiae prouinciales fidelissimae, ad uallum tendere debent, ut opus

ualli tueantur et exercitum gentibus imperatum suo numero corporali in muro teneant. See also Munit. 23-29 on the

location of auxiliary units within a camp that also houses legionaries.

156

Auxiliaries might maintain closer connections with their homelands than legionaries, for,

as Mann argued, even Spanish recruits from one of the Roman west‟s least militarized provinces

preferred to settle around their former garrison rather than return home to Spain.150

The

phenomenon of Thracian auxiliary veterans returning home after completing service has been

highlighted recently by Derks and Roymans, while Eck has also that the extant diploma

recipients for Germania are heavily biased in favour of Thracians.151

The Danubian element to

auxiliary garrisons in both Germania and Britannia was considerable, with significant

repercussion, as will be argued later, for our understanding of the relationship between the

auxiliary armies in Roman Britain and Germany.

What has been demonstrated thus far, however, is that auxiliary monuments from Roman

Germany could not help but be „Romanized‟ to a certain degree. While erected in the Roman

style, they overwhelmingly stress the auxiliary military experience. Roman citizenship was seen

as a valuable marks of status; auxiliaries and their families went to clear lengths to express it,

even when they did not possess the privileges of the military citizen elite. In the case of Roman

Britain, to be considered in the next chapter, a later period of incorporation into the Roman

empire placed the auxilia of Britannia on a somewhat different trajectory – though

„Romanization‟ among auxiliary families and religious practices can be observed, paralleling the

evolution of the German provinces.

150

Mann 1983: 22. The trend is observable in the Flavian-Trajanic periods; later material suggests that recruitment

from Spain dimished in the second century in favour of more local sources, and only the legionary garrison at Legio

in Spain continued to recruit from Spaniards either locally or from nearby settlements. 151

Derks and Roymans 2006, Eck and Pangerl 2008 (forthcoming).

157

Chapter 4

Roman Britain: Family, Religion and „Romanization‟

In this chapter I will analyze the evidence, mainly derived from epigraphic material, of auxiliary

soldiers and their families known to have served in Roman Britain from the period of its initial

conquest in 43 CE until the promulgation of the constitutio Antoniniana in 212 CE, a period of

over 1 ½ centuries.1 This significant period of time includes numerous Roman military

campaigns both within the province and elsewhere, leading to the establishment of permanent

auxiliary fortifications along Hadrian‟s Wall and, briefly, the Antonine Wall.

The objective of this study if to trace the evolution of auxiliary diversity and integration

both in terms of unit personnel and individuals‟ families and their descendants. As with the

previous chapter, my analysis focuses on three broad aspects of the evidence – family, religion,

and „Romanization‟ – which have traditionally characterized much modern scholarship on

auxiliary soldiers.

1 As with inscriptions from Roman Germany cited in the previous chapter, I have employed a citation system for

inscriptions from Roman Britain classified by province (B for Britannia) and subdivided by the content of the

inscription: P = inscriptions that record unit commanders, i.e. praefecti, tribuni, or praepositi; U = “unit dedications”

that record an auxiliary unit but no specific personnel, IP = inscriptions that record immunes and principales, i.e. all

individuals above the rank of common solder, A = inscriptions that mention an auxiliary soldier (i.e. at the rank of

miles gregalis), and ARU = “auxiliary rank uncertain”, for inscriptions too fragmentary to classify in the previous

categories. Inscriptions are also classed in the appendix as F for “funerary”, V for “votive” and D for “dedications,

typically for construction / restoration of buildings”, although this information, where self-evident, is omitted from

the text of this chapter. All inscriptions are provided in the appendix to this chapter and listed alphabetically by

findspot, with publication references and explanatory notes where appropriate.

158

I. The Auxiliary Garrison of Britannia from Claudius to

Caracalla: general observations2

The size of the Roman army gathered by Claudius for the purposes of the invasion and

conquest of Britannia is not precisely known.3 Grainge estimates that the fleet alone ranged

between 724 and 1,041 ships, depending on the total number of cavalry (ca. 1,500-2,000) and

infantry (ca. 33,500 – 38,000 men).4 The army was comprised of four legions, II Augusta, IX

Hispana, XIV Gemina and XX Valeria Victrix, although the participation of only one, II Augusta,

can be conclusively proven.5 The total number of the auxiliary contingent cannot be precisely

calculated, although it is assumed by a majority of scholars that it was roughly equivalent to the

legionary army. Thus Salway estimates a sum of 40,000 soldiers calculated from 20,000

legionaries at 5,000 men per legion.6 If Salway‟s argument that the number of auxiliaries was

equivalent to the legionaries, then approximately 20,000 auxiliary soldiers would have taken part

in the invasion. This interpretation would yield about 40-41 auxiliary units if each unit had ca.

480 men. Since no auxiliary units in this period would have been milliary (see introduction tab.

1), the infantry cohorts and alae would each number ca. 480 troops at full strength, although 600

would be the manpower of cohortes equitatae, an the presence of these units in the invasion

2 There are a great number of books written about Roman Britain; not all can be surveyed here. Standard general

works are well represented by Salway 1981, Frere 1987, Todd 1997 and the various contributions to Todd 2004. For

the early period of the provice see especially Creighton 2006. The Roman impact on local society, with particular

focus on the visible archaeological remains, is a well established topos. Haverfield 1923 is the seminal work on

„‟Romanization.‟ The concept was dealt with in detail by Millett 1990. Significant revisionist (or „post-colonial‟)

discussions of Roman rule in Britannia are offered by Hingley 2000 and Mattingly 2006; the latter provides a

“bibliographical essay” that provides a convenient summary of scholarship on Roman Britain. The archaeology of

Roman Britain is also a rich and evolving subject. For a general guide to archaeological sites see Jones and

Mattingly 2002 and Wilson 2002. For a useful survey of auxiliary vici in Britannia see Sommer 2006; for a general

survey of this topic see Hanel 2007. All periods of the province‟s epigraphic history are discussed by Raybould 1999

in connection with the subject of Latin literacy. The Roman art of the province is exceptionally well published in the

volumes of CSIR Britain. The Roman army of course features prominently in all of these works. For a concise

treatment of the Britain‟s Roman army alone, however, see Holder 1982. 3 Space does not permit a detailed survey of the Roman invasion of Britain, which has been covered in detail in

many standard works. Of these some of the most representative are Frere 1987: 48-59, Millett 1990: 40-64, Todd

2004: 42-59, and Mattingly 2006: 94-127 (surveying military operations in Britannia from Claudius to Severus). On

the strategic motives for the invasion, see esp. Grainge 2002: 90-97. On the Roman garrison generally, see Holder

1982, esp. 104-133. 4 Grainge 2002: 51.

5 Manley 2002: 81.

6 Salway 1998: 73-75; cf. Webster 1980: 85 and Fulford 2000: 42.

159

force would lower the total. We cannot be certain precisely how many auxiliary units took part in

the invasion, however, since out of the theoretical maximum of ca. 40 units, very few with either

clear or circumstantial connections with the invasion have been identified. These are, namely,

eight Batavian cohorts, coh. VI Thracum, and three alae: I Thracum, Indiana and Vettonum, for

12 total units.7 Frere estimated the total invasion force to be 30,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry.

This number assumes that the legions were fully manned to 6,000 each, yielding 24,000

legionaries, supported by 6000 auxiliary infantry and 1500 cavalry.8 Assuming that not all

auxiliary units involved in the invasion are known, Grainge‟s adjusted this estimate to “between

1,500-2,000 cavalry, which might be within the overall figures of 35,000-40,000.”

The evidence of the later garrison of Roman Britain, however, favours a higher estimate

of original auxiliary units, which will certainly have been the case if the four legions were

manned by 5,000 men instead of 6,000. A first century diploma from Britannia lists 50 units, and

yet this list did not include all the units attested earlier in the province.9 This must be close to the

total auxiliary garrison, although a recent publication, which may attest the hitherto unknown

presence of the ala I Hispanorum Campagonum in Britannia, is a potent example of the gaps that

persist in knowledge of the auxiliary forces assigned to this province.10

After the initial conquest and establishment of client kingdoms was essentially completed

in 43 CE, most of the auxiliary forces involved seem to have remained. The overall number of

auxiliary units known to have been assigned to the province from Claudius‟ invasion until the

reign of Caracalla is 70, 18 alae and 52 cohorts.11

At any given time, however, ca 50 units would

have been stationed in the province. The number of units recorded on military diplomas is

inconsistent. For example, a span of little over two years separates two early-Hadrianic diplomas,

one of which records 50 units (13 alae and 37 cohorts) and the other 27 units (6 alae and 21

7 It is possible that coh. I and VI Thracum were also part of Claudius‟ invasion force, or these may have come to

Britain after 61 CE, following the Boudiccan rebellion (Holder 1982: 15). 8 Grainge 2002: 50, following Frere 1987: 48, while acknowledging that „the evidence considered by Frere did not

identify all the auxiliary units.‟ The number of cavalry, 1500, assumes that the three known cavalry units are the

only such units to take part in the invasion. 9 CIL 16, 69 (122 CE) lists 13 alae and 37 cohorts (see Appendix II: Diplomas). Cf. Birley 2003: 5-6. The Batavian

units had been withdrawn in 66 CE with leg. XIV Gemina and took part in Civilis‟ rebellion of 69-70 CE (Spaul

2000: 206). 10

AE 2003, 1033a-b (Jan. 98 CE). 11

See Appendix I. As with the unit list in Germany, this is not the number of units which were stationed in the

province at any one time; numerous units were transferred in and out of the province. See generally Jarrett 1994,

and, for individual units, Spaul 1994 and 2000. For current diploma evidence, see Appendix II.

160

cohorts).12

While neither number represents the total provincial garrison at either date, a

significant reduction in the number of auxiliary units stationed in Britannia seems to have taken

place at the time. Holder has proposed that, despite overseeing the creation of two (or perhaps

three) auxiliary units named Aelia in his honour, Hadrian permitted a significant reduction

following his visit to the province in 122 CE.13

This reduction may be due to various factors, such as the completion of Hadrian‟s wall or

the fierce war against Bar-Kochba in Judaea.14

However, while the governor Julius Severus was

transferred to Judaea to command the Roman army in Judaea, there is no evidence from Judaea

itself that a large contingent of auxiliary units formerly stationed in Britannia accompanied

Severus.15

The number of alae particularly were reduced, perhaps because the completion of

Hadrian‟s Wall eliminated the need for large cavalry units to cover the formerly undefended

terrain. It is significant that two of these, ala Gallorum et Thracum and ala I Thracum are

attested in Germania Inferior in 127.16

This province, as noted in the previous chapter, relied

more on cavalry units than did Germania Superior since the natural barrier of the Rhine could be

policed more effectively by mounted troops. Moreover, the prominence of infantry on Hadrian‟s

wall, with several equitate units, parallels the situation on the limes of Germania Superior where

alae also seem to have played a less prominent role. After the completion of Hadrian‟s wall,

expansion north into Scotland was consolidated with a new walled fortification ca. 141 CE, but

the Antonine wall could not be maintained and was abandoned 20 years after its construction, ca.

162 CE. Thereafter Hadrian‟s Wall in the north of the province remained the site of the largest

concentration of auxiliary soldiers in Britain.

Auxiliary soldiers were concentrated on the province‟s northern and western frontier

which, from the initial invasion until the completion of Hadrian‟s wall, had gradually been

12

CIL 16, 69 (17 July, 122) and CIL 16, 70 (16 Sept. 124). Holder 2003: 118 notes that “even these [50 units] are

not all the units known to have been in the province. For a summary of the complete unit lists preserved on diplomas

from Britannia, see Holder 2003: 131 and ZPE 156: 251. 13

Holder 2003: 118-119, 143-145. For auxiliary units created during Hadrian‟s reign and assigned to Britannia see

Holder 1998: 254-260, arguing that coh. I Aelia Hispanorum ∞ should be distinguished from the coh. I Hispanorum

which is attested at Alauna / Maryport. On Hadrian‟s visit, see SHA, Vita Hadriani 11.2 and Halfmann 1986: 190,

195-196. 14

On Hadrian‟s Wall, see generally Breeze and Dobson 2000, Crow 2004, and Mattingly 2006: 553-554 for

references to more specialized works. A useful focus on the use of aerial photography to identify fort remains at the

site is provided by Jones and Wooliscroft 2001. The best surveys of the Antonine Wall remain those by Robertson

1979 and Hanson and Maxwell 1983. 15

On the Bar Kochba revolt, see Eck 2007c. 16

By 178 CE the ala Gallorum et Thracum was back in Britannia, but the ala I Thracum did not return.

161

expanding into the island‟s north and east. This expansion included at least one serious attempt

to conquer the entire island during Domitian‟s reign by Agricola.17

Subsequent expansion in the

second century led to the construction of large scale fortifications during the reigns of Hadrian

and Antoninus Pius, while, in Wales another large garrison, supported by a legionary base at

Magnae / Carvoran, was required.

Britain offers diverse evidence to support an investigation of auxiliary troops. In addition

to inscriptions on stone, a large cache of wooden writing tablets from the fort of Vindolanda /

Chesterholm have been recovered and published in three volumes edited by Bowman and

Thomas.18

The total number of inscriptions in stone are roughly 1/3 the number that have

survived in Germany. Just over 300 inscriptions on stone, leather or pottery, or graffiti currently

published in RIB and AE (to 2003) pertain directly to the auxilia, totalling ca. 10% of the total

number of inscription published in these corpora, while another 24 military diplomas are also

collected in this study. All of this material is listed in the chapter appendix, although specific

examples and data sets, as in the previous chapter, will be presented in the following sections.

A final introductory note must be given regarding the writing tablets discovered at

Vindolanda.19

Most of these texts were written in ink on thin slices of wood, which could be

bound together as diptychs or triptychs. The survival of these texts was due specifically to

anaerobic conditions created by their deposition in a dump-site which was covered by layers of

clay and turf. Preservation was also aided greatly by the fact that the dump-site was largely

ignored during the various period of renovation at the fort.20

The tablets provide a useful cross-

section of the ranks of two units, the coh. II Tungrorum ∞ c. R and the coh. VIIII Batavorum

equitata, both of which are attested epigraphically at Vindolanda, and cover a relatively short

period of time in the late 1st- early 2

nd-century. This era is subdivided into „periods‟

corresponding to phases of demolition and construction identified archaeologically at

Vindolanda (Table 1 below):

17

The accuracy of Tacitus‟ account remains the subject of much debate, but the Roman invasion of Scotland is an

archaeologically verifiable fact. See Grainge 2002 and Wooliscroft and Hoffman 2006. 18

Bowman and Thomas 1985, 1994, 2003. 19

On Vindolanda‟s garrison life, see A. R. Birley 2003, Bowman 2003. For the publication of a smaller number of

tablets from Carlisle, see Tomlin 1998. 20

A. R. Birley 1993: ix-x, noting also that “if demolition and re-building followed abandonment in a short space of

time… even the most fragile of goods remained in a fair degree of preservation.”

162

Table 1: Period Dating of the Vindolanda Writing-Tablets

Period Date

1 85-92 CE

2 92-97 CE

3 97-102/3

4 104-ca. 120 CE

5 Ca. 120-130 CE

In sum, while there are several points of dispute regarding the chronology and terminology of

Roman military frontiers in first century Britain, a general reconstruction of the province‟s

expansion is possible.21

In 43 CE Claudius‟ army captured Camulodunum and compelled eleven

British kings to surrender (Dio 60.19-23). Over the next five years the Romans subjugated the

Durotriges, Dumnonii, Atrebates, Coreltauvi, Dobunni and probably also the Iceni and Cornovii

(Suetonius, Vesp. 4, Dio 60.21, Tac. Ann. 12.31).22

From 47-51 CE Roman territory expands

farther west into Wales and north. This led to various campaigns against the Deceangli,

Brigantes, Silures and Ordovices. Wales would not be fully pacified until Julius Frontinus‟

campaign against the Silures and Ordovices was completed in 76 CE (Tac. Agric. 17), while

Agricola‟s campaign in the north penetrated briefly into Scotland.23

Following the defeat of the

Brigantes the northern frontier began to take shape, yet even at this time there was no fixed

border to the province, and even the construction of Hadrian‟s wall did not prevent Antoninus

Pius from building another fortification of his own. Hadrian‟s Wall remained occupied

throughout the period under investigation. The following sections will discuss evidence for

auxiliary families and religious as attested in Britannia in the evidence surveyed above.

21

Mattingly 2006: 97-98 provides a useful summary of the chronology. 22

Tacitus notes that the first revolt of the Iceni took place in 47, motivated by the forced disarmament of the tribe by

Roman authorities. This implies that the Iceni had submitted to Roman authority by then. 23

Wooliscroft and Hoffmann 2004, Grant 2007.

163

II. Family

Discussion of the evidence on auxiliary families in Roman Britain centers on material

transmitted primarily between two forms of epigraphic media: inscriptions on stone and

inscriptions on wooden writing tablets.

Due to the military situation in Britannia, family life on this frontier, as in Germany,

meant not only at least occasional absences of „husband‟ soldiers from their „wives‟ and / or

children, but also a strong possibility of the unit‟s reassignment to another post, along with the

dangers of life in what remained very much an active war zone. There is clear evidence of this in

the epigraphic record, attesting that death in battle was not a remote experience. The temporary

commander of coh. I Tungrorum stationed at Vindolanda fell in the course of a „war,‟ as stated

on his tombstone (B P 145):

D(is) [M(anibus)] / T(itus) Ann[ius ---] / centur[io leg(ionis) --- praepositus coh(ortis) I] / Tungr[orum /

(milliaria) annorum --- stipen]/diorum [--- cecidi]/t in bell[o --- inter]/fectus [T(itus) Annius?] / fil(ius) et

Arc[---] / h(eredes) e[x testament(o) fec(erunt)]

To the gods of the underworld. Titus Annius, centurion of the (?) legion, appointed commander of the first

milliary cohort of Tungrians, served (?) years, fell in the war, killed in action. Titus Annius his son and

Arc[---], his heirs, set this up in accordance with the terms of the will.

As this text shows, combat casualties were not limited to the lower ranks. Like other officers in

military service, Annius had his family with him on campaign. His status as a legionary soldier,

appointed as a temporary commander of an auxiliary unit, demonstrates that the military culture

of the auxiliaries was interconnected with the legionaries, who were often assigned to oversee

auxiliary building projects or take temporary command of a unit whose prefect or tribune had

either died or been reassigned. His son, and another obscure heir, emphasized Annius‟ death in

an obvious attempt to celebrate the deceased‟s martial valour. As has been observed, this value

system and method of expression was adopted and propagated throughout auxiliary ranks across

the Roman empire. As the risk of death in combat on this northern frontier was real, an obvious

antagonism toward the neighbouring British tribes must have been felt by many auxiliary

soldiers; this sentiment may have found expression in a tablet from Vindolanda:

. . . . . . . /_nenu...[.]n. Brittones / nimium multi · equites / gladis · non utuntur equi/tes · nec residunt /

Brittunculi · ut · iaculos / mittant

164

… the Britons (Brittones) are unprotected by armour (?). there are very many cavalry. The cavalry do not

use swords nor do the little Brits (Brittunculi)24

mount in order to throw javelins.

Native recruitment is mentioned by Tacitus and attested epigraphically: a diploma from

Britain was issued to a Cornovius, i.e. a member of the Cornovii in the west of Britain, and this

text, described as a „memorandum about the Britons‟ may have been written with a view toward

their potential recruitment into the Vindolanda garrison.25

The suggestion of Bowman that this

record, still the earliest direct literary reference to the native inhabitants of Britain collectively,

may be a fragment of a report left by an outgoing prefect to his successor is attractive. It is

instructive that this reference highlights the Britons‟ military tactics, for the choice to include

this material underscores the presence of an adversarial environment on this frontier, which pre-

dates Hadrian‟s Wall.

In this tense atmosphere, however, auxiliary family life, at all levels, continued. A

fragmentary text from Vindolanda hints at a social change that marriage might create among a

newly “wed” soldier‟s circle of friends:26

(traces) / si mariti sumus non / ideo / uobis alieni sumus / se(.)e[n?]a[m?]

“even if we are married, still we are not strangers to you. Serena(?)...”.

This letter could concern an auxiliary of any rank. The use of the plural in the first person might

an example of the pluralis maiestatis, which would indicate that it was written by a prefect, or it

might simply refer, as the context can equally suggest, to the couple. In the latter case, an

auxiliary soldier at the rank of centurion or decurion would be plausible. More significantly, the

sentiment of the message is clear: marriage has altered the social dynamic between the writer and

his – or possibly her – friends.27

The conflicting duties of family and military service were a

theme, as Phang observed, in Augustan propaganda, and a factor in the original establishment of

the ban. In reality, both soldiers and their “wives,” based on her analysis of epigraphic statistics,

married later in life than is often imagined for most ancient people.28

The “stereotypical” age of

24

Tab.Vindol. 2.164, cf. Bowman 2003: 103 who translates Brittunculi as “wretched Brits”. 25

See comm. ad loc. and list of auxiliary diploma recipients in ch 2. 26

Tab.Vindol. 3.277 (correcting Tab.Vindol. 2.277). 27

For examples of letters written by women in the Vindolanda archive, all wives of unit commanders, see

Tab.Vindol. 2.291-294 (correspondence of Sulpicia Lepidina, wife of Flavius Cerialis, prefect of Coh. VIIII

Batavorum) and 3.635, from the same correspondence. 28

Phang 2001: 176.

165

marriage for girls entering puberty, ca. 12-15 years old, was maintained by Hopkins and refuted

by Shaw, who raised this estimate to ca. 16-2029

based on the argument that earlier figures were

based on a statistical bias toward elites. The commemoration of children is also underrepresented

generally in epitaphs, since to do so on a stone monument was a “luxury for veterans and better-

paid officers.”30

It would be erroneous therefore, to claim on the basis of stone epigraphy in

Britain alone that, statistically, auxiliary soldiers generally had low rates of family creation.

However, in Britain there is evidence for auxiliary families below the highest ranks in both stone

and wooden writing tablets. This evidence will demonstrate that, despite official prohibition and

added hardship, it was possible for auxiliary troops to create and maintain family relationships.

As this section will show, this was done in diverse ways by those who chose to build a family

life for themselves.

Many military units were sub-divided into vexillations, which could then be assigned to

man outposts or engage in building projects, while individual auxiliaries could be assigned to

duties that might take them far from the fort. Vindolanda provides conspicuously detailed

evidence of this phenomenon. The „strength report‟ of the coh. I Tungrorum ca. 92-97 CE

demonstrated that a typical soldier could not always expect to spend his days serving at the „main

base‟ of the unit:31

xv K(alendas) Iunias n(umerus) p(urus) [co]h(ortis) i Tungro/rum cui prae<e>st Iulius Vere/cundus

praef(ectus) dcclii in is (centuriones) vi / ex eis absentes / singulares leg(ati) xlvi / officio Ferocis / Coris

cccxxxvii / in is (centuriones) ii / Londinio (centurio) [i] / uas..ad[c.4]…apadun… vi / in is (centurio) i /

]ac………allia viiii / in is (centurio) i / …c…ipendiatum xi / in.a i / xxxxv / summa absentes cccclvi / in is

(centuriones) v / reliqui praesentes cclxxxxvi / in is (centurio) i / ex eis / aegri xv / uolnerati vi / lippientes

[x] / summa eor[um] xxxi / reliqui ualent[es cc]lxv / in [is (centurio) i]

18 May, net number of the First Cohort of Tungrians, of which the commander is Iulius Verecundus the

prefect, including 6 centurions.

Of whom are absent:

guards of the governor 46

at the office of Ferox32

at Coria (Corbridge) 337

including (?) 2 centurions

at London a centurion (?)

… outside the province 6

set out (?) to Gaul 9

including 1 centurion

29

Hopkins 1965, Shaw 1987. 30

Phang 2001:177. 31

Tab.Vindol. 2.154. This type of document is a „strength report‟. These summaries of unit and personnel status

were routine. See Fink 1971: nos. 47-57 („morning reports‟), 58-62 („monthly reports‟), and 63-65 (pridiana). 32

Perhaps legatus legionis of the legio IX Hispana stationed at Eburacum or the name of the governor. See Bowman

2003: 102.

166

at Eburacum (York) (?) to collect pay 11

at (?) ... 1(?)

45

total absentees 456

including 5 centurions

remainder, present 296

including 1 centurion

from these:

sick 15

wounded 6

suffering from inflammation of the eyes 10

total of these 31

remainder fit for active service 265

including 1 centurion [Trans. Bowman]

It stands to reason that a soldier‟s life on this frontier, as in Germania, would involve frequent

travel, and prolonged absences have implications for the entire concept of a Roman military

frontier. A third of the unit‟s personnel alone was sent to Coria, either to replace a manpower

shortage there or to aid in a construction project.33

It should be noted that the garrison at

Vindolanda received a vexillation of its own from coh. I fida Vardullorum.34

Almost fifty men

were sent to London as part of the governor‟s bodyguard, the beneficiarii consulares, and a

comparable number (45) assigned to an unclear duty, most likely an outpost. A letter from

Masclus, a decurion in charge of one such outpost, to his unit commander survives in the

Vindolanda corpus. Fifteen men had been sent elsewhere in the empire, though most (9) were in

Gaul. Connections with family and friends at a fort would have been strained by possibility of

transfer to different sites, even if a soldier remained in the same unit. Alternatively, vexillations

of other units might be transferred into an undermanned fort, introducing a new group of men

into the social milieu. Records from Vindolanda, as discussed later, provide some insights into

how the dynamic of assignments abroad did not eliminate the close familial bonds felt among

many soldiers or their family members.

The epigraphic record on stone in Britain thus provides not the entirety of our evidence

about auxiliary life on a highly militarized frontier zone, but instead complements the evidence

from Vindolanda. This provides useful perspectives into the reconstruction of auxiliary attitudes

toward both the military and personal family. As in Germany, information on specific auxiliary

33

Assuming that this unit was brought up from quingenary to milliary status, as noted by Bowman and Thomas

(comm. ad loc.: 92-93), the absentees would represent about a third of the notional strength of a cohors milliaria

equitata (cf. ch. 1). It is worth noting, however, with Bowman and Thomas that “almost all of [the information about

unit strength contained in the tablet] diverges in some degree from what orthodoxy regards as the norm.” 34

Tab. Vindol. 2.181; cf. Breeze 1974: 282-286.

167

families preserved in Roman Britain is most often provided in tombstones. When specific family

members can be identified, most belong to the immediate family of a soldier (table 2).

Table 2: Inscriptions that explicitly attest one or more familial relationships (d. = deceased)

Arranged alphabetically by findspot

Reference in

Chapter Appendix

Aux. Soldier’s Name

and rank, if given

Role of

Soldier in text

Other individual(s) attested Relationship to soldier and any

other individual(s)

B A2, Arbeia /

South Shields

Numerianus, eq. alae I

Asturum

Manumitted

the honorand

Victor, nat. Maurum

(honorand, d. aged 20)

Freedman of Numerianus.

B IP 5,

Blatobulgium /

Birrens

Afutianus Bassi f.,

ordinatus coh. II

Tungrorum

Honorand Flavia Baetica Wife of Afutianus

B IP 7, Bravonium /

Kirkby Thore

Crescens, imaginifer Inc. [---] filia Daughter of Crescens

B IP 12,

Bremetennacum /

Ribchester

[---]lis, decurio Honorand Egnatia? Mother of honorand?

B P 64,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

Aurelius Iulianus, trib.

coh.

Father of

honorand

Aurelius Concordus (d. aged 1

year, 5 days)

Son of Iulianus

B ARU 6,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

Et[---]us(?) coh. V

Dacorum?

Dedicant Decibalus (honorand, d., aged

x days)

Blae[---] (honorand, d., aged

10)

Brothers of Et[---]us(?)

B IP 17, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

Nobilianus, decurio Husband of

honorand

Aelia Comindus (honorand, d.

aged 32)

Wife of Nobilianus

B ARU 5,

Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

[name and rank not

preserved] coh. I

Batavorum

Honorand [Name not preserved]

Hilario

Heirs, possible relatives of

honorand

B P 71, Cilurnum /

Chesters

Fabius Honoratus, trib.

coh. I Vangionum

Dedicant Aurelia Eglectiane (sic,

honorand)

Fabia Honorata (honorand, d.)

Wife of Honoratus

Daughter of Honoratus

B IP 26, Cilurnum /

Chesters

Aventinus, curator alae

II Asturum

Honorand (d.

stip. 15)

Aelius Gemellus, decurio Heir of Aventinus

B P 107, Rufinianus, praef. eq. Dedicant Latinianus Son of Rufinianus, co-dedicant

168

Luguvalium /

Carlisle

alae Augustae (Bellona)

B A 9, Cawfields Dagualda, mil. coh. I

Pannoniorum (age not

preserved)

Honorand Pusinna Wife of Dagualda

B A 13, Corinium /

Cirencester

Dannicus, eq. alae

Indianae, turma Albani,

civ. Rauricus

Honorand (d.,

stip 16)

Fulvius Natalis

Flavius Bitucus

Heirs of Dannicus

B ARU 12: Deva /

Chester

Flavius Callimorphus Honorand (d.

aged 42)

Serapio, co-honorand (d. aged

3 years 6 months)

Thesaeus, dedicant

Son of Thesaeus

“Brother” of Callimorphus

B IP 49, Onnum /

High Chesters

[---]rmat[---] civis

Norici

Honorand (d.

aged 30)

Messorius Magnus, duplicarius

alae Sabinianae

Brother of [---]rmat[---]?

B IP 50,

Templeborough

Crotus Vindicis f.

emeritus coh. IIII

Gallorum

Honorand (d.

aged 40)

Flavia Peregrina Wife of Crotus

B IP 58,

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm

Cornelius Victor

singularis consularis

civis Pannonius, fil.

Saturnini primi pilaris

vixit annos LV dies XI

Honorand (d.

stip. 26, aged

55 years, 9

days)

Name not given Wife of Victor

B IP 61, Vinovia /

Binchester

Nemonius Montanus

decurio

Honorand (d.

aged 40)

Nemonius Sanctus Brother of Montanus

B IP 63, Voreda /

Penrith

Not preserved, emeritus

alae Petrianae

Honorand,

from Ulpia

Traiana /

Xanten (d.)

Martius Son of honorand

The epigraphic evidence listed above illustrates several aspects of familial an

interpersonal relationships that characterized auxiliary life. The presence of slavery in the

military, as well as the practice of manumission, is attested in the case of B A2, a tombstone

from Arbeia set up by an auxiliary cavalryman to commemorate the untimely passing of his

former slave, a Moor bearing the Roman, and distinctly martial, name Victor. Slaves are

commonly depicted on auxiliary tombstones in the western Roman empire and numerous striking

examples from Roman Germany have already been mentioned. The presence of siblings, attested

on some auxiliary monuments from Roman Germany also, is unambiguous in the case of

169

Nemonius Montanus and Nemonius Sanctus (B IP 61, Vinovia). A blood relationship is obvious

from their shared gentilicium, and the omission of any reference to military rank by Nemonius

Sanctus may indicate that he was not, like his brother, an auxiliary soldier. Notably, Sanctus was

not the sole heir: the text coher{r}(edes) indicates that at least two other individuals were named

as beneficiaries by Montanus in his will. These co-heirs could be either unrelated fellow soldiers

or unnamed family members, although their omission from the monument‟s text, if not simply a

decision made for economic reasons, suggests the former.

Another fraternal relationship preserved in this evidence offers important insight into the

ethnic identity of Dacian auxiliaries in the decades immediately following Trajan‟s conquest of

Dacia in 106 CE. A 2nd

century tombstone from Cambloganna (B ARU 6) preserves a striking

example of a famous Dacian name:

D(is) [M(anibus)] / Deciba[li vixs(it)?] / dieb[us ---] / et Blae[--- vix]/s[i]t a(nnos) X Et[---]/us frat[er ---]

To the shades of Decibalus, (who) lived for x days, and to Blae[---] (who) lived for 10 years. Et[---]us their

brother [set up the monument]. 35

Cambloganna at this time was the station of coh. I Aelia Dacorum,36

and it is tempting to see a

connection linking this Dacian cohort and the unambiguously Dacian name of the deceased. That

a soldier serving in a cohort of Dacians might name his son “Decibalus” would be noteworthy,

suggesting that the father was himself a Dacian recruit.37

The practice is paralleled elsewhere,

e.g. in the case of the name Bato shared by two leaders of the Pannonian rebellion of 6-9 CE and

also attested in the auxiliary epigraphic record of Pannonian soldiers.38

His other child, Blae[---],

may have borne a Roman name (Blaesus or Blaesa), but given the dearth of knowledge about

Dacian onomastics a peregrine name cannot be excluded. Notably the father is not mentioned;

the monument was set up by the children‟s brother, despite the very young age of Decibalus. The

absence of the father is implied, but cannot be ascertained, yet in his place, an older sibling was

35

Fortunately the fuller report of Deciba[---] is known from earlier editions of the stone, which has since been

damaged on the right and lower edges since its discovery in 1752; the illustration in RIB was drawn by Collingwood

in 1924. 36

B A 5, a tombstone from Cambloganna, explicitly records a deceased soldier of this unit: [---]spa Septimo vi[xi]t

ann(os) / XXXX mil(itavit) XVIII coh(orte) I Ae/lia Dacorum / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit). On the history of this

unit‟s garrison at Cambloganna, see the summary of Spaul 2000: 345-347. 37

On the continuing use of variations on the name of Dacia‟s last king, see Bruun 2004. 38

CIL 13, 7508 = CSIRD 2, 14, 50 and 50a, a tombstone of Bato, son of Dasantus, from the Ditiones tribe, and the

deceased men recorded in three inscriptions from Pannonia Superior (RIU 1, 255-256, both cavalry soldiers of ala

Pannoniorum, and RIU 3, 689, a scout whose father was named Bato).

170

able to act. While some might point to Decibalus‟ name as evidence of Dacian cultural

„resistance‟ to Rome, the brother‟s choice to memorialize him, along with Blae[---], in a Roman

monument seems to indicate the opposite. The decision of an auxiliary soldier in the Roman

army to name a son „Decibalus‟ illustrates a sense of ethnic awareness that nevertheless was not

so strictly defined as to preclude association with a unit whose genesis lay in the defeat of his

son‟s more famous namesake.

Soliders‟ wives and sisters are attested on several monuments. Since both soldiers and

their „wives‟ regularly flouted the official marriage ban in funerary monuments, tombstones such

as B IP 1 from Aesica, located on the Antonine wall, commemorate a soldier who died either

without a „wife‟ or without recognizing any woman as such in his will.39

Raybould tentatively

suggests that this soldier, Mercurialis, came from a „”Romano-British family living in the vicus

attached to the fort.”40

The monument of Aelia Comindus (B IP 17, Brocolitia) offers a clearer

example of the „Romano-British‟ auxiliary family. She was commemorated by her „husband‟

Nobilianus, a decurion with a common Roman name, following her death at the young age of 32.

Her Celtic surname41

points to a local origin, and it is tempting to read into her gentilicium Aelia

an auxiliary connection, perhaps as the daughter of an auxiliary soldier enfranchised under

Hadrian. As previous discussion of auxiliary diplomas in chapter two demonstrated, large

auxiliary families with significant numbers of girls and mixture of peregrine and Roman names

are well attested. As a Roman citizen, her social status and, arguably, auxiliary background,

would make her union with an auxiliary decurion more socially acceptable.

An auxiliary family of a different background are demonstrated by an example from

Cawfields, (B A 9). This tombstone commemorates Pusinna, the wife of Dagualda (Dagvalda),

an auxiliary soldier (miles) of coh. I Pannoniorum; both individuals were peregrines. This unit

came to Britannia in the second century to aid in constructing Hadrian‟s wall; previously it had

been stationed in Germania at Wiesbaden and Bingerbrück.42

This unit must have been stationed

in Britannia for a considerable period of the second century, as the inscription bears late second

century features in its formula.43

The soldier‟s name has both Celtic (dag, “good”) and Germanic

39

Spaul 1994: 120. 40

Raybould 1999: 95. 41

The name seems to be a compound of „com‟ and „indus‟; cf. Holder I: 1068 s. v. com- con-, Holder II: 41 s. v.

Indus. The Celtic name Indus is the origin of the name for the ala Indiana (cf. Spaul 1994: 152-153), named after

Iulius Indus, a noble of the Treveri (Tac. Ann. 3.42; 46). 42

Spaul 2000: 334 gathers the relevant epigraphic evidence. 43

Jarrett 1994: 65, cf. Holder 1982: 120.

171

(valda, “ruler”) elements;44

this feature illustrates the complex cultural milieu among the

peregrine tribal recruits. The Pusinnus / Pusinna name, by comparison, is attested throughout the

western Roman empire.45

It is likely that Dagualda brought his wife with him to Britannia when

either he (if this inscription is as late as has been supposed) or his unit (in Trajan‟s reign) was

transferred there. Evidence of Rhineland soldiers taking wives with them from abroad is

preserved at Vindolanda:46

(i) Chrauttius Veldeio suo fratri / contubernali antique pluri/mam salutem / et rogo te Veldei frater miror

/ quod mihi tot tempus nihil / rescripsti a parentibus nos/tris si quid audieris aut / Quot.m in quo

numero / sit et illum a me salutabis / [[s]]uerbis meis et Virilem / ueterinarium rogabis / illum ut

forficem

(ii) quam mihi promissit pretio / mittas per aliquem de nostris / et rogo te frater Virilis / salutes a me

Thuttenam / sororem Velbutenam / rescribas nobis cum ... / se habeat vacat / opt<o>sis felicissimus /

uale / Londini / Veldedeio / equisioni co(n)s(ularis)47

/ a Chrauttio / fratre.

Chrauttius to Veldeius his brother and old messmate, very many greetings. And I ask you, brother Veldeius, - I

am surprised that you have written nothing back to me for such a long time – whether you have heard anything

from our elders, or about ....48

in which unit he is; and greet him from me in my words and Virilis the veterinary

doctor. Ask him (sc. Virilis) whether you may send me through one of our friends the pair of shears which he

promised me in exchange for money. And I ask you, brother Virilis, to greet from me our (?) sister Thuttena.

Write back to us (?) he Velbutena is (?). (2nd

hand?) It is my wish that you enjoy the best of fortune. Farewell.

(Back to 1st hand) To London. To Veldedeius, groom of the governor, from his brother, Chrauttius.

The „family‟ attested here is actually, as Bowman has compellingly argued, based not on

blood ties but on the military language: Chrauttius and Veldeius are most likely brothers in

arms,49

with the latter having been promoted to the service of the governor‟s staff in London at

some point in the past. The reference to parentes can also be construed as a polite reference to

elders, as opposed to biological parents, although it is conceivable that relatives of these

individuals‟ extended families resided at London, where Veldeius‟ position could have helped to

support them. If taken this way, either interpretation is possible. The identification of two

women, one of Celtic (Velbutena), the other of Germanic origin (Thuttena), coincides with the

prominence of these ethnic backgrounds at Vindolanda among the units‟ personnel. Bowman

argues that soror appears also as a term of endearment, not an indication of blood relation. This

44

See RIB comm. ad loc. 45

For a selection of examples, see OPEL s.v. “Pusinnica, Pusinnio, Pusinnionus, Pusinnus.” 46

Tab. Vindol. 2.310, with Bowman‟s translation. 47

The equisio consularis was the provincial governor‟s groom. See Bowman 2003: 54, and Tab. Vindol. comm. ad

loc. 48

The missing name is represented in the text by Quot.m; this may be a garbled version of Quintus or a peregrine

name, Qutos (see Tab. Vindol. comm. ad loc). 49

Their names seem to derive from different linguistic backgrounds, Chrauttius from Germanic origins and Veldeius

from Celtic. See Bowman and Thomas comm. ad loc.

172

seems questionable, since many examples of siblings in auxiliary contexts have been attested.

The only other examples in the Vindolanda archive of soror being used in a familiar fashion all

belong to the correspondences of the unit commanders‟ wives.50

This was of course a common

term of endearment, and is analogous to the common usage of frater by soldiers to refer to one

another. Euphemism in regard to soldiers‟ spouses does occur in the Vindolanda archive, but the

only example appropriates the vocabulary of military life: Tab. Vindol. 2.181 includes a record

of the „contubernalis‟ of a Spanish soldier named Tagmatus, who is listed as the recipient of 3

denarii. This term is well attested as a title for a „wife‟ / concubine, although it is not common on

funerary monuments.51

If Thuttena is a blood relative of Chrauttius, then her „marriage‟ to

another auxiliary soldier, or auxiliary veterinarius, provides another useful insight into familial

bonds created by auxiliaries in Britain.

Nothing in the epigraphic records in stone or in the Vindolanda archive to date contradict

the notion that auxiliary soldiers in Britain were any less willing or able to maintain families than

in Germany. The two most significant factors that precluded many auxiliary soldiers from

creating families were mortality, which in first century Britain particularly threatened many

recruits, and the itinerant lifestyle of military service that was particularly pronounced in the first

century. The Vindolanda archive illustrates this clearly: although all documents span a short time

period, they attest to the presence of two units – coh. I Tungrorum and coh. VIIII Batavorum –

and at least three commanders, Iulius Verecundus, Flavius Genialis and Flavius Cerealis, at the

site.52

As the complexity of the fortification network grew in the late first and early second

centuries, it is clear that many auxiliary units mingled with the personnel of other units. This

necessarily brought soldiers into contact with other ethnic groups, even among units, such as the

Tungrian and Batavian units, that practiced traditions of ethnic, as well as local recruitment. In

the next section, the diversity of that interaction in terms of religious practice will be

investigated.

50

Tab. Vindol. 2.291, 292, 293. 51

On Latin terms for soldiers‟ “wives”, see Roxan 1991. 52

Other unit prefects might include Priscinus (coh. I Tungrorum), Hostilius Flavianus and Vettius Severus. One

Veranius is attested as praefectus cohortis, but the unit he commanded is not preserved in the tablet‟s record: see

Bowman and Thomas 1994: 25-26.

173

III. Religion

No discussion of religious worship in Roman Britain should overlook the difficult subject

of interpretation posed by remains discovered in pits and in wells. These have been observed in

both rural and military contexts, although I will restrict my discussion to military sites for the

purpose of this discussion. The interpretation of pit and well deposits generally is a contentious

subject, with specialists in Celtic archaeology arguing that such deposits are an ancient

indigenous practice, while others have stressed that many supposed sites of well rituals are likely

cases of either incidental infill or attempts by Christian communities to do away with reminders

of the site‟s pagan heritage.53

As such, most excavated well sites formerly connected with „ritual

worship‟ are now seen as having had no such use in antiquity.54

However, important well sites

have close connections with the Roman army, and one in particular with the auxilia. This is the

fort of Brocolitia / Carrawburgh, where numerous altars and ritual deposits to the local deity

Coventina have been recovered.55

Also of significance is Aquae Sulis / Bath, where another

water deity, Sulis or the Suleviae, was patronized by both military and non-military provincials,

and Trimontium / Newstead, where excavations of numerous pits have yielded swords, parade

helmets, animal remains, and even some human remains.56

In regard to the practice of human sacrifice, Isserlin has argued that auxiliary religious

practices help support his contention that human remains excavated at Camulodunum /

Colchester belong to a ritual context.57

In the ditch of the legionary fortifications the remains of

six people, “mainly parts of limbs, and six crania” were discovered mingled with animal bones.

Isserlin compared these remains with excavations at Flavian Canterbury, where the primary fill

of another ditch contained a decapitated horse, its upper fills the partial remains of several human

skulls, while its recut contained a human skeleton with an obvious sword wound to the head. The

53

Burgers 2001: 63-66; cf. Ross 1968: 255-285, who argued in favour of Iron Age Celtic connections. This

approach was criticised by Webster: 141, who argued that wells represent “Romano-British traditions of practice

and belief”. See also Clarke 1996. 54

Burgers 2001: 65. 55

See generally Allason-Jones and McKay 1985. 56

On Aquae Sulis / Bath generally see Cunliffe 1984. The material excavated at Aquae Sulis has been well

published: On the temple of Sulis Minerva see Cunliffe and Davenport 1985 and Cunliffe 1988. For more recent

publications on the archaeology of Aquae Sulis see Davenport 1999 and Davenport et al. 2007. For Trimontium, see

Clarke 1996, who surveyed previous interpretations of these finds and argued that they belong to an iron age

tradition. 57

Isserlin 1996, cf. Crummy 1984: 94-95.

174

remains of dogs were also associated with these finds, which for Isserlin was sufficient evidence

that these human remains were ritual in origin. Moreover, he connected them specifically with

Batavian auxiliary units, which “were operating in Britain at the time, and in their homeland,

around the Rhine delta, the association between human and dog burials is unquestioned.”58

Isserlin‟s interpretation seems unconvincing for several reasons, but raises important

issues regarding religious practice in Roman Britain, particularly in regard to the integration of

troops raised from the Rhineland. The archaeological data cited by Isserlin may have partial

ritual significance, particularly in regard to horse remains (as dedications to Epona, a deity

cultivated by many legionaries and auxiliaries) as well as the dog bones, but this need not

indicate that the human remains discovered must by association with these sites be examples of

human sacrifice. It is difficult to reconstruct a coherent explanation as to why a Roman legionary

fortress – at Camulodunum, the center of the new province‟s administration and base for one of

its legionary garrisons – would permit visible displays of a practice which was outlawed. It is not

enough to state “an association between the deposition of human and animal remains seems

possible – if the activity was structured.” It is far more likely that the remains are those of

executions, perhaps as a military execution intended either to enforce disciplina within the unit

or as an execution of British captives taken during the course of the invasion and left to rot

unburied.59

The association with auxiliaries from Germania Inferior similarly does not indicate a

ritual aspect to the human finds. No cases of possible human sacrifice among Batavians have

been identified, nor were they accused of such practices by ancient writers who described them.

The fact that the sites of these deposits were not wells or pits specifically excavated for ritual, but

rather military fortifications whose primary function was not religious in nature, also militates

against Isserlin‟s suggestion. Military ditches might be appropriated for permitted provincial cult

practice, particularly for Epona, a deity popular among auxiliary cavalrymen, but such

appropriations did not alter the primary function of the fortifications as military constructs. If

human sacrifice was being practiced in Roman Britain, it was confined to rural areas where the

military and administrative presence was less keenly felt.60

58

Isserlin 1996: 94; cf. Todd 1975: 189-90. Remains of a dog were also discovered in 1989 at Aquae Sulis in a

religious context, as noted by Davenport et al. 2007: 69. 59

See esp. Crummy 1984: 94-97. 60

Isserlin‟s references to bog burials (p. 93, tab. 1) may chronicle the remains of executed criminals as easily as

human sacrifice. That Vercingetorix was strangled hardly makes him a “state-sanctioned (ritualised?) killing”

(Isserlin 1996: 95).

175

In Brocolitia, by contrast, the cult of Coventina was the focus of consistent patronage by

the Roman army. Discoveries from Coventina‟s well include over 14,000 coins, bronze statuettes

of horses, dogs, and votive heads, as well as numerous inscribed altars. The following auxiliary

votive dedications have been attested at Brocolitia:

Table 3: Brocolitia votive dedications

B P 53: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh61 Deae / Couventinae(!) / T(itus) D(omitius?) Cosconia/nus

pr(aefectus) coh(ortis) / I Bat(avorum) l(ibens) m(erito)

B P 54: Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

Fortunae / coh(ors) I Batavor(um) / cui praeest / M(arcus)

Flaccinius / Marcellus prae(fectus)

B P 55: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh62 D(eo) In(victo) M(ithrae) s(acrum) / Aul(us) Cluentius / Habitus

pra(e)f(ectus) / coh(ortis) I / Batavorum / domu Ulti/n(i)a colon(ia)

/ Sept(imia) Aur(elia) L(arino) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B P 56: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Deo Invicto / Mit(h)rae M(arcus) Sim/plicius Simplex /

pr(a)ef(ectus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B P 58: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Couven[ti(nae!)] / Aelius Te[r]/tius p[raef(ectus)] / coh(ortis) I

Bat(avorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B P 59: Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

Nymphis et Genio / loci M(arcus) Hispanius / Modestinus

praefectus / coh(ortis) I Bat(avorum) pro se / et suis l(ibens)

m(erito)

B IP 13: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh De(ae) Conve(n)ti(nae) / vot(um) ret(t)u/lit Maus(aeus) / optio

c(o)ho(rtis) / p(rimae) Frixiav(onum)!63

B IP 14: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh [Ny]mphae Coventinae / [---]tianus dec[u]ri(o) / [---]SLE[.]V / [---

] m(erito)

B IP 18: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Matribus / Albinius / |(centuria) <Q>(uinti) Vari mil(es) d(edicavit)

B A 6: Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

Deae Coven/tin(a)e P[---]a/nus m(i)l(es) c(o)ho(rtis) V /

R(a)eto[rum] / votum [li]/be(n)s animo / r(eddidit) et posivit(!)

B ARU 4: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh64 Genio / hu(i)us lo/ci Texand(ri) / et Suve(vae?) / vex(illarii)

cohor(tis) / II Nervior/um

The auxiliary units attested in this record are the coh. I Batavorum, coh. I Frisiavonum, coh. II

Nerviorum, and coh. V Raetorum.65

61

One would expect Coventina. Other expansions of the abbreviated gentilicium D(---) are possible. 62

On the possible familial connection between this Cluentius and the Cluentius defended by Cicero, see RIB comm.

ad loc. 63

I.e. Frisiav(onum). 64

A possible parallel for the Suvevae is ILS 9132; this seems to designate a “community group” (RIB comm. ad

loc), i. e. a tribe that provided recruits for this unit.

176

With the exception of the last, all these units were originally raised in Germany and a

significant ethnic element from that region is evident from this record. Their religious

preferences may be evident in the case of B IP 18, a dedication to the matres by Albinius, a

miles. The worship of Mithras by M. Simplicius Simplex, prefect of one of these cohorts. Both

Celtic and Germanic origins have been suggested for Simplicius Simplex;66

his name provides a

good example of the practice of forming a gentilicium (Simplicius) from a Roman cognomen

(Simplex). Texander and the Suve(vae?), both bearing non-local names, set up a monument to

the spirit of the site (genius loci).

Auxiliaries were clearly honouring Coventina from an early date. The inscription of P[---

]anus (B A 6) is remarkable for its uneven abbreviation and odd spelling of the vslm formula: in

this case written votum [li]/be(n)s animo with r(eddidit) et posivit (for posuit). The inscription

indicates an individual familiar with the features of this Roman monument, but with an inexact

command of Latin (libes for libens, posivit for posuit). Coventina‟s name also varies in its

representation (Couventina, Conventina), variants that should probably be attributed to the

imperfect „Lagersprache‟ of the soldiers who dedicated them : Mausaeus, an optio, and Aelius

Tertius, a prefect. Mausaeus‟ monument mispells the name of his unit (coh. Frisiavonum), while

Aelius Tertius, though a prefect and thus a Roman citizen, seems to owe his (or his family‟s)

status as a Roman citizen to Hadrian.

Table 4 : Brocolitia Auxiliary Tombstones

B IP 15: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh67

D(is) M(anibus) [s(acrum)] / Longi[ni ---] / buc(inatoris)

c[oh(ortis) I Bat(avorum)] / [---]

B IP 16: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh68

[D(is)] M(anibus) / [---]S Mileni / [signi]fero / cohor(tis) I

Bat/[avorum] / [---]

B IP 17: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh69

D(is) M(anibus) / Ael(iae) Comindo / annorum XXXII / Nobilianus

dec(urio) / coniugi car[i]ss[i]m(ae) p(osuit)

B ARU 5: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

Coh(ortis)] I Bat(avorum) / [--- et] Hilario / heredes f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt)

65

See Spaul 2000: 211 (Batavorum), 221 (Nerviorum), 241 (Frisiavonum), 283 (Raetorum). 66

See RIB comm. ad loc. 67

3rd

century. 68

Ca. 205-212 CE. 69

On Comindus, see n. 41 above.

177

At Aquae Sulis / Bath, where the water deity Sulis is frequently equated with Minerva, an

auxiliary cavalryman left not a votive monument but a funerary one:

B A 1: Aquae Sulis / Bath L(ucius) Vitellius Ma/ntai f(ilius) Tancinus / cives(!) Hisp(anus)

Caurie(n)sis / eq(ues) alae Vettonum c(ivium) R(omanorum) /

ann(orum) XXXXVI stip(endiorum) XXVI / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

This soldier, perhaps, died at Aquae Sulis while there to seek the perceived healing powers of the

spring. Enough information about him is preserved to demonstrate the importance of Spanish

recruits, in the auxiliary army, reflected partly by the large number of alae and cohorts

conscripted from Spaniards attested in the epigraphic record.70

Both Coventina‟s well and the

shrine of Sulis Minerva had significant reputations as local centers of cult the patronage of which

was not deemed offensive.

The significance of votive deposits in pits and wells, however, is verifiable

archaeologically. The association of auxiliary soldiers with this form of provincial worship is

analogous to the Jupiter columns of Germany; both represent regionalisms and fusions of local

with military practices, sanctioned by the army‟s hierarchy. The full participation of auxiliaries

in these practices is therefore, not surprisingly, attested epigraphically. Military equipment from

these sites thus has relevance to the interpretation of ritual practice. At Trimontium in southern

Scotland, first occupied in the Flavian period and then intermittently occupied until the late

second century CE,71

helmets and swords have been discovered in pits. There are examples of

parade helmets, which only few auxiliaries would have owned, and a “standard issue” helmet,

such as was worn by a gregalis, along with diverse animal and material culture remains like

coins, wheels, querns, leather, iron tools, bronze vessels, pins, jewellery, pots and lamps.72

The

epigraphic record, however, attests five different deities: Apollo, Diana Regina, Silvanus, IOM

and the Campestres. The last of these was the subject of a vow by Aelius Marcus, a decurion of

the ala Augusta Vocontiorum (B IP 47). The use of a praenomen as a cognomen may indicate

that he was a beneficiary of the civitas liberorum, assuming that his father was a Roman citizen

discharged during the reign of Hadrian. Military diplomas, as demonstrated in chapter 2,

70

15 cohorts and 6 units were designated as Hispani, occasionally in connection with a specific Spanish tribe (e.g.

ala II Hispanorum Arvacorum). 71

On the history of the site, see Curle 1911. 72

Clarke 1996: 76-77, 3 parade and 1 “standard issue.”

178

frequently preserve examples of children bearing as sole names common Roman praenomina

like Marcus or Quintus, which might, as seems plausible here, be retained as cognomina, much

as peregrine names were retained as cognomina by many enfranchised peregrines.

Table 5: Auxiliary and Legionary votive inscriptions from Trimontium / Newstead73

RIB 2120 = AE 1911, 83

Deo / Apollini / L(ucius) Maximius / Gaetulicus |(centurio) / leg(ionis)

B IP 47

Campestr(ibus) / sacrum Ael(ius) / Marcus / dec(urio) alae Aug(ustae) / Vocontio(rum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

RIB 2122

Dianae Regi/nae o[b] pros/pero[s] eventus / C(aius) Arrius / Domitianus / |(centurio) leg(ionis) XX V(aleriae)

v(ictricis) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

RIB 2123 = AE 1911, 82 I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / G(aius) Arrius / Domitianus / |(centurio) leg(ionis) XX V(aleriae) v(ictricis) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

RIB 2124

Deo Silva/no pro sa/lute sua et / suorum C(aius) Ar/rius Domiti/anus |(centurio) leg(ionis) XX / V(aleriae)

v(ictricis) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

Clarke concluded from his archaeological survey that the evidence excavated from pits

“probably represent[s] the continued development of a widespread prehistoric ritual activity”,

attacking the “intellectual complacency” of scholars who have doubted that ritual deposition was

the prime motivation for their original placement.74

Any continuity, however, with Iron Age

practices is not reflected in the epigraphic record, which records five well attested Roman deities.

The fort‟s Latin name may indicate that this was an original Roman foundation, first established

in the Flavian period, though local influences may have been present in the fort‟s vicus. If this

was a major local cult center, it is not yet reflected in the epigraphic record. Religious

commemoration, as noted previously, was both official and personal, as demonstrated by

inscriptions set up by auxiliary prefects on behalf of their units and personal vows offered by

individual soldiers. There was nothing peculiarly “Celtic” about this dichotomy, which was a

feature of Roman practice and, as such, easily adaptable to any local practices.75

Cult practice in wells and pits in Roman Britain thus has local roots, yet exerted a clear

influence on auxiliary units drawn only partially from local sources. The diversity of the military

garrison of Roman Britain has long been recognized, mainly on the basis of epigraphic

evidence.76

The nature of military culture, with its “strongly developed Roman identity...

distinctive when compared to other elements of the provincial population,”77

explains the

73

Fragmentary inscriptions have been omitted, as they preserve no details about either dedicant or deity. 74

Clarke 1996: 80. 75

There is no evidence, it should be noted, that Trimontium was ever a significant center of native cult worship. 76

See, e.g. Mattingly 2006: 169, “it is unlikely that all gaps in the ranks could have been filled purely by local

recruitment”. On recruitment, see Dobson and Mann 1973. 77

Mattingly 2006: 166.

179

occurrence of numerous religious inscriptions similar to those from the two Germanies described

in the previous chapter.

The deities attested in auxiliary inscriptions from Britannia derive, apart from a majority

of official „Roman‟ cults, primarily from Celtic and Germanic origins, with some significant

pockets of imported cults.78

The deities attested in among inscriptions dedicated by unit

commanders or under the authority (sub curante) of unit commanders are

Antenociticus

Bellona

Disciplinae Augustorum (?)

Campestres Britanniae

Cocidius

Coventina (var.)

Fatum Bonum

Fortuna (Redux)

Dea Aeterna

Dei Deaeque (hospitales penatesque)

Genius et signis cohortis

Genius (cohortis / loci / praetorii)

Hercules (Deus Invictus / Deus Hercules Romanus Invictus conditor)

Iuppiter Augustus / Dilector

Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (Dolichenus)

Roma Aeterna

Matres Alatervae / Campestres

Mars (Militaris / Braciaca)

Mithras (Deus Invictus)

Neptunus

Volcanus (sic, numen Volcani)

Nymphae

Silvanus

Sol Invictus

Syria (Dea mater divum / equated with Pax, Virtus and Ceres)

Verbeia

Victoria Augusta

Victoria Augusti / Augustorum

Vinotonus

Viradecthus

78

See n. 1 of this chapter.

180

Table 6: Votive dedications by auxiliary unit commanders in Britannia

B P 45: Blatobulgium / Birrens

Deae Viradec/thi pa[g]us Con/drustis milit(ans) / in coh(orte) II

Tun/gror(um) sub Silvi/o Auspice praef(ecto)

B P 66: Castlecary Deo / Neptuno / cohors I / fid(a) Vardul(lorum) / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) eq(uitata) m(illiaria) / cui prae(e)st / Trebius / Verus

pr/aef(ectus)

B P 67: Castlehill Campes/tribus et / Britanni(ae) / Q(uintus) Pisentius / Iustus

pr(a)ef(ectus) / coh(ortis) IIII Gal(lorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

B P 73: Condercum / Benwell79

Deo An[t]enocitico / sacrum / coh(ors) I Va[n]gion(um) / quib(us)

praeest / [---]c(ius) Cassi/[anus p]raef(ectus) / [v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens)] m(erito)

B P 74: Condercum /

Benwell80 Deo An(ten)ocitico / iudiciis optimo/rum maximorum/que

Impp(eratorum) n(ostrorum) sub Ulp(io) / Marcello co(n)s(ulari)

Tine/ius Longus in p[rae]/fectura equitu[m] / lato clavo exorna/tus

et q(uaestor) d(esignatus)

B P 78: Cramond Matrib(us) Ala/tervis et / matrib(us) Cam/pestrib(us) coh(ortis) I[I]

/ Tungr(orum) ins(tante) / VERSCARM / [|(centurione)] leg(ionis)

XX V(aleriae) v(ictricis)

B P 85: Habitancum /

Risingham Deo Invicto / Herculi sacr(um) / L(ucius) Aemil(ius) Salvianus /

tr[i]b(unus) coh(ortis) I Vangi(onum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

B P 92: Ilkley Verbeiae / sacrum / Clodius / Fronto / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / II

Lingon(um)

B P 105: Lavatrae / Bowes Deo Vino/tono Silva/no Aug(usto) T(itus) / [.]rbius Pri/[---]nus

p[r]/aef(ectus) coh(ortis) I Thrac(um) / [---]

B P 106: Luguvalium / Carlisle

[D]eae Ae[tern]/ae te[mplum] / L(ucius) Vater[ius Mar]/cellus

[praef(ectus) eq(uitum)] / rest[ituit]

B P 107: Luguvalium / Carlisle

Deae Bel/lonae Rufi/nus prae[f(ectus)] / eq(uitum) a[l]ae

Aug(ustae) / et Lat[i]nia/nus fil(ius)

B P 138: Vercovicium /

Housesteads I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et numinibus A]ug(ustorum) / [---] / [--

-] / [---] / [p]raefectu[s]

B P 142: Vindobala /

Rudchester Deo Invicto / Myt(h)rae(!) P(ublius) Ael(ius) / Titullus prae(fectus) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

B P 145: Vindolanda /

Chesterholm Deo / Cocidio / Decimus / Caerelli/us Victor / pr(aefectus)

coh(ortis) II Ner(viorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

79

Pre-197 CE, based on numismatic evidence discovered at the findspot. 80

Pre-197 CE (see comm. on RIB 1329).

181

In terms of absolute numbers Roman deities associated with the military religion are

predominant. It is therefore interesting to find a number of peregrine cults commemorated among

this class of inscription.81

The high number of unit votive altars preserved in Roman Britain

offers a useful glimpse of the engagement with religious diversity that confronted many auxiliary

commanders in Britain, as in Germany, as well as the inventive ways by which some

commanders sought to accommodate the foreign and / or local religions of their troops. A useful

example is provided by the fort of Blatobulgium / Birrens. The Prefect of coh. II Tungrorum, C.

Silvius Auspex (PME S 53) led a unit that was partly comprised of recruits from a pagus of

Belgica or Germania Inferior described as “serving in the Second Cohort of Tungrians” - pagus

Condrustis militans in cohorte II Tungrorum (B P 45). The inscription is preserved on an altar to

a peregrine deity, Viradecthus. Another pagus from Belgica or Germania, the Vellauvi, served in

this unit and set up an altar to Ricagambeda at Blatobulgium (B A 3) that makes no mention of

the unit commander. Diversity was not local in origin, since this unit also recruited from Raetia

ca. 153-157 CE (B P 44). This dedication, also supervised by Silvius Auspex, was made to Mars

and Victoria Augusti by the „Raetian citizens‟ (cives Raeti), obviously recruited by a vexillations

of the unit stationed in Raetia a decade previously.82

It is evident that Auspex had no inclination

toward suppressing the worship of non-Roman deities, thus maintaining such a religious

diversity in his cohort‟s composition. Even the oldest inscription surviving from this unit, at

Cramond in Scotland, was dedicated to the Matres Alatervae et Campestres (B P 78). Thus, Eric

Birley noted the “outlandish goddesses” commemorated by its troops.83

However, this element

should not be exaggerated. The cultivation of non-Roman deities is confined to lower ranking

recruits identified by their home pagus. The epigraphic record of the entire unit at Blatobulgium

and, later, Uxellodunum / Castlesteads, attest IOM, Fortuna, Minerva.

Also, there is no compelling reason to see the coh. II Tungrorum as an atypical unit.

Spaul has suggested that this unit was comprised of “Free citizens serving in the Roman army as

aliens,” restoring as c(ivium) l(iberorum) the curious honorific of CL recorded on several

inscriptions from Blatobulgium and Uxellodunum.84

The interpretation of the honorific C. L. is

81

See n. 1 of this chapter. 82

Spaul 2000: 229, cf. Jarret 1994: 49-50. 83

Birley 1935. 84

B P 46 is a dedication to Antoninus Pius that was deposited in a well at Blatobulgium – it may have been

occasioned by the raising of the unit to milliary status, since the abbreviation mil(liaria) is rarely encountered except

182

unclear. It has been variously explained as c(ivium) L(atinorum), c(oram) l(audata), and c(ivium)

l(iberorum) – “free citizens serving [in the Roman army] as aliens” (Spaul‟s translation); see for

a summary of the arguments for each expansion. Spaul favours the last of these, citing the

principle of “Occam‟s razor” to justify a parallel with c(ivium) R(omanorum). However, the

distinction is without linguistic or legal parallel. The title is rare before the third century, but

certainly predates the constitutio Antoniniana (cf. RIB 2110, 157-158 CE). Spaul‟s speculation

that this “may be a rejection of an official enquiry about inclusion on a diploma” cannot be

proven. The other suggestions are equally puzzling, largely for the same reason: neither have any

parallels in the titulature of auxiliary units. However, the honorific fida, applied to the coh. fida

Vardullorum, which coincidentally was also stationed in Britannia, demonstrates that there were

occasionally unique exceptions to standard practice.

To the list of deities attested in unit dedications mentioning a unit commander, the

epigraphic record of lower ranks adds the following, along with repeated attestations of IOM,

Coventina (discussed earlier), Silvanus and other Roman deities (deities occurring in previous

list are designated by an asterisk):

Aesculapius

Apollo Clarius (with dii deaeque)

Campestres

*Disciplina Augusti

Discipulina (!) Imperatoris Hadriani Augusti

Dii deaeque omnes

Felicitas Equitum

Hercules Magusanus

Huiter (?)

Ialonus

*IOM

Mars (Belatucadrus, Camulus, *Cocidius)

Mercurius

Maponus

*Matres

Matres Parcae

Moguns

in the cases of newly milliary units. On the structure of milliary units, see the introduction. B U 10, also from

Blatobulium, also records the CL epithet. For a summary of the evidence for this unit and debate about the

abbreviation‟s expansion, see Spaul 2000: 229. Evidence from Uxellodunum, which dates to the 3rd

century, has not

been included in this study; the CL epithet appears there three time (RIB 1981-1983).

183

Montes (or Mountes)

Numen Augusti

Ricagambeda

Salus (with Aesculapius)

Vagdavercustus

Veter / Veteres

[---]mibus

Table 7: Votive dedications by auxiliaries below the rank of unit commander

B IP 4: Banna / Bewcastle I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Dac(orum) [---] / [---] /

[.]at[.]e[..]t(---) centur(io) / leg(ionis) II [Aug(ustae)] / [v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

B U 7: Bar Hill Deo Mar(ti) / Camulo / [m]ilites coh(ortis) [I] / Hamioru[m] /

[..]CIV[.]SC[..] / [..]IVI[---]

B U 10: Blatobulgium /

Birrens Discip(linae) / Aug(usti) / coh(ors) II / Tungr(orum) / mil(liaria)

eq(uitata) c(oram?) l(audata?)

B U 11: Blatobulgium / Birrens

Fortunae / coh(ors) I / Nervana / Germanor(um) / m(illiaria)

eq(uitata)

B A 3: Blatobulgium /

Birrens Deae Ricagam/bedae pagus / Vella(v)us milit(ans) / coh(orte) II

Tung(rorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B A 4: Blatobulgium /

Birrens Dib(us!) de/ab(us)q(ue) / omnib(us) / Frument/ius mil(es) coh(ortis)

II / Tungr(orum)

B IP 6: Bravonium /

Kirkby Thore [F]el(icitati?) eqq(uitum) LL(---) Aurelius M/arcus dec(urio) alae

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

B IP 8: Bremenium /

High Rochester Dis / Mo{u}nti/bus(?) Iul(ius) / Firmin/us dec(urio) f(ecit)

B IP 10: Bremetennacum / Ribchester

[Deab(us) Ma]trib[us] / M(arcus) Ingenui/us Asiati[cus] / dec(urio)

al(ae) II As[t(urum)] / [v(otum)] s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

B IP 18: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Matribus / Albinius / |(centuria) <Q>(uinti) Vari mil(es) d(edicavit)

B A 6: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Deae Coven/tin(a)e P[---]a/nus m(i)l(es) c(o)ho(rtis) V /

R(a)eto[rum] / votum [li]/be(n)s animo / r(eddidit) et posivit(!)

B A 7 Caer Gai85 Iulius Gaveronis f(ilius) / fe(cit) mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) I Ner(viorum)

B U 21: Cilurnum / Chesters

[D]iscipulinae(!) / Imp(eratoris) Had(riani) Aug(usti) / ala

Aug(usta) / [o]b virt(utem) appel(lata)

85

Fragmentary reliefs of Herculean iconography indicate that this was an altar set up to that god. Cf. Spaul 2000:

218.

184

B IP 30: Deva / Chester86

Numini Aug[usti ---] / ALMAECERT[---]/NVS act(arius?)

co(ho)r(tis?) [---] / [---] / ex voto faci[end(um) cur(avit)]

B U 25: Gloster Hill [Ca]mpestri/[bus c]oh(ors) I / [---]

B IP 33: Irthington87 [D]eo / Marti [C]ocidio / [..] Martius / [|(centurio)] [c]oh(ortis) I

Ba[t(avorum)] / [et] Genio / [Lugu]vali / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)]

m(erito)

B U 27: Habitancum / Risingham88

Numinib(us) / Augustor(um) / coh(ors) IIII Gal(lorum) / eq(uitata) /

fec(it)

B U 34: Llanio [---]mibus [..] / [--- coh(ors) I]I Astu[r(um) ---]

B IP 34: Lancaster Deo / Ialono / Contre(bi) / sanctiss[i]/mo Iuliu[s] / Ianuarius /

em(eritus) ex dec(urione) v(otum) [s(olvit)]

B IP 40: Longovium /

Lanchester [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [ord]inati coh(ortis) / [I f(idae)]

Vard[ul]lor(um) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) m(illiariae) /

v(otum) s(olverunt) l(aeti) l(ibentes) m(erito)

B IP 42: Magnae /

Carvoran Deo sanct[o] / Veteri / Iul(ius) Pastor / imag(inifer) coh(ortis) II /

Delma(tarum!) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B IP 48: Mumrills89 Herculi / Magusan(o) / sacrum / Val(erius) Nigri/nus dupli(carius) /

alae Tun/grorum

B IP 51: Trimontium /

Newstead Campestr(ibus) / sacrum Ael(ius) / Marcus / dec(urio) alae

Aug(ustae) / Vocontio(rum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

B U 47: Segedunum /

Wallsend Deo M(ercurio) s[igil(lum?)] d(edicavit) et p(osuit) coh(ors) / II

Ner[vioru]m pago / [---]diorum

B U 51: Vercovicium /

Housesteads Diis Deabusque se/cundum interpre/tationem oracu/li Clari

Apollinis/ coh(ors) I Tungrorum

B U 52: Vercovicium / Housesteads

[Ma]tribus / coh(ors) I Tungr/[or]u[m]

B U 53: Vindolanda /

Chesterholm Deo Mapono

B U 54: Vindolanda / Chesterholm

Mer(curio?)

B U 56: Vindolanda /

Chesterholm Deo / Huiti/ri(!) v(otum) s(olvit)

B U 57: Vindolanda / Ara Vi/tirum

86

For the suggestion almae Cereri t[emplum] see RIB ad loc. The erased line is probably the result of an emperor‟s

damnatio memoriae, most likely Caracalla or Severus Alexander. 87

Reported as Genius vali by Spaul 2000: 209, without justification. 88

161-169 CE or later, based on the reference to two Augusti. 89

2nd

cent., as Mumrills is a fort on the Antonine Wall.

185

Chesterholm

B U 58: Vindolanda /

Chesterholm Ma/tribu(s) / Parc(is)

B IP 54: Vindolanda /

Chesterholm Veteri/bus pos/uit Sen/ilis

B IP 60: Vinovia /

Binchester [Aesc]ulapio / [et] Saluti / [pro salu]te alae Vet/[tonum] c(ivium)

R(omanorum) M(arcus) Aure/[lius ---]ocomas me/[dicus v(otum)

s(olvit)] l(ibens) m(erito)

B IP 62: Voreda / Penrith

Deo / Marti / Belatucad/ro et Numi/nib(us) Augg(ustorum) / Iulius

Au/gustalis / actor Iul(i) Lu/pi pr(a)ef(ecti)

Below the rank of unit commander the epigraphic record in Britain provides evidence of

cult diversity among auxiliaries from both local and extra-provincial origins. One of the most

striking examples of the latter is a dedication to Hercules Magusanus (B IP 48, Mumrills), a deity

whose cult was based in the Batavians‟ home territory.90

Yet auxiliary units as a whole could

also express piety. In this respect, a dedication to the cult of Apollo at Clarus - Apollo Clarius -

(B U 51, Vercovicium / Housesteads) merits particular attention.

III.i. Coh. I Tungrorum and Clarius Apollo

The Vercovicium inscription is one of ten extant texts dedicated to Clarian Apollo (i.e

Apollo of Claros), nine of which are in Latin. All texts communicate the same information – “to

the gods and goddesses, according to the interpretation of Clarian Apollo.” While most were

inscribed on plaques that must have been built into the walls of buildings, all are clearly of a

religious nature:

90

See Roymans 2006.

186

Table 8: Clarius Apollo inscriptions (listed alphabetically by province)

Origin and Publication91 Province

Text

Vercovicium, B U 51 Britannia

Diis (!) deabusque se/cundum interpre/tationem oracu/li Clari Apollinis/ coh(ors) I

Tungrorum

Corinium / Gornji Karin, CIL 3, 2880 = ILS 3230a

Dalmatia

D(is) deabusque / secundum inter/p(r)et{r}ationem Cla/ri Apollinis

CIRG 1, 60, Ponte de Garcia Rodriguez (near Brigantium)

Hispania Tarraconensis Dis d(eabus)q(ue) / ex int(e)rp/retation(e) / oraculi / Clari Apo/[l]linis C[-] / AD

sacr/u[m ---]

AE 1986, 119, Gabii / Gabiae Italia

Diis (!) deabusq(ue) / secundum / interpreta/tionem Clari / Apollinis

AE 1991, 564, Marruvium / San

Benedetto de´ Marsi

Italia

Dis deabusque / secundu[m] / interpr[eta]/tio[nem] / o[raculi] / [Clari] / [Apollinis]

CIL 8, 8351 = ILAlg 2, 3, 8311 = ILS 3230b, Ain Riahi (near

Cuicul)

Numidia

Dis deabusq(ue) / secundum / interpreta/tionem o/raculi Cla/ri Apollini(s)

Mitchell 2003 : 151-153, Melli Pisidia

[q]eoi=j kai\ a)po\ e)chgh/sewj xrhsmou= ‟Apo/llwnoj Klari/ou

ILSard 1, 42 = AE 1929, 156, Pula / Nora

Sardinia

Dis deabusque / secundum interpreta/tionem oraculi Clari / Apollinis

IAM 2, 84 = AE 1987, 1099

Banasa

Mauretania

Tingitana [Dis deabusque secundum interpretationem] oraculi C[larii Apollinis]

IAM 2, 244 = AE 1976, 782

Volubilis

Mauretania

Tingitana Dis deabusque / secundum interpre/tationem oraculi / Clarii Apollinis

As a result of the uniform brevity of these texts, a considerable debate about the

interpretation of these dedications has led to three theories that attempt to explain their function,

distribution and date.92

In regard to function, Nock proposed what Jones has termed the

“theological” interpretation93

that interprets the texts as belonging to a corpus of of oracles

intended for general use. Moreover, the formula dis deabusque, according to this approach,

should be seen as an attempt to accommodate the monotheistic aspect of Clarian Apollo‟s cult to

traditional state religion. In terms of Clarian Apollo‟s own cult, however, the “gods and

goddesses” were nevertheless subordinated to Clarian Apollo and thus became “powers and

functions of the Supreme Being.” This interpretation has the support of literary and epigraphic

sources for Clarian Apollo‟s cult at Oenoanda, where an inscription indicates that the traditional

91

CIRG = G. Pereira Menaut, Corpus de inscricións romanas de Galicia I (Santiago, 1990); IAM = P. Euzennat and

J. Marion, Inscriptions antiques du Maroc 2. Inscriptions latines (Paris, 1982); ILAlg = Inscriptions latines d'Algérie

(Paris, 1922-); ILSard = G. Sotgiu, Iscrizioni latine della Sardegna (Padua, 1961). Cf. Paus. 7.3.1 for the main

description of the cult in antiquity. 92

The most recent summary of the debate is presented by Jones 2005: 294-296. 93

Nock 1972; cf. Jones 2005: 296.

187

gods are “angels” (a)/ngeloi), who are “a small part of the god” (meikra\ de\ qeou=).94 The cult

then expanded into the Latin west, perhaps under the direction of a central authority in Claros.95

The potential for conflict with the state religious authorities was obvious, and as a result a

clarification, subsequently „interpreted‟ by the exegetes of the god‟s oracles, led to the addition

of the dis deabusque formula found in these texts.

In what Jones has termed the “secular” interpretation of these texts, E. Birley focused on

the Vercovicium text to date the Clarian Apollo inscriptions precisely to Caracalla‟s visit to

Britannia in 213 CE, based on his known patronage of another syncretised cult of Apollo, Apollo

Grannus, and the explicit mention of coh. I Tungrorum as the dedicating unit.96

Birley explained

the broad distribution of the Clarian Apollo inscriptions as being due not to the followers of the

god but rather to the agency of the emperor, reasoning that “no person less eminent than the

emperor himself could have been responsible for taking steps to have the oracle‟s instructions

complied with so widely, and in so many different parts of the empire, and by a unit of the

Roman army too.” He argued further that the cult of Clarian Apollo was linked by interpretatio

Romana to Apollo Grannus, and thus that all the „secundum interpretationem‟ inscriptions both

date to 213 and resulted, essentially, from a reply given to the ailing emperor. Birley did not

attempt to explain the dis deabusque formula.

Finding fault with these “theological” and “secular” interpretations, Jones proposed a

third, which focused on the Antonine Plague.97

He compared the secundum interpretationem

formula to a Greek inscription from Hierapolis in Phrygia in which the dedicant, T[---]es,

dedicated an inscription to Apollo Archegetes chronicling an oracle of the god. The account

includes a direction that “before all the gates consecrate a holy statue of Clarian Phoebus

equipped with bows that destroy plague.”98

Since the inscribed stones mostly were designed for

incorporation into a wall, Jones compared them to Medieval and modern “protective texts on

lintels, doorposts, and the like.” He viewed the addition of the dis deabusque formula as a

blanket phrase intended to supplicate as many deities as possible during the crisis. Jones further

argued that, since the onset of the Plague can be dated to ca. 165 – although Jerome recorded a

94

SEG 27, 933. 95

Mitchell 2003: 155 argues that the priesthood of Clarian Apollo likely “took a lead in sending its message out to

the Latin-speaking parts of the Empire, and we might expect religious traditionalists everywhere to have been

receptive to its message.” 96

E. Birley 1988: 365-367; On Caracalla and Apollo Grannus, see Dio 77.15.5. 97

Jones 2005; on the debate about the seriousness of the Antonine Plague and the difficulties of assessing it from

epigraphic evidence, see Bruun 2003 and Bruun 2007. 98

Pugliese Carratelli 1963/1964: 357 no. 2; cf. Merkelbach and Stauber 1996: no. 12.

188

major outbreak in 168 – this period provides the true terminus post quem for these inscriptions,

and that they must date consequently date to the reign of Marcus Aurelius.99

The interpretatio,

according to this theory, was occasioned by the oracle‟s original response to the crisis of the

Antonine Plague, perhaps by the order of Marcus Aurelius himself.

Thus the Vercovicium inscription, which alone of the Clarian Apollo texts preserves the

name of a dedicant, could belong to broadly divergent contexts. If Jones‟ argument is accepted,

then Britannia should be included among the list of provinces affected by the Antonine Plague.

Yet there are problems with the Plague hypothesis. Firstly, no Clarian Apollo inscriptions have

yet been recovered from Germania, despite Ammianus‟ claim that it ab ipsis Persarum finibus

ad usque Rhenum Gallias cuncta contagiis polluebat et mortibus. If the Clarian interpretatio

were closely connected to the Antonine Plague, it seems reasonable to expect more evidence of it

in military contexts. Jones infers that the Vercovicium inscription is such an example, yet it

would be the only extant example of an event that, according to the Historia Augusta, claimed so

many lives that the emperor was compelled to conscript slaves and bandits to keep the military

fully manned.100

Epigraphic evidence to support this report of devastation to the military in

general is difficult to identify. Attempts to do so by Duncan-Jones and Scheidel have been

criticized,101

and in any case none of their arguments cited the Clarian Apollo inscriptions in the

context of the Antonine Plague. This seems to rule out the emperor as the individual who

99

Jones 2005: 301, “at some date in or after 165”. On the outbreak of 168, see Jer. Chron. p. 205 (Helm). SHA Ver.

8.1-4 claims that the plague originated in Parthia, where campaigning Roman armies were first infected; the eastern

origins were also stressed, dramatically, by Amm. Marc. 23.6.24. 100

SHA Marc. 17.2, 21.6-7. 101

Duncan-Jones 1996 surveys the evidence for the Antonine Plague, concluding that the disease, perhaps a form of

smallpox, devastated the Roman empire particularly among the military and large urban centers (cf. Duncan-Jones

1996: 134-136), and his approach was expanded upon by Scheidel 2002. Their methods have been challenged in

detail by Bruun 2003. One of Duncan-Jones‟ claims, that military diploma production in bronze ceased during the

worst years of the plague (Duncan-Jones 1996: 124-125) has also been rejected; rather, a shortage in metal supplies

throughout the empire has been shown to be the main contributor to this staggering trend in the record of military

diplomas (cf. Eck et al. 2003: 365). As of 2006, no military diplomas have been discovered for a ten year span in the

second century (167/168-177/178 CE). RMD 443 was issued sometime after May 167 and perhaps as late as 168,

while RMD 444, issued perhaps in 177. This diploma theoretically could have been issued as early as 169 CE, based

on the fact that it refers to Marcus Aurelius as sole emperor and thus must date to the period of Marcus Aurelius‟

reign following the death of Lucius Verus and prior to the elevation of Commodus as co-emperor. The editors

favoured the latest possible date within this period (177 CE) due to the diploma lacuna already mentioned. After

RMD 444, the closest subsequent diplomas belong to a series issued on the same date, 23 Mar. 178 See Appendix II,

tab. 1 nos. 29-34 for examples of these diplomas from Britannia; astonishingly, no diplomas issued to veterans of

Germania later than 167 have yet been discovered (and that diploma, RMD 120) may have been issued in 161).

Nevertheless, as diploma issues to veterans of Pannonia and Dacia demonstrate that soldiers serving on the Danube

were still being issued diplomas in the late second century, it would be premature to conclude that veterans of the

two Germanies ceased to receive diplomas altogether.

189

petitioned the priesthood for a clarification, as the military had the resources and skill to produce

enough dedications that the survival of only one military inscription seems improbable.

The cohort had built Vercovicium and was subsequently stationed there; its agency in the

construction of other forts at Brocolitia and, on the Antonine Wall, Castle Cary, is also certain.102

This unit, like others in Britannia, recruited both locally and from abroad, producing an ethnic

mix that is reflected in extant inscriptions by its personnel: at Vercovicium alone there are

dedications also to Hercules, Silvanus, Cocidius, Mars, IOM (and the numina of the emperors),

most of which mention unit commanders.103

The fact that these religious dedications were unit dedications renders the Plague

hypothesis less likely. Like the Clarian Apollo text, the Matres were also the recipients of a unit

dedication that mentioned no commander (B U 52). As noted many times in this investigation,

auxiliary units commonly set up votive inscriptions to both Roman and peregrine deities, with

their unit commanders often taking pains to mention themselves. A prefect of coh. I Tungrorum,

Claudius Marcianus, commissioned an inscription sive deo sive deae (B P 140), echoing a similar

sentiment to that expressed by the dis deabusque formula. Leaving aside his supposition of the

Clarian cult‟s monotheistic trends, evident in other contemporary cults patronized by the

military, such as those of Mithras and Jupiter Dolichenus, B P 140 seems to support Mitchell‟s

observation that the phrase functioned as a blanket term. This would have certainly made the cult

more acceptable to the state religion that was propagated among the military ranks, but the

evidence suggests that all soldiers, both legionary and auxiliary, had rare contact with the cult‟s

patrons. The lack of military contexts also undermines, along this line of reasoning, Birley‟s

connection of these texts to 213 CE, during Caracalla‟s reign. Ultimately, the involvement of

coh. I Tungrorum in the Clarian Apollo cult does not support the arguments that the Roman army

either patronized it significantly or that it did so briefly in response to the decimation of its ranks

by the Antonine Plague. The cult‟s absence from military inscriptions does indicate, however,

that any interest in it among the soldiers was ephemeral.

102

Spaul 2000: 225-227; cf E. Birley 1988: 365-367 (overlooked by Spaul). 103

See B P 132-140.

190

III.ii. Observations on peregrine and local gods in stone

inscriptions

Many dedications to popular deities like the Veteres or Coventina either do not identify

the dedicator or identify only the dedicator‟s name. Such inscriptions were surely often

commissioned by auxiliaries, and occasionally by legionaries. Certain cults were patronized by

both sections of the army, such as the shrine of Cocidius. Examples of peregrine or local gods

known to have been patronized by legionary soldiers are provided in the following table:

Reference Peregrine Gods attested in inscriptions dedicated by legionaries in Britannia

AE 1978, 448 Matres

CCID 575 Dolichenus

RIB 139 = AE 1926, 83 Genius loci (Sulis Minerva)

RIB 143 Sulis

RIB 146 Sulis Minerva

RIB 147 Sulis

RIB 322 Invictus Mithras

RIB 450 Genius loci

RIB 452 IOM Tanarus

RIB 583 Apollo Maponus (Gordian)

RIB 653 Matres Afrae Italae Gallae

RIB 654 Matres

RIB 920 Matres Transmarinae

RIB 985 Cocidius

RIB 988 Cocidius

RIB 1022 = CCID 576 IOM Dolichenus

RIB 1120 = ILS 4639 Apollo Maponus

RIB 1121 = AE 1927, 90 Apollo Maponus

RIB 1122 = AE 1947, 120 Apollo Maponus

RIB 1131 = CCID 565 IAeternaM Dolichenus + Caelestis Brigantia + Salus

RIB 1327 Atenociticus

RIB 1330 = CCID 564 IOM Dolihenus

RIB 1398 Deus

RIB 1577 Cocidius + Genius praesidii

RIB 1583 IOM + Cocidius + genius loci

191

RIB 1725 = CCID 561 IOM Dolichenus

RIB 1955 Cocidius

RIB 1956 Cocidius

RIB 2024 Mars Cocidius

RIB 2050 Matres domesticae

RIB 2135 = AE 1977, 496 Matres Alatervae + M. Campestres

RIB 2177 Mars + Minerva + Campestres + Hercules + Epona + Victoria

A comparison of the data presented above with the auxiliary record demonstrates that

many local and continental peregrine deities were patronized regularly by legionary soldiers. In

certain cases, such as at Vercovicium, a vexillation of legionaries offered a religious dedication

to Cocidius in an auxiliary fort. The Matres are also well represented, likely a consequence of

their increasing dependence on recruits from Germany and the Balkans.104

A striking example

from Eburacum / York preserves a dedication to the Matres of Africa, Italy and Gaul, testifying

to the propagation of the cult of this trio of goddesses throughout the western empire. The

importation of deities from abroad, a feature of transplanted auxiliary religious practices as well,

is indicated further by the epithet transmarinae, “from across the sea,” also applied to the

Matres. Apollo Maponus‟ cult, another example of a syncretism, is also attested in auxiliary

contexts. Legionaries easily accommodated the official state religion of the army to local

practices, and thus provided in this sphere of military life an example for both foreign and local

auxiliary recruits in doing the same.

This accommodation reaches an extreme when it subsumes a foreign deity‟s name fully

under a Roman identity. An inscription recently emphasized by Sauer records a religious vow

dedicated to Apollo by Melonius Senilis, an auxiliary transferred from Germania Superior:105

Deo Apol/l(i)n(i) Melonius / Senilis expl(orator) / Ger(mania) sup(eriore) / s(usceptum) s(olvit) / l(aetus)

l(ibens) m(erito)

To the god Apollo. Melonius Senilis, scout from Germania Superior, happily and gladly fulfilled his sworn

vow.

104

The Balkan character of second century recruits particularly is the subject of Eck and Pangerl 2008. The authors‟

argument is based on military diploma evidence, of which the majority of recent publications have emanated from

the Balkan region during the last 20 years. This is a phenomenon that has modern factors (see Weiss 2003) that may

obscure other sources of recruitment by overstating the Balkan element in auxiliary units. Nevertheless, it seems

clear that the Danube, particularly following the incorporation of Dacia into the Roman empire, became a vital

source of military recruitment in the second century, and this influence in Britannia has been noted above. 105

RIB 1665 (Cawfields), Sauer 2007: 21.

192

To Sauer, Melonius is an „immigrant‟ for whom the worship of Apollo, often associated with the

Celtic deity Grannus, is natural. Moreover, the worship of this male deity is incongruous with the

generally female gender of local spring and well deities in Britannia. Melonius‟ act was private,

and has many other parallels. Given the involuntary nature of most troop transfers in the Roman

army, it seems misleading to read Melonius, or other military personnel as „immigrants.‟ Sauer‟s

main point is valid, however, and paralleled in other auxiliary contexts. The decision by

Melonius to leave out the Celtic epithet of Apollo masks the non-Roman heritage of this cult

practice.

Like the example of Melonius, the dedication to Hercules Magusanus clearly points to an

origin on the German frontier as well:106

Herculi / Magusan(o) / sacrum / Val(erius) Nigri/nus dupli(carius) / alae Tun/grorum.

Sacred to Hercules Magusanus. Valerius Nigrinus, duplicarius of the ala Tungrorum (did this).

The shrine of this deity was a very important cult center in Germania Inferior. It is noteworthy

that a deity whose worship was normally confined to that shrine should be honoured at Mumrills

on Hadrian‟s Wall. Despite his Roman name, Nigrinus evidently felt at ease in expressing his

devotion to a cult popular in Germania Inferior. As there are no other dedications to Hercules

Magusanus extant, this dedication seems to represent a more personal religious expression.

However, Nigrinus also does not hesitate to mention important details about his military service,

especially his distinction as a duplicarius. This surely reflects a strong sense of pride in his

military career. Thus worship of peregrine deities alone does not constitute a conscious

„resistance‟ to Roman cultural values.

At sites where a significant number of religious dedications made by auxiliary soldiers

survive, a connection with Germania can also be observed. At Vindolanda, where the practice of

partial ethnic recruitment by both the Tungrian and Batavian cohorts is known to have been

practiced at least until the beginning of the second century, the religious dedications reflect

strong ties to the continent. As noted above, some of the most popular deities mentioned in

inscriptions originated from Germania (the Veteres, Mogons, Maponus). The variation Hu- for

106

RIB 2140=ILS 4268.

193

Ve- reflects attempts by certain individuals at approximating Germanic pronunciation.107

In these

cases, linguistic accuracy seems to have been important for the dedicators.

III.iii. The Syrian Goddess

Unit commanders who did not share the ethnicity of a majority of their troops could also

set up dedications in the name of their troops. Thus, in the mid-2nd

century CE, the prefect of the

eastern unit coh. I Hamiorum could set up an altar to the Syrian goddess of his troops:108

Deae Suri/ae(!) sub Calp/urnio Ag[r]/ico[la] leg(ato) Au[g(usti)] / pr(o) pr(aetore) Lic[in]ius / [C]lem[ens

praef(ectus)] / [co]h(ortis) I Ha[miorum]

To the Syrian goddess. Licinius Clemens, prefect of the coh. I Hamiorum, (dedicated this) during the

governorship of Calpurnius Agricola, Imperial legate.

This same goddess was honoured with an altar by a beneficiarius stationed at Cataractonium /

Catterick, who seems to have been a Roman citizen.109

Another ethnic goddess peculiar to this

unit must also have been Dea Hammia, also attested at Magnae.110

The site of this dedication was

the legionary fortress at Magnae / Carvoran in Wales. The content may also be connected with a

poetic inscription from the early third century, in which the metrical structure is marked, despite

not being quite reflected in the line division on the stone (B P 116, cf. CLE 24):

Imminet Leoni Virgo caeles/ti situ

spicifera iusti in/venitrix urbium conditrix /

ex quis muneribus nosse con/tigit deos:

ergo easdem mater divum / Pax Virtus Ceres

dea Syria / lance vitam et iura pensitans. /

In caelo visum Syria sidus edi/dit

Lybiae colendum: inde / cuncti didicimus. /

Ita intellexit numine inductus / tuo

Marcus Caecilius Do/natianus militans

Tribunes / in praefecto dono principis.

The Virgin in her heavenly place rides upon the Lion;

bringer of corn, inventor of law, founder of cities,

by whose gifts it is our lot to know the gods.

Therefore she is the Mother of Gods, Peace, Virtue, Ceres,

107

See commentary to RIB 1603; cf. also RIB 1602 (Hueteri) and 1603 (Huitri). 108

B P 117. Sex. Calpurnius Agricola, cos. 154, governed Britannia ca 161-168. 109

RIB 726: deae Suriae ara(m) C(aius) N(---) O(---) b(ene)f(iciarius). 110

RIB 1780, cf. Spaul 2000: 409. The dedicator‟s name and unit are not given.

194

The Syrian goddess, weighing life and laws in her balance.

Syria has sent the constellation. Seen the heavens,

to Libya to be worshipped, and we have all learned from this.

Thus has understood, led by your power,

Marcus Caecilianus Donatianus,111

serving

As a tribune in the post of prefect, by the emperor‟s gift.

This inscription belongs to an auxiliary context of the Severan dynasty, though there is

considerable dispute about its interpretation. The tribune, Marcus Caecilianus Donatianus, was

assumed by Spaul to have been the commander of coh. II Delmatarum, based on other evidence

of this unit discovered at the location, Magnae / Carvoran in Wales. A soldier of this unit, Iulius

Pastor, may even bear a cognomen (“Pastor”) that translates his native ethnic dele / delme

(“shepherd”).112

However, Donatianus makes no reference to his unit, and the inscription itself

bears apparent Syrian elements: a “Syrian goddess” who is “mother of the gods;” as such, it was

originally seen as a veiled reference to Julia Domna and to the coh. Hamiorum, which moved to

Magnae / Carvoran in the first half of the second century CE.113

The deity honoured here is Atargatis, typically represented iconographically as seated on

a lion throne and associated with Dea Syria.114

This foreign association represents a private act

rather than an official act on behalf of a unit, since there would be an obvious disconnect

between the commander‟s background and those of his Dalmatian troops. Spaul seemed to

accept the interpretation of Tomlin that the deity in question was the Phoenician goddess

Tanit,115

since he includes this text in his corpus of material for the Dalmatian cohort, which had

been stationed at Magnae from 105-135 CE,116

and suggested without evidence that Donatianus

“might have been more at home as a prefect of Syrians rather than Africans.”

There are compelling reasons to accept the identification of this inscription with a Syrian,

rather than Dalmatian, unit. Diploma evidence for coh II Delmatarum at Magnae ceases in 135

CE. In the following year, datable evidence of the coh Hamiorum at Magnae survives. Spaul

seems confused on this point, arguing that coh. II Delmatarum was stationed at Magnae in the

111

PME C 13. 112

Zaninovic 1971: 299-301. 113

RIB 1791 comm. ad loc. The coh. Hamiorum was attested at Magnae in 136-138 (B P 115) and also 163-166 CE.

(B P 118). 114

Niehl 2003; see also Birley and Blake 2007: 111. 115

Cf. comm. in RIB ad loc. 116

CIL 16, 51.

195

fourth century. The Cataractonium inscription also provides a useful parallel of a Syrian deity

specifically connected with a Syrian unit. This is not the only example of an eastern deity

preserved at Magnae: a syncretised IOM Heliopolitanus, deriving from Heliopolis in Coele

Syria, also indicates a significant eastern element.117

While the deities known to have been

worshipped by the Syrians were not exclusively eastern – Mars Camulus, Silvanus, and Fortuna

are also attested, and no auxiliary unit exclusively worshipped peregrine deities – a clear ethnic

and cultural Syrian presence is evident at Magnae.

The eastern heritage of many members of the imperial house provided, moreover, a

convenient opportunity for an equestrian commander to adapt his appointment as commander of

a Syrian unit: this monument is clearly one of the most sophisticated military verse inscriptions

from the western provinces. The omission of the unit‟s name maintained a focus on the dedicant

and the deity. The Syrian connection of the virgo caelestis seems clear despite the ambiguity of

the text that led Tomlin to suggest that Tanit was being celebrated here. This interpretation

supposes that the goddess is honoured in an extravagant monument to an „African deity‟

evocative of the prefect‟s roots, yet it phrased in the language of monuments familiar to his

Syrian troops, permitted a dual reception that emphasized his learning and authority. If this

inscription dates to the lifetime of Julia Domna, at that time the most well-known Syrian woman

in the Roman army, Donatianus had an opportunity to exploit his position as a commander of a

Syrian unit to demonstrate his loyalty to the imperial family at a time when Severus‟ campaign in

Britain remained fresh among local memories. It is this context, rather than Donatianus‟

suggested African heritage, that connects the prefect of this unit with the coh. II Delmatarum,

stationed at Magnae in the late third and fourth century.118

Instead, this inscription combines

Syrian, Roman and, possibly, Punic religious references in the distinctly Roman medium of Latin

verse. It demonstrates also that a significant Syrian population was present in Britain over

multiple generations, and that Roman commanders were capable of understanding auxiliary

ethnic dynamics.

117

RIB 1783. 118

See Spaul 2000: 304 n.1, 408-409 for references.

196

III.iv. Remarks on Auxiliary Religion in Britain

Detailed inscriptions dedicated by lower ranking auxiliary soldiers in Britain, already

presented, when viewed in context with other ranks presented above (tab. 7), illustrate how even

peregrine cults honoured at the lowest level also received „official‟ recognition among higher

ranks.

Table 9: Auxiliary votive dedications below rank of centurion / decurion

B A 3: Blatobulgium /

Birrens Deae Ricagam/bedae pagus / Vella(v)us milit(ans) / coh(orte) II

Tung(rorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

B A 4: Blatobulgium /

Birrens Dib(us!) de/ab(us)q(ue) / omnib(us) / Frument/ius mil(es) coh(ortis)

II / Tungr(orum)

B A 6: Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh Deae Coven/tin(a)e P[---]a/nus m(i)l(es) c(o)ho(rtis) V /

R(a)eto[rum] / votum [li]/be(n)s animo / r(eddidit) et posivit(!)

B A 7 Caer Gai119 Iulius Gaveronis f(ilius) / fe(cit) mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) I Ner(viorum)

B A 8: AE 1995, 994b,

Caersws Boud[us c(o)h]o(rtis) Ast(urum)

The cult of Coventina discussed above was specifically honoured by an auxiliary, whose

name, though fragmentary, seems peregrine. Certainly peregrine was Iulius Gaveronis f.; his

Julian name often indicates the possession of Roman citizenship among auxiliaries, but the name

+ filiation formula, as shown in the second chapter, is typical of peregrines, and reflects the

growing popularity of the name Iulius among provincials. As diplomas demonstrate, auxiliary

soldiers often gave Roman names to their peregrine children, and the presence of local recruits in

auxiliary units is indicated by Boudus, whose name bears the same Celtic root as the Icenian

queen Boudicca.

The survey of auxiliary religious dedications presented above demontstrates that the

hierarchies of auxiliary units in Britain often closely understood the ethnic traditions of the lower

ranking troops under their command. In a zone of active combat, a reality illustrated by the

119

Fragmentary reliefs of Herculean iconography indicate that this was an altar set up to that god. Cf. Spaul 2000:

218.

197

Vindolanda writing tablets, there were obvious reasons for commanders to maintain a culture

that both enforced Roman concepts of military culture and loyalty while providing avenues of

expression to troops that drew, particularly in the first century, overwhelmingly on non-British

recruits for their unit manpower. This engagement across the ranks also helps to explain the

processes of „Romanization‟ evident in the auxiliary evidence of Roman Britain. In the following

section, this topic will be investigated further.

IV. „Romanization‟

Surveying the incidence of Celtic names in the epigraphic record of Britain, Mullen

characterized „Romanization‟ in Britain as “unpredictable, multifaceted and complex”, noting

also that “it would be a mistake to assume too much about the identity of people, about whom we

know so little.”120

However, his own analysis of onomastics from Roman Britain demonstrated

that the duo and tria nomina characteristic of Roman naming was adopted, unsurprisingly, “in

more Romanized contexts” and, more notably, “very rarely included Celtic names.”121

The

obvious conclusion is that local and continental Celtic names experienced a significant

generational decrease from the point of sustained contact with a Roman community. In

Britannia, as noted at the start of this chapter, this first point of contact typically occurred on a

frontier characterized by concentrations of auxiliary soldiers based in forts with their attendant

vici. Mullen‟s observations accord with the study on families represented in the diploma

evidence from chapter 2, which demonstrate that over the course of a single generation a

significant „Romanization‟ of children‟s names is evident, even among large families.

Archaeologically, „Romanization‟ has been observed in material culture by numerous

authors. While the acceptance of the „Romanization‟ paradigm remains a point of debate among

many experts in the British archaeological field, as surveyed in chapter 1, in the field of auxiliary

research studies continue to demonstrate a causal relationship between the expansion of a Roman

presence in the north of Britain and a statistically significant adoption of Roman material culture

120

Mullen 2007: 55. 121

Mullen 2007: 40-42.

198

in local contexts. For example, Willis‟ comparative analysis of pottery in the eastern and

northeastern frontiers of the Roman province examined a total of 75 pottery groups

(“assemblages”) grouped chronologically from sites datable to the late pre-Roman Iron Age

(LPRIA) to early in Trajan‟s reign.122

Significant examples of pottery in LPRIA contexts, which

Willis identified in the case of Leicester, demonstrate the local importance of some sites as “high

status centers,” and in the case of Leicester this is borne out by its later designation as a civitas

capital for the Corieltauvi.123

Following the Claudian invasion and subsequent expansion of the

Roman legionary and auxiliary military presence into Willis‟ zone of study, sites where

quantifiable data exists demonstrate a clear trend of a “progressive decline in the frequency of

Iron Age / Transitional pottery, so that, by the turn of the second century A.D., a strong,

seemingly universal, Romanization of the assemblages had occurred.”124

The chronological trend

in terms of pottery coincides with intense military activity in the north of the province. By the

end of the first century, a period contemporary with the evidence from the Vindolanda archive,

local material culture in the frontier zone had become increasingly dominated by Roman wares.

The archaeological evidence can be placed further into context by the Vindolanda

records. They demonstrate, as noted earlier, useful examples of military social dynamics in

Vindolanda‟s auxiliary community. One of the units attested in the archive is the coh. VIIII

Batavorum. It illustrates, arguably, a specifically auxiliary context for „Romanization‟ in Britain.

IV.i. The King of the Batavians

A recently published tablet from Vindolanda briefly preserves a noteworthy request by a

decurion of the coh. VIIII Batavorum equitata:

(i) Masclus Ceriali regi suo / salute /cras quid uelis nos fecisse / rogo / domine prae/cipias utrumne / cum

uexsillo omnes / rediemus an alter/ni compitum aeque /

(ii) [...] / felicissim[u]s [ ] / et sis mihi propitius / uale / ceruesam commilitiones / non habunt / quam rogo

iubeas mitti / (VERSO) F[l]auio Ceriali praef(ecto) / (space of one line) a Masclo dec(urione)

122

Willis 1996. 123

Willis 1996: 187-189. On the Corieltauvi (or Coritani), see Todd 1991. 124

Willis 1996: 214.

199

“Masclus to Cerialis his king, greetings. Please, my lord, give instructions as to what you want us to have

done tomorrow. Are we to return with the standard (to the shrine at?) the crossroads all together or every

other one (i.e. half) of us…. Most fortunate and he will be well-disposed to me. My fellow soldiers have

no beer.125

Please order some to be sent. (verso) To Flavius Cerialis, prefect, from Masclus, decurion.” [tr.

Bowman and Thomas]

The writer, Masclus (i.e. Masculus), addresses the prefect Flavius Cerialis, adding the epithet

regi suo (“to his king”).126

The text may be interpreted either as a polite address to a social

superior, with a possible parallel from Egypt, or more literally as an echo of Cerialis heritage as a

Batavian noble, commanding an ethnic auxiliary unit.127

The debate is an illustrative

manifestation of trends in scholarship on the „Romanization‟ of Britain. Bowman and Thomas

suggest, on the strength of a parallel with P.Mich 8.472 = Corpus Epistularum Latinarum 147

and OLD s.v. “rex” definition 8,128

that the word here means patron and has no regal force,

although they provide the literal translation „king‟ for rex. Masculus‟ use of rex here in this

interpretation is just, as the editors have described it, „standard flattery.‟

This is not a priori implausible; the use of rex as meaning “patron” is attested many times

in Latin literature of both the Republic and the empire. One might ask what use it would be for a

Roman military commander to want to be called, or to encourage, possibly, his soldiers to call

him, a „king‟? Here the context of the letter as belonging to the personnel of an auxiliary unit is

important to remember. The Batavi, like other Germanic peoples, were governed to some degree

by an individual whom the Romans often called a rex, a word which shares a common Indo-

European root with Germanic and Celtic.129

Originally described by Tacitus as „part of the Chatti,‟ the Batavi seem to have migrated

into the west from the Germanic speaking territories of the east,130

where they became an

important ally of the Romans.131

Probably serving under Caesar and certainly serving in the

army during Augustus‟ reign, they gained a reputation as fine horsemen, fierce fighters, and

125

i.e. cervesa, a Celtic loan-word indicative of the beverage‟s regional origin. 126

Tab.Vindol. 3.628. 127

Cf. CEL 147.2, Dickey 2002: 106-107. Bowman 2006: 87 n. 81, summarizing the views expressed with Thomas

in the text‟s editio princeps, rejects the „royal connection‟ argument. Contra see Eck 2005: 666-667. 128

Pp. 1650-1651. 129

Tac. Hist. 4.12-13, Germ. 29.1-3. 130

Tac. Hist. 4.12-13, Germ. 29.1-3. On the Germanic root of Batavi = *bat- Gothic batiza (better) and bota

(advantage), yielding a meaning along the lines of “the excellent ones”. See Rives 1999: 240. 131

Caesar does not mention them, but they appear more commonly in the Augustan period, where they make up part

of the emperor‟s bodyguard. On this subject see Will 1987: 5-6. M. P. Speidel 1994 suggests that Caesar‟s equites

Germani may have included Batavi, but Roymans 2001: 96-97 notes that this is uncertain.

200

excellent swimmers.132

Around this time they entered into the aforementioned treaty of alliance

with Rome that provided a large degree of internal autonomy, exempted them from taxes, but

required the provision of auxiliary troops. Although Tacitus‟ account in the Histories of the

Batavian revolt‟s conclusion is lost, his record in the Germania shows that the Batavians retained

their earlier privileges.

This continuity of special status is significant. Roymans has seen this treaty as the

beginning of the Batavian „ethnogenesis.‟133

As far as is known, there were no literal Batavian

„kings‟, but Tacitus‟ reference to a stirps regia indicates the prominence of an aristocratic class

with interests in the Batavians‟ military service. He has argued that in the pre-Flavian era the

stirps regia had a key role in creating and diffusing Batavian identity, and notes that the Batavi

were a civitas peregrina. Peregrine status implies that a relatively small number of Batavians

was enfranchised.134

The name and date of the last Batavian king are unknown.

Lack of kings does not necessarily mean lack of a concept of kingship; as Wenskus has

observed, in communities of peregrine status, positions of power were often held by descendants

of the tribal, tradition-bearing political core, which he describes as the Traditionskern.135

The

descendants of the old Batavian tribal leaders, like, for example, Julius Civilis, also served in the

auxilia, as we know from Tacitus‟ accounts. Thus, members of the stirps regia, through their

service as commanders of auxiliary units, would have more contact with the “lower echelons,” to

use Roymans‟ term, of Batavian society. In 100 CE, then, the question becomes, if there were

not Batavian kings, then were there Batavians who possessed, or could claim to possess, a share

of the stirps regia?

Birley‟s assessment of the rex of this tablet tentatively offered the interpretation that the

term should be translated literally as „king.‟ Birley goes on at a later point to argue that Cerialis

was also of the stirps regia, and that “this makes it tempting to take literally the decurion

Masclus‟ form of address to Cerialis, regi suo.” Birley appends to his paper a list of Batavians

132

This last trait is what leads Speidel to suggest that they made up part of Caesar‟s Germanic forces, whose

swimming skills he employed in battle to great effect. 133

Roymans, 2001: 93-145, esp. 96-99. 134

Roymans 2004: 253-260. 135

Wenskus 1977, cf. Roymans 2004: 253 n. 638.

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attested at Vindolanda, including Masclus our decurion,136

and cites as a parallel Plutarch‟s

Table Talk 1.10.1, 628AB. This text mentions a suffect consul of 109 named C. Julius Antiochus

Epiphanes Philopappus, grandson of Commagene‟s last king.

Flavius Cerialis, as Birley observes, is a part of a group of Flavii (enfranchised) who

come from an area of the Rhineland lacking stone inscriptions and statue-bases that might

otherwise have attested officers with citizen status.137

Eck calls this an „attractive‟ interpretation,

despite the fact that another inscription might seem to support the “patron” interpretation (CIL

14.4239 = ILS 1013).138

This is a statue base inscription in which a consul and legionary veteran,

Ti. Claudius Liberalis Aebutianus, dedicated to Herennia Helvidia Aemiliana, wife of L.

Claudius Proculus, also a consul, strikingly characterizing Aemiliana as his regina. The usage

here is surely flattering, although the precise context cannot be clearly ascertained. Eck,

however, stresses the cultural history of the Batavians as a distinctive factor that, in his view,

seems to favour Birley‟s interpretation. In the general context of the Batavian cohorts and of the

new citizens enfranchised by the Flavians who commanded these units and of what we know

about the tribal structure of the Batavians, in Eck‟s view, Birley‟s interpretation seems

preferable.

The arguments of Birley and Eck are attractive. Birley‟s study has demonstrated two

important things. First, that the Batavian cohort, despite being stationed in Britannia, continued

to draw Batavian recruits even in the late 1st century CE. He identifies 164 Batavian names from

the period ca. 92-105, the time when we know that the Ninth Cohort of Batavians was stationed

at Vindolanda. Second, he identifies two Flavii and one Flavianus among the Batavian prefects

of this period.139

All of these enfranchised officers will have had the rank of eques, and represent

the nobilissimi popularium at the time of the Vindolanda tablets who commanded the Batavian

units up to the time of the revolt. They continued, as mentioned earlier, on the basis of the text

136

Batavians: 164, Tungrians: 69, Celtic: 46, either Batavian or Tungrian: 4, Greek: 10. Regarding names in Latin,

Birley 2001: 257, notes that “there are only a few Roman citizens or possible citizens.” Most Latin names, he

observes, “probably represent versions of Celtic forms.” 137

Birley 2001: 252. 138 Herenniae M(arci) f(iliae) / Helvidiae Aemilianae / L(uci) Claudi(i) Proculi / Corneliani co(n)s(ulis) / reginae

suae h(onoris) c(ausa) posuit / Ti(berius) Claudius Ti(beri) f(ilius) Qui(rina tribus) / Liberalis Aebutianus / equo

publico praef(ectus) fabr(um) / trib(unus) mil(itum) leg(ionis) III Cyrenaicae / dec(urialis) Caes(arum) co(n)s(ulum)

pr(aetorem) cum / [C]laudia Nectarea uxore. Cf. Eck 2005: 666-667. 139

Falvius Cerialis (Period 3), Flavius Genialis (Period 2/3), and Flavianus (see Tab.Vindol. 2.172). On the

Vindolanda „periods‟ see tab. 1 of this chapter.

202

manet honos et antiquae societatis insigne,140

to command these units after the revolt, even as

late as ca. 100 CE.

The argument of Bowman and Thomas rests on a comparison with CEL 147, a private

letter from Egypt of uncertain date. However, this comparison is not straightforward. As

mentioned earlier, Bowman and Thomas viewed the term as having a flattering meaning of

patron. The context of this letter certainly does seem to support this. Claudius Tiberianus, the

writer, addresses his lord and patron, Longinus Priscus, (or Longinius, as his name appears on

the verso), in a letter with a very deferential tone that characterizes Priscus not only as

Tiberianus‟ “rex” but also his “dominus” on no less than five occasions, highlighted in the

translation below:

Cl(audius) Tiberian[u]s Longino Prisco domin[o] / et regi suo plurimam salutem / tu optime scis quomodo

abs te exiverim / .a[...]a. celerius at [t]e venturum / [....]si qu[u]m para..[..]m mequm has / ..[..]s m[e]is

d..[..].[..] A[l]exandr[ia]m [at?] / [i]nven[i] iam naves exisse et non eum vendedi scias me domine / modo

Al[e]xandriae esse occasione / inventa spero me celeries aput te / venturum rogo domine digne/r[i]s mihi

rescribere ubi constas / [ut i]bi te possi[m inv]enire c[el]er[iu]s / [et f]eram navi[....]um quam [tibi]

da/[tu]rus est epis[tula]m qui est [Se]m/[pro]nius Clemen[s] frument[ar]ius / [a]t te [m]issuro [mi]hi et

epi[st]u/[la]s duas quas [c]upias acum[in]e / [et fo]rtuna a[pu]d [i]llum re[pe]r/ta[s t]ibi remisi

s[i]g[n]atas rogo domi/n[e ....].[...]ras e.[..]..[..]m cetera / [.].[...].[....]s..[li]gn[e]a ba[c]ula X / [pa]ravi

c[r]ebrum salutat te Clau/d[i]us fi[lius meu]s (2nd

hand) opto t[e] domine / bene valere / salut[a] ..[...]m et

Aristum e[t ...]qarium et omn[es] / tuos con[tu]bernales val(e)

“Claudius Tiberianus offers very great greetings to Longinus Priscus his lord and king. You know very

well in what way I left you… to come to you soon. What I brought (?) to Alexandria with me … I found

that the boats had already departed and I did not sell it. Know, my lord, that I am now in Alexandria; if I

find an opportunity, I hope to come to you soon. I beg you, my lord, condescend to write to me where you

are stationed, so that I may be able to find you there quickly and bring the … by boat. As I was about to

send you the letter Sempronius Clemens, the frumentarius, will deliver to you, I found at his place, by dint

of thought and good luck, also the two letters that you want, and I sent them to you under seal. I beg you,

my lord, …. I prepared ... wooden staffs (?). Claudius, my son, sends many salutations to you. (2nd

hand)

I pray for your good health, my lord. (1st hand) Salute … et Aristus et … et all your tent-mates (?) (verso)

Farewell.” [Tr. taken from APIS, slightly modified]

Longinus must be a soldier in the Roman army; ubi constas refers to “where you are stationed,”

implying that Longinus is still a serving soldier, and the postscript, saluta … omnes tuos

contubernales if properly restored, must mean, “and all your tent-mates,” i.e. comrades in

arms.141

Cugusi has suggested identifying this Longinus Priscus with the C. Longinus Priscus who

enlisted with an auxiliary unit, coh. II or III Ituraeorum, in a famous exemplum of a letter, dating

140

Tac. Germ. 29.1. 141

On the position of frumentarius see Mann 1988 and Rankov 1990.

203

Feb. 103, sent from the prefect of Egypt with a list of 6 recruits approved by him for service in

the unit.142

It will be shown, however, that this connection is doubtful, and that the rex Longinus

cited as a parallel by Bowman is not compelling.

These Ituraeans had in fact had kings; their last king Sohaemus, who had been appointed

by Gaius, died in 49 CE and his territory was incorporated into the province of Syria. Coh. II was

stationed in Egypt where it was joined in143

83 by coh. III. In both cases, the units were stationed

far away from the Ituraean homeland in Syria and Phoenicia. Neither the Ituraean cohort‟s

commander nor any of the six tirones approved by the prefect is identifiable as an ethnic

Ituraean. The recruits bear the tria nomina of Roman citizens, and though this is not in itself

incontrovertible proof that these men were citizens upon entering the cohort, it does seem

unlikely that they are ethnic Ituraeans. No tradition of hereditary leadership for this cohort

comparable to that of the coh. VIIII Batavorum is attested.

Large scale recruitment within a civitas of any group would be conducive to the creation

and maintenance of communal cohesiveness, as Roymans put it, of ethnic groups.144

These

conditions have been observed in the case of the Batavians, but in the case of the Ituraean

cohorts at Oxyrhynchus they cannot be observed as easily. Specialist units of archers often

maintained a connection with their eastern origins, such as the coh. Hamiorum stationed at

Magnae in the second and third centuries CE. However, there is no indication that an aristocratic

class was prominently represented among the officer corps in either the Hamian or Ituraean

cohorts. The prefect Celsianus thus must have been a man of equestrian rank starting out on the

career path of equestrian militiae. Without any ethnic connection to the Ituraeans, he would just

be another eques Romanus trying to move up the social ladder. As for Claudius Tiberianus, he

has a son, Claudius Terentianus, who followed his father‟s footsteps and joined the Roman navy.

At least one of his sisters is attested in a papyrus letter.145

Her name Tasoucharion was clearly

Egyptian. This accords with previously discussed examples of mixed local and ethnic

142

CEL 140 = Fink 1971: no. 87; see also Cugusi‟s commentary on CEL 140. The names and ages of the six recruits

were C. Veturius Gemellus (21), C. Longinus Priscus (22), C. Iulius Maximus (25), [..] Iulius Secundus (20), C.

Iulius Saturninus (22), and M. Antonius Valens (22). That all recruits bear the tria nomina derived from the names

of the triumvirs Octavian and Antony indicates that they were either Latin or Roman citizens upon enlistment. The

enduring legacy of Antony‟s name in the east, particularly in Egypt, is noteworthy. 143

Roymans 2004: 254. 144

Roymans 2004: 255. 145

P.Mich. 8.481 (Karanis), second century Greek papyrus letter from Claudius Terentianus to his sister

Tasoucharion.

204

recruitment in auxiliary units serving in Britannia. Thus Longinus‟ ethnicity cannot be proven to

be Ituraean, nor is there evidence, even if he were Ituraean, that he belonged to an Ituraean stirps

regia.

This amounts to a significant difference in citizenship and status between the authors of

Tab.Vindol. 3.628 and CEL 147. In CEL 147, Longinus Priscus was the recipient of a flattering

term, rex, that surely lacked any literal force. If he is the same Longinus Priscus mentioned in

CEL 140, he is certainly an auxiliary soldier, but there is even less likelihood that Longinus

belongs to an ancient Ituraean stirps regia, since his names are not connected to the nomina of

the imperial family. If CEL 147 is considered alone, all that can be ascertained from Longinus‟

status is that he is a serving soldier belonging either to a legion or an auxiliary unit. The other

people in the letter bear recognizable Roman names; the only exception being Aristus, one of the

contubernales, whose Greek name is hardly surprising to find among the soldiers serving Egypt.

Longinus seems to have been a valued patron to Tiberianus, but not a „king‟ in any native sense.

In this way, the letter parallels well with the inscription cited by Eck, but not with the

Vindolanda writing tablet. Thus the interpretation of Bowman and Thomas that Masculus, in

Tab.Vindol. 3.628, considered Cerialis to be merely his “patron” should be rejected.

If the appellation of rex made to Cerialis by Masculus does not mean “patron,” as it must

in the case of CEL 147, then the relationship between Cerialis and Masculus requires

clarification. The position of cavalry decurion was not a part of the equestrian militiae and was

open to men of either Roman or peregrine status. This, taken along with Masculus‟ single

Batavian name, implies that he was not a Roman citizen, while Cerialis, on the other hand, was,

as well as being descended from the Batavian nobility and thus having a claim to the stirps regia.

Cerialis, belonging to a group of Batavian nobles enfranchised during the Flavian dynasty,

certainly, after the conclusion of the Batavian revolt, had a claim to the respect of his troops. His

status was enhanced by Roman and Batavian marks of rank: Roman citizenship, service in the

army, Batavian nobility, and leadership of the Batavian auxilia, a right conferred by ancient

treaty to Batavian nobles.

Thus it seems insufficient to cite the “military nature” of CEL 147 as a valid reason for

using it as a comparandum for the use of rex in Tab.Vindol. 3.628. Flavius Cerialis should not be

seen as Masclus‟ patron. Instead, he was Masclus‟ commanding officer and a member of the

205

Batavian nobility that still laid claim to the vetus institutum described famously by Tacitus. Both

concepts need not be separated as if mutually exclusive; to use this type of binary reasoning

would miss the point.146

Masclus‟ tone thus is respectful but not deferential to the extreme. One

might even detect a certain sense of propriety, as the address of the letter designates Cerialis as

the prefect, but the content of the letter, to be read only by Cerialis, calls him rex. In this contrast

may be observed a specific tone of respect from a Batavian to his “king.”

IV.ii Auxiliary ethnic integration in Britain: the cives of

Vindolanda

A recent discovery, also at Vindolanda, adds intriguing evidence to the complex picture

of harmony among different ethnic groups serving in an auxiliary unit present at the fort in the

early third century CE. This dedication illustrates how differences in origin, tension or religion

were resolved in Roman ways:147

cives Galli / de(ae) Galliae / concordes/que Britanni.

The citizens of Gaul to the goddess Gallia, and the (citizens) of Britain in harmony (dedicated this).

Cives Galli, as Birley has argued,148

refers to soldiers recruited from Gallia Lugdunensis and

demonstrates the enduring practice of external recruitment among many auxiliary units, in this

case coh. IIII Gallorum. It also provides a strikingly personalized adaptation of the term civis,

most commonly used when designating a Roman citizen, and a rare attestation of a deity

associated with the Roman province of Gaul; indeed, cives in the plural form in Roman Britain

146

Note the comments of Raepsaet Charlier 2003: 580: “il existe des noms germaniques et une certaine <<mixité>>

celto-germanique déjà sous le Haut-Empire, ces deux phénomènes n‟étant donc pas nécessairement des signes de

germanisation à l‟époque considérée.” 147

Tomlin and Hassal 2007: 346 n. 5 observe that the stone is “typical” of third century inscriptions, and was

discovered in a fourth century context. Cf. Birley and Blake 2007: 105-106. 148

Birley and Blake 2007: 104-12, fig. 130 (commentary by A. R. Birley), Tomlin and Hassall 2007: 346-347, no. 2.

206

only appears in stone inscriptions designating ethnic groups serving in auxiliary units.149

The text

is evocative of the challenges involved in interpreting the „Brittunculi‟ writing-tablet, as here the

locals, also surely soldiers and not civilians, are referred to more properly as Britanni.150

Harmony (concordia) was obviously a virtue cultivated by the Roman army, and

achieved, in practice, by the shared duties of military service. It is therefore interesting to

observe this concept of “agreement” being evoked in a co-dedication not to “Britannia,” but to

“Gallia,” a deity who personifies a continental province from which coh. IV Gallorum was

originally raised. Although some have speculated that this text may have been occasioned by “an

outbreak of violence,” such an incident is not necessary to explain the context.151

The same

virtue, as shown in chapter 2, was also an important imperial virtue that was an essential element

particularly of Antoninus Pius self-representation and which influenced his policy towards the

auxilia dramatically. The integration of recruits from distant homes into the Roman army‟s way

of life on Britannia‟s frontier was thus an evolving process in which Roman virtues common

both to military and imperial identity were propagated throughout the diverse ranks of the auxilia

in Britannia.

V. Conclusion

In Britain, as well as in Germany, „Romanization‟ was experienced by auxiliaries in an

environment that was conditioned by their military service, and not, therefore, representative of

the entire provincial population. This has been cited by Mattingly to support his division of

provincial society in Britain into three divisions: military, urban and rural. The survey of

149 Tomlin and Hassall 2007: 346 n. 6; singular references exist for peregrine cives in non-military contexts, so this

may simply reflect the likelihood that large numbers of cohesive ethnic groups are most likely to be represented, in

Latin stone epigraphic records, by auxiliary groups recruited en masse. It is worth noting that CIL 10, 4842, an edict

of Augustus, uses civis as a shorthand for civis Romanus as a clear contrast to peregrini: agenti, tum, qui inter civis

et peregrinos ius dicet, iudicium reciperatorium in singulas ... reddere...; cf Tac. Ann. 1.15: celebratio annua ad

praetorem translata cui inter civis et peregrinos iurisdictio evenisset. 150

Civilians would be referred to by the term vicani (Birley and Blake 2007: 105), often rendered in inscriptions as

vikani: see e.g. RIB 1700, attesting the vicani Vindolandesses (!). 151

Birley and Blake 2007: 111 n. 27.

207

auxiliary material presented here demonstrates that this approach is too schematic. Auxiliary

families intermingled with local as well as imported ethnic populations. Units both campaigned

against locals and recruited them, thus replicating the processes of frontier exploitation applied in

Germany for decades prior to Claudius‟ invasion. The Vindolanda tablets have further

demonstrated the complex social dynamics that could exist among auxiliary soldiers of at least

the rank of decruion and centurion. From the survey of religious dedications it is clear that local

religious practices, particularly the adoption of well and pit deposits, combined seamlessly with

Roman and continental traditions imported into Britain from auxiliaries recruited in Germany,

Spain the Balkans and the east.

More specific observations about auxiliary ethnic identies in Britain can be made for the

garrison at Vindolanda not only because of the fort‟s extensive corpus of texts preserved on

writing tablets but also from its growing record of inscriptions on stone. The latest of these has

added a valuable perspective to ethnic consciousness in an auxiliary context relevant to this

study, for, even if its date is later than the constitutio Antoniniana, it nevertheless demonstrates

that auxiliary unit identity exerted a strong influence on its troops.152

We have also seen how

non-Roman ethnic identities could be preserved by auxiliary service, as argued in the case of the

usage of rex in the Vindolanda writing tablets. In both of these cases, however, Roman concepts

of military service and military virtues provided additional cultural influence.

152

The late date of this text also demonstrates that one cannot assume that auxiliary units recruited solely from local

sources once they were stationed in a province far from their original homes. Lack of evidence has permitted this

assumption for many units known only from a few inscriptions, but as the evidence from two different units

stationed at Vindolanda may show, the ethnic histories of many auxiliary units may have been much more complex

than has been previously thought.

208

General Conclusion

Both Germania and Britannia maintained two of the Roman empire‟s largest

concentrations of auxiliary forces. Thus, despite a gap of over fifty years separating the

establishment of Roman rule in Germania from Claudius‟ invasion of Britannia, both provinces

experienced comparable trajectories in terms of the military and political organization

established by Roman authorities there. Recruits from both provinces shared in each other‟s

defense; indeed, the most important recent discoveries of daily life on the frontiers of Britannia

are writing tablets produced by Germanic auxiliary soldiers. From the evidence evaluated in this

study a number of important conclusions regarding auxiliary families, their religious practice,

and the long-term processes of cultural transformation both experienced and wrought by them

can be drawn.

The sheer scope of the auxiliary presence in both provinces cannot be overstated. As

noted in the case of Britannia, one military diploma alone names over fifty units assigned to

garrison the Roman province. While it represents only an incomplete list, it provides an accurate

sense of the ubiquity of auxiliary soldiers on Britain‟s frontier. In Germania, the auxiliary

presence was no less impressive, resulting in fascinating collections of auxiliary material from

the Rhine and German limes. Both frontiers existed within local cultural traditions, as has been

observed in the case of e.g. the Matrones / Matres cult from Germania and Coventina‟s cult in

Britannia. As regards religious interaction, three influences were consistent – the local, the

Roman (as represented by the military cults institutionalized by the army) and the peregrine

deities of auxiliary recruits themselves, whose homelands often lay far beyond the local frontiers

to which they had been assigned.

On the basis of the evidence discussed, it is possible to observe similar processes of

„Romanization‟ among ethnically varied groups of auxiliaries. In religious terms this is most

evident in material remains of military cults, particularly of IOM. Since peregrine religions were

not prohibited, IOM occasionally assimilated the attributes of peregrine deities, a process that is

209

confirmed epigraphically in several occasions. Roman onomastic conventions for peregrines,

which were scrupulously observed by the record-keepers of auxiliary units, served to remind

peregrine soldiers both of their social as well as military rank. The examination of military

diplomas in chapter 2 illustrates how often the children of peregrines were given „Roman‟

names, or translation names that served to represent familiar cultural concepts – strength, virtue,

respectability – in the language of the provinces‟ most visible and dominant cultural institution.

Military diplomas are particularly important sources for auxiliary cultural transformation,

since they represent a particularly significant event in the history of a provincial family. They are

a tangible record of a process that for pre-Claudian provincial families can only be assessed from

the presence of Imperial names among the provincial population. An especially powerful feature

of auxiliary assimilation was the adoption of the imperial name, which remained ubiquitous in

the western Roman empire and was subsequently passed down to subsequent generations of the

provincial „Roman‟ family.

No less important is the observation, also made in chapter 2, that auxiliary ranks in

general were capable of supporting large families, and that these families do not seem to have

been excessively biased against raising female offspring. This contradicts long-held assumptions

about soldiers‟ “fitness” or “capability” of raising children, and that, if they chose to raise a

family, that they would prefer only a single male child and abandon all others. Such assumptions

derive from biases in both ancient and modern sources, and are in any case not supported by the

evidence as analyzed in chapter 2.

Chapters 3 and 4 illustrate, both in general terms and from observations of specific test-

cases, comparable experiences of auxiliaries stationed in Germania and Britannia. There is an

impressive diversity of religious cult evident among the auxiliary forces of these provinces, and

this religious cult was by no means separate from religious cult as practiced by the socially and

militarily higher-ranking legionaries. Local and Roman cults could merge to become particularly

important culturally. This seems to have been the case with the deity Hercules Magusanus in

Germania Inferior, whose temple lay in the Batavian region. Chapter 4 showed that „Roman‟

media of cultural expression, as exemplified by the Latin aedicula monument, nevertheless co-

existed with peregrine religious practices, as demonstrated by archaeological discoveries in

Britannia.

210

Indeed, diversity is a common theme of many current works of Romano-British scholars.

Drawing on the theoretical concepts of „discrepant experience‟ and globalization, David

Mattingly has recently argued that three „communities‟ be distinguished in Roman Britain:

military, urban and rural.1 Mattingly rightly cautions against an excessive or unsubtle Romano-

centric reading of the province‟s history and culture, but, as discussed in chapter 1, the

theoretical models offered to reinterpret the concept of „Romanization‟, criticism of which often

focuses unfairly on century-old models that all serious scholars reject, are problematic.

Nevertheless, Mattingly is right to recognize that there existed in Britannia, and certainly

also in Germania, a „military community‟ that included legionaries and auxiliaries, Roman

citizens and peregrines, families and camp-followers. How these individuals affected their

surroundings remains a point of debate centered largely around the question of whether military

personnel, forts and vici were islands of „Romanness‟, often referred to rather anachronistically

as Romanitas,2 in a sea of rural and Celtic/Germanic indifference or were active agents of a

„Romanization‟ that was eagerly sought by ambitious natives. Auxiliary recruitment, however,

did not rely on local sources in Germania and Britannia for the majority of the garrisons of those

provinces; auxiliary culture instead focused inward on unit identity. This was comparable to

legionary unit identity due to the sheer number of auxiliary units, many of which already in 100

CE had over a century of history represented by honorific titles. Occasionally these titles were

omitted in inscriptions, particularly if the unit had won numerous awards, but the title “Roman

citizens” (civium Romanorum), once won, was proudly and consistently displayed by all

auxiliary units as a mark of valour. The ethnic aspect of unit identity also must not be neglected.

While Syrian auxiliaries have occasionally been viewed, as seen in the case of the garrison at

Intercisa, as an enigmatic mix of Roman and non-Roman, i.e. Syrian, cultural identities, auxiliary

units raised in Britain and Germany clearly maintained a significant ethnic component in several

1 Mattingly 2006: 17, 525-527, conceived largely as a response to the „orthodoxy‟ established by Millett 1990.

Mattingly 1997 coined the term „discrepant experience‟ in response to a lack of consensus in the terminology of

competing theoretical models, all of which to varying degrees rejected the term „Romanization‟ of social change in

the Roman empire. Regarding globalization, a late twentieth-century concept recently applied by Hingley 2005 in a

study of Roman imperialism, Mattingly expresses the caveat that “globalization will prove no better a concept… if

we use it to emphasize conformity rather than regional diversity.” Nevertheless, he also asserts that “[t]he power

dynamics of imperial rule are dramatically unequal and the globalizing influence of the colonizer should not be

underestimated.” 2 The term is not attested in the first century, although it is occasionally used a convenient Latin shorthand for

„Romanness‟ or „Romanity‟, e.g. Wilson 2006a.

211

cases, particularly among the Batavians. Auxiliaries thus understood „Romanization‟ through

their experience in the military, which surely reinforced a sense of social hierarchy.

Simply enlisting provided peregrine auxiliaries access to important legal benefits,

particularly in regard to inheritance and testamentary rights. It is tempting to argue that Roman

citizenship was sought primarily to attain legal rights and thus involved no deep cultural change.

Thus an implication of the observation of Derks and Roymans that Thracian auxiliaries

overwhelmingly returned home following their service in the army is that these veterans

possessed a strong ethnic consciousness and little attachment to their place of „Roman‟ service.3

Eck and Pangerl have expanded on this theme with a similar focus on the findspots of military

diplomas issued to veterans of Germania Inferior, arguing that Danubian recruits

overwhelmingly characterized the auxiliary garrison of that province in the second century.4

While factors such as the accident of preservation may affect the proportion of evidence from a

specific region, particularly in the case of recent military diploma discoveries,5 it is certainly the

case that some ethnic groups were more disposed to enlist and then return home. Yet a veteran‟s

choice to return home following his term of service cannot be assumed to be evidence that he

rejected the „Roman‟ life of a provincial citizen. The Batavian evidence discussed in ch. 4

provides an essential comparandum to the phenomenon of Danubian recruits; the Vindolanda

archives provide clear evidence of Germanic soldiers „Romanized‟ enough to communicate

easily in Latin among the higher ranks of the unit (prefect and decurion/centurion), a strong

sense of unit identity (viz. the disdainful view of the „Brittunculi‟) that nevertheless coexisted

with manifestations of Batavian cultural memory, as argued in the case of Tab.Vindol. 3.628.

In regard to the „Romanization‟ debate surveyed in chapter 1, a clear conclusion that is

evident from research on this subject is that, unlike work on Roman Germany, „Romanization‟

and reactions to it are a distinct characteristic of much anglophone scholarship about Roman

Britain. There is a significant divide in scholarly approaches, particularly given the important

observations which can be made from comparison of the auxiliary garrisons of Germania and

Britannia. The criticism that „Romanization‟ should be abandoned because of its “colonial”

origins or because its concept has changed within, particularly, the last 20 years does not seem

3 Derks and Roymans 2006.

4 FSHell (see Appendix II under Abbreviations). I thank Professor Eck for allowing me to read in advance this

contribution to a Festschrift that is still, at the time of writing, in press. 5 On this subject, see Weiss 2003.

212

warranted, in view of what I have argued above. To claim this is not to impute to the auxilia a

grand civilizing mission; indeed, this theme has been largely absent from this study. Instead the

focus of this investigation has been, in general, the personal experiences of especially peregrine

auxiliary soldiers and the transformations wrought by their service in the Roman army. Since the

military demanded loyalty to the emperor, who was also the guarantor of their privileges

following discharge, ultimately „Romanization‟ for them was military in nature. The trappings of

cultural expression were adapted from legionary models, as was the organization of their military

units. However, unlike the legionaries, peregrine auxiliaries relied on the emperor for admission

to the privileged class of provincial society. From the evidence surveyed in this investigation,

this promise of inclusion was manifested in several ways: as part of a recruited ethnic group,

permitted to worship native gods, as part of a military unit possessing an esprit de corps, and as

part of a military community, surrounded by veterans, families and even children. Present in all

cases was the military culture of the Roman army and interaction with Roman citizens either as

unit commanders, as legionaries stationed nearby or as fellow auxiliaries.

As the studies presented in the preceding chapters demonstrate, Roman and peregrine

traditions mingled in diverse ways, particularly in the first century CE. During the second

century the ethnic nature of auxiliary ranks was altered; the change of 140 CE discussed in

chapter 2 highlights this reality. „Romanized‟ auxiliaries gained a citizen identity by the grace of

the emperor. In 140 CE that emperor could, with evidently no fear of reprisal, redefine almost a

century of tradition to suit his own views. The measure was in large part successful, for we can

detect no opposition. This again, if anything, serves to demonstrate the extent to which hundreds

of thousands of auxiliary soldiers at that time in history were integrated into Roman society. It

stands to reason that they in their turn, in their everyday lives, will have made their contribution

to spreading Roman culture, surely each in his own way, as we have indeed seen in the case of

Germania and Britannia.

213

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246

Appendix I: Auxiliary Unit Lists for Germania and Britannia

1. Alae assigned to garrison Germania (to 89 CE), Germania Inferior and Germania Superior to

ca. 2121

Unit Tribe Original Date of

Recruitment

Province of origin Province(s) garrisoned,

in sequence

1. Ala Afrorum Veterana Afri Ca. 70 CE Africa Germania, Germania

Inferior

2. Ala Agrippiana

Miniata

N/A (Commander) Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia,

Syria

3. Ala I Asturum Astures Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Moesia

Inferior, Dacia, Dacia

Inferior

4. Ala I Batavorum2 Batavi Claudian Germania (Inferior) Germania, Pannonia

Superior, Dacia Superior

5. Ala I Flavia Augusta

Britannica3

N/A

(Province)

Augustan-Claudian ? Germania, Britannia,

Italy, Dalmatia,

Pannonia, Dacia,

Pannonia Inferior, Syria

6. Ala I Cannanefatium Cannanefates Augustan Germania (Inferior) Germania, Germania

Superior, Pannonia

Superior

1 Notes on individual units are not intended to be exhaustive and are offered in cases where relevant disputes or

unclear elements in the titles warrant comment. 2 Participated in the Batavian rebellion and was transferred out of Germania ca. 70 CE (cf. Tac. Hist. 4.18). Spaul

1994: 63 suggests Raetia as another possible province for this unit, citing its absence from Pannonian diplomas of

80, 84, and 85, although the same circumstances apply to Raetia. Spaul‟s argumentum ex silentio neglects the

possibility that the absence of this ala from the Pannonian diplomas may result from there being no eligible soldiers

of this unit for discharge during these issues, and no subsequent diploma discoveries have resolved the issue. 3 The title is an honorific, not an ethnic, designation.

247

7. Ala I Claudia

Gallorum Capitoniana

Galli Augustan Gaul Hispania, Germania,

Moesia Inferior, Dacia,

Dacia Inferior

8. Ala Gallorum et

Thracum Classiana4

Galli, Thraces Augustan Gaul Britannia, Germania

Inferior

9. Ala I Claudia Nova

miscellanea

N/A

(Emperor)5

Claudian Gaul Dalmatia, Germania,

Moesia, Moesia

Superior

10. Ala I Flavia Gemina6 N/A (Emperor) Flavian Amalgamation Germania, Germania

Superior

11. Ala II Flavia

Gemina / ∞ pia fidelis7

N/A (Emperor) Flavian Amalgamation Germania (Gemina),

Syria, Raetia (∞ p. f.)

12. Ala I Tungrorum

Frontoniana

Tungri8 Augustan Gaul Germania, Dalmatia,

Pannonia, Britannia,

Dacia Porolissensis

13. Ala I Hispanorum9 Hispani Augustan Hispania Germania, Pannonia,

Dacia Inferior

14. Ala Gallorum

Indiana

Galli Tiberian Gaul Germania, Britannia,

Germania Superior

15. Ala Longiniana10 N/A (Commander) Neronian ? Germania

16. Ala Moesica N/A

(Province)

Pre-Neronian Moesia Germania, Germania

Inferior, Germania

Superior

4 The two ethnic groups represented in this unit‟s titulature almost certainly were not originally recruited together.

The honorific Classiana, named after an unknown Classius, indicates an Augustan origin. A Thracian element

surely came later, following the annexation of Thrace, this change being preserved in the unit‟s ethnic title. 5 Originally recruited from Gauls and Spaniards; see Spaul 1994: 90-91, with references.

6 Not to be confused with the ala I Gemelliana, which recruited from Gauls and Spaniards and was assigned to

garrison Mauretania Tingitana. Spaul‟s argument that the unit was briefly assigned to garrison Germania and

Hispania should be rejected. For Germania he cites a diploma of 64 (CIL 16, 5) which does not preserve the

province in the text, and the Baetican ancestry of the mother of Valerius Severus, an eques of the unit (IAM 2, 250,

from Tingis) is hardly proof that the unit was stationed in Spain. 7 Whether this was one unit (see Spaul 1994: 113, following others) or two (see Baatz 1993) is currently disputed.

As Spaul notes, the titles gemina and ∞ pia fidelis never overlap, and if this is one unit, its titles must have changed.

Subsequent diploma discoveries have not permitted a definitive resolution. 8 This unit only acquired the ethnic title after leaving Germania, its original province of station.

9 Possibly an amalgamation of the early units ala Hispanorum veterana and ala Hispanorum tironum, which are

attested only on the cursus inscription of P. Cornelius Scipio (MEFRA 104 (1992), 178). 10

Destroyed in the Batavian revolt. Survivors were most likely amalgamated with other units when ala I or II

Flavia was formed.

248

17. Ala I Noricorum Norici Augustan Noricum Germania, Germania

Inferior

18. Ala I Parthorum (et

Araborum)11

Parthi

Arabi

Augustan Armenia Minor Dalmatia, Germania,

Mauretania Caesarensis

19. Ala Pomponiani /

Gallorum Petriana12

Galli Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia

20. Ala Gallorum

Picentiana

Galli Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia

21. Ala Rusonis Galli Augustan Gaul?13 Germania

22. Ala Scubulorum Scubuli?14 Claudian Pannonia? Moesia, Pannonia,

Germania, Germania

Superior

23. Ala Gallorum

Sebosiana

Galli Tiberian Gaul Hispania, Germania,

Britannia

24. Ala Siliana N/A (Commander) Augustan Gaul Africa Proconsularis,

Germania, Pannonia,

Pannonia Inferior, Dacia

Porolissensis

25. Ala I Flavia N/A (Emperor) Flavian Germania15 Germania, Germania

11

Subsequently abbreviated to Parthorum. Spaul‟s skepticism regarding the possibility of two units, ala Parthorum

et Araborum and ala Parthorum, which Holder 1980: 286-287 had distinguished, seems appropriate, given the long

history of the latter unit, attested in Not. Dig. Or. 35.30, and the existence of only two early texts, both from

Moguntiacum, of the former unit (AE 1959, 188 = Ness-Lieb 169 = AE 1967, 339 and Schillinger 99 = AE 1976,

495). If the units are distinct, then it is not clear why ala Parthorum et Araborum disappeared. 12

Most likely amalgamated with another unit when the alae I and II Flaviae Geminae were formed. The

coincidental names of a prefect buried at Regium Lepidum, T. Pomponius T. f. Petra (CIL 11, 969) are, as Spaul

states, “suggestive.” This does not negate the observation of E. Birley 1988: 374 that ala Pomponiani is a rare

example of an early cohort identified by the name of its commander in the genitive case. The early service of the

ala Petriana in Germania is attested in a dedication to Nero (CIL 13, 6820, 56 CE) and also suggests that these titles

belong to the same unit. 13

This unit is attested in only one inscription, a tombstone at Mogontiacum of Adbogius Conigi f., na(tione)

Petrucorius (CIL 13, 7031) from Aquitania (Spaul 1994: 20). It must have been renamed later, or amalgamated with

another unit. 14

The question of this unit‟s identity is vexing. It is unclear whether scubulorum recalls (a) a commander named

Scubulus (b) a reference to equipment or (c) a tribe of Scubuli, otherwise unattested. The former option seems

unlikely; Spaul‟s suggestion (1994: 193) that a commander‟s name in the genitive might have been mistaken for a

nominative plural is unconvincing. What a scubulus might otherwise be is, essentially, a mystery. On the other hand,

no ethnic “Scubulus” is attested either. A diploma recipient (CIL 16, 20, 74 CE) is Veturius Teutomi f., Pannonius,

whose “provincial” ethnic designation is common among Pannonians serving outside of the province of their

recruitment (M. P. Speidel 1986: 469-470). If he is a Scubulus, perhaps Pannonia is the province of their location.

He would have been recruited in 49 CE, and no earlier evidence of the unit survives.

249

Singularium Superior, Raetia

26. Ala Sulpicia16 N/A (Emperor) Galban? Thrace? Germania Inferior

27. Ala Gallorum

Tauriana

Galli Tiberian Gaul Spain, Gaul, Italy

Germania Inferior,

Mauretania Tingitana

28. Ala I Thracum Thraces17 Tiberian Thrace Germania, Britannia,

Germania Inferior

29. Ala Treverorum18 Treveri Julio-Claudian Gaul Germania

30. Ala Vallensium19 Vallenses Julio-Claudian ? Germania

31. Ala Augusta

Vocontiorum

Vocontii Augustan Gallia Narbonensis Germania, Germania

Inferior, Britannia

2. cohortes assigned to garrison Germania (to 89), Germania Inferior and Germania Superior to

ca. 212

15

Formed from the bodyguard of the provincial governor (cf. ala I Ulpia Singularium, which served in Cappadocia

and Syria), this unit was commanded by Julius Briganticus, a local commander who was the nephew of Julius

Civilis and probably the son of an enfranchised Germanus. He died during the Batavian revolt at Vada in Germania

Inferior (Tac. Hist. 2.22, 4.70, 5.21). 16

The dispute over whether this unit is named after the emperor Galba or an earlier “Sulpicius” unit name is

summed up neatly by Spaul 1994, 209-210. His observation that Sulpicia conforms to the structure of

Kaiserbeinamen seems plausible, but fails to convince on several points. Indeed, a title named after an early

commander should be Sulpiciana, but the practice was not uniform. Units that remained loyal to Domitian were

given the title Domitiana, which is paralleled by Caracalla‟s Antoniniana, but Domitian did not usher in a

comprehensive onomastic shift: under Trajan, Hadrian and Pius units took the Kaiserbeinamen Ulpia and Aelia, not

Ulpiana and Aeliana. Furthermore, the legion raised by Galba in Spain constructed its Kaiserbeiname (Galbiana)

after the emperor‟s cognomen, for which there was Augustan precedent. It seems odd that a legion and an auxiliary

cohort would follow different honorific practices. The unit kept the name after Galba‟s death, perhaps indicating

further that this name was not “tainted” by its association with a deposed emperor. The presence of men who must

have been recruited during Nero‟s reign seems a definitive point against an Imperial origin for this unit‟s title, which

seems best understood as an anomaly in early naming practices for alae. The identity of the unit‟s namesake thus

remains unknown. 17

Thracian recruits served in this unit throughout its history, despite general trends toward local recruitment (Spaul

1994: 221-222, with references). 18

The fact that this unit is attested in a disputable inscription is effectively counterbalanced by several references by

Tacitus to an ala Trevirorum; contra Spaul 1994: 252-253, arguing without evidence that the Tacitean references

need not designate the same unit. He may be right, but this possibility seems to contradict his wider assertion that

this is a „suspect unit‟. 19

Not distinguished as a separate unit by Spaul 1994: 253. Whether the Vallenses is a toponym (cf. Taunenses) or a

peregrine ethnonym should remain an open question, unless further evidence of this unit appears.

250

Unit Tribe Original Date of

Recruitment

Province of origin Province(s) garrisoned,

in sequence

1. Coh. I Aquitanorum

Biturigum

Bituriges (Aquitani) Augustan Gaul Germania, Germania

Superior

2. Coh I Aquitanorum

Veterana

Aquitani Augustan Gaul Sardinia?,

Germania, Germania

Superior, Britannia20

3. Coh. II Aquitanorum

equitata21

Aquitani

Bituriges?

Augustan Gaul Germania, Germania

Superior, Raetia

4. Coh. III Aquitanorum

equitata

Aquitani

Augustan – Tiberian22 Gaul Sardinia?, Germania,

Germania Superior

5. Coh. IIII

Aquitanorum equitata

Aquitani Augustan – Tiberian Gaul Germania, Germania

Superior

6. Coh. I Asturum

equitata

Astures Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Noricum,

Britannia

7. Coh. II Asturum

equitata

Astures Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Britannia

20

Perhaps also Sardinia was an early assignment for this unit, based on the appearance of Sardinian recruits among

three lower ranking troops (CIL 10, 7596, AE 1920, 96, ZPE 30: 168). All are early first century tombstones

(deceased‟s name in the nominative, formula h(ic) s(itus) e(st)). It was part of the garrison for Germania by 74 CE

(CIL 16, 20). There is similar evidence from Sardinia of Coh. III Aquitanorum, but much about either unit‟s

presence in Sardinia remains unclear. The Sardinians serving in the Gallic cohorts might have been transferred, or

simply recruited by these units from Sardinia‟s neighbour province. 21

Identified by Spaul 2000: 146 with coh. II Biturigum, on analogy with coh. I Aquitanorum Biturigum. The

evidence is scarce, however, since only one early tombstone from Moguntiacum records the existence of the former

unit (CIL 13, 6812). 22

Spaul‟s suggestion of a Claudian date for this unit‟s original formation is incongruous with the history of Coh. IIII

Aquitanorum equitata, a centurion of which, Ti. Iulius Ittixionis f. Niger, is attested at St. Lizier (CIL 13, 17). No

years of service are given, but the text c(o)hort(is) Aquit(anorum) quart(ae) indicates a very early date. Niger was

clearly enfranchised during the reign of Tiberius and may have been a veteran of the unit. However, no reference to

his age or period of service is given on the monument. This is a rare omission, even in early tombstones. As St.

Lizier is in Aquitania, there seems no reason seriously to doubt that Niger was buried in his homeland, and perhaps

his hometown. His father‟s name, as with the names of his two heirs and fellow soldiers (fratres) Lepidus Dannoni

f. and Dunomagius Toutannorigis f., are all Celtic in origin, further pointing to an early date for this unit‟s

formation. Since coh. IIII has a higher number than coh. III, these two units were at least raised coterminously, and

the St. Lizier inscription thus provides a useful terminus post quem for dating the formation of coh. III Aquitanorum.

251

8. Coh. I Belgarum

equitata

Belgae Claudian Gaul or Britannia23 Illyricum, Germania

9. Coh. III Breucorum Breuci Pre-Flavian Pannonia Germania, Germania

Inferior

10. Coh. VI Breucorum Breuci Pre-Flavian Pannonia Moesia Superior,

Germania Inferior

11. Coh. VII Breucorum Breuci Pre-Flavian Pannonia Germania, Pannonia,

Moesia Superior,

Pannonia Inferior

12. Coh. VIII

Breucorum

Breuci Pre-Flavian Pannonia Germania

13. Coh. I civium

Romanorum

Ingenuorum equitata

N/A (citizen cohort) Augustan N/A Germania, Germania

Superior, Raetia

14. Coh. II Civium

Romanorum equitata24

N/A (citizen cohort) Augustan N/A Germania, Germania

Inferior, Numidia

15. Coh. I Aelia

Classica

N/A (citizen cohort) Augustan25 N/A Gaul, Germania,

Britannia

16. Coh. II Augusta N/A (citizen cohort) Augustan?26 N/A Germania, Germania

23

As noted by A. R. Birley in Birley and Blake 2007: 105, there is no evidence that this unit was raised from Belgae

living in Britannia, as suggested by Spaul 2000: 190-192; the balance of the evidence rather indicates that the

personnel of this unit were originally raised in Gallia Belgica. It later gained the title Septimia, perhaps, as suggested

by Spaul 2000: 191, for participating in Severus‟ victory at Lugdunum in 197. It is clearly a Kaiserbeiname. 24

The skepticism regarding the Augustan date for the levying of the various citizen cohorts (see Spaul 2000: 19-20,

48 contra M. P. Speidel 1984: 91-100) is understandable, but gaps in the evidence do not permit a clear

reconstruction of the sequence. Coh. XVIII Voluntariorum, for example, is not attested earlier than 138 in the

diploma record, but several tombstones are pre-Flavian in date, which corresponds to Tac. Hist. 1.64, specifically

mentioning this unit as having Lugdunum as its “usual winter-quarters.” Thus the first eighteen citizen cohorts are

certainly pre-Flavian in origin. The conundrum of pre-Commodan evidence for the coh. XXXII Voluntariorium in

Germania Superior should not be dismissed either. The Pre-Flavian characteristics of CIL 13, 7382 were recognized

by E. Birley 1986. This does not mean that Augustus raised all units at once. Augustus ruled, of course, for many

years, as did his successor Tiberius; the citizen cohorts may have thus been raised gradually, and the lopsided

evidence for some of them is due, it seems, to accident of preservation. 25

Aelia in this case was added later as an honorific title. This unit was created from marines who fought under

Messalla Corvinus in Aquitania (28 BCE), who were then enfranchised. See Spaul 2000: 478, with references. An

inscription from Anzio (CIL 10, 6672) records one of the earliest members of this unit, Sex. Nonius L.f. Vot. Severus,

veter(anus) deduct(us) Anti(o). 26

Attested on no diplomas before 74 CE, on two inscriptions and on two tilestamps, this unit is a case in point

concerning the limitations placed by the evidence on what can be reconstructed about the history and personnel of

auxiliary units. Augusta does not necessarily mean that the unit was raised under Augustus, but an early origin

cannot be dismissed a priori. The title Cyrenaica indicates that this unit began its existence as part of the army

protecting that area of North Africa. Since eastern units are rare in Roman Germany, perhaps it arrived in the

252

Cyrenaica equitata Superior

17. Coh. I Flavia

Damascenorum

equitata sagittaria

Damasceni Pre-Flavian Syria Germania, Germania

Superior

18. Coh. III

Delmatarum

Delmatae Pre-Claudian Dalmatia Britannia, Germania,

Germania Superior,

Dacia Superior

19. Coh. IIII

Delmatarum

Delmatae Pre-Claudian Dalmatia Germania, Britannia

20. Coh. V Delmatarum Delmatae Pre-Claudian Dalmatia Germania, Germania

Superior

21. Coh. III Gallorum

equitata

Galli Augustan Gaul Germania, Moesia

Inferior, Dalmatia,

Mauretania Tingitana

22. Coh. I

Germanorum27

Germani Julio-Claudian Germania Germania, Germania

Superior

23. Coh. I Helvetiorum

(et Brittonum)

Helvetii Flavian Gallia Belgica Germania, Germania

Superior

24. Coh. I Flavia

Hispanorum equitata28

Hispani Augustan Spain Germania, Germania

Inferior

25. Coh. II Hispanorum

equitata29

Hispani Augustan Spain Illyricum, Germania

Superior, Germania

Inferior, Germania

Superior, Britannia

province as part of Vespasian‟s army during the civil war of 68-69 CE. Whether it was raised by Augustus or by

one of his successors must remain an open question. Its history parallels that of Coh. I Flavia Damascenorum, also

raised in Julio-Claudian times and sent to Germania. 27

Unlike the units raised from the Thracians, Gauls and Spaniards, few auxiliary units bear the ethnonym

Germanorum, although the numeral may indicate the existence of at least another coh. Germanorum, as yet

unattested. 28

Spanish tribes which did not provide ethnic units provided troops for cohorts bearing the geographic „ethnic‟ title

Hispanorum, analogous to Gallorum, Germanorum and Thracum. Three funerary monuments of men serving in this

unit correspond to post-Flavian epigraphic practice (i.e. the invocation of Dis Manibus, deceased‟s name in the

dative case). It is possible that an „ethnic‟ tribal unit dropped the specific tribal reference in favour of the generic

„Hispani,‟ as argued by Spaul 2000: 498, “it is much more probable that the distinctive tribal names became

inaccurate and were changed into the generic term. Thus units of Ausetani, Cantabri and Carletum et Venaesium if

renamed account for three of six cohortes I Hispanorum.” This is a tempting hypothesis, given the fluidity in the

epigraphic record of unit titles and names, although auxiliary units might occasionally add another ethnic to their

title. This phenomenon would explain not only the numerical overlap of many units, but would also be another

tangible sign of how the ethnic identity of auxiliary units was transformed over the course of the first century. 29

Coh. II Hispanorum equitata is attested on one of the earliest diplomas, 54 CE from Illyricum (CIL 16, 2).

253

26. Coh. III

Hispanorum30

Hispani Flavian? Spain Germania, Germania

Superior

27. Coh. V Hispanorum

equitata

Hispani Julio-Claudian –Flavian Spain Germania, Moesia

Superior

28. Coh. VI

Ingenuorum /

Voluntariorum

N/A (citizen cohort) Augustan N/A Dalmatia, Germania

29. Coh. I Ituraeorum Ituraei Flavian Judaea Germania, Mauretania

Tingitana

30. Coh. I Latobicorum

et Varcianorum

equitata

Latobici

Varciani

Flavian Pannonia Germania Inferior

31. Coh. I Ligurum et

Hispanorum

Ligures

Hispani

Julio-Claudian Alpes Cottiae +

Hispania

Alpes Cottiae,

Germania Superior

32. Coh. III Lucensium Lucenses Julio-Claudian Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Germania

Inferior

33. Coh. Lusitanorum Lusitani Julio-Claudian Lusitania Germania

34. Coh. I

Pannoniorum

Pannonii Julio-Claudian Pannonia Germania, Germania

Superior, Britannia

35. Coh. I

Pannoniorum et

Delmatarum equitata31

Pannonii

Delmatae

Trajanic? Pannonia

Dalmatia

Germania Inferior

36. Coh. I Raetorum

equitata

Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Moesia, Raetia,

Germania Inferior,

Raetia, Asia, Rateia

37. Coh. Raetorum et

Vindelicorum (II

Raetorum)

Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Germania, Germania

Superior

38. Coh. VI Raetorum Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Germania, Germania

Superior

30

Stationed at Vindonissa, but little evidence of its personnel remains. It must therefore have been raised before

Vindonissa was closed at the start of the second century, perhaps in the Flavian period; cf. Hartmann and Speidel

1991. 31

The earliest diploma to mention this unit is RMD 4 (127 CE), which may indicate an original recruitment during

Trajan‟s Dacian Wars.

254

39. Coh. VII Raetorum

equitata32

Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Germania, Germania

Superior

40. Coh. I Aelia

Sagittariorum

N/A (specialist cohort) Julio-Claudian N/A Germania, Pannonia

Superior

41. Coh. III

Sagittariorum33

N/A (specialist cohort) Julio-Claudian N/A Germania, Mauretania

Caesarensis

42. Coh. I Sequanorum

et Rauracorum equitata

Sequani

Rauraci

Flavian Gallia Belgica Germania, Germania

Superior

43. Coh. Silaucensium34 Seleucenses? Julio-Claudian Syria? Germania

44. Coh. I Thracum

Germanica equitata

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Germania

Superior, Pannonia

Inferior

45. Coh. II Thracum

veterana equitata

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Britannia

46. Coh. IIII Thracum

equitata35

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Germania

Inferior

47. Coh. VI Thracum

equitata

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Pannonia,

Moesia Superior, Dacia,

Dacia Porolissensis

48. Coh. II

Treverorum36

Treveri Severan? Gallia Belgica Germania Superior

32

Coh. VII Raetorum may have succeeded Coh. VI Raetorum at Vindonissa, but the evidence for the latter unit is

meager (cf. Spaul 2000: 284). 33

The brief first century stay of this unit in Germania is attested by CIL 14, 3955, which lists this province in the

career inscription of a prefect. Cf. Spaul 2000: 487. 34

Spaul 2000 interprets this unit as a mistake for III Lucensium, based on the suggestion that a Spanish cohort‟s

name would be unfamiliar to local stonecutters in Germania. This is unconvincing; while the spelling of many

inscriptions may often fail the standards applied in the modern classroom, Spaul‟s interpretation asks too much of

his reader. The reading Seleucensium has also been suggested, and seems preferable. Errors in transcribing vowels

are common inscriptions. While it was uncommon for eastern units to be stationed in Germania, the example of

Coh. I Damascenorum, also stationed in Germania during the first century, may be cited as a parallel. Perhaps the

lack of other evidence may be attributed to the possibility that this unit was very short-lived, being either destroyed

in battle or absorbed into another unit. 35

It is untenable to claim, as in the case of Spaul 2000: 379, that this unit “certainly possessed the epigraphic habit

to a greater extent than other units of Thracians.” This cohort has left information of six milites caligati, one of

whom is known from a diploma. What evidence remains from this cohort does not suggest any observable

difference in the use of Latin epigraphy, apart from the accident of preservation in the corpus of auxiliary

tombstones. At a total of five, however, this is not a significant number.

255

49. Coh. II

Varcianorum equitata

Varciani Julio-Claudian Pannonia Germania, Germania

Inferior

50. Coh. IV

Vindelicorum37

Vindelici Flavian-Trajanic? Raetia Germania Superior

51. Coh. XV

Voluntariorum

N/A (volunteer cohort) Augustan N/A Numidia, Germania

Superior

52. Coh. XXIV

Voluntariorum

N/A (volunteer cohort) Julio-Claudian N/A Germania, Germania

Inferior

53. Coh. XXVI

Voluntariorum

N/A (volunteer cohort) Julio-Claudian N/A Germania, Germania

Inferior

54. Coh. XXXII

Voluntariorum

N/A (volunteer cohort) Julio-Claudian38 N/A Germania, Germania

Superior

3. Alae assigned to garrison Britannia to ca. 212 CE

Unit Tribe Original Date of

Recruitment

Province of origin Province(s) garrisoned,

in sequence

1.. Ala Agrippiana

miniata

N / A

(Commander)

Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia,

Syria

36

Little survives to document this unit. Perhaps it was a third century creation (Spaul 2000: 188), but a bronze plate

from Holzhausen (CIL 13, 7615, 213 CE) demonstrates that this unit was already in existence by the time of

Caracalla‟s reign, and may owe its creation either to him or his father. 37

Perhaps formed from the remnants of the mixed cohort of Raeti and Vindelici, but the details are obscure. Cf.

Spaul 2000: 290-291. 38

Spaul‟s criticism (2000: 48) of E. Birley 1988 is not convincing The Cappadocian serving in this unit (CIL 13,

7382) is surely not an example of local recruitment in Germania Superior, and his presence in this unit may be due

to any number of factors, about which speculation would be pointless. The fact that this unit is missing from

diplomas may be due to a low number of peregrine recruits eligible to receive them, especially if the unit was not

recruiting locally from the peregrine population. This seems best taken as an example of flexibility in recruitment,

understandable in cases of emergency.

256

2. Ala Praetoria I

Hispanorum Asturum

Astures Julio-Claudian Hispania Tarraconensis Britannia

3. Ala II Asturum Astures Claudian Hispania Tarraconensis Pannonia, Britannia

4. Ala I Flavia Augusta

Britannica

N/A (Province) Augustan-Claudian ? Germania, Britannia,

Italy, Dalmatia,

Pannonia, Dacia,

Pannonia Inferior, Syria

5. Ala Hispanorum

Campagonum (?)39

Campagones Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Britannia (?), Pannonia,

Dacia Inferior, Dacia

Superior

6. Ala Gallorum et

Thracum Classiana40

Galli, Thraces Augustan Gaul Britannia, Germania

Inferior

7. Ala Gallorum Indiana Galli Tiberian Gaul Germania, Britannia,

Germania Superior

8. Ala Pomponiani /

Gallorum Petriana

Galli Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia

9. Ala Gallorum

Picentiana

Galli Augustan Gaul Germania, Britannia

10. Ala Augusta

Gallorum Proculeiana

(ob virtutem appellata)41

Galli Augustan Gaul Britannia

11. Ala I Pannoniorum

Sabiniana42

Pannonii Tiberian Pannonia Hispania, Britannia

12. Ala Sarmatarum43 Sarmatae Marcus Aurelius Sarmatia Britannia

39

See AE 2003, 1042a-b. Contrary to the views of the original editors of this text, a fragmentary military diploma,

the fact that this unit appears on a nearly contemporary diploma of Pannonia (CIL 16, 42) implies that the recipient

was a British recruit who returned home following his service. More evidence is needed before this unit may be

confidently assigned to the garrison of Britannia. 40

The only evidence of this unit‟s station in Britannia is provided by military diplomas; even in Germania Inferior

only two inscriptions record personnel of this unit (CIL 13, 8306, 8668). 41

As noted by Holder 1982: 107, this unit often appears in the epigraphic record as the ala Augusta ob virtutem

appellata. Thus the two epigraphic practices apply to the same unit. The presence of a Treveran in the epigraphic

record of this unit (RIB 606) is not a sufficient basis to assume, as Spaul 1994: 56 does, that this unit served in the

Rhineland before arriving in Britannia. The unit is clearly very old, evidently dating to ca. 36-30 BCE (Birley 1986:

379), but its previous locations of service are unclear. 42

CIL 3, 4269 (PME N 25bis) attests the presence of this unit‟s prefect, C. Nymphidius Sabinus, at Szony in

Pannonia. This is clearly a record of the unit‟s namesake, dating from the earliest phase of its recruiting history.

The sole evidence for its station in Hispania is a single inscription from Aldeia Nova / Miranda de Douro (EE 8

128), of first century date. For further bibliography, see Spaul 1994: 189-190.

257

13. Ala I Gallorum

Sebosiana

Galli Tiberian Gaul Hispania, Germania,

Britannia

14. Ala I Pannoniorum

Tampiana

Pannonii Augustan or Tiberian Pannonia Britannia, Noricum

15. Ala I Thracum Thraces Tiberian Thrace Germania, Britannia,

Germania Inferior

16. Ala I Tungrorum44 Tungri Augustan Germania Germania, Britannia

17. Ala Hispanorum

Vettonum

Vettones Claudian Lusitania Britannia

18. Ala Augusta

Vocontiorum

Vocontii Augustan Gallia Narbonensis Germania, Germania

Inferior, Britannia

Table 4: cohortes assigned to garrison Britannia to ca. 212

Unit Tribe Original Date of

Recruitment

Province of origin Province(s) garrisoned,

in sequence

1. Coh. I Afrorum c. R.

equitata

Afri Julio-Claudian Africa Proconsularis Britannia, Egypt

2. Coh. I Alpinorum

equitata45

Alpini Augustan Alpes Illyricum, Pannonia,

Britannia, Pannonia

43

Little remains of this unit, but its fortification of Bremetennacum / Ribchester in the reign of Gordian III (RIB

583). The unit‟s origins may be connected with the Sarmatians and Iazyges sent to Britain by Marcus Aurelius (Dio

71.46.16, cf. Spaul 1994: 191). 44

This unit was amalgamated with the ala Frontoniana ca. 130 CE to form the ala I Tungrorum Frontoniana.

(Spaul 1994: 117-123, with bibliography). Until then it served almost exclusively in Britannia, but only one partial

inscription from Carnuntum / Petronell attests a caligatus from this unit, who may have been an Aeduan. The

dedication to Hercules Magusanus by a duplicarius of this unit is noteworthy (RIB 2140, from Polmont). 45

This unit stayed only briefly in Britannia. It has been suggested that its short stay was perhaps part of a recruiting

drive (Spaul 2000: 260-261), but a brief stint as part of the British garrison seems the likelier explanation. There is a

25 year gap in the diploma record of this unit‟s presence in Pannonia (85-110 CE). The Britannia diploma falls well

258

Inferior

3. Coh. I Aquitanorum

equitata

Aquitani Augustan Gallia Aquitanensis Germania (Superior),

Britannia

4. Coh. I Asturum

equitata

Astures Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Noricum,

Britannia

5. Coh. II Asturum

equitata

Astures Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Germania, Britannia

6. Coh. I Baetasiorum Baetasii Flavian Germania (Inferior) Britannia

7. Coh. I Batavorum

equitata46

Batavi Julio-Claudian Germania (Inferior) Britannia

8. Coh. III Batavorum

equitata

Batavi Julio-Claudian Germania (Inferior) Britannia, Raetia,

Pannonia

9. Coh. VIIII Batavorum

equitata47

Batavi Julio-Claudian Germania (Inferior) Britannia, Raetia

10. Coh. III

Bracaraugustanorum48

Bracari Julio-Claudian Hispania Tarraconensis Britannia, Syria

Palaestina

within this gap (CIL 16, 48,103 CE). The inclusion of the diploma recipient‟s unit in the British garrison clearly

indicates that this cohort was officially considered to be part of Britannia‟s provincial garrison. 46

Jarrett 1994: 55 assumed that all Batavian cohorts were equitatae on the basis of the tribe‟s swimming prowess,

but so far only three of the five epigraphically attested units were part mounted. The number and deployment of

Batavian units is unclear. Recent research has stressed the significant role of auxiliary service in the development of

a Batavian identity during the imperial period (e.g. Roymans 2004, Derks and Roymans 2006; cf. Tac. Ger. 29), and

there is no doubting the importance of the Batavians as a recruiting source for auxiliary units. How many units were

raised is unclear. Holder 1982: 113-114 assumed that there were two series of units: eight cohorts, numbered I-VIII,

were raised before the Batavian revolt and involved in Claudius‟ invasion of Britain in 43 CE (cf. Tac. Agr. 36) and

disbanded when Petillius Cerialis crushed the rebellion of Julius Civilis in 69 CE (cf. Tac. Hist. 2.27; 4.1, 12, 18-

19). Subsequently another series, numbered I-IX, were raised. According to Holder, all nine of these units were then

sent to Britannia, but only three are attested there. Coh. II Batavorum is attested on the Adamklissi victory altar in

Dacia (CIL 3, 14214), while IIII and VIIII Batavorum are attested in Dacia in the second century. Against Holder

Spaul 2000: 206 argued that there was no evidence for the disbanding of the units, since the Batavians, who were

not Roman citizens, “could not technically be guilty of treason” and that only the unit commanders needed to be

replaced. Spaul‟s suggestion assumes the unlikely scenario that the Romans would tolerate the continued service of

rebellious troops after the end of the rebellion. Clearly the Batavians continued to provide troops to the auxilia

commanded by their nobility, but a fresh levy in 71 to replace those who had died, fled, or whose loyalty had been

compromised by supporting Civilis seems to be the likeliest scenario. The fact that the Romans expanded the

number of units levied from the Batavians to nine from eight should be seen as an added punishment on the tribe,

which would have been required to sacrifice nine units‟ worth of its youth to auxiliary service. 47

Bowman and Thomas 1983 originally read the evidence from Vindolanda as referring to an eighth cohort, but

later discoveries proved that the unit‟s number was VIIII and that it was equitata (Tab. Vindol. 628). 48

The unit seems to have been named after Bracara Augusta, located in the territory of the Bracari, but this is a

problematic interpretation. Spaul 2000: 70, based on abbreviations of this unit found on diplomas, rejects the

argument of Roldan Hervas that the unit‟s title indicated a distinction between the men of the town and other

Bracares / Bracari. It would be an anomaly to find a town, and not a tribal ethnic on a unit; thus Le Roux 1986,

lending support to Spaul‟s suggestion. Few auxiliary soldiers of this unit have been attested, but of these only one, [-

259

11. Coh, IIII

Breucorum49

Breuci Claudian Pannonia Britannia

12. Coh. I Celtiberorum

equitata50

Celtiberi Augustan Hispania Tarraconensis Hispania, Britannia,

Mauretania Tingitana

13. Coh. I Aelia Classica N/A (citizen

cohort)

Augustan N/A Germania, Britannia,

Germania Inferior

14. Coh. I

Cornoviorum51

Cornovii Hadrianic Britannia Britannia

15. Coh. I Ulpia Traiana

Cugernorum

Cugerni Flavian Germania (Inferior) Britannia

15. Coh. I Aelia

Dacorum ∞52

Daci Trajanic Dacia Britannia

16. Coh. I Delmatarum53 Delmatae Pre-Claudian Delmatia Germania, Britannia

17. Coh. II Delmatarum Delmatae Pre-Claudian Delmatia Britannia

18. Coh. IIII Delmatae Pre-Claudian Delmatia Germania, Britannia

--]adigenus Laturus of a fifth cohort of Bracaraugustani, was a Spaniard (AE 1980, 586, Lara de los Infantes). He

evidently returned home after serving in Raetia. 49

There is no evidence to support the suggestion of Holder 1982: 114 that this unit served in Germania before

arriving in Britain. The Breuci were Pannonians and, as Spaul 2000: 322 noted, probably went directly to Britannia

following their recruitment, perhaps with legio IX Hispana in 43. In Britannia it was involved in tile production,

leading Spaul to conclude that it was not a “fighting” unit. This should not be taken to mean that these troops were

not trained like all auxiliaries. 50

Perhaps surprisingly, this is the only auxiliary unit provided by this tribe which was renowned in antiquity for its

fierce and persistent resistance to the Carthaginians and the Romans. Spaul seems to think that the Celtiberi are

called togati by Strabo 3.2.15, but Strabo is referring to the inhabitants of towns located in the southern and western

part of the peninsula (Pax Augusta, Caesaraugusta “near Celtiberia,” and Augusta Emerita), and not the Celtiberi

themselves. The limitation of the Celtiberi to a single auxiliary unit may reflect the decimation of this tribe overall

as a consequence of its long conflict with Rome, if the claim by Strabo, following Polybius, that 300 Celtiberian

towns were destroyed is to be believed (Strab. 3.4.13). The number, probably inflated, may nevertheless point to a

large-scale destruction. 51

A rare example of a tribe serving as auxiliaries in its home province. 52

Spaul‟s argument that this unit could have been raised before Trajan‟s accession seems based on an unjustifiable

interpolation from the ethnic Dacus of Itaxa Stamillae f., a veteran infantryman from coh. II Lingonum in Britannia

(RMD 240). As Holder notes in his commentary in RMD 4: 472, “Dio (51.22.6-7) said that Dacians lived on both

sides of the Danube and that those living south of the river were either a branch of the Getae or Thracians belonging

to the Dacian race that once inhabited Rhodope. It is probable that he served as many as 27 years and had been

recruited from among Dio‟s Thraco/Dacian peoples.” Itaxa‟s presence in the auxilia does not imply that coh. I Aelia

Dacorum predates Trajan‟s conquest of Dacia. The imperial title Aelia is a later addition (Holder 1998: 255-257). 53

Holder 1982: 115-116 claimed that this unit came to Britannia in 43 CE, but the earliest evidence dates to 122 CE

(CIL 16, 69). This led Spaul 2000: 302-303, following Jarrett 1994: 59, to suggest that the unit arrived by ca. 90 CE.

Holder evidently assumed that all cohortes Delmatarum came to Britannia at the same time. He may have been

right, but overall the evidence for this cohort is too meager to support an association with Claudius‟ invasion of

Britain.

260

Delmatarum54

19. Coh. I Frisiavonum Frisiavones Flavian Germania (Inferior) Britannia

20. Coh. II Gallorum

equitata

Galli Claudian Gallia Lugdunensis Moesia Inferior,

Mauretania Caesarensis,

Britannia

21. Coh. IIII Gallorum

equitata55

Galli Claudian Gallia Lugdunensis Hispania, Moesia

Inferior, Thrace,

Britannia

22. Coh. V Gallorum

equitata

Galli Claudian Gallia Lugdunensis Britannia

23. Coh. I Hamiorum

sagittariorum56

Hamii Julio-Claudian Syria Britannia

24. Coh. I Aelia

Hispanorum equitata57

Hispani Augustan Hispania Galatia, Britannia

25. Coh. I Lingonum58 Lingones Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

26. Coh. II Lingonum Lingones Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

27. Coh. III Lingonum Lingones Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

54

Spaul 2000: 307 claims that this unit was amalgamated with Pannonians to create coh. I Pannoniorum et

Delmatarum equitata c. R. This is plausible, but “the lack of any evidence from the later second and third centuries”

is not, given the overall paucity of evidence, proof that this was the case. 55

Spaul 2000: 164-165 provides the most comprehensive summary of previous research on this unit‟s movements.

Material from Vindolanda and Castlesteads dates to 213 CE and later, and is excluded from this study. 56

This ethnic name seems to derive from the former name of Epiphaneia in Syria, Hamath (cf. Spaul 2000: 401-402,

with references). This would conform to the common eastern practice of auxiliary units taking the names of cities

rather than of tribes, but, as the cohortes Ituraeorum demonstrate, this was not a universal practice. The Hamii are

not attested in literary sources, but the “Epiphanenses” were (Pliny HN 5.13-23). This suggests that the „Hamii‟

should be considered as a „tribe‟ which was not necessarily limited to the inhabitants of Epiphaneia / Hamath. Spaul

2000: 409 speculates that the Hamii were originally recruited “around AD 40” and that they served “in the desert”

before being transferred to Britannia following the conclusion of Trajan‟s Parthian campaign. This reconstruction

has, unfortunately, no supporting evidence; the earliest attestation of this unit is CIL 16, 69 (122 CE). 57

Holder 1982: 118 and Jarrett 1994: 46-48 distinguished two cohortes I Hispanorum in Britannia, based, as noted

by Spaul 2000: 120-123, on inferences from dubious evidence. RMD 184 (178 CE) was formerly thought to

distinguish these two cohorts, but the number for the second cohort was lost. This has now been shown to have been

[II] Hispanor(um). In this case, as elsewhere, Aelia is a later addition to the unit‟s titulature and is therefore not an

indicator of the date of its original creation. 58

Holder 1982: 118 assumed that five cohorts were stationed in Britannia, but there is no extant evidence of the fifth

cohort in this province. It is attested only in Dacia, but no earlier than 110 CE. He may be right in claiming that it

was raised at the same time as the other four cohorts, since it seems to belong to this series (contra Spaul 2000: 182,

claiming that it “may have been [raised] under Domitian”). If the fifth cohort were raised later than the first four,

one would expect it to bear the number I as the first of a new series; however, the Romans were not uniform in their

numbering system, so this can only be a possibility. There is no reason to assume, as Holder apparently did, that the

fifth cohort served in Britannia before being stationed in Dacia, and Jarrett 1994 rightly excluded it from his list.

261

28. Coh. IIII Lingonum Lingones Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

29. Coh. I Menapiorum

(nautarum?)59

Menapii Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

30. Coh. I Morinorum et

Cersiacorum (!)60

Morini

Gesoriaci

Julio-Claudian Gallia Belgica Britanna

31. Coh. I Nerviorum /

Nervana Germanorum61

Germani Flavian Germania Britannia, Mauretania

Caesarensis

32. Coh. II Nerviorum Nervii Flavian Germania Britannia

33. Coh III Nerviorum Nervii Flavian Germania Britannia

34. Coh. IIII Nerviorum Nervii Flavian Germania Britannia

35. Coh. V Nerviorum62 Nervii Flavian Germania Britannia

36. Coh. VI Nerviorum Nervii Flavian Germania Britannia

37. Coh. I Pannoniorum Pannonii Julio-Claudian Pannonia Germania, Germania

Superior, Britannia

38. Coh. II

Pannoniorum

Pannonii Julio-Claudian Pannonia Britannia

59

Spaul 2000:185 incorrectly claimed that Jarrett 1994: 63 identified the coh. I Menapiorum recorded on diplomas

(CIL 16, 69, 70) with a fragmentary diploma record of [---]n(---) nautarum (CIL 16, 82). Holder 1982: 119 thought

that these were two distinct units. In fact, Jarrett only suggested the possibility, noting also that coh. I Morinorum

was an “unlikely” second possibility. Spaul‟s argument may be correct, given the lack of epigraphic evidence for

either unit apart from diplomas and one doubtful inscription on a piece of leather from Vindolanda (RIB 2445.1).

However, his explanation for the absence of any other epigraphic evidence is unconvincing. The duties of “sailing,

managing shipping and carrying or supplying land-based materials” would hardly prevent veterans of this unit from

setting up monuments either in stone or in a more perishable medium. 60

See Spaul 2000: 186 for references on the Gesoriaci, inhabitants of the pagus where the Morini lived. Only one

inscription mentioned the “Cersoriaci” and the errors in spelling may indicate that this tribe was not normally

included in the usual unit title. 61

This unit was previously known as I Augusta Nerviorum or Nerviana velox (CIL 16, 51 for the latter, CIL 69 and

RMD 240 for the former attestations). It also seems to have been identified as coh. I Nerviorum (Spaul 2000: 217,

following Holder 1997: 17). It stayed in Caesariensis briefly ca. 107 CE (CIL 16, 56) before returning to Britannia.

Spaul‟s suggestion that the variations in this unit‟s titulature may be due to “inter-unit rivalry” among the Germanic

Nervii assumes that this unit maintained a strong Nervian Germanic identity during its service in Britannia. A

significant Nervian presence would still have characterized this unit in 105, but the need to go to Mauretania

Caesariensis for a brief recruiting drive demonstrates that membership in this unit was not restricted solely to Nervii.

Nervana cannot, as Spaul 2000: 218, observed, refer to the emperor Nerva and may be an “expansion” for the

simpler tribal name. The reasons for this peculiarity cannot be ascertained. 62

Not included by Spaul 2000 in his list, but included by Jarrett 1994: 64. There is no extant evidence of this unit,

but the circumstantial case for its presence in Britannia is strong. Many other auxiliary units have left only meager

traces, and, moreover, as Jarrett noted, five other units of this series are attested solely in Britannia.

262

39. Coh. V Raetorum

equitata63

Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Germania?, Britannia,

Egypt?

40. Coh VI Raetorum Raeti Julio-Claudian Raetia Germania, Germania

Inferior, Britannia

41. Coh. I Sunucorum Sunuci Flavian Gallia Belgica Britannia

42. Coh. I Thracum64 Thraces Augustan Thrace Britannia

43. Coh. I Thracum

equitata65

Thraces Augustan Thrace Britannia

44. Coh. II Thracum

veterana equitata

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Britannia

45. Coh. VI Thracum

equitata66

Thraces Augustan Thrace Germania, Britannia,

Pannonia, Moesia

Superior, Dacia, Dacia

Porolissensis

46. Coh. VII Thracum

equitata67

Thraces Augustan Thrace Britannia

47. Coh. I Tungrorum

∞68

Tungri Vespasianic Gallia Belgica Britannia

63

Much has been speculated about this unit‟s movements, but little is known. If this is the ancestor of the ala V

Raetorum (Not. Dig. Or. 28.30; cf. Holder 1982: 120 and Jarrett 1994: 65), then it would have been transferred to

Egypt sometime after 122 CE, when it is attested in Britannia (CIL 16, 69). It may have gone directly to Britannia

following its creation, or spent some time garrisoning Germania or Moesia (cf. Spaul 2000: 203). It is equally

impossible to ascertain when the cohort would have been converted into an ala. 64

Should one or two cohortes I Thracum be distinguished? Spaul 2000: 357-358 is skeptical, but Holder 1982, and

Jarrett 1994, both following Breeze and Dobson 1972, distinguished two. Holder also claimed that the unit was

stationed in Germania until 61, but the basis of this (CIL 13, 7803, from Rigomagus) is unsound; this text should be

associated with the Coh. I Thracum Germanica (see also Jarrett 1994: 66). Spaul may be right in separating the

evidence from Britannia and Germania, but multiple series of Thracian units, each bearing the numeral I, is not an

impossibility in the case of larger ethnic groups which were compelled to provide auxiliary units. 65

See also the previous note. A 1st century inscription from Astorga in Spain (AE 1928, 165) commemorates one

Fuscus Dorilsis Eptaecenti f., a soldier of this unit who died after nine years of service. This seems to be the basis of

the suggestion of Spaul 2000: 358 that this unit was stationed in Hispania prior to being transferred to Britannia.

One inscription does not, however, make a convincing case. 66

Whether this unit should be distinguished from another coh. VI Thracum is a manner of dispute, largely due to the

absence of this cohort from any British diplomas and the survival of only one inscription in Britain and several lead

sealings of third century date (RIB 121, dated to the first century by Jarrett 1994: 67). Spaul 2000: 380-381 argued

that the sealings could have been imported, noting that the findspots of these items are not known. While these

observations are important, they do not prove the absence of this cohort from Britannia. The inscription, while not

necessarily sufficient to prove the location of this unit‟s station in Britannia, clearly demonstrates that it was a part

of the province‟s first-century garrison. By 80 CE, however, it had already left for Germania (CIL 16, 125). 67

“Probably stationed in Germany until 43” according to Holder 1982: 122. In the absence of direct evidence it was

omitted from Appendix I, table 2.

263

48. Coh. II Tungrorum

∞ equitata c. L.

Tungri Vespasianic Gallia Belgica Britannia

49. Coh. I Usiporum69 Usipi Domitianic Germania (Superior) Germania, Britannia

50. Coh. I Vangionum ∞

equitata

Vangiones Vespasianic Germania (Inferior) Britannia

51. Coh. I fida

Vardullorum ∞ equitata

c. R.

Vardulli Claudian Hispania Tarraconensis Britannia

52. Coh. II Vasconum c.

R. equitata

Vascones Galban Hispania Tarraconensis Germania Inferior,

Britannia

68

This unit must have taken part in the battle at Mons Graupius (Tac. Agric. 36). A vexillation of this unit was

perhaps assigned to Noricum in the first half of the second century; otherwise the unit remained in Britannia. See

Jarrett 1994: 49, Spaul 2000: 225-227. Evidence from the Vindolanda tablets indicates that this unit continued to

recruit from its homeland, much like the Batavian units (Crow 1995: 56-63, A. Birley 2000). 69

This cohort‟s existence was brief. Tacitus records that it mutinied soon after its enlistment. The Usipi, unlike the

Batavi, were not compelled to provide another unit.

264

Appendix II: Auxiliary diploma recipients from Germania and

Britannia

Legend: A – Auxiliary unit (ala or cohort), which cannot be restored; C – Classis, i.e. diploma could belong to a

sailor); [R] – „Roman‟ name; [P] – „Peregrine‟ name; [M] – Mixed (Roman and Peregrine names identifiable among

children); X – None; FSU – Findspot unknown. Diplomas that may have been issued to veterans of Germania’s

or Britannia’s garrisons are printed in bold.

Abbreviations for Appendix II

CIL: Corpus Inscriptionun Latinarum

FSHell: Eck, W and Pangerl, A. 2008. “Beobachtungen zu den diplomata militaria für die Provinz Germania

inferior”, in Naumann-Steckner, F., Päffgen, B. and Thomas, R. (edd.) Archäologie in Ost und

West: Festschrift Hellenkemper (in press).

RMD: Roman Military Diplomas

I: Roxan, M. M. 1978. Roman Military Diplomas 1954-1977. Occasional Publ. Inst. of Arch. 2, London.

II: Roxan, M. M. 1985. Roman Military Diplomas 1978-1984. With contributions by Helen Graniaris and

J. C. Mann. Occasional Publ. Inst. of Arch. 9. London.

III: Roxan, M. M. 1994. Roman Military Diplomas 1985-1993. Occasional Publ. Inst. of Arch. 14,

London.

IV: Roxan, M. M. and Holder, P. A. 2004: Roman Military Diplomas IV. BICS Suppl. 82, London.

V: Holder, P. A. 2006. Roman Military Diplomas V. BICS Suppl. 88, London.

REMA: Revue des etudes militaries anciennes.

265

1: Eck, W., MacDonald, D. and Pangerl, A. 2004: “Neue Militärdiplome für Truppen in Britannia,

Pannonia Superior, Pannonia Inferior sowie in Thracia”, 63-101.

RGZM: Pferdehirt, B. 2004: Römische Militärdiplome und Entlassungsurkunden in der Sammlung des römisch-

Germanischen Zentralmuseums. 2 vols. Mainz.

ZPE: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik

147: Weiss, P. 2004. “Ein neuen Legat Domitians von Germania Superior in einem Militärdiplomen: Sex.

Lusianus Proculus,” ZPE 147, 229-234

148: Eck, W. and Pangerl, A. 2004. “Neue Diplome für die Heere von Germania superior und Germania

Inferior,” ZPE 148, 259-268

156: Weiss, P. 2006. “Neue Militärdiplome für den Exercitus von Britannia,” ZPE 156, 245-254.

162: Eck, W. and Pangerl, A. 2007 “Neue Diplome für die Hilfstruppen von Britannia,” ZPE 162, 223-234.

1. Family data for diplomas issued to auxiliary veterans of Germania Inferior / Superior1

Diploma Findspot and

Province where

issued (FSU if

findspot

unknown)2

Unit Recipient’s

Name and Origo

(Dative)

Wife’s Name

and Origo

(Dative)

Offspring (Dative)

‘Family’

Classification

1. RMD

79, 17,

Jun. 65

Negoslavci;

Germania

Coh. VII

Breucorum

Liccaio Liccai f.,

Breuco [P]

X X X

2. CIL 16,

20, 21

May, 74

Sikator; Germania Ala Scubulorum Veturio Teutomi

f., Pannonio [P]

X X X

3. RGZM

2, 76

FSU (lower

Danube);

A Incerto ? ? ?

1 Diplomas in this table are listed chronologically by date of issue, and include veterans of both Germania Inferior

and Germania Superior. Abbreviations not listed above are expanded in the bibliography. 2 Partial or complete square brackets indicate restorations, made possible by comparison of the formulaic texts with

other more complete diplomas from the same province.

266

[Germ]ania

4. CIL 16,

23, 15

Apr. 78

Wiesbaden;

Germania

Ala Moesica Tertio M. f.,

Treviro [R]

X X X

5. CIL 16,

158, 26 /

28 Jan. 80

Kamensko;

Germania

Cohors IIII

Thracum

Durise Bithi f.,

Thraci

X X X

6. RGZM

4, [14-30]

Jan. 80

FSU (lower

Danube);

[Germania]

Coh. IIII Thracum Disaevae Dipini

f., [---] [P]

X X X

7. CIL 16,

28, 20

Sept. 82

Debelec;

Germania /

Moesia

Cohors I

Aquitanorum

L. Valerio L. f.

Pudenti,

Ancyrano [R]

X X X

8. RMD

327, 81-84

FSU, Germania A Incerto ? ? ?

9. CIL 16,

36, 27

Oct. 90

Mainz and

Worms; Germania

Superior

Cohors I

Aquitanorum

veterana

Mucapori

Eptacentis f.,

Thraci [P]

X X X

10. RMD

333, 27

Oct. 90

FSU; Germania

Superior

Coh. I

Aquitanorum

veterana

Thasi Cassiporis

f., Thraci [P]

X X X

11. ZPE

148, p.

259, [27

Oct. 90]

FSU (Balkans),

[Germania

Superior]

Coh. I

Aquitanorum

veterana

Tharsae [--- f.,

Thraci?3]

X X X

12. ZPE

147, p.

229, 94 /

96

FSU (Balkans),

Ge[rmania

Superior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

13. RMD

336, (14

Sept.) 95 /

(13 Sept.)

96

FSU; [Germania

Superior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

3 As noted by the editors of this diploma, the name Tharsa is attested at Comum for a freedman named Plinius

Tharsa; from this evidence argue that the veteran named here was of Thracian origin. This seems likely, since two

unambiguous examples of Thracian auxiliaries in the same issue of diploma certificates bear the origo of Thrax. It is

alo possible to determine, based on the line spacing of the fragment, that no children were included in the grant.

267

14. RMD

216, 20

Feb. 98

Elst; Germania

Inferior

Ala I Batavorum [---] Gaveri f.,

Batavo [P]

[--- Pere]grini

fil., Batavae

[?]

Incertae

Incertae

?

15. RGZM

9, 11 Mar.

101

FSU (lower

Danube);

Germania Inferior

Coh. I civium

Romanorum pia

fidelis

Mucacento

Eptacentis f.,

Thraci [P]

Zyasceli

Polydori fil.,

Thraci [P]

X X

16. CIL

16, 59, 99

/ 100; 102

Kalkar /

Burginatium;

[Germania

Inferior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

17. CIL

16, 172,

115?

Stockstadt;

[Germania

Superior]

Cohors inc. [---]is f., [---]

[P/M]

? ? ?

18. CIL

16, 62, 8

Sept. 117

Wiesbaden;

[Germa]nia

Superior

Cohors II

Raetorum

Cn. Cornelio [---]

[R]

Pra[---] [?] X R/M

19. CIL

16, 63, [8

Sept.] 117

Moguntiacum;

[Germania

Superior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

20. CIL

16, 65, 98

/117

Noviomagus /

Nijmegen;

[Germania

Inferior?]

A Incerto ? ? ?

21. RMD

348, (6

Mar. / 15

May), 118

FSU; [Germania

Superior]

A [---] f. Auluseno,

Besso [M / P]

[--- fi]l.

Valentinae,

Besso [M]

Incertae M

22. RMD

239, 20

Aug. 127

Kozovskoto;

Germania Inferior

Cohors III

Thracum pia

fidelis

[---]sae Natusis f.,

Daco [P]

X X X

23. RGZM

24, [20

Aug.] 127

FSU (Balkans);

[Germania

Inferior]

[Coh. I

Latobicorum et]

Varcianorum

[---] Daubasgi [f.,

---] [P?]

[---]namesis

fil. [P?]

X P

24. FSHell

(1), 127

FSU (eastern

Balkans);

[Germania

In]ferior

Ala Sulpicia

civium

Romanorum

Diero Diensis f.

[Daco?]

X X X

268

25. FSHell

(2), 127

FSU (eastern

Balkans)

Coh. I Lucensium

pia fidelis

[---]onu[---] ? ? ?

26. RMD

90, (10

Dec.) 129

/ (9 Dec.)

130

Köngen;

[Germania

Superior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

27. RMD

159,

(Sept. /

Dec.) 132

or 133

Bad Wimpfen;

[Germania

Superior?]

A Incerto ? ? ?

28. CIL

16, 80, 16

Oct. 134

Neckarburken;

Germania

Superior

A Incerto ? ? ?

29. CIL

16, 129,

114 / 134

Nida /

Heddernheim;

[Germania

Superior?]

A Incerto Incertae X X

30. RMD

258, 129 /

138

Köngen;

[Germania

Superior]

A Incerto ? ? ?

31. RGZM

35, [5

Sept.?

152]

FSU (lower

Danube);

Germania Inferior

A/C Incerto ? X ?

32. ZPE

148, p. , 5

Sept. 152

FSU (Balkans);

Germania Inferior

Coh. XV

Voluntariorum

Surodago

Surpogissi f.,

Daco [P]

X X X

33. RMD

408, (5

Sept.) 152

FSU; Germania

Inferior

Coh. XV

V[oluntariorum]

Githossi D[--- f., -

-- Daco4] [P?]

X X X

34. RMD

274, 5

Mar. 153

FSU; Germania

Superior

Cohors I Ligurum

et Hispanorum

[---] Cissae f.,

Daco [P]

X X X

35. RMD Vetera / Xanten; Cohors I Ahucconi X X X

4 Holder, RMD V comm. ad loc., restores the origo based on the Dacian name Geithozi, attested in Egypt.

269

52, [Jul.?]

158

Germania Inferior Pannoniorum at

Dalmatarum

equitata

Leub[asni? f., ---]

[P]

36. RMD

120, post

Dec. 8

161 / Mar.

or Jul. (23

or 28) 167

Monster-Poeldijk;

[Germania

Inferior]

Ala I Noricorum [---] Amandi f.,

Cannanefati [P]

X X X

2. Family data for diplomas issued to auxiliary veterans of Britannia5

Diploma Findspot and

Province

Unit Recipient’s

Name and Origo

(Dative)

Wife’s Name

and Origo

(Dative)

Offspring (Dative)

‘Family’

Classification

1. CIL 43,

98

Flemalle,

Britannia

A Incerto ? ? ?

2. CIL 16,

48, 19 Jan.

103

Malpas

(Cheshire);

Britannia

Ala I

Pannoniorum

Tampiana

Reburro Severi f.

Hispan(o) [M]

X X X

3. CIL 16,

51, [1

May / 13

Jul. 105]

Sydenham;

Britan[nia]

A Incerto X X X

4. RMD 8,

[1 May /

13 Jul.]

105

Middlewich;

[Britannia]

Ala Classiana

civium

Romanorum

[---]o Ramni f., [-

--] [P/M]

Amabili Firmi

filiae [---] [R]

X R

5 Diplomas issued to veterans of Pannonian garrisons have also been discovered in Britain: AE 2003, 1033a-b, Jan.

98 and AE 2005, 954 [19 Nov. 102]. The texts are fragmentary, but the veteran of AE 2003: p. 1033a-b must have

belonged to [--- Pan]nonior[um], which must be either ala I Pannoniorum Tampiana or ala I Pannoniorum

Sabiniana (comm. ad. loc). The original editors suggested that the diploma might record the garrison of Britannia.

This would place the only other unit mentioned in the fragmentary text, ala I Hispanorum Campagonum, in

Britannia until its departure for Pannonia Inferior ca. 110-114 CE. Without more evidence, however, it would be

premature to add this unit to the list of auxiliary units garrisoning Britannia, and these seem to be cases of auxiliary

veterans returning to their homelands in Britannia (cf. AE 2005, 954 comm. ad loc.).

270

5. RMD

145, May

91 / 105

Venta Icenorum /

Caistor St.

Edmund;

Br[itannia]

A Incerto ? ? ?

6. RMD

83, 96 /

108?

Londonium /

London;

[Britannia?]

A Incerto ? ? ?

7. RMD

146, (Jan.

/ May)

108

FSU (York?);

[Britannia?]

A Incerto ? ? ?

8. RMD

151, pre-

114

Delwijnen;

[Britannia]

A Incerto ? ? ?

9. CIL 16,

69, 17 Jul.

122

Szony; Britannia Ala I

Pannoniorum

Tampiana

Gemello Breuci

f., Pannon(io)

X X X

10. RMD

360, [17

Jul. 122]

Aldwincle;

Britannia

A Incerto ? ? ?

11. REMA

1: 64, 17

Jul. 122

FSU (Balkans);

[Britannia]

Ala Galllorum

Picentiana

[---] Busidia [f., --

-]6

X X X

12. CIL

16, 70, 16

Sept. 124

Stannington;

Britannia

Cohors I

Sun(uc)orum

[---] Albani [f.

Su]nu[co] [R/M]

X X X

13. CIL

16, 88, 15

Sept. 125?

Walcot (near

Aqua Sulis /

Bath);

[Bri]tann(ia)

Ala I Augusta

Gallorum

Proculeiana

Incerto ? ? ?

14. RMD

240, 20

Aug. 127

FSU (Bulgaria);

Brittannia (!)

Cohors II

Lingonum

Itaxae Stamillae

f., Daco [P]

X X X

15. ZPE FSU (Balkans); A Incerto ? ? ?

6 The name seems Pannonian (comm. ad loc.; cf. OPEL I: 329).

271

162, p.

223, 20

Aug. 127

[Brittannia (!)]

16. ZPE

162, p.

225, 119 /

121 or 127

FSU ; (eastern

Balkans);

[Brittannia (!)]

A [---]V[---]aecesto

N[--- f., ---] [P?]

X Vannio [P]

Incertae/o

P/M

17. ZPE

156, p.

245, 130-

131

FSU (eastern

Balkans),

[Britannia]

A Incerto X X X

18. CIL

16, 82, 14

Apr. 135

Viroconium /

Wroxeter;

[Britannia]

Cohors I

Dalmatarum

[---]sueto Luci f.,

Treviro [R]

X X X

19. ZPE

162, p.

231, pre-

140

FSU (Balkans);

[Britannia]

A [---] f., V[---] ? Incertae/o7

Bi[---] (m/f) [P?]

P/M

20. ZPE

162, p.

232, 126 /

140

FSU (Balkans);

[Britannia]

A [---], Cornovio

[?]8

X Incerto/ae ?

21. RMD

97, Jan. /

Mar. 146

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm;

Britannia

Cohors I

Tungrorum [∞?]

[---]mandio [--- f.,

---] [R/M]

X X X

22. CIL

16, 93, (10

Dec.) 145

/ (9 Dec.)

146

Cilurnum /

Chesters;

Brittan(ia) (!)

A Incerto ? ? ?

23. RMD

45, 141-

Corinium /

Cirencester;

A? [---]arcio Nab[---

f.?] [M?]

? ? ?

7 Possibly designates a wife. As the editors (W. Eck and A. Pangerl) note, the naming of two individuals (signified

by the appearance of et twice) clearly places this diploma before 140. Little else remains of the names,

unfortunately. The second name Bi[---] clearly denotes a child. A peregrine expansion seems likely, perhaps Bi[tho],

the name of the Bessian recipient (serving in the coh. Musulamiorum) of CIL 16, 35 (7 Nov., 88). 8 No. 20 is a rare example of a native Briton recorded by tribe; usually British recruits were recorded as Brittones

(comm. ad loc.). If the Balkan provenance is correct, then this Cornovian did not return to his homeland in Wales

following his discharge. The presence of a son or daughter, almost certainly born during his service in Thrace, may

have been one significant influence on his decision not to move back to Britannia.

272

147, post

Aug. 143 /

146

[Britannia?]

24. RMD

168, 140 /

154?

Turiaso /

Tarazona;

Br[itannia]

A Incerto ? X ?

25. RMD

420, 27

Feb. 158

Ravenglass;

Britannia

Coh. I Aelia

classica

[---] Cassi f.,

Heliopoli [R?]

X X X

26. CIL

16, 130,

[25 May

or 24 June

160]

Union Grounds

(Camulodunum /

Colchester);

[Britannia]

A Incerto ? X ?

27. CIL

16, 115,

140 / 161

Cilurnum /

Chesters,

[Britannia?]

A Incerto ? X ?

28. RMD

184, 23

Mar. 178

FSU (Bulgaria);

B[rita]nnia

Cohors VII

Thracum

Thiodo Rolae fil.,

Daco [P]

X X X

29. RMD

293, 23

Mar. 178

Rhodope

Mountains

(Bulgaria);

Brittannia (!)

Cohors II

Gallorum

veterana

Thiae Timarchi f.,

Daco

X X X

30. RMD

294, 23

Mar. 178

FSU; Britannia Cohors I Augusta

Nerviana

Sisceo Aptasae

fil., Daco

X X X

31. REMA

1, p. 68;

23 Mar.

178

FSU (eastern

Balkans);

[Britannia]

A Incerto ? X ?

32. REMA

1, p. 73;

23 Mar.

178

FSU (eastern

Balkans);

Br[itannia]

A Incerto ? X ?

33. ZPE

156, p.

251, 23

FSU (Balkans);

[Brittania (!)]

A Incerto ? X ?

273

Mar. 178

34. ZPE

162, p.

226, 23

Mar. 178

FSU (eastern

Balkans);

[Britt]ania (!)

Coh. I Aelia

Hispanorum

Ta[u]risio Titi f.,

Daco [R]

X X X

35. RMD 450, [114 / 125 or 154 / 203]

Noviomagus /

Nijmegen;

[Britannia]

A Incerto ? X ?

274

Appendix III: Auxiliary Inscriptions from Germania and Britannia to

ca. 212 CE

Reference legend : Inscriptions are sorted by province (GI = Germania Inferior, GS = Germania Superior, and

B = Britannia). For each province, the inscriptions are subclassified by auxiliary rank, descending from highest to

lowest and arranged in 5 tables (table 1 : P = prefects, tribunes and praepositi, i.e. unit commanders, table 2 : U

= unit dedications, which do not mention any auxiliary soldiers by name, table 3 : IP = inscriptions

mentioning soldiers above the rank of gregalis, table 4 : A = auxiliary gregales, i.e. equites and pedites , and

table 5 : ARU = auxiliary inscription too fragmentary to be classified in any of the aforementioned groups).

For example, CIL 13, 8095 = AE 1892, 35 (Bonn / Bonna), the tombstone of Vellaunus, eques of the ala

Longiniana, corresponds with GI A 6. Within each of these subclasses, the inscriptions are arranged alphabetically

by findspot. The monument‟s function is subclassified into one of three general categories. F = funerary, D =

dedication, frequently to commemorate the (re)construction of a building of some kind, and V = a religious vow,

dedicated to a deity or deities. Inscriptions on materials that do not fit any of these categories are listed as „other‟

(O). Data for the military diplomas of Germania and Britannia are summarized in Appendix II.

Abbreviations for Appendix III1

AE: l’Année Épigraphique

CCID: Hörig, M. and Schwertheim, E. Corpus Cultus Iovis Dolicheni (CCID), Leiden: 1987

1 The abbreviations given here correspond to those used by the online EDCS database (Epigraphische Datenbank

Clauss-Slaby, http://www.manfredclauss.de), except that I have used ILS instead of D to abbreviate Dessau‟s

Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. This useful research tool generally has reliable citations, but inscriptions which have

been edited multiple times occasionally (but not always) have multiple entries. Thus careless use of this resource can

lead to double-counting and statistical errors. All texts have accordingly been checked in standard published

collections. The most recent editions of individual texts are included here, but in cases involving a significant

dispute in the reading I have provided the previous edition in a note, with relevant discussion. I have also corrected

errors in the online transcription, of which the most serious are incorrect reports of an unknown findspot, e.g. CIL

13, 8699, which was found at Bedburg, near Cleves (Cliviae), and errors in transcription, e.g. M(axiom) for

(Maximo). Occasionally, significant new readings are given, but I have refrained from speculative reconstructions,

and have discussed texts generally in cases where the interpretation might contribute to a clearer understanding of

auxiliary frontier life.

275

CIL : Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum

EE: Ephemeris Epigraphica

IAvenches: Frei-Stolba, R. and Bielmann, A. Les inscriptions. Musée romain d'Avenches, Lausanne: 1996.

ILS : Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae

Finke: Finke, M. 1927: “Neue Inschriften,” BRGK 17, 1-107; 198-231.

Nesselhauf: Nesselhauf, H. 1937: “Neue Inschriften aus dem römischen Germanien und den angrenzenden

Gebieten,” BRGK 27, 51-134.

Ness-Lieb: Nesselhauf, H. and Lieb, H. 1959: “Dritter Nachtrag zu CIL XIII: Inschriften aus den germanischen

Provinzen und dem Treverergebiet,” BRGK 40, 120-228.

RHP: Lörincz, B. 2001: Die römischen Hilfstruppen in Pannonien während der Prinzipatszeit. I: Die Inschriften,

Vienna.

RIB: Roman Inscriptions of Britain

RISch: Walser, G. 1979-: Römische Inschriften in der Schweiz, Bern.

RSK: Die Römischen Steininschriften aus Köln, Wissenschaftliche Kataloge des römisch-germanischen Museums

Köln 2. Köln: 1975

RSO: Castritius, H., Clauss, M. and Hefner, L. 1977: “Die römischen Steininschriften des Odenwaldes (RSO)” in

Beiträge zur Erforschung des Odenwaldes und seiner Randlandschaften 2, Breuberg and Neustadt, 237-

308.

RSOoster: Stuart, P. and Bogaers, J. E. 2001: Nehalennia. Römische Steindenkmäler aus der Oosterschelde bei

Colijnsplaat. Leiden.

Schillinger: Schillinger-Häfele, U. 1977: “Vierter Nachtrag zu CIL XIII und zweiter Nachtrag zu Fr. Vollmer,

Inscriptiones Baivariae Romanae. Inschriften aus dem deutschen Anteil der germanischen Provinzen und

des Treverergebiets sowie Raetiens und Noricums,” BRGK 58, 452-603.

276

1-5: Auxiliary Inscriptions of Germania Inferior (GI) to ca.

212

1. GI unit commanders: praefecti / tribuni / praepositi

Reference and

Findspot (ancient

Names given first,

if known)

Designation Text

P 1: AE 1975, 632 = AE

1980, 657 (Alphen aan

der Rijn)

V [Coh(ortis)] VI Breuc(orum) cui prae/[est] Vitel(lius) Ampliatus pr(aefectus)

P 2: Schillinger 171 =

AE 1963, 52 = AE 1988,

894 (Brühl, near CCAA

/ Köln)2

D [P(ublio)] Helv[io Pertin]aci / [e]q(uo) p(ublico) p[raef(ecto)] coh(ortis)

IIII(?) G]al/[l]or(um) e[q(uitatae) trib(uno) leg(ionis) VI(?) Vi]ct(ricis) /

[p]rae[f(ecto) coh(ortis) I Tung(rorum) pr]aef(ecto) / [a]lae [---

p]ro/cura[tori ad alime]nt(a) / [p]rae[f(ecto) class(is) Ger(manicae)

pr]oc(uratori) / [A]ug(usti) a[d ducen(a) III Dac(iarum) i]d(em) / M[oesiae

super(ioris)] / Agr[ippinense]s / [publice]

P 3: Ness-Lieb 257

(Herwen)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / M(arcus) Val(erius) Ch/alcidic[us] / praef(ectus)

c[oh(ortis)] / II c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) p(iae) [f(idelis)]

P 4: CIL 13, 7797 = AE

1905, 62 (Rigomagus /

Remagen)

F [---] / Cla[---] / prospere [---] / curante I[u]lio / Firmo praef(ecto) coh(ortis) /

I Fl(aviae) marito suo / dicavit / domini[s] n(ostris) Antonino / Aug(usto) II

[[[Geta Caesare]]] co(n)s(ulibus)

P 5: CIL 13, 8271 = RSK

201 = AE 1896, 101

(CCAA / Köln)

F Ti(berio) Claudio / Haloto vixi[t] / annis XVIII / Claudius Iustus / patr(onus)

praef(ectus) coh(ortis) III / Dalmat(arum)

P 6: CIL 13, 8517 V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / pro salute / imp(eratoris) T(iti) Aeli An/tonini

2 The future emperor Pertinax; cf. Alföldy1986: 326-348.

277

(CCAA / Köln) Aug(usti) Pii / p(atris) p(atriae) et M(arci) Aurel(i) / Caes(aris) fili(i) eius /

T(itus) Fl(avius) Firmus / praef(ectus) eq(uitum) / [alae No]ric(orum)

P 7: CIL 13, 8699

(Bedburg / near

Cliviae)3

F Cla[udius A]eli[anus (?)] / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) I I(ngenuorum) (?) OR

(H)i(spanorum) (?) / quem [g]enuit / terra / Mauretania / p(raefectum) obruit /

terra

P 8: CIL 13, 8842 (?) F L(ucius) Claudius An[---] / Prudens Consi[di]/anus praefectus / alae

Frontonianae / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

2. GI Unit dedications identifying no specific soldiers

U 1: CIL 13, 8827

(Katwijk aan Zee)

D Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) / Anto[nino ---] / Aug(usto) coh(ors) / Raetoru[m] /

P(ia) F(idelis)

U 2: CIL 13, 7787

(Rigomagus / Remagen)

V [Fortuna]e coh(ors) <I> Flavia

U 3: CIL 13, 8823

(Roomburg)

D [Imp(eratori) Ca]es(ari) Nerva(e) Traia/[no Au]g(usto) Ger(manico) Dacico

p(ontifici) / [m(aximo) t]rib(unicia) p(otestate) p(atri) p(atriae) co(n)s(uli) V /

[coh(ors) ---] Lucensiu[m] P(ia) F(idelis)

U 4: CIL 13, 8824 = ILS

9178 (Roomburg)

O4 Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Septimius Sever/us Aug(ustus) et M(arcus)

Aurelius Antonin/us Caes(ar) coh(ortis) XV vol(untariorum) arma/mentarium

vetustate conla/bsum restituerunt sub Val(erio) Pu/dente leg(ato) Aug(usti)

3 Probably third century, but perhaps within the bounds of this study. CIL reported N[-] / [---]ELI[---] /

[p]raef(ectus) coh(ortis) II / quem genui[t] / terra / Mauretania / p(eregrina) obruit / terra. The text was edited by

G. Alföldy (cf. PME C 113) to read Cla[udius?] / Aeli[anus] / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) II [c(ivium) R(omanorum)] /

quem [g]enui[t] / terra / Mauretania[e] / p(---) obruit terra / [Germaniae?]. His suggestion of a lost line is not

necessary to construe this inscription, and the solution p(eregrina) has no parallels. P(raefectus), however, does

have parallels and also has the virtue of being stated explicitly earlier in this very text: see D 1297: P(raefectus)

P(raetorio); D 5648: P(raefectus) i(ure) d(icundo); D 6213: p(raefectus) L(ege) P(etronia). The numeral II with no

unit on a funerary monument has not parallels, and it seems better to read I I(ngenuorum) or I (H)i(spanorum); on

the apocope of H, cf. CIL 13, 6295 = Finke 338a = AE 1899, 192 : coh. V Sp(anorum). The epitaph is similar to

others from across the empire, all of which were inspired, ultimately, by Vergil‟s famous epitaph Mantua me genuit,

Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc Parthenope; cecini pascua rura duces (Suet. Vit. Ver. 38). For another example of a

relatively simple epitaph for a prefect, cf. CIL 13, 8842. 4 This text is an Imperial Bauinschrift, as indicated by the nominative forms of the emperors‟ names, acknowledging

credit for their funding of the restoration of the cohort‟s armoury. Similar texts recording an emperor‟s name in the

nominative are also classified under O.

278

pr(o) pr(aetore) cura(nte) et Caecil(io) Batone // PRE[

U 5: CIL 13, 8825 = ILS

9186 (Roomburg)

O Impp(eratores) Caess(ares) L(ucius) Septimius Severus Pius Pert[inax et] /

M(arcus) Aurellius Antoninus Augg(usti) e[[[t L(ucius) Sept(imius) Geta

Caesar]] d(onum) d(ederunt)] / numero expl(oratorum) Bat(avorum) cur(ante)

Q(uinto) {OC} Ven(i)dio Ruf[o leg(ato) Augg(ustorum) pr(o) pr(aetore)]

U 6: CIL 13, 8826

(Roomburg)

O [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Septimius Seve]rus Pius Pertinax Aug(ustus) /

[pontifex] maxim(us) trib(unicia) pot(estate) VIII [et] Im[p(erator) Caes(ar)] /

[M(arcus) Aurel(lius) Antoninus] Aug(ustus) Pius pontif(ex) max(imus) /

[trib(unicia) pot(estate) III] L(uci) Septimi Sev[e]r[i] Pii Pe[rtinacis Aug(usti)

fil(ius)] / coh(ors) XV vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) P(ia) F(idelis) /

[--- le]g(atus) Augg(ustorum) pr(o) pr(aetore) pe[r] vexi(llarios)

U 7: AE 1989, 559

(Praetorium Agrippae /

Valkenburg)

D [Imp(eratori) Caesari] / [divi Nervae f(ilio)] / [Nervae Traiano] / [Aug(usto)]

Ge[r(manico) Dacico] / [Parthi]co pon[t(ifici) max(imo)] / coh(ors)] IIII

Th/rac(um) p(ia) f(idelis)]

3. GI High-ranking auxiliaries: immunes and principales

IP 1: CIL 13, 8098 = ILS

2580 (Bonna / Bonn)

F Pintaius Pedilici / f(ilius) Astur trans/montanus castel(l)o / Intercatia signifer /

c(o)ho(rtis) V Asturum / anno(rum) XXX stip(endiorum) VII / h(eres) ex

t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit) / ave

IP 2: AE 1997, 1161 =

RSOoster B, 30

(Colijnsplaat)5

V Deae Nehale/niae Sumaro/nius Vitalis / sesquip(licarius) alae / Noric(orum)

Averini/us Secundus / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

IP 3: CIL 13, 10024,35 =

ILS 9147 (Düsseldorf)

D Decu(rionibus) alae / P(a)rt(horum) vet(erana) / <q>u{o}i prae(e)s[t] /

P(ublius) Vibius / Rufus

IP 4: CIL 13, 8805 = ILS

2536 (Hemmen)

V Deae Vagdavercusti Sim[p]li/cius Super dec(urio) alae Vocontior(um) /

exerci[t]uus(!) Britannici

5 Currently the only dedication to Nehalennia made by an auxiliary soldier, namely, a sesquiplicarius.

279

IP 5: CIL 13, 8185 = RSK

33 = ILS 4743 (CCAA /

Köln)

V Deae Hariasae / HDTI Ulpius / Acutus du[p(licarius)] al(ae) / Sulp(iciae)

sing(ularis) co(n)s(ularis) / cives Traianenses / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito) Crispino et / Aeliano co(n)s(ulibus)

IP 6: CIL 13, 8208 = RSK

79 = ILS 4762 (CCAA /

Köln)

V In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) / diabus Malvisis / et Silvano / Aur(elius)

Vere/cundus ordi(narius) Brito(num) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

IP 7: CIL 13, 8306 = RSK

248 = ILS 2534 (CCAA /

Köln)

F M(arcus) Marius Valen[s] Galata / veter(anus) [ex] dec(urione) alae

Classianae / sib[i et Petr]oniae(?) Severae uxo/[ri obit]ae fecit

IP 8: CIL 13, 8307 = RSK

249 (CCAA / Köln)

F Apolloniae Victorinae Bessula[e] / Valgas Maieri dec(urio) alae Fid(a)e

Vindicis / coniugi carissimae memoriam quem / rogavit fecit

IP 9: CIL 13, 8503 = RSK

251 (CCAA / Köln)

F [---]o Rufino / [veteran]o ex dec(urione) / [alae Felici]s(?) Moesicae / [---

]nsus |(centurion) leg(ionis) / [--- a]micus et he/[res f(aciendum) c(uravit)]

IP 10: CIL 13, 10027,219

= AE 1938, 77a (CCAA /

Köln)

O 7(Centuria) Pritoni / Ineturi(?)

IP 11: CIL 13, 12058 =

RSK 200 (CCAA / Köln)

F D(is) M(anibus) / Q(uinti) Didi Lemoni[a] (tribu) / Euhodian[i] / [p]raef(ecti)

eq(uitum) al(ae) I Trhac(um!) / [---]

IP 12: CIL 13, 12060 =

RSK 258 (CCAA / Köln)

F [---]lio Cla[---] / [---] ex equ[ite ---] / [--- I]ulianu[s ---] / [---] curant[e ---]

IP 13: CIL 13, 12061 =

RSK 262 = ILS 9159 =

AE 1906, 153 (CCAA /

Köln)

F L(ucio) Val(erio) Verec/undo Rut(eno) / mil(iti) coh(ortis) I Class/icae

7(centuria) Ingenu(i) / ann(orum) XXV stip(endiorum) IIII / [h(eres) e]x

t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 14: CIL 13, 12062 =

RSK 479 (CCAA / Köln)

F Scen[obarbo? ---] / Licc[onis f(ilio) ---] / [Bre]VC[orum?]

IP 15: Finke 365 = AE

1929, 109 = RSK 271

(CCAA / Köln)

F [---]mi filiae / [Domitius] / [mil(es) coh(ortis)] II Varc(ianorum) / [---

f]aciundum / [curavit]

IP 16: AE 1975, 638a-b

(Maurik)

O 7(Centuria) Cris(pi?) con(tubernio) Cusioni

IP 17: AE 2003, 1221

(Mohnheim)

V [---]nnis / [Lon]ginius(?) / Aeternus / d(ecurio) s(ingularis) c(onsularis) al(ae)

Noric(orum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

280

IP 18: CIL 13, 8558

(Novaesium / Neuss)

F M(arcus) Lucilius Secu/ndus decurio / mis(sicius) ex ala Front(oniana) / domo

camp(---) pil(---) / Luciliae M(arci) l(ibertae) Pal/ladi M(arco) Lucilio /

Blando lib(erto) h(eres) e(x) t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 19: Finke 304 = AE

1924, 21 = AE 1926, 67

(Novaesium / Neuss)

F Oclatio Carvi f(ilio) / signif(ero) alae Afror(um) / Tungro frater h(eres)

f(aciundum) c(uravit)

IP 20: Finke 311

(Noviomagus /

Nijmegen)6

O 7(centuria) Avon(is)

IP 21: AE 1975, 634

(Praetorium Agrippae /

Valkenburg)

F Tul(l)o Loucoru(m) / Albano medico

IP 22: AE 1975, 637

(Praetorium Agrippae /

Valkenburg)

O |(Centuria) Bisae

IP 23: CIL 13, 10024,34

= ILS 9146 (Vetera /

Xanten)

D Dupl(icariis) / et sesquipl(icariis) / alae veter(anae) / Flav(ius) Simplex /

vet(eranus) ex dup(licario) / al(a)e eiusd(em) / d(onum) d(edit) // R

IP 24: AE 1893, 53

(Vetera / Xanten)

D [---] / dupl(icariis) et sesquipl(icariis) / alae veter(anae) Flav(ius) / Simplex

vet[e]r(anus) ex / dup(licario) al(a)e eiusd(em) d(onum) d(edit)

IP 25: AE 1991, 1254a

(Zwammerdam)

O T(urmae) Veracis Pupi

IP 26: AE 1991, 1254b

(Zwammerdam)

O T(urmae) Veri Hahuci

IP 27: AE 1991, 1254d

(Zwammerdam)

O T(urmae) Mansuetti Pupi

4. GI Auxiliary infantry and cavalry milites gregales

(excluding diplomas)

6 Perhaps a legionary centurion, although the name Avo suggests an auxiliary soldier.

281

A 1: CIL 13, 8592

(Asciburgium / Asberg)

F DOM[--- e]qu[es] alae / Moe[sicae tu]r[ma] Ru[fi ---]NI / cives [---]V[---

s]tip(endiorum) / XX[

A 2: CIL 13, 8593 = ILS

2567 (Ascibugium /

Asberg)

F Tib(erius) Iul(ius) Car/etis f(ilius) Sedeb/das domo / Turo missi/cius ex

coh(orte) / Silauciens/iu(m) h(ic) s(itus) e(st) Tib(erius) Iul(ius) / Antus

f(aciendum) c(uravit) / et Primigenia / lib(erta) eius anno(rum) / III h(ic) s(ita)

e(st)

A 3: Nesselhauf 242 =

AE 1931, 30

(Asciburgium / Asberg)

F [---]cin[---]s Dacraio/nis f(ilius) [---]VC IS cives / Tribocus aeques (sic) alae /

[Fro]ntonianae an(n)o(rum) [---] / st[ipe]ndi(orum) XX[I]V hic situs / est

her(es) fu(nus) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 4: CIL 13, 8092

(Bonna / Bonn)

F Biturix Na[---]/tionis(?) f(ilius) (H)aedu(u)s equ[es] / ala Longin(i)a[na] /

ann(orum) XLII stip(endiorum) XX[II] / heres ex testa(mento) [f(aciendum)

c(uravit)]

A 5: CIL 13, 8093 = AE

1893, 33 (Bonna / Bonn)

F Regtugnus Magilonis f(ilius) / Segontilieses eques ala / Longiniana ann(orum)

L aer(orum) XXII

A 6: CIL 13, 8094 = AE

1892, 126 (Bonna /

Bonn)

F Vellaunus Nonni / f(ilius) / Biturix eques / ala Longiniana / turma L(uci) Iuli

Reguli / an(norum) XXXVIII stipendio/rum XVIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / ex

testamento factu / cura(ve)runt L(ucius) Iulius Reg/ulus decurio et Macer

Aspadi / f(ilius) eiusde(m) turma // L C T

A 7: CIL 13, 8095 = AE

1892, 35 (Bonna / Bonn)

F Vonatorix Du/conis f(ilius) eques ala / Longiniana an/norum XLV

stipen/diorum XVII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 8: CIL 13, 8096

(Bonna / Bonn)

F [--- e]q(ues) ala L[onginiana] / [---]atissae a[nn(orum) ---] / [st]ip(endiorum)

XIII [---]

A 9 : CIL 13, 8097 = ILS

2501 = AE 1890, 26

(Bonna / Bonn)

F Niger Aetonis f(ilius) / Nemes ala Pomponi/ani anno(rum) L / aera(rium) XXV /

h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 10: CIL 13, 8099

(Bonna / Bonn)

F [---] ex c[oh(orte)] / [--- T]rhaecum (sic) / ann(orum) XXX sti[p(endiorum)] /

VIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / Mucasius f(ilius) p(osuit)

A 11: Schillinger 162

(Bonna / Bonn)

F Reburrus Fra/tton(i)s f(ilius) eques al(ae) / Fr[o]nt(onianae) an[n(orum) ---

stip(endiorum) ---]

A 12: CIL 13, 8692 V [---] / eq(ues) [alae] / Afror(um) [tur(ma)] / Crescen[tis] / v(otum) s(olvit)

282

(Cliviae / Cleve) l(ibens) [m(erito)]

A 13: CIL 13, 8693 = ILS

2559 (Cliviae / Cleve)

F Marcinus Sur/conis f(ilius) Breucus / mil(es) ex coh(orte) VIII / Breuc(orum)

ann(orum) XXXV / stip(endiorum) XII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 14: CIL 13, 8806

(Dodewaard)

F M(arcus) Traianiu[s] / Gumattius Gai/sionis f(ilius) vet(eranus) alae /

Afror(um) t(estamento) p(oni) i(ussit)

A 15: CIL 13, 8524

(Durnomagus /

Dormagen)

V Deo Soli Imp(eratori) s(acrum) T(itus) Sura[---]is Didil[---] / dup[l(arius)]

al(a)e Noricorum c[ivi]s T(h)rax v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) [m(erito)]

A 16: AE 1955, 38

(Gelduba / Gellep)

O S(---) Ces(---) in kan(abis) (sic) l(egionis) [I M(inerviae)] / coh(ors) II

Varc(ianorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

A 17: AE 1937, 80

(Grimmlinghausen)

O [Ge]nial[i]s c(o)h(orte) I Flavia

A 18: AE 2001, 1515

(Houten)

F Ti(to) Iul[lio C(ai) f(ilio) An(iensi)] / Pro[bo(?) Foro] / Iuli m[issicio(?)] /

c(o)hort(is) [---] / an(norum) [---] / Iulia Ti(ti) [f(ilia?) ---] / Mater[nus(?)

h(eredes) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt?)]

A 19: CIL 13, 8188 =

RSK 36 (CCAA / Köln)

V Herclinti / sacrum / Petitor Piro/bori mil(es) / coh(ortis) II Var(cianorum) /

sing(ularis) co(n)s(ularis) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

A 20: CIL 13, 8223 =

RSK 106 (CCAA / Köln)

V Simplex Sepli / eques a(lae) Af[f](orum) / sing(ularis) co(n)s(ularis) / Matribus

Ma/sanabus sa/crum l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

A 21: CIL 13, 8243 =

RSK 133 = ILS 9270 =

AE 1904, 104 (CCAA /

Köln)

V Quadrivi[s] / Trivis Viis / Semitis ex / voto M(arcus) / Cocceius / Dasius

vet(eranus) / alae Noric(orum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

A 22: CIL 13, 8303 =

RSK 245 = ILS 2508

(CCAA / Köln)

F L(ucius) Crispi f(ilius) cives / Marsacus eq(ues) alae / Affro(rum!) turma Flavi

/ ann(orum) XXVIII stip(endiorum) VIIII / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 23: CIL 13, 8304 = AE

1903, 275 = RSK 246

(CCAA / Köln)

F Oluper Cergaepuri / f(ilius) eq(ues) alae Afrorum / tur(ma) Preci Capitonis /

ann(orum) XXXX stip(endiorum) XX / h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)

c(uravit)

A 24: CIL 13, 8305 =

RSK 247 = AE 1903, 276

(CCAA / Köln)

F Romanus Atti f(ilius) Dar[danus] / eq(ues) alae Afr(orum) tur(ma) Firmani

an(norum) XXX st[ip(endiorum) ---] / h(eres) t(estamento) f(aciendum)

283

c(uravit)

A 25: CIL 13, 8308 =

RSK 252 = ILS 2512

(CCAA / Köln)

F T(itus) Flavius Bassus Mucalae / f(ilius) Dansala eq(ues) alae Nori/coru(m)

tur(ma) Fabi Pudentis / an(norum) XXXXVI stip(endiorum) XXVI h(eres)

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 26: CIL 13, 8309 =

RSK 253 (CCAA / Köln)

F Marcus Sacrius / Securi f(ilius) Primigenius / eques alae Noricor(um) tur(ma) /

Paterc(u)li cives Remus ann(orum) XXVI / [s]tip(endiorum) XI h(eres)

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 27: CIL 13, 8311 =

RSK 255 = ILS 2502

(CCAA / Köln)

F M(arcus) Aemilius Durises eq(ues) al(ae) / Sulp(iciae) tur(ma) Nepotis

an(norum) XXXVI / stip(endiorum) XVI heredes ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt)

A 28: CIL 13, 8312 =

RSK 256 (CCAA / Köln)

F Longinus Biarta Bisae f(ilius) / Bessus eq(ues) alae Sulp(iciae) an(norum)

XXXXVI / d[e suo] f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 29: CIL 13, 8313 =

RSK 261 (CCAA / Köln)

F Sassaius Liccai / f(ilius) miles ex coh(orte) / VIII Breucorum / anno(rum) XXXII

stip(endiorum) XII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) t(estamento) f(ecit)

A 30: CIL 13, 8314 =

RSK 265 = ILS 2572

(CCAA / Köln)

F D(ecimo) Sen[i]o Vital[i] / mil(iti) [coh(ortis) VI In]genuorum c(ivium)

R[o]m(anorum) civi Brit[to(ni)] / ann(orum) LV stip(endiorum) XVIIII heredes

f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

A 31: CIL 13, 8315 =

RSK 266 (CCAA / Köln)

F [---]adus dom[o ---] / [--- mil(es?)] coh(ortis) VI Ing[enuorum] / [---

an]n(orum) XXII s[tip(endiorum

A 32: CIL 13, 8316 =

RSK 267 = ILS 9163

(CCAA / Köln)

F Hemilius Lasci/us ci(vis) Cannan(efas) / mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) I Latabi(corum) /

ann(orum) VL sti(pendiorum) XXII h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 33: CIL 13, 8317 =

RSK 268 (CCAA / Köln)

F Mansuetus Arraceni f(ilius) / mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) III Lusitano/[rum civ]es

Marsacus [---]

A 34: CIL 13, 8318 =

RSK 270 = ILS 2569

(CCAA / Köln)7

F C(aius) Iulius C(ai filius) Gale/ria (tribu) Baccus Lugu/duni (!) mil(es)

coh(ortis) I Thracum ann(orum) XXXIIX / stip(endiorum) XV Antistius / Atticus

et Bassius / Communis h(eredes) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

A 35: CIL 13, 8319 =

RSK 269 (CCAA / Köln)

F [---] / milit[i coh(ortis)] / I Raetorum ann[orum] / XXXIV stipendiorum / XIV

7 This individual‟s ancestor was enfranchised by Augustus; he was a Roman citizen from Lugdunum / Lyon in

Gallia Lugdunensis. His presence in a Thracian cohort as a low-ranking miles is striking.

284

h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 36: CIL 13, 8320 =

RSK 272 = ILS 9162 =

AE 1904, 24 (CCAA /

Köln)

F Cassius Gesatu[s] / Borissi f(ilius) mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) I / Vindelicoru(m)

ann(orum) L / [s]tip(endiorum) XIIX h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)

c(uravit) / [---] frater [---]

A 37: CIL 13, 8399 =

RSK 257 (CCAA / Köln)

F [---] Iul[---] / [---] eq(ues) e[x ala? ---] / [---] mil(itavit) [---]

A 38: CIL 13, 8519 =

RSK 250 (CCAA / Köln)

F Albanio Vitali / eq(uiti) alae Indianae / tur(ma) Barbi civi / Trevero an(norum)

XXX stip(endiorum) X / h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 39: AE 1974, 454

(CCAA / Köln)

F Iovincatus / Velageni f(ilius) / mil(es) ex coh(orte) / Alpina II ann(orum) LV /

stip(endiorum) XXX h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)

c(uravit)

A 40: AE 1974, 455

(CCAA / Köln)

F D(is) M(anibus) / T(ito) Flavio Tulli/oni mil(iti) coh(ortis) II / Astorum

sing(ulari) / [---]

A 41: AE 1974, 457

(CCAA / Köln)

F [D(is)] M(anibus) / [---]nius Lenti/[---]nus mil(es) c(ohortis) / [---] fr[at]er /

[f]ecit

A 42: AE 1990, 727

(CCAA / Köln)

V Deae Matri App/ius Mercato/r Attonis eq/ues coh(ortis) I Lato(bicorum) /

stator Pompei / Honorati pr(a)ef(ecti) eq(uitum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

A 43: AE 1990, 732

(CCAA / Köln)

V Matronis / sacrum / Victor eques / alae I Astur(um) / militat in Mysia / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

A 44: AE 2002, 1037

(CCAA / Köln)8

O [Tr]a(n)sr(h)enan[a (tegularia)] / C(aius) Sec(---) Nat(---) / coh(ortis) XV

vol(untariorum)

A 45: AE 2003, 1218

(CCAA / Köln)

F Catunec/tus Aesug/esli f(ilius) Trino/vas mil(es) coh(ortis) IIII B{e}reuc(orum)

/ |(centuria) C(ai) Induti / Reperti an(norum) / XXX stip(endiorum) VI / [h(ic)]

s(itus) [e(st) s(it)] t(ibi) t(erra) l(evis)

A 46: RSK 260 (CCAA /

Köln)

F D(is) M(anibus) / T(ito) Flavio Tulli/oni mil(iti) coh(ortis) II / Astorum

sing(ulari) / [co(n)s(ularis) ---]

A 47: AE 1974, 456 = F D(is) M(anibus) / et memori[ae] / Secundini Ama[bi]/lis mil(itis) coh(ortis) I

8 Tile stamp from a factory based on the right bank of the Rhine under the supervision of an auxiliary soldier.

285

RSK 264 (CCAA / Köln) F[l(aviae)] / qu[i v]ixit annis XVIIII / mens(ibus) X dieb(us) XXV / patres ei

f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

A 48: RSK 273 (CCAA /

Köln)

F [D(is)] M(anibus) / [---]nius Lenti/[nian]us(?) mil(es) c(ohortis) / [---] fra[t]er

/ [f]ecit

A 49: CIL 13, 8669

(Monterberg)

F L(ucius) Carantiu[s ---] / f(ilius) Senecio R[aura]/cus(?) eq(ues) alae

N[ori]/cor(um) anno(rum) XXX[---] / h(eres) d(e) s(uo)

A 50: CIL 13, 8670 = ILS

2523 (Monterberg)

F C(aio) Iulio Adari f(ilio) / Primo Trevero / eq(uiti) alae Noric(orum) / statori

an(norum) XXVII / stip(endiorum) VII h(eres) a s(e) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 51: CIL 13, 8671

(Monterberg)

F Atil[l]us Di(vi)x/ti f(ilius) m[i]ssicius / ala(e) [V]ocon<ti>(orum) / hic [si]tus

est

A 52: CIL 13, 8672

(Monterberg)9

V [---]TO[---] / [---]o eq(uiti?) [---] / [---]IT [---] / [---] co(n)s(ulibus)

A 53: CIL 13, 8560

(Novaesium / Neuss)10

F [--- I]ulius Ad[---] / [--- F]uscus(?) v[et(eranus)] / [ex coho]rte Te[---]

A 54: Ness-Lieb 244

(Novaesium / Neuss)

F Tiber(ius) Iulius / Pancuius / mil(es) coh(ortis) / Lusitanorum / an(norum) LV

stip(endiorum) XXVIII / hic s(i)t(us) est

A 55: Finke 310

(Noviomagus /

Nijmegen)

O Ducce 7(centuria) Latron(is)

A 56: CIL 13, 7801 =

CIL 13, 7802 = AE 1903,

306 (Rigomagus /

Remagen)

F Dasmenus / Dasi f(ilius) Breucus / mil(es) ex coh(orte) VIII / Breuc(orum)

anno(rum) XXXV / stip(endiorum) XII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 57: CIL 13, 7803

(Rigomagus / Remagen)

F Ruimus Tabusi f(ilius) / Thrax mil(es) ex coh(orte) / I Thracum anno(rum) XLVI

/ stip(endiorum) XXIII et Veranio / f(ilius) h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum)

c(uravit)

A 58: CIL 13, 7804

(Rigomagus / Remagen)

F [--- ex coh(orte) II] / Varc(ianorum) an(norum) X[--- stip(endiorum) ---] / h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) f(rater?) [p(osuit]

9 Although it is unclear whether this individual served in an auxiliary unit from the text alone, the context suggests

association with the ala Vocontiorum. 10

Perhaps Ad[namatius (?)]. Coh. Te[---] may also designate a locally recruited “numerus”. Even if one were to

read T as the numeral I, there would be no solution for coh. I E[---]. The solution te[rtia ---] seems improbable,

given the rarity of comparanda.

286

A 59: CIL 13, 11982

(Rigomagus / Remagen)

F M(arco) Cassio Verecu/ndo veter(ano) ex coh(orte) I His/pano(rum) sibi et

Anniae / [A]vitae uxori et Cassio / Verecundino Firmo / fil(io) suo vivos(!) fecit

A 60: CIL 13, 8818

(Utrecht)

F D(is) M(anibus) Valenti / Bititrali / vet(erano) ex N(---) ala I / [Tr]achum(!)

h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 61: AE 1975, 633

(Praetorium Agrippae /

Valkenburg)

F Tigernilo mil(iti) / c(o)hor(tis) III Gallor(um) e(quitatae)

A 62: CIL 13, 8655 =

CLE 1006 (Vetera /

Xanten)11

F Silvano Loupi f(ilio) Trever(o) / eq(uiti) ala(e) Vocont(ii) an(norum) XXX /

stip(endiorum) XII et vivis Primae / sorori eius hered(es) f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt) / vos rogitat quaeso soror unica / fratris amantis ni dissigilletis /

nive violetis opus

A 63: CIL 13, 884312 (?) F Heliades / Adrasti / Antioc(h)esis / ann(orum) LV stip(endiorum) / XXXIV h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) / h(eres) e(x) t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

5. GI Auxiliary Rank / Text Uncertain

ARU 1: AE 1981, 68613

(Gelduba / Gellep)

V Matribus Octocannis / Albinius Gratinus Albinius / Albulus / Albinius Ursulus /

Albinius Paternus milis (sic) / Oglannius Lubainus mil(es) / [O]glannius

Messor milis(!) / [--]issinius Verinus / pro se et suis ex iussu ip/sarum v(ota)

s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

ARU 2: CIL 13, 8325 =

RSK 263 (CCAA / Köln)

D [--- coh]ortis / [---] Class(icae) / [---] P(iae) F(idelis) f(ecit)

ARU 3: CIL 13, 8324 =

RSK 284 (CCAA /

Köln)14

F D(is) M(anibus) / Aprilioni qui vixit m(enses) XI / et dies VII / et Inno/centiae

qui vixit an/nos VII et dies XXXXVIII / Verinius Friattius / miles et Apra /

fili(i)s dulcissi/mis curavit faciun/dum

11

An example of a “dactylic elegiac” inscription. The second line does not scan, and requires a dissignetis neu

instead of disigilletis nive. Cf. Bücheler‟s commentary on CLE 1006. 12

A rare example of a soldier failing to record his unit of service on his tombstone. 13

The actual unit of service is not stated, but the peregrine name Oglannius of this family, combined with the

ambiguity of expression, may suggest auxiliary service. 14

The unit of this soldier, the father of the deceased, is obscure. His name Friattius suggests a peregrine ancestry.

287

ARU 4: AE 2000, 1000

(CCAA / Köln)15

F [---] / m(iles?) c(o)ho[rtis] / novaes sin[gula]/ris co(n)sula[ris] / fratribus /

posuit / cives Suebi C(---) / creati Lopodun(---)

ARU 5: AE 2000, 1014

(Noviomagus /

Nijmegen)

? [---] coh(ortis?) II[---] / [---]nica [---]

ARU 6: AE 1995, 1111

(Rigomagus / Remagen)

F [---] f(ilius?) Ma[---] / [---]x coh[---]

6-10: Auxiliary Inscriptions of Germania Superior (GS) to

ca. 212

6. GS Unit commanders: praefecti / tribuni / praepositi

P 1: CIL 13, 6295 =

Finke 338a = AE 1899,

192 (Baden-Baden)16

V Minervae / sacrum / Nympheros / L(uci?) Lolli(?) Certi / praef(ecti)

coh(ortis) V Sp(anorum?) / [---]

P 2: CIL 13, 6449 =

ILS 2604 (Benningen

am Neckar)

V Campestribus / sacrum / P(ublius) Quintius L(uci) fil(ius) / Quir(ina)

Terminus(?) / domo Sicca / Veneria / trib(unus) / coh(ortis) XXIIII

vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

P 3: CIL 13, 6472 =

ILS 2613

(Böckingen)17

V Fortunae / Respicienti sacr(um) / Nasellius Pro/clianus 7(centurio)

leg(ionis) / VIII Aug(ustae) prae/positus c(o)hor(tis) / I Helvetiorum /

Torquato et / Iuliano co(n)s(ulibus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

15

These German bodyguards evidently came from Ladenburg (Lopodunum) in Germania Superior, the location of

an extensively studied auxiliary fort. 16

Nympheros was possibly the slave of the prefect. The stone is also notable for the rare rendering of Hispanorum

as Spanorum. 17

148 CE.

288

P 4: CIL 13, 6475

(Böckingen)

V Seno(nibus) / Matro(nis) / coh(ors) I / Helvet(iorum) / [c]ui [p]ra[e]/est

V[a]l(erius) / Ci[t]us [|(centurio)] / leg(ionis) [V]III [Aug(ustae)] / P(iae)

F(idelis) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) [m(erito)]

P 5: CIL 13, 6212

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

V C(aius) Baburius / Festus Pom(ptina) Ar/retio trib(unus) leg(ionis) / VII

G(eminae) F(idelis) / praef(ectus) / alae Scubu/lorum / Iovi

P 6: CIL 13, 6213

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Octavius / Celer praef(ectus) /

coh(ortis) VII Breu(corum) / et coh(ortis) I Thrac(um)

P 7: CIL 13, 7693

(Brohl)

V Herc(u)lenti / vexel(l)atio(!) c/o(ho)rt<i>s Ti(beri) Astur(i) / votum

retul(l)i(t) / l(---) l(aeta) lib(ens) s(olvit)

P 8: CIL 13, 7697

(Brohl)

V Her[c]u[li Sax(ano?)] / vexillari(i) / [lim(itanei)] l[e]g(ionis) [VI]

Vic(tricis) et / l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) et al(ae) co[h(ortis)

/ [---]L q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto) Acut(io) / [s]u(nt) [cu(r)a] M(arci) Iu[l]i /

[C]ossuti |(centurionis) l(egionis) V[I] / Vic(tricis) P(iae) [F(idelis)]

P 9: CIL 13, 7716

(Brohl)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Her(culi) Sax(ano) / vexil(latio) / l(egionis)

VI Vic(tricis) P(iae) F(idelis) l(egionis) X G(eminae) P(iae) F(idelis) / et

al(ae) coh(ortis) cla{g}(ssis) / P(iae) F(idelis) q(uae) s(ub) Q(uinto)

Acut(io) / su(nt) cu(ra) M(arci) Iul(i) / Cossuti 7(centurio) / l(egionis) VI

Vic(tricis) P(iae) F(idelis)

P 10: CIL 13, 7411 =

CCID 527

(Grosskrotzenburg)

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] Doliche/[no ---] / [---] / [---] / [---] / [---]RIA

[---] / [---] Fl(avius) [A]ntio[chia]n(us) / [p]raef(ectus) coh(ortis) I

c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) / P(iae) F(idelis) [p]raep(ositus)

coh(ortis) IIII V(indelicorum) / d(omo) PRILASEC [--- Cae]/sarea p[ro

concor]/dia coh(ortium) [s(upra) s(criptarum) Aproni]/ano(?) et

B[radua(?) co(n)s(ulibus)]18

P 11: CIL 13, 7615 =

ILS 9153 = AE 1898,

10 (Holzhausen)

V [In h(onorem)] d(omus) d(ivinae) deo Marti / c[oh(ors) I]I Treverorum /

sig(num) [M]artis de suo / inst[auraver]unt l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito) /

inst(ante) Fl[avio Pate]rnio(?) |(centurio) l(egionis) XXII

P 12: Schillinger 138

(Ingelheim am Rhein)

V [--- p]raee[s]t C(aius) ILI/[---]ius Secun/dus praef(ectus) / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

18

191 CE.

289

P 13: CIL 13, 6553 =

RSO 3 (Jagsthausen)

V [In] h(onorem) [d(omus) d(ivinae)] / di(a)e(!) Fortu[nae ---] / [---]i

trib(unus?) [---] / [---]anu[---]

P 14: AE 1995, 1165

(Jagsthausen)

D Impp(eratoribus) L(ucio) Septimio Severo Pio / Pertinaci et M(arco)

Aur(elio) Antoni/no Aug[[g(ustis) et Geta(e) Caes(ari)]] / balneum

coh(ortis) I Ger(manorum) / vetustate dilabsum a solo / restitutum ex

precepto / Caesoni Rufiniani leg(ati) Augg(ustorum) / pr(o) pr(aetore)

cura agente Iulio / Clodiano trib(uno) coh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae)

P 15: CIL 13, 5271 =

CIL 13, 11545 = AE

2000, 1037

(Kaiseraugst)

F [---]NO[---] / [--- tri]b(uno) mil(itum) / [leg(ionis) --- praef(ecto)

coh]ort(is) I / [--- h]astis II / [---]IN / [---]

P 16: CIL 13, 7444

(Kapersburg)

V Fortunae / C(aius) Mogillo/nius Prisc[i]/anus pra/ef(ectus) coh(ortis) II

Raet(orum) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

P 17: CIL 13, 5684b =

AE 1992, 1278 =

ILingons 354 (Langres)

F Iul[ius (?) ---] tribunus / [alae] Celerum / [---]

P 18: CIL 13, 7613 =

ILS 9183a (Liebach)

D Pedat(ura) Treveror/um p(edum) LXXXXVI / sub curagente Cres/centino

Respecto |(centurione) / leg(ionis) VIII Aug(ustae)

P 19: AE 1956, 71

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Astur(um) eq(uitata) / cura(m)

agente M(arco) Mevio M(arci) f(ilio) Fab(ia) / [C]apriolo praef(ecto) /

fec(it)

P 20: Ness-Lieb 134

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Ast(urum) / cui prae(e)st / C(aius)

Iul(ius) Arte/mo praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 21: Ness-Lieb 13519

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) Ast(urum) / cui prae/est C(aius)

Iul(ius) / Artemo / praef(ectus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 22: Ness-Lieb 136

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / c(o)h(ors) I Astur(um) / eq(uitata) cura(m) /

agente / Diodoto

P 23: Ness-Lieb 138

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Astur(um) eq(uitata) / cura(m)

agente M(arco) / Mevio M(arci) f(ilio) Fab(ia) / [C]apriolo praef(ecto) /

19

A rare example of an auxiliary cohort identified without a numeral; cf. the almost identical Ness-Lieb 134.

290

fec(it)

P 24: Ness-Lieb 139

(Mainhardt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I / Astur(um) / eq(uitata) cur(am)

a[g(ente)] / [---] / [---]o prae[f(ecto)]

P 25: CIL 13, 6608 =

RSO 51 (Miltenberg)20

V [In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae)] / [Victoriae] / [Perpetuae sacrum] / sub

cur(a) Sexti Cat[i] / Clement[ini] / co(n)s(ularis) p[r(ovinciae)

G(ermaniae) s(uperioris)] / [C(aius) Semproni]/[us Martialis] /

[praef(ectus)]

P 26: CIL 13, 6612 =

RSO 110 (Miltenberg)

F [---]per / [---]us ex pro/[v(incia) Mauret(ania) Caes]ariensi in/[---]

coloniae / [---]ase praefec/[tus ---]

P 27: CIL 13, 6812

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [D(is)] M(anibus) / C(aio) Antestio C(ai) f(ilio) / Vet(uria) Seve[---] /

praef(ecto) fabr(um) praef(ecto) / coh(ortis) II Bituricum(!) / praef(ecto)

coh(ortis) I Cyren(aicae) / trib(uno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) IIII /

M[ac(edonicae)] vixit annos / XXXXVI Antestii / Fortunatus et Cec/ilius

f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

P 28: CIL 13, 6817

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F D(is) M(anibus) / Tito Statilio Tauro / praef(ecto) fabrorum(!) /

praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I Aug(ustae) Itur(a)e/or(um) et VI Thracum

trib(uno) / mil(itum) leg(ionis) XXII Pr(imigeniae) P(iae) F(idelis) vixit /

an(nos) XXXVI Statilius For/tunatus lib(ertus) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

P 29: AE 1968, 321 =

AE 1976, 505

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)21

F [Claudia T]i(beri) fil(ia) Fa[---] / [Ti(berio) Clau]dio Tiber[i fil(io) ---

sacerdot]i Romae [et Aug(usti) ad aram in? c]olon(ia) Trev[erorum] /

[praefec]to ad ripa[m et alae] / [Trevero]rum(?) qua[estori in] /

[civita]te Treve[rorum ---]

P 30: CIL 13, 6530

(Murrhardt)

V S(oli) I(nvicto) M(ithrae) / Sex(tus) Iulius / D(ecimi) f(ilius) Hor(atia)

Flo/rus Victori/nus trib(unus) co[h(ortis)] / XXIIII V(oluntariorum)

c(ivium) R(omanorum) tem[p(lo)] / a solo restitu/to votum pro / se ac suis

solvit

P 31: CIL 13, 7735

(Niederberg)

V Fortunae / Gn(aeus) Calpurnius / Verus praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) VII

Raetor(um) / eq(uitatae)

20

The identity of this prefect‟s unit is uncertain, but it may be coh. I Sequanorum et Rauricorum (CIL 6609 = RSO

27). 21

The only example from Germania of an auxiliary in civilian government, if correctly restored.

291

P 32: AE 1903, 89

(Niederberg)

V Fortunae / Cn(aeus) Calpurnius / Verus praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) VII

Raetor(um) eq(uitatae)

P 33: CIL 13, 11959 =

RSO 19 = AE 1964,

150 (Nieder-

Ingelheim)

V [I(ovi] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [c]oh(ors) IIII Aquit(anorum) / [e]q(uitata)

c(ivium) R(omanorum) cui / [praeest C(aius) Tet/[t]ius Secun/dus

praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 34: CIL 13, 5007

(Noviodunum

Equestrium / Nyon)

F D(ecimo) Iul(io) L(uci) f(ilio) Vol(tinia) Ripano / Capitoni Bassiano /

equo publico honorato / praefect(o) fabrum / trib(uno) mil(itum)

coh(ortis) I Gal[l(ica)] i[n Hi]sp(ania) / L(ucius) Iul(ius) Brocchus /

Valer(ius) Bassus / filio

P 35: AE 1996, 1115

(Noviodunum

Equestrium / Nyon)

F [--- pro]c(uratori) XX h[ered(itatium) ---] / [--- pro]c(uratori)

Chersonen[si ---] / [--- pr]aef(ecto) coh(ortis) II Raeto[rum ---] / patr[ono

---]

P 36: CIL 13, 6620 =

RSO 24 = AE 1903,

381 (Obernburg am

Main)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Petronius / Florentinus / domo Saldas

/ praef(ectus) coh(ortis) IIII / Aq(uitanorum) eq(uitatae) c(ivium)

R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 37: AE 2003, 1274

(Obernburg am Main)

V Campestr/ibus sacrum / L(ucius) Petron[ius] / L(uci) filius Ste[l]/latina /

Florentinus / domo Sald/as(!) praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) IIII Aq(uitanorum) /

[[Commodia]]/[[nae]] eq(uitatae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 38: CIL 13, 6621 =

ILS 2602 = RSO 31 =

AE 1903, 382

(Obernburg am Main)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Apollini et Aes/culapio Saluti / Fortunae

sacr(um) / pro salute L(uci) Pe/troni Florenti/ni praef(ecti) coh(ortis) IIII

/ Aq(uitanorum) eq(uitatae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) M(arcus) Ru/brius

Zosimus / medicus coh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae) / domu Ostia / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 39: CIL 13, 6542

(Oehringen)

D Liberoru]mque [---] / [---] eiu[s ---] / [Ne]mesi P(ublio) Cor(nelio)

An[ulli]/[n]o leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) / coh(ors) I

Helve(tiorum) et Brit(tonum) et [n(umerus)] / Aure(lianorum) sub cura

G(ai) V[al(eri)] / Titi 7(centurionis) leg(ionis) ex corn(iculario)

[co(n)s(ularis?)]

292

P 40: CIL 13, 6543

(Oehringen)

D [---]IO[---] / [--- liberoru]mq(ue?) et T[---] / [---]DE P(ublio) Corne[lio

Anul]/[lin]o leg(ato) Aug(usti) p[r(o) pr(aetore)] / [coh(ors) I]

Helve(tiorum) et Brit(onum) [et num(erus)] / [Aure(lianorum) sub] cur(a)

C(ai) V[aleri] / [Titi 7(centurionis) leg(ionis)] ex cor[nicul(ario?)

co(n)s(ularis?)]

P 41: RSO 115 =

Schillinger 49 = AE

1978, 530

(Osterburken)

F [---]CIS P(ublius) Allius / Proculus / domo Ro/ma praef(ectus) /

[coh(ortis) III Aqui]t(anorum) / [---]

P 42: CIL 13, 7445

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

V [For]tuna[e]/ [S]extiu[s] / [Vi]cto[r] / [p]ra[ef(ectus)] / [coh(ortis) II

Raet(orum)

P 43: CIL 13, 7452

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

V [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et Geni]o loc[i] / [in] h(onorem) d(omus)

d(ivinae) pr[o] / [sa]lute Impp(eratorum) L(uci) / [Sep]t(imi) Severi

[P(ii)] / [Pertinac(is)] Aug(usti) et [M(arci)] / [Aur(eli) Antonini

Aug(usti)] / [et P(ubli) Sept(imi) Getae Caes(aris)] / [et Iuli]ae

A[ug(ustae)] / [mat(ri) Aug(ustorum)] Q(uintus) A[---]/[---]ndr[us] /

[praef(ectus) coh(ortis) II Raet(orum)]

P 44: CIL 13, 7460

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

V Numfhis(!) / sacrum / coh(ors) II Raet(orum) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) cui /

pr(a)eest / [--- S]exti/[us V]ictor / [prae]fect(us) / [v(otum)] s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 45: CIL 13, 7462

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)22

D Imp(eratori) Ca[e]s(ari) [di]vi / Hadri(ani) f[i]l(io) d[i]vi / Trai(ani)

Pa[r]thici / nep(oti) / div[i] Nervae / pronep(oti) T(ito) Ael(io) /

Hadri(ano) A[ntoni]/[n]o A[u]g(usto) [pon]/[ti]f(ici) max(imo)

[trib(unicia)] / pot(estate) II co(n)[s(uli) II] / d[e]sig(nato) III / coh(ors) II

Ra[et(orum) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

P 46: CIL 13, 7465

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)23

D [Im]p(eratori) Caes(ari) M(arco) [A]urel(io) / Antonino Pio [Fe]/lici

Aug(usto) pontif[ici] / max(imo) Britan(nico) ma[x(imo)] / Parthico

ma[x(imo)] / [t]ribunic(ia) pote[s]/tatis XV co(n)s(uli) I[II] / p(atri)

p(atriae) proco(n)s(uli) coh(ors) / [II Raet(orum)] Antoninia[na] /

[c(ivium)] R(omanorum) d[e]vota numin[i] / ei[u]s

P 47: CIL 13, 6658 = V [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / Helio[p]oli[ta]/no V[e]ner[i F]/elici

22

140 CE. 23

212 CE.

293

RSOR 15 (Stockstadt) Merc/urio [A]ug[ust(o) M(arcus?)] / Iulius Ma[rci] / fil(ius) Fab[i]a

R[uf]/us Pap[irianus?] / Sentiu[s] Gem[el]/lus do[m]o B[---] /

praef(ectus) c[oh(ortis) I] Aqu[it(anorum)] / castris [---]III[---] / [---]N[--

-] / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)] m(erito)

P 48: CIL 13, 11780 =

RSOR 11 = CCID 530

(Stockstadt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Doliche/no coh(ors) / I Aquit(anorum) /

vet(erana) eq(uitata) / cui prae/est T(itus) Fa/bius Libe/ralis praef(ectus) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 49: CIL 13, 11782 =

RSOR 9 = CCID 532

(Stockstadt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dolicheno / L(ucius) Caecilius Cae/cilianus

praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) I Aquitanor(um) / domo Thaenis / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 50: CIL 13, 11783 =

RSOR 10 = CCID 533

(Stockstadt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Dol[i]chen(o) / L(ucius) Caecilius L(uci) f(ilius)

/ Quirina Caecili/[a]nus praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / [I Aq]uit(anorum) domo

Th[a]/[enis] Afric[ae ---]

P 51: CIL 13, 11523 =

RISch 2, 174

(Vindonissa /

Windisch)

F [---]DOM[---] / [---]assus [---] / [--- p]r(aefectus) coho[rtis ---] / [---]A[-

--]

7. GS Unit dedications identifying no specific soldiers

U 1: AE 1992, 1290

(Arnsburg)

D [I(mperatore) C(ommodo)] A(ugusto) coh(ortis) V Del(matarum) /

[|(centuriae)] Victorini / Ursidi

U 2: CIL 13, 7706

(Brohl)

V Herculi / Saxano / vexellatio(!) / cohortis / I c(ivium) R(omanorum) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

U 3: CIL 13, 7708

(Brohl)

V Herculi Sa/xsano(!) sac/ru(m) coh(ortis) II / [---]VM / [---]

U 4: CIL 13, 7721

(Brohl)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Hercu/li vexil(l)a/ti[o] c(o)ho(rtis) [X]V /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

U 5: CIL 13, 7325 =

RSO 53 (Frankfurt am

D [Pro s]al[ute] / [Imp(eratoris) C]ae[s(aris) M(arci) Aur(eli)] /

294

Main)24 [Co]mmod[I Aug(usti)] / [co]h(ors) I Seq(uanorum) et R[aur(icorum)] /

[c]uram ag[ente] / [S]extilio P[---]/o 7(centurione) leg(ionis) XXII

[P(rimigeniae) P(iae) F(idelis)] / [I]mp(eratore) Commod(o) VI

c[o(n)s(ule)]

U 6: CIL 13, 7418

(Grosskrotzenburg)

D [In h(onorem)] d(omus) d(ivinae) / [c]oh(ors) IIII V[ind(elicorum)] /

[cur(am] agen[te?] / [---]TI[ // ]R[---] / [---]PI[ // ]ES[---]

U 7: Ness-Lieb 141 =

RSO 54 (Jagsthausen)

D [---][[L(uci) Se[ptimi]]] / [[Se[veri]]] / veterani con/sistenses ad hi/berna

cohor(tis) / I Ger(manorum) duobus / Silanis co(n)s(ulibus)

U 8: CIL 13, 11740 =

ILS 9323 = RSOR 19

(Lopodunum /

Ladenburg)

V Sulevis so/roribus L(ucius) / Gallionius Ianuar(ius) / dec(urio) al(ae) I

Cannanef(atium) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

U 9: CIL 13, 6609 =

RSO 27 (Miltenberg)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [ // coh(ortis) I] / Seq(uanorum) et

Rauracor/um curaverunt

U 10: AE 1929, 131

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

V D(eo) I(nvicto) M(ithrae) / pro salute / [tu]r(mae) equi[tum] / [coh(ortis) I

I]tur(aeorum?) / [---] / [---] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

U 11: CIL 13, 6531 =

AE 1895, 33

(Murrhardt)

D Iuliae Augus/tae matr[i i]ndul/gentis[si]mi / prince[pis] M(arci) /

[A]ur(eli) An[to]ni/n[i p]ii [Aug(usti)] ma/tri [sen]atus ma/tri

c[as]tror(um) matri / pat[ri]ae coh(ors) XXIIII / Vol(untariorum)

Antonini/ana c(ivium) R(omanorum) devo/[ta] n[um]ini eius

U 12: Finke 201 = RSO

69 = AE 1923, 30

(Obernburg am Main)

D Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Marco [Aurelio] / Antonino Aug(usto) [tr(ibunicia)

p(otestate) XVI] / [c]o(n)s(uli) III et imp(eratori) C[aes(ari)] / [L(ucio)

A]urelio Vero [Aug(usto)] / [tri]b(unicia) potest(ate) II co(n)s[uli II] /

[co]h(ors) IIII Aq(uitanorum) eq(uitata) c(ivium) R(omanorum)

U 13: CIL 13, 7736 =

AE 1897, 111

(Niederberg)

V [Genio l]oci |(centuria) coh(ortis) VI[I] / [Raetor(um) eq]uit(atae)

Anton(inianae) / [---]irio

U 14: AE 1903, 90

(Niederberg)

V [Genio l]oci coh(ors) VI[I] / [Raetorum eq]uit(ata) Anton(iniana) /

[votum solvit m]erito

U 15: CIL 13, 11769 = O [--- coh(ors)] / II[I Aquit(anorum)] / eq[uitata re]/stitu[it(?)]

24

192 CE.

295

RSO 81 (Osterburken)

U 16: CIL 13, 6361

(Rottenburg)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Al(a?) Valle/nsium / posue/runt / ex voto /

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

U 17: CIL 13, 6503 =

ILS 2584 = RSO 43

(Steinbach)25

V Minervae / aeneatores / coh(ortis) I Seq(uanorum) / et Raur(icorum)

eq(uitatae) / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito)

U 18: CIL 13, 6509 =

ILS 2614 = RSO 20

(Schlossau)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / vexil(latio) / coh(ortis) I / Seq(uanorum) et

Raur(icorum) / eq(uitatae) sub cur(a) / Antoni Nata/lis |(centurionis)

leg(ionis) XXII P(rimigeniae) / P(iae) F(idelis) ob burg(um) ex/plic(itum)

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

U 19: CIL 13, 7457 =

CCID 501 (Saalburg,

Bahnhof)

V I(ovi) [O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / Do[lich]en(o) / [sacru]m coh(ors) / [II

Raet]or(um) cu[i] / [praeest ---]

8. GS High-ranking auxiliaries: immunes and principales

IP 1: CIL 13, 6292

(Baden-Baden)

V

Matri Deum / C(aius) Sempronius / Saturninus 7(centurio) / coh(ortis)

XXVI vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

IP 2: CIL 13, 6236 =

ILS 2533

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F M(arcus) Semproni/us L(uci) f(ilius) domo / Termestinus / anno(rum) XX[-

--] / dec(urio) eques alae / Sebosianae / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

IP 3: CIL 13, 7513a

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

D |(centuria) Leubacci G(---) / p(edatura) p(edum) LXXII su/b cur(a)

Cres(centini) / Respecti 7(centurionis) leg(ionis) VIII Aug(ustae)

IP 4: CIL 13, 7705

(Brohl)

V Herc(u)li Saxa/no Gemell/us im[a]ginif(er) / coh(ortis) III Astu/rum

P(iae) F(idelis) D(omitianae) et / vexil(latio) s(?) coh(ortis) / eiusdem /

v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) l(aeti) m(erito)

25

An aeneator specialized in playing a bronze trumpet; cf. OLD 64 s.v. “aeneator.”

296

IP 5: CIL 13, 7707

(Brohl)

V Herc(uli) Saxsan(o!) sacr(um) / Iulius Verecund(us) / centurio

c(o)ho[r(tis)] II Var/cianorum(?) ex voto

IP 6: CIL 13, 7722

(Brohl)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) Iun(oni) / Marti Her(culi) / [s]acrum C(aius) /

Domitius / Rufinus d(ecurio) / coh(ortis) II c(ivium) R(omanorum) P(iae)

F(idelis) D(omitianae) / [e]t commilitones / v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes)

l(aeti) m(erito)

IP 7: Schillinger 140 =

AE 1978, 555

(Burgbrohl)

V Nimphis(!) et A[p]/ollini sacr[.] / [.] Iunius Ela[..]/us |(centurio)

coh(ortis) I ci[v(ium)] / Romanor[u]/m v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

IP 8: CIL 13, 7433 =

AE 1969/70, 438

(Butzbach)

D Im(peratore) Co(mmodo) Au(gusto) al(a) Moe(sica) t(urma) Placid[i]

Firmi // Apron(i) X

IP 9: AE 2001, 1538

(Gross-Gerau)26

F [---] / [decuri]oni / [---]oci f(ilio) Treviro

IP 10: CIL 13, 7410 =

AE 1895, 145

(Grosskrotzenburg)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) P(---) / M(--- ) |(centurio) c(o)h(ortis) IIII /

Vin(delicorum) / ex iu(ssu) d(edit)

IP 11: CIL 13, 7741

(Heddesdorf)

D I[n honore]m d(omus) d(ivinae) et co[h(ortis) [---] vo[l(untariorum) [---]

ob inco]lu/mitatem M(arcus) Alpinius Auli fi[l(ius) --- Qu]irina /

[c]lassicianu[s 7(centurio) c]oh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae) flame[n ---] et

Prima / [et Po]tenti[---] signum ae]reum rever[sus Fortu]nae

Conser/[va]tric[i] posuit

IP 12: CIL 13, 5247 =

RISch 2, 195 (Iona)

V C(aius) Oc(tavius?) Provin/cialis sign(ifer) <c>(ohortis?) / C(aius)

Ul[a]gius(?) Vis/[---] pro se s/[uisque] omnib(us)

IP 13: CIL 13, 6555 =

RSO 35 (Jagsthausen)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Iunoni Reg(inae) / L(ucius) Petronius / Tertius

7(centurio) coh(ortis) / I Ger(manorum) ex voto / suscepto pro / se et suis

pos/uit l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

IP 14: AE 2000, 1097

(Lopodunum /

Ladenburg)

O T(urmae?) Imagini

IP 15: CIL 13, 6538

(Mainhardt)

F D(is) M(anibus) / Maximo Dasan/tis mensori coh(ortis) I / Asturum

26

The findspot of this inscription suggests that this is a military, rather than civilian, decurio.

297

7(centuria) Co[---]/uni Quin[t]ini s[ti]/pendiorum XVIII / an(n)orum

XXXVIII / c(ivis) Dalmata ex m/unicipio Magn[o] / et Batoni Beusantis /

optioni coh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae) 7(centuria) [ea]/dem stip(endiorum)

XVIII ann[o]/rum XL ex munici/pio Salvio A[---]E[---] / [---]ionis [---]

IP 16: CIL 13, 6604 =

RSO 40 (Miltenberg)

V [I]n h(onorem) [d(omus) d(ivinae)] / Mercur(io) Cimb[riano] /

Mansuetinius Se[---] / 7(centurio) coh(ortis) I Seq(uanorum) et

R[auric(orum)] / sigil(lum) Mercur(i) [posuit?] / Apronian(o) et Bra[dua

co(n)s(ulibus)] 27

IP 17: CIL 13, 6611 =

RSO 119 (Miltenberg)

O Se(q)ue(n)s / signifer

IP 18: CIL 13, 6742 =

ILS 4596 = RSO 41

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

V In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) deo / Mercurio / C(i)m{a}briano(?) /

aed(em) cum si/gillo et ar/am posuit / Marcellin/ius Marcianu/s

cor(nicen?) coh(ortis) IIII Aq(uitanorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) mer(ito) Fau/stino et Ru/fino co(n)ss(ulibus)28

IP 19: CIL 13, 7028

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Sequentiae Faustinae / coniugi sanctissimae / et dulcissimae / quae vixit

annos XXXVII m(enses) IIII / sarcophagum iussu ipseius(!) / Fl(avius)

Flavianus Aventi/nus dec(urio) alae Indianae / coniugi incomparabili

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 20: CIL 13, 7032

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Iuliae Privatae sive Florentiae / coniugi inconparabili Ianuarius / Potens

decurio alae I Scub(u)lor(um) sin(gularis) / co(n)s(ularis) dulcissimae ob

merita eius f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 21: CIL 13, 7042

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Sibbaeus Eron/is f(ilius) tubicen ex / cohorte I / Ituraeorum / miles

ann(orum) XXIV / stipendiorum VIII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

IP 22: CIL 13, 7257

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Marcelliniae Marcellae coniug(i) / dilectissimae et dulcissimae

sarco/fagum(!) iussu eius Iul(ius) Paterninus dec(urio) alae / Indianae

coniugi incomparabili f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 23: CIL 13, 7296

(Mogontiacum /

Kastel)

F C(aio) Iulio C(ai) f(ilio) Volt(inia) / [---]s dec(urioni) alae Pi/[ce]ntin(a)e

an(norum) XXXXVIII / [---]F h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 24: AE 1992, 1277 V Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Andecamulus / dec(urio) alae Gem[ell(ianae)] /

27

191 CE. 28

210 CE.

298

(Muttenz) veteran[us] / Apol(lini) et M[inervae?] / v(otum) [s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)]

IP 25: CIL 13, 7345a =

CCID 518 = AE 1948,

158 (Nida /

Heddernheim)29

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) [M(aximo)] / Doli[che]/no Tib(erius) Cl(audius)

7(centurio) co(hortis) / I Dam(ascenorum) [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)]

IP 26: CIL 13, 7362

(Nida / Heddernheim)

V D(eo) in(victo) C(aius) / Lollius / Crispus]/ |(centurio) coh(ortis) XXXII /

Vol(untariorum)

IP 27: Schillinger 105

= AE 1978, 535 (Nida /

Heddernheim)

V Deae Candidae / Reginae / L(ucius) Augustius / Iustus |(centurio)

coh(ortis) / II Raetorum / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

IP 28: Schillinger 106

= AE 1978, 536 (Nida /

Heddernheim)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Sextius Ur/sus vetera/nus ex dec(urione) /

c(o)ho(rtis) I Damas/cenorum in / suo ex voto / posuit Albi/no et Maximo

co(n)s(ulibus)

IP 29: AE 1903, 144

(Niederberg)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Iu/noni Regi/nae Titio/nius Prim/us

7(centurio) coh(ortis) VIII / Raet(orum) eq(uitatae) / v(otum) m(erito)

s(olvit)

IP 30: CIL 13, 7736a

(Niederberg)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Iu/noni reg/[i]nae Titio/niu[s] Prim/us

7(centurio) [c]oh(ortis) VII / Rae[t(orum)] eq(uitatae) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) [l(aetus)] m(erito)

IP 31: CIL 13, 6286

(Offenburg)

F L(ucio) Valerio Alb/ino dom(o) IIIISI[---] / 7(centurio) c(o)ho(rtis) I

Trhacu[m] (!) / ann(orum) LXV sti(pendiorum) XXIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

IP 32: CIL 13, 6569 =

RSO 18 = AE 1893, 42

(Osterburken)

V Genio t(urmae) I[us]/ti At[ti]an[i] / Iustius At/tianus d[ec(urio)] / de suo

pos(uit) [---]

IP 33: CIL 13, 11767 =

RSO 52

(Osterburken)30

D [--- pr]o salute coh(ortis) III Aq[uit(anorum)] / [Ul]pius(?) Iulianus

medicus / [c]oh(ortis) s(upra) s(criptae) bene merentib[us] / [d]e suo

pos(u)it Saturn[ino] / [e]t Gal(l)o co(n)s(ulibus) l(ibens) [m(erito)]

IP 34: AE 1971, 278 =

Schillinger 30

(Stettfeld)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Florentini(us) / Quintianus / vet(eranus)

coh(ortis) XXIIII / vol(untariorum) ex corni/cul(ario) pr(a)ef(ecti) /

29

227 CE, included because the soldier is a veteranus, and therefore recruited before the constitutio Antoniniana. 30

198 CE.

299

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

1P 35: CIL 13, 11775

= RSOR 4 (Stockstadt)

V [I]n h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) Herc(uli) [---]i/no Adn(amatius)

Superstis(!) / dec(urio) coh(ortis) II Hisp(anorum) v(otum) / s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

IP 36: CIL 13, 11785 =

RSOR 17 (Stockstadt)

V Minervae / [P]apias sig/[n]if(er) coh(ortis) I / [Aquit(anorum) vet(eranae)

eq(uitatae) ---]

IP 37: Schillinger 58 =

RSOR 5 = AE 1967,

335 (Stockstadt)

V In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) / I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Attius

Terti/[u]s 7(centurio) coh(ortis) II His/[pa]norum p/[ro] salute sua / [et]

Cissonis / coniugis su/ae et filior/um suoru/m v(otum) s(usceptum)

p(osuit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

IP 38: CIL 13, 7395 =

ILS 2585 (Strassheim)

V Marti et Victo/riae / Soemus Severus / cornicul(arius) coh(ortis) <I>

Fl(aviae) / Damas(cenorum) (milliariae) eq(uitatae) sag(ittariorum) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

IP 39: CIL 13, 6528

(Welzheim)

D [---] cura M[---] / [---] sesq(uiplicarius) al[ae // ]OS IM[---]

IP 40: AE 2001, 1544

(Wolfersheim)31

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Quintioni/us Servian/us veteran(us) /

ex (sesquiplicario) al(a)e In/dianae Ant/oninian[ae] / [---]

IP 41: CIL 13, 7743 (?) F [D]is Manib(us) C(aius) I(ulius) Fl[----] / c(ornicularius) trib(uni)

mil(itum) coh(ortis) / [v]o[l(untariorum)] 7(centuria) Capitonis /

[milit(avit)] annis XV C[---]

9. GS Auxiliary infantry and cavalry milites gregales

A 1: CIL 13, 6270 = D

2588 (Altiaea / Alzey)

F Faustinio Faustino Sennauci Florionis fil(io) mil(iti) / coh(ortis) I

F(laviae) D(amascenorum) ped(iti) sing(ulari) co(n)s(ularis) Gemmellinia

Faustina mat(er) / et Faustinia Potentina sor(or) her(edes) secundum

volumt(atem!) / testamenti pos(uerunt) vixit an(nos) [---]V decidit in flore

31

211-222 CE (AE comm. ad loc).

300

iuvent(a)e / f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

A 2: CIL 13, 7684

(Andernach)

F [F]irmus / Ecconis f(ilius) / mil(es) ex coh(orte) / Raetorum / natione

M/ontanus / ann(orum) XXXVI / stip(endiorum) X[IIII] h[---] [---]es

Fuscus / serv[us] heres [e]x tes[t(amento)] / po[sui]t

A 3: CIL 13, 5095

(Aventicum /

Avenches)

F [---] 7(centuria?) [---]V[---] / [---] Anien[si ---] / [---]ius [---] / [---]

mi[l(es) c]oh(ortis) I Ho[---] / c(ivium) R(omanorum) |(centuria) Senecae

a[n(norum)] / XL stip(endiorum) XVIII hi[c] / situs est testa[m(ento)] /

fieri iussit

A 4: CIL 13, 11605 =

ILS 9136 (Argentorate

/ Strasbourg)

V Marti / Loucet(io) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito) / Fittio

Cond/olli f(ilio) eq(ues) al/a Petri(ana) Treve(rorum)

A 5: CIL 13, 6305 =

ILS 2573 (Baden-

Baden)

F L(ucius) Reburrinius / L(uci) f(ilius) Cl(audia) Candidus / Ara mil(es)

c(o)h(ortis) XXVI / vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) (!) Anici

Vic/toris stip(endiorum) XIII / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 6: AE 1909, 130 =

CIL 13, 11717 (Baden-

Baden)

F C(aius) Veturiu[s] / C(ai) f(ilius) Vetur[ia] / Dexter Pla/cent(ia) mil(es)

co[h(ortis)] / XXVI Vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / |(centuria)

Victoris a[n(norum)] / XXXX stip(endiorum) XV[I] / h(eres) f(ecit)

A 7: CIL 13, 7507

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F Annaius Pravai f(ilius) Daverzus / mil(es) ex coh(orte) IIII Delmatarum /

ann(orum) XXXVI stipend(iorum) XV / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) p(osuit)

A 8: CIL 13, 7508

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F Bato Dasantis fil(ius) / natione Ditio mil(es) ex / coh(orte) IIII

Delmatarum a/nn(orum) XXXV stipendior(um) XV / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

h(eres) p(osuit)

A 9: CIL 13, 7509 =

CIL 13, 11962

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F Beusas Sut/ti f(ilius) Delmat(us) / mil(es) coh(ortis) IIII / [Delm]atar(um)

/ ann(orum) XXVI / stip(endiorum) VII h(eres) p(osuit) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 10: CIL 13, 7510

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F [B]reucus Blaedar[I f(ilius)] / miles ex coh(orte) I Panno(niorum) /

natione Breucus / [a]n(norum) XXXVI stip(endiorum) XVI h(ic) s(itus)

e(st) h(eres) p(osuit)

A 11: CIL 13, 7511

(Bingium /

F Scenus Assenionis / f(ilius) mil(es) ex c(o)ho(rte) I Pannoni/or[u]m

ann(orum) XXXV stip(endiorum) / [X]VII <<h(ic) i(ntus)>> s(itus) e(st)

301

Bingerbruck)

A 12: CIL 13, 7512

(Bingium / Bingen)

F Biddu[---] Astor(is) / f(ilius) Tripo[li Sur]us c(o)h(ortis) / I

sag(ittariorum) a[nn(orum)] XXVII / s(t)i(pendiorum) / XV hi(c) s(itus) est

/ Asipa [---]

A 13: CIL 13, 7513 =

ILS 2570 (Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F Hyperanor Hyperano/ris f(ilius) Cretic(us) Lappa mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) / I

sag(ittariorum) ann(orum) LX stip(endiorum) XVIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 14: CIL 13, 7514 =

ILS 2571 (Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

F Tib(erius) Iul(ius) Abdes Pantera / Sidonia ann(orum) LXII /

stipen(diorum) XXXX miles exs(!) / coh(orte) I sagittariorum / h(ic) s(itus)

e(st)

A 15: CIL 13, 7515

(Bingium / Bingen)

F C(aius) Iulius H/astaius / c(o)hor(tis) sagi(ttariorum) / mis(s)icius /

Amoena l(iberta ) h(ic) s(iti) s(unt)

A 16: CIL 13, 7516

(Bingium /

Bingerbruck)

? [--- miles] / co(hortis) IIII [Delmatarum --- h(ic s(itus) e(st)?]32

A 17: CIL 13, 11962a

(Bingium / Bingen)

F [---] / natione Sur/us miles exs(!) |coh(orte) / I sagittarior/um an(norum) L

stip(endiorum) / XI h(ic) [s(itus) e(st)

A 18: CIL 13, 6230 =

ILS 2496

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Argiotalus / Smertulitani / f(ilius) Namnis equ(es) / ala(e) Indiana(e) /

stip(endiorum) X anno(rum) / XXX h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / (h)eredes posue/runt

A 19: CIL 13, 6233

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Q(uinto) Carminio In/gen[u]o [eq]uit[i ala(e) I?] / Hispanorum

a[nn(orum) ---] / stip(endiorum) XXV signifero / sacer(doti) Iulius h(eres)

e(x) t(estamento)

A 20: CIL 13, 6234

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Licinius Clossi / f(ilius) Helvetius ann(orum) / XLVII eques ala(e) I /

Hisp(anorum) stip(endiorum) XXVI h(ic) [s(itus) e(st)] / Tib(erius) Iul(ius)

Capito h(eres) [---]

32

The unit‟s ethnic title can be securely restored based on comparanda from Bingium. There is no evidence that this

unit was equitate. CIL 13, 07509 = CIL 13, 11962, a first century tombstone from Bingium using the expected

formula mil(es) coh(ortis) contemporaneously with mil(es) ex coh(orte), preserves a welcome comparandum on

which to base reconstruction. This is probably an auxiliary tombstone rather than a religious dedication. If it is a

tombstone, then it should conform to pre-Flavian formulae.

302

A 21: CIL 13, 6235 =

ILS 2503

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Partus Mutii f(ilius) / eques ala(e) Agrippi/ana(e) natione Trever /

annoru(m) XXXV stip(endiorum) / [X]IIII hic sit(us) est / fratres posuerunt

A 22: CIL 13, 6240

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Veiagenus / Sisgi f(ilius) mil/es ex coh/orte Raeto(rum) / an(norum) XLVI

stip(endiorum) / XXIV natus M/onte / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 23: CIL 13, 6242

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F [---]S / [---]ni f(ilius) / miles ex / cohorte / [R]aetor(um) et

Vindol<i>(corum!) / ann(orum) XL[---] / stip(endiorum) XXIV / h(ic)

s(itus) e(st) / frater p(osuit)

A 24: CIL 13, 11709 =

AE 1899, 191

(Borbetomagus /

Worms)

F Leubius Claupi / f(ilius) eq(ues) missicius / ala Sebosiana / an(norum)

LXXXI h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / Gratus f(ilius) miles / ex t(estamento) f(ecit)

A 25: RISch 2, 186 =

AE 1971, 276 = AE

1972, 353 (Brugg)

F Caeno [---] / f(ilius) c(enturio) coh(ortis) His[pa]nor(um) / domo Tancia /

Norbana ann(orum) XL stip(endiorum) XVIIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) /

Cundigus Boeli f(ilius) / h(eres) p(osuit)

A 26: CIL 13, 7399a

(Freidberg)

V Victor/iae / M(arcus) Iuni[us] / Iovin[ia]/[n]us m[il(es)] / [c]oh(ortis) I

Aq(uitanorum) (v(otum) [s(olvit)] / l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

A 27: CIL 13, 6407 =

RSO 58 (Heidelberg)

V [--- eques] / coh(ortis) II Aug(ustae) / C[y]ren(aicae) eq(uitatae) / tur(ma)

Au[r]el(i) Res/titut(i) v(oto?) a(nimo?) l(ibens?) f[e]c[i]t

A 28: CIL 13, 11734 =

RSO 109 (Heidelberg-

Neuenheim)

F [---]N[---] / [---]ac[---] / [---]a mi[l(es)] / [--- co]h(ortis) XXIII[I] /

[vol(untariorum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) 7(centuria) V]etti [---]

A 29: AE 2000, 1096

(Lopodunum /

Ladenburg)

O Tur(mae) Corneli Genialis SVP

A 30: CIL 13, 7436 =

AE 1893, 38 = AE

1900, 211 = AE

1969/70, 439

(Langenhain)

D Imp(eratore) Com(modo) Vag(usto!) / coh(ortis) I Bit(urigum)

7(centuriae) Primi/tivi Masclioni / Primus

A 31: AE 1992, 1292

(Langenhain)

O Titus / 7(centuriae) Vitrii

303

A 32: AE 1992, 1293

(Langenhain)

D Imp(eratore) Com(modo) Aug(usto) / coh(ortis) I Bit(urigum) t(urmae)

Vero/niani(?) / [.] A[---]isu[s]

A 33: AE 1992, 1294

(Langenhain)

D Imp(eratore)] Com(modo) Aug(usto) / coh(ortis) I Bit(urigum)

7(centuriae) C(ai) / [..]nsani / Sattonis

A 34: CIL 13, 7023 =

ILS 2504

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Andes Sex(ti) f(ilius) / cives Raeti/nio eq(ues) ala(e) / Claud(iae)

an(norum) XXX / stip(endiorum) V h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) f(aciendum)

c(uravit)

A 35: CIL 13, 7024 =

AE 1898, 72

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Iulius Ingenius / Massae f(ilius) / cives(!) (H)elvetius / miss(icius) ex al(a)

<I> Fl(avia) / hic sit(us) est h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 36: CIL 13, 7025

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Annauso Seda/vonis f(ilius) cives / Betasiu[s eq(ues) al(ae)] / II Flavia(e)

[---]

A 37: CIL 13, 7026

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Rufus Coutus/vati f(ilius) natio(ne) (H)elvetius / eques ala(e) (H)ispanae /

sti(pendiorum) XIIX an(n)o(rum) XXXVI / her(es) p(osuit) h(ic) s(itus)

e(st)

A 38: CIL 13, 7027

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---] eques / [a]la(e) Hispanorum / [st]<i>p(endiorum) XXII an(n)o(rum)

XLV / hi(c) situs est

A 39: CIL 13, 7029

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F C(aius) Romanius / eq(ues) alae Norico(rum) / Cl(audia) Capito / Celeia

an(norum) XL stip(endiorum) XIX / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) ex

t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 40: CIL 13, 7030

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]rationis / [f(ilius) eques alae N]oricorum / [an(norum) ---

s]tip(endiorum) VII h(ic) s(itus) / [e(st) heres?] fecit

A 41: CIL 13, 7031 =

ILS 2500

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)33

F Adbogius Coi/nagi f(ilius) na(tione) Petr/ucorius eq(ues) ala / Rusonis

an(norum) XXIIX sti(pendiorum) X / hic situs est / ex testamen/to libertus /

fecit

A 42: CIL 13, 7036 =

ILS 2575

F Freioverus / Veransati f(ilius) / cives Tung(rus) eq(ues) ex / coh(orte) I

Astur(um) an(norum) / XL stip(endiorum) XXII h(ic) s(itus) e(st) /

33

The cavalryman‟s libertus was presumably his former calo.

304

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

t(estamento) f(ieri) i(ussit) h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 43: CIL 13, 7037

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Ogrigenus / Pintil(i?) f(ilius) ex / cohorte / A{e}stur<o>ru(m) / et

Callaec/oru(m) an(norum) / XXIX stip(endiorum) IX heres / p(osuit)

A 44: CIL 13, 7038

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Aprilis Soi f(ilius) 7(centurio) c(o)ho(rtis) / <I> Belgica(e) / natione /

Li(n)gauster / ann(orum) XXII / h(ic) [s(itus) e(st)]

A 45: CIL 13, 7039

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Talanio(?) / Plassi f(ilius) / Docleas / mil(es) ex coh/orte V Dal(matarum)

/ 7(centuria) Capitonis / anno(rum) XXXV / stip(endiorum) VI h(ic) s(itus)

e(st) / Ziraeus po/s{s}uit mun/iceps(!) suo

A 46: CIL 13, 7040

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Caeus Han/eli f(ilius) m{h}iles / ex coh(orte) I Itu/ra<e>orum / annorum /

L stipendio/rum XIX / h(ic) s(itus) e(st) / Iamlicus / frater f(ecit)

A 47: CIL 13, 7041 =

ILS 2562

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Monimus / Ierombali f(ilius) / mil(es) c(o)hor(tis) I / Ituraeor(um) /

ann(orum) L stip(endiorum) XXI / h(ic) s(itus) est

A 48: CIL 13, 7043

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)34

F Ca(ius) Vinicar(ius?) L(uci) / f(ilius) coh(ortis) I Ytu/raior(um!)

annor(um) / XXXVII stip(endiorum) IIII / L(ucius) Vinicar(ius?) / fra(ter)

fa(ciendum) cu(ravit)

A 49: CIL 13, 7046

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---] f(ilius) mil(es) / [--- Panno]nioru(m?) / [---]TE / [---]

A 50: CIL 13, 7047

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Attio L[i]ani(?) f(ilius) Mo/ntanus annor(um) XLV / mil(es) co(ho)r(tis)

Raitorum(!) / stip(endiorum) XIX / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 51: CIL 13, 7048

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Cuses Sug/ent(i) f(ilius) Regus ex / c(o)ho(rte) Raet(orum) et

Vin(delicorum) / annor(um) XL stip(endiorum) / XX h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 52: CIL 13, 7049

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]/sese Lenulae f(ilius) D[a]/nsala mil(es) ex coh(orte) [IIII?] /

Thracum ann(orum) XXXI / stip(endiorum) XII h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

34

It is uncertain whether L. Vinicarius was an auxiliary like his brother. Frater is ambiguous here, but the

gentilicium shared by both dedicant and deceased is not.

305

A 53: CIL 13, 7050

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F C(aius) Tutius Mani f(ilius) / Dans(ala) eq(ues) ex co[h(orte)] / IIII

Trhac(um!) an(norum) XXXV / st(ipendiorum) X h(ic) s(itus) e(st) posu(it)

/ Bitus Stac(---) f(ilius) ex / testament

A 54: CIL 13, 7044

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [--- coh(ortis) I I]/turaeo[r(um) an(norum) ---] / stip(endiorum) II h(eres)

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 55: CIL 13, 7045

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Reburrus Co/roturetis f(ilius) mil(es) / c(o)ho(rtis) I Lucensiu(m) /

Hispanorum / an(norum) LIII sti(pendiorum) XXIIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

h(eres) ex t(estamento) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 56: CIL 13, 7051

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---] Thrac(um) / [--- s]tip(endiorum) XIII / [he]res posuit

A 57: CIL 13, 7052

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Petronius Disacentus / Dentubrise f(ilius) eq(ues) turma(e) / Longini ex

c(o)ho(rte) VI Thra(cum) / ann(orum) XXV stip(endiorum) V h(ic) s(itus)

e(st) / heres pos(u)it

A 58: CIL 13, 7060

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

O 7(Centuria) Octiumei / Fers(---) Sabini

A 59: CIL 13, 7060a

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

O 7(Centuria) Prionimi(?) / Sen/ti

A 60: CIL 13, 7246

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Capito Auguri / f(ilius) veteranus ex / coh(orte) II Raetoru(m) / an(norum)

LII h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 61: CIL 13, 11868 =

ILS 9167

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Genialis Clusiodi / f(ilius) imag(inifer) ex coh(orte) VII / Rae(torum)

an(norum) XXXV stip(endiorum) / XIII h(eres) p(osuit)

A 62: AE 1910, 211 =

CIL 13, 11869

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]us Paturi / [fil(ius) eq(ues) a]l(ae) Pice(ntianae) nati/[one Nori]cus

an(norum) XXXV / [stip(endiorum) V(?)] h(eres) posuit / [---]o CIVERVM

/ [---]

A 63: CIL 13, 11870

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Surus Coc/ae f(ilius) nati(one) / Dansala / mil(es) e[x ---]

306

A 64: AE 1938, 120 =

Nesselhauf 113

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Paulla Ti(beri) / Iuli Selvani / ex c(o)hor(te) Sur(orum) / anno(rum) XXIIX

/ h(ic) s(ita) e(st) / (h)ospes si vacu(u)m / est tumuli cog/noscere cas{s}us /

perlege nam mo/rtis [[---]] caus{s}a / dolenda fu{u}it / dic rogo nu(n)c

iuve/nis sit tibi terra / levis

A 65: AE 1940, 114 =

Nesselhauf 114a

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)35

F Nunadus / Sacri f(ilius) Runi/cas miles ex / c(o)ho(rte) Raet(orum) et /

Vindelico(rum) / anno(rum) XXXIIII / stip(endiorum) XI h(ic) s(itus) e(st) /

hered(e)s / 7(centuriones) Rufus / et Munnis

A 66: AE 1940, 115

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Sterio Exi/mnii f(ilius) miles / ann(orum) XL stip(endiorum) / XVI ex

c(o)hor(te) / Raet(orum) et V<i>ndel(icorum) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 67: AE 1962, 290 =

Schillinger 92

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Abaius [---] / f(ilius) na(tione) Pan(nonicus) / eq(ues) ala[e

P]ic(entianae?) [---]

A 68: AE 1965, 251 =

Schillinger 66

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Theander Aristome/ni f(ilius) Cretensis mil(es) / coh(ortis) I Noricor(um)

optio / an(norum) XLV stip(endiorum) XXVI h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres)

f(aciundum) c(uravit)

A 69: AE 1959, 188 =

Ness-Lieb 169 = AE

1967, 339

(Mogintiacum / Mainz)

F Maris Casiti f(ilius) anno(rum) L / stip(endiorum) XXX ala Part(h)o(rum)

et / Araborum turma / Variagnis Masicates / frater et Tigranus / posierunt

(!)

A 70: Finke 212

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---] eq(ues) ala(e) Nori[corum ---] / [---] an(norum) XXX stip(endiorum)

[---]

A 71: Nesselhauf 112

= AE 1940, 116

(Mogontiacum

/Mainz)36

F [---]ili f(ilius) d(omo) IO[---] / anoru[m ---] / eques d[upla]ius (?) ala[e

Ind?]/ iana? [---]

35

Centurions are the heirs and dedicants of this infantryman‟s monument. 36

Nesselhauf‟s text differs significantly from that of AE 1940, 116: [---]/ili f(ilius) d(omo) To[---] / an(n)or(um) V[-

--] / eques p[ecua]/rius ala(e) / [Ind]iana(e?) [---]. An identification of this text with ala Indiana Gallorum is

probable, given the existence of other inscriptions at Mogontiacum mentioning this unit (AE 1929, 130, CIL 13,

7028). Cf. Spaul 1994: 152-153, esp. 153 n.2, although Spaul does not record Nesselhauf‟s edition in his references.

There are no direct parallels for an eques pecuarius, although, as Spaul notes, CIL 13, 7077 and CIL 13, 8287 record

a miles pecuarius. However, Nesselhauf read d instead of p; his solution d[upla]ius, an alternate form of

duplicarius, is plausible, although comparanda in Roman Germany are lacking. The apparent nominative case of the

unit is puzzling, unless the editors of AE were correct in assuming an error in inscription, but the possibility of

307

A 72: Nesselhauf 115

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]us Iucu/ndus m/il(es) coh(ortis) / XXIIII vol(untariorum) / an(norum)

L sti(pendiorum) / XXI[---]

A 73: Schillinger 59 =

AE 1965, 258 = AE

1978, 556

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F M(arcus) Traidua Did[ae f(ilius)] / natione Salet[a eq(ues)] / ex coh(orte)

IV Thra[cum] / [--- h(ic)] s(itus) e(st) [h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)]

A 74: Schillinger 99 =

AE 1976, 495

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Antiochus / Antiochi f(ilius) / Parthus Anaz/arbaeus eques / ala(e)

Parthorum / et Araborum evo/catus triplicarius / stip(endiorum) X donis

don/atus Belesippus / frater posuit

A 75: Schillinger 101

= AE 1976, 497b = AE

1978, 562

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F Molaecus / Samuti f(ilius) / an(norum) L ex co(horte) III / Ituraius /

stip(endiorum) XIIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 76: CIL 13, 7297

(Mogontiacum /

Kastel)

F [---] C(ai) Iuli Aqui[t]i / [---] nat(ione) Pictav(i) / [---] eques(!) [---]II / [-

--]

A 77: CIL 13, 11938 =

RSO 23 (Mogontiacum

/ Kastel)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Meloni/us Nigr/inus vex(illarius) / [coh(ortis) I

Lig(urum)] / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)] // I(ovi) O(ptimo)

M(aximo) / Meloni/[us Nig]/[rinus] / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)]

A 78: AE 1945, 78 =

Ness-Lieb 170

(Mogontiacum /

Weisenau)

F Pradus / Sarn(i) f(ilius) / mil(es) ex / coh(orte) VII Br/eucorum /

an(norum) XXV / stip(endiorum) IIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 79: Finke 352 = AE

1929, 130

(Mogontiacum /

Weisenau)37

F Fronto / Dregeni f(ilius) natione / Ubius eques / ala(e) Ind[ianae

ann(orum) --- stip(endiorum) --- h(ic) s(itus) e(st)?]

A 80: Ness-Lieb 171

(Mogontiacum /

Weisenau)

F [--- Ner]rviro(um) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / [|(centuria?)] Vari(?) Prisci /

[an(norum?) --- stip(endiorum) ---] I h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

eq(ues) (ex) ala [Ind]iana, could solve this problem. Thus there might be a parallel with the miles ex cohorte

formula, which had a usage peculiar to Roman Germany (see M. A. Speidel 1993: 193, 196, and discussion in ch. 3). 37

The sole mention of the ethnic Ubius among extant auxiliary personnel; see also ch. 3.

308

A 81: CIL 13, 6533

(Murrhardt)

F D(is) M(anibus) / Asson(ius) Iustus mil(es) / coh(ortis) XXIIII

Vol(untariorum) vix(it) / an(nos) XL Cintusmus / s[e]c(undus) her(es) sua

vol(untate) f(ecit)

A 82: CIL 13, 7331

(Nida / Heddernheim)

V Divabus SO[---] / Solimarus m[il(es)] / coh(ortis) IIII Vind(elicorum) [ex

i]/us(su?) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito) s(olvit?)

A 83: CIL 13, 7342 =

CCID 519 (Nida /

Heddernheim)

V Deo Dol(icheno) / Atilius / Tertius / ex coh(orte) / II Aug(usta)

<C>(yrenaica?) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) me(rito)

A 84: CIL 13, 7365

(Nida / Heddernheim)

V Fortu[n(ae)] / sacrum / Tacilus eq(ues) / alae I Fla(viae) / t(urma?)

Cl(audi) Amici / v(otum) [s(olvit)] l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

A 85: CIL 13, 7381

(Nida /

Heddernheim)38

F Dis Man(ibus) / Q(uinto) Favonio / Varo fil(io) / Q(uintus) Favoni/us

Varus / coh(ortis) XXXII / Vol(untariorum) pater / et Terenti/[a mater? ---

fecerunt?]

A 86: CIL 13, 7382

(Nida / Heddernheim)

F D(is) M(anibus) / P(h)iladelp(h)us / P(h)ilandri Ca[p]/padox [m]i[l](es) /

[c]o[h(ortis)] XXXII Vol(untariorum) / |(centuria) Ianuari / an(norum)

[L] st(ipendiorum) [X]XX

A 87: CIL 13, 7383,

(Nida / Heddernheim)

F Diis(!) Manibus / L(ucius) Val(erius) Felix / Galeria Lug(uduno) / miles

coh(ortis) XXXII Vo[l(untariorum)] / 7(centuria) Nerati Cleom[e]/nis /

[a]nnorum XXXX/ [a]erorum(!) XXI / cura(m) egit her(es)

A 88: CIL 13, 11947

(Nida / Heddernheim)

F G(aius?) Rant(ius) / Manibus / Atrectus N/ani fil(iu)s coh(orte) IIII /

Vindel(icorum) 7(centuria) Mura/esi heres sec/un(d)us d(e) s(uo) p(osuit)

A 89: CIL 13, 11948

(Nida / Heddernheim)

F [---] f(ilius) civ[is --- eq(ues)] / al(ae) I Flavi(ae) t[ur(mae?) -----]/ani

an(norum) XXV [---]

A 90: CIL 13, 11952

(Nida / Heddernheim)

D Imp(eratore) Com(modo) Aug(usto) / coh(ortis) XXXII Vol(untariorum) /

7(centuria) Victo(---) Dasius / Masuri

A 91: Schillinger 115

= AE 1978, 542 (Nida /

Heddernheim)

D I(mperatore) C(ommodo) A(ugusto) c(ohortis) / XXXII / v(oluntariorum)

|(centuriae) C(---) Q(---) / Val(eri) / Pri(---)

38

Terentia seems most likely to be the mother of the younger Q. Favonius Varus; if so, then the text appears to

anticipate mater after her name, in parallel with pater which immediately follows the name of the elder Favonius. It

is impossible to determine whether the tombstone specified these people as heredes.

309

A 92: RSO 106 =

Schillinger 57 = AE

1967, 338

(Niedernberg)

F D(is) M(anibus) / Marcellus Bolgedonis / miles coh(ortis) I Ligur(um) /

civis Sequan(us) / stip(endiorum) XXIII / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 93: Schillinger 135

(Okarben)

O T(urmae) Grati / Ulpi / Aprilis / t(urmae) Tulli

A 94: CIL 13, 6277 =

ILS 2497 (Oppenheim)

F Silius Attonis f(ilius) / eq(ues) alae Picent(ianae) / an(norum) XLV

stip(endiorum) XXIV / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 95: CIL 13, 6585 =

RKO 3 (Osterburken)

O 7(Centuria) Messoris / Saciro

A 96: AE 1907, 247 =

CIL 13, 11952

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

D Imp(eratore) Com(modo) Aug(usto) / coh(ors) XXXII Vol(untariorum) /

7(centuria) Victo(ris?) / Dasius Masuri

A 97: CIL 13, 11678a

(Schweighausen-zur-

Moder)

D [In h(onorem) d(omus) [d(ivinae)] / [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / [---]s /

Lucius vet(eranus) / c(o)ho(rtis) XXIIII vol(untariorum) / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) v(ivus) f(ecit) L[---]

A 98: CIL 13, 6456

(Steinheim)

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et] Ion[on(i)] (!)/ [Reg]in[ae pr]o sal(ute) /

L(uci) Dur[i] A(uli) [f(ilii)] Pereg/rini vet(erani) ex (cohorte)

vol(untariorum) / et suorum omni/um voto (!) suscepit l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

A 99: CIL 13, 6656 =

RSOR 50 (Stockstadt)

F [---] / Diomed[es] / mil(es) coh(ortis) II [H]/isp(anorum) natione /

Isaur(us) stip(endiorum) VI Fron/ton et Marcus vexil(l)a(rii) /

cur(averunt)

A 100: AE 1992, 1285

(Stockstadt)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Val(erius) Qua/rtus vet(eranus) / ex coh(orte)

II H/isp(anorum) pro sal(ute) / et suorum / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

A 101: CIL 13, 7579 =

ILS 2507 (Wiesbaden)

F Muranus / eq(ues) ala(e) I Flavia(nae) / Androuri f(ilius) civis / Secuanus

(!) stip(endiorum) XXI / N

A 102: CIL 13, 7580

(Wiesbaden)

F T(itus) Flavius Celsu[s] / veter(anus) ex ala Scubu[l]/orum cives(!)

Sappa/us ann(orum) L h(ic) s(itus) e(st) h(eres) f(aciendum) [c(uravit)]

310

A 103: CIL 13, 7581 =

ILS 2561 (Wiesbaden)

F Dassius Da/etoris fil(ius) / Maeseius / mil(es) coh(ortis) V / Delmatarum /

an(norum) XXXV sti(pendiorum) / XVI h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 104: CIL 13, 7582

(Wiesbaden)

F Licaius Seri f(ilius) miles / ex c(o)ho(rte) I Pa(n)nonioru(m) an(norum) /

XXX sti(pendiorum) XVI h(ic) s(itus) e(st) frater op(!) pie(tatem) / f(ecit)

A 105: CIL 13, 7583

(Wiesbaden)39

F C(aius) Iul(ius) C(ai) f(ilius) / Cleme(n)s / Foro Iuli / vet(eranus)

an(norum) LX // C(aius) Iul(ius) Sab[i]/nus filiu[s] / |(centurio) coh(ortis)

II Rae[t(orum)] / c(ivium) R(omanorum) an(norum) XXV // [h(ic)] s(iti)

s(unt) t(estamento) f(ieri) i(usserunt) hered(es) f(aciendum) c(uraverunt)

A 106: CIL 13, 7584 =

ILS 2566 (Wiesbaden)

F Q(uintus) / Vibius A(u)g/ustus Raetus / mil(es) coh(ortis) II Raet(orum) /

an(norum) XXX stip(endiorum) XIII / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 107: CIL 13, 7585

(Wiesbaden)

F Dolanus Esbe/ni f(ilius) Bessus eq(ues) ex / coh(orte) IIII / Thracum /

anno(rum) XXXXVI / stipendi(orum) XXIIII / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 108: AE 1996, 1149

(Wimpfen)

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Iul(ius) Iblio[m]/arus [mil(es)] / coh(ortis) I[I

His]pan(orum) b(ene)f(iciarius) [pra]/ef(ecti) v(otum) [s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)]

10. GS Auxiliary Rank / Text Uncertain

ARU 1: CIL 13, 7686

(Andernach)40

F Dis Man(ibus) / Fouttie/nus L(uci) f(il)i(us) / Cai(---) |(centuria) IIVI(?) /

Valentinia

ARU 2: CIL 13, 7428

(Echzell)

O [Coh(---) ---] Aqu[i(tanorum) ---]

39

Two auxiliaries of different rank, father and son, are commemorated on the same monument. Both were Roman

citizens. 40

Both the findspot and the deceased‟s peregrine name, with an unknown tribal origo Cai(---), suggests auxiliary

service. Valentinia‟s relationship to the deceased is unclear; her failure to mention any specific family relationship

may be indicative of status as a concubina. If she were Fouettienus‟ daughter, one would expect this to be

mentioned; cf. CIL 13, 7687: [Sul]picio(?) / [---]uco / [---]ania / [---] et fil(ia) / [---]tina.

311

ARU 3: CIL 13, 7419

(Grosskrotzenburg)

F [---] Spera/[tus --- c]oh(ortis) IIII Vin(delicorum) / [---]

ARU 4: Finke 192 =

RSO 113 (Jagsthausen)

? [---]S[---] / [---]us [---] / [--- co]h(ors) I G[erm(anorum)

ARU 5: RISch 2, 246

(Kaiseraugst)

F [---] Moes[icae Felicis] / [--- torqu]atae [---] / [---] usu ex [---] / [---

a]lae His[panorum] / [--- c]uravi[t ---]

ARU 6: AE 1969/70,

421 = AE 1971, 277 =

AE 1992, 1276

(Kaiseraugst)

F [---] / [alae] Moes[icae] / [torqu]atae [h(ic) s(itus) e(st)] / [---]us

vex[illa]/[rius a]lae His[pa]/[nae fac(iendum) c]uravi[t]

ARU 7: CIL 13, 6687

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

V In h(onorem) d(omus) d(ivinae) Genio c(o)hor(tis) I / Septimi(a)e

Bel(garum) [[---]] p(ecunia) s(ua) / pos(uerunt) / Clau(dius) Valerius /

Genti(lius?) Augustus / Simili(us?) Pat[e]rnus / Senec(ionius?) F[---]inus

/ Hibern(ius?) Agilis / Iunian(us) Rogatus / S[---I[---]M[---]S /

Resti(tutius?) Patruinus / [ // [G](e)ntius Verinus / S[enu]r(ius?)

Maternus / P(ublius) Ae[lius] Moderatus / Aquin(ius) M[---]nus /

[(A)e]lius Lupionis / Decemi(us?) Florinus / [---]V[---]

ARU 8: CIL 13, 7053

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]TYE[---] / [---]MA[---] / [--- e]x coh(orte) III[---]

ARU 9: CIL 13, 7381,

Mogontiacum / Mainz

F Dis Man(ibus) / Q(uinto) Favonio / Varo fil(io) / Q(uintus) Favoni/us

Varus / coh(ortis) XXXII / Voluntariorum pater et Terenti/[a…]

ARU 10: AE 1916, 125

= CIL 13, 11831 = CIL

13, 11832

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)41

O [---]I[---] / [---]nam castr[o]rum / [--- s]ignis tuendos et / [---] proposui

ipse ingr/[---]s provincias dimi/[ssi ---] legionum o[m]nium / [---]redique

in locand[is] / [--- p]raescriptum a me / [--- cohor]tium [a]uxiliariar[um]

(sic) / [---]nque pertes

ARU 11: CIL 13,

11867 (Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

F [---]GA[ // a]l[ae ---] / [---] an(norum) X[--- stip(endiorum) ---] / [---

]GV[---]

ARU 12: AE 1901, 86 F [---]orius [---] / [coh(ortis) I] Itura<e>oru[m] / [ann]o[r(um)] XXX

41

Von Domaszewski‟s suggestions, CIL ad loc.: [---]I[---] / [--- discipli]nam castrorum [---] / [--- s]ignis tuendos

et [colendos(?) ---] / [---] proposui ipse ing[---] / [---]s provincias dimi[si ---] / [---] legionum omnium [---] / [---

reg]redique in locan[dis ---] / [--- p]raescriptum a me [---] / [--- cohor]tium [a]uxiliariar[um ---] / [---]aque

pert[in]e[rent ---].

312

(Mogontiacum /

Mainz)

stip(endiorum) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

ARU 13: CIL 13, 7384

= CIL 13, 7385 (Nida /

Heddernheim)

F [---] ann(orum)] L stip(endiorum) / [---] h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)42

ARU 14: CIL 13,

11773a = RSO 117

(Obernburg am Main)

? [---]NN A[---] / eq(uitata) [---]

ARU 15: CIL 13, 6278

(Oppenheim)

F [---]orius III[--- f.?] / [mil(es) ex coh(orte)? I Aug(usta)? I]turaiorum [---

] / [--- ann]o(rum) XXX sti[p(endiorum) ---] / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

ARU 16: CIL 13, 6577

= RSO 49 = AE 1896,

15 (Osterburken)

V In h(onorum) d(omus) d(ivinae) deae / Victoriae / [V]erinus(?) V[---]/[---

]cal[---] / equit[um] / coh(ortis) III Aq/uitanorum / ex voto po/suit l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

ARU 17: CIL 13,

6586a = RSO 105

(Osterburken)

F D(is) [M(anibus)] / Q(uinto) Gavit(i)o [---]/coni c(---) [---] / coh(ortis) III

[Aq(uitanorum?) ---] / [---]ge su[---]43

/ Augus[ta ---]

ARU 18: Finke 199 =

RSO 116 (Osterburken)

? [--- co]h(ors) III [Aquitanorum ---] / [---]CI[---]

ARU 19: CIL 13, 7421

(Rückingen)

F [---]I[--- / [---]ori D[---] / [--- coh(ortis)] III Dalmat[arum ---]

ARU 20: CIL 13, 7468

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

D [---] C[---] / [---] Aug(usto) [---] / [---] Brit(annico) [ // ]I[---] / [---]ER [-

--] / [--- c]oh(ors) [---]

ARU 21: CIL 13, 7469

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

D [--- A]ug(usto) co[h(ors)] / II Ra[e]t(orum) c(ivium) R(omanorum) [---]

ARU 22: CIL 13, 7470

(Saalburg, Bahnhof)

F [---] / DI[---] / prae[f(ectus)] // ] / [c]oh(ortis) II R[aet(orum) ---]

ARU 23: CIL 13, 6527

(Welzheim)

F [---]I[---]I[---] / [---]O[.]I[.]A[---] / [--- e]q(ues?) a(lae?) I [---]

ARU 24: CIL 13, 7586 F Blan[---]an[---]iti[---] / civi[s ---]V[---]II[---] / coh(ortis) I[---]I[---] /

42

Tentatlively included. The name and unit are both lost, but the findspot suggests a probable auxiliary

identification. 43

[coniu]ge su[o]?

313

(Wiesbaden) stip(endiorum) XX[---] IV / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

ARU 25: CIL 13,

7586a (Wiesbaden)

F [---] an(norum) / [---] stip(endiorum) IIII / [h(ic)] s(itus) e(st) frater /

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

ARU 26: Finke 348 =

RSO 111 (Bad

Wimpfen)

? [---]ario coh(ors) I [Germ(anorum)] / [---]IV[---]

ARU 27: Finke 240 =

CCID 493 (Zugmantel)

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) et Iuno]ni Reg(inae) [---] / [--- A]ug(usti)

M(arci) [A]ure[li ---] / [---] et cast(rorum) [ // [---]IM[---] / [--- co]h(ors)

I [Trever(orum)] // ] s [---] / [---] sacer[dote(?) ---]

11-15 : Auxiliary inscriptions of Britannia (B) to ca. 212

11. B Unit commanders: praefecti / tribuni / praepositi

Reference and

Findspot (ancient

Names given first, if

known)

Designation Text

P 1: RIB 1724, Aesica /

Great Chesters44

V D[(e)ae F]or[t]u(nae) / vexs(illatio)! G(aesatorum) R(a)eto(rum) /

quorum cur/am agit Tabe/llius Victor / 7(centurio)

P 2: RIB 1731, Aesica /

Great Chesters

V Victoriae Aug(usti) coh(ors) VI / Nerviorum cui praeest G(aius) /

Iul(ius) Barbarus praefec(tus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(aeta) l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 3: RIB 810, Alauna /

Maryport

V Dis deabusq(ue) / P(aulus) Postumius / Acilianus / praef(ectus) /

coh(ortis) I Delm(atarum)

44

Gaesatorum is a reference to a spear-like weapon in the use of which these Raeti were especially skilled. This

unit‟s ethnic title should thus be translated “Raetian spearmen.”

314

P 4: RIB 812 = ILS 3657,

Alauna / Maryport45

V Genio loci / Fortun(ae) Reduci / Romae aetern(ae) / et Fato bono /

G(aius) Cornelius / Peregrinus / trib(unus) cohor(tis) / ex provincia

/ Maur(etania) Caesa(riensi) / domo Sald[i]s / d[e]c(urio) v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) [l(aetus)] m(erito) // Volanti vivas

P 5: RIB 814, Alauna /

Maryport

V Iovi Aug(usto) / M(arcus) Censorius / M(arci) fil(ius) Voltinia /

[C]ornelianus |(centurio) leg(ionis) / [X Fr]etensis

prae/[posi]tus(?) coh(ortis) I m(illiaria) / Hisp(anorum) ex

provincia / Narbone[n(si)] domo / Nemauso [v(otum)] s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

P 6: RIB 815, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Num(ini) / Aug(usti) coh(ors) / I

Hispa(norum) / pos(uit)

P 7: RIB 816, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Hisp(anorum) / eq(uitata) cui

praeest / L(ucius) Antistius L(uci) f(ilius) / Quirina Lupus /

Verianus praef(ectus) / domu Sic/ca ex Africa

P 8: RIB 817, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I / Hispano(rum) / cui

pra(e)/est C(aius) Cab(allius) / Priscus / trib(unus)

P 9: RIB 818, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / C(aius) Cabal(lius) / Priscus / tribunus

P 10: RIB 819, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / G(aius) Cabal(lius) / Priscus /

trib(unus)

P 11: RIB 820, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / G(aius) Caba/llius P/riscus / tribun/[us]

P 12: RIB 821, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) [I Hisp(anorum)] / eq(uitata)

c(ui?) p(raeest?) Pub(lius) / Corn[elius] / Pu[b(li)] fil(ius) /

Gal(eria) Ur[---] / [p]raef(ectus) F(---) / P(---) ROMAN(---) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) [m(erito)]

P 13: RIB 822, Alauna /

Maryport

V Iovi Op(timo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I / Hispa(norum) / cui

pra[e(est)] / Helstri/us Nove[l]/lus prae/fect(us)

P 14: RIB 823, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I His(panorum) / cui prae(est)

45

The secondary inscription translates “Long live Volantius.”

315

/ M(arcus) Maeni/us Agrip(pa) / tribu(nus) / pos(uit)

P 15: RIB 824, Alauna /

Maryport

V Iovi Op(timo) M(aximo) / et Num(ini) Aug(usti) / M(arcus)

Mae(nius) Agripp(a) / tribun/us pos(uit)

P 16: RIB 825, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Num(ini) Aug(usti) / M(arcus)

Mae(nius) Agrip/pa tribun/us / [p]os(uit)

P 17: RIB 826, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et Num(ini)] / [Aug(usti)] / Maen(ius)

[Agrip(pa)] / tribu[n(us)]

P 18: RIB 827 = RHP 474,

Alauna / Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Cammi/[u]s Maxi/mus

prae(fectus) / coh(ortis) I His(panorum) / eq(uitatae) et tri(bunus)

XVIII / cohor(tis) volu(ntariorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 19: RIB 828, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Cammi/us Maxim/us

praefec/tus coh(ortis) / I Hispano(rum) / eq(uitatae) v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 20: RIB 829, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / L(ucius) Cammi/us Maxi(mus) /

pr(a)efe(ctus) coh(ortis) / I His(panorum) eq(uitatae) / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 21: RIB 830, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Baeta/siorum / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) cui prae/est T(itus) Attius / Tutor praef(ectus) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 22: RIB 831, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Da/lmatar(um) cui / praeest

L(ucius) Cae/cilius Veg[e]/tus praefec(tus) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

P 23: RIB 832 = ILS 3009,

Alauna / Maryport

V Iovi Optim(o) Maxi(mo) / Capitolino / pro salut(e) An/tonini

Aug(usti) / Pii Postumi/us Acilianus / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) I

Delm(atarum)

P 24: RIB 833, Alauna /

Maryport

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Acilianus / praefect(us) / {P}

316

P 25: RIB 834, Alauna /

Maryport46

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / p[r]o [salute? ---] / [---] / [---] / [---] /

[---] / [---] / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / fecit

P 26: RIB 837, Alauna /

Maryport

Marti militari / coh(ors) I Baetasi/orum c(ivium) R(omanorum)

[c(ui)] / praeest [T(itus) Atti]/us Tutor [prae]/fectus / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 27: RIB 838 = ILS 3155,

Alauna / Maryport

V Marti militari / coh(ors) I Baetasi/orum c(ivium) R(omanorum)

[c(ui)] / praeest [T(itus) Atti]/us Tutor [prae]/fectus / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aeta) m(erito)

P 28: RIB 842, Alauna /

Maryport

V Victoriae Aug(ustae) / coh(ors) I Baeta/siorum c(ivium)

R(omanorum) / cui praeest / T(itus) Attius Tutor / praefec(tus) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 29: RIB 843, Alauna /

Maryport

V Victoriae Aug(ustae) / coh(ors) I Baetasior(um) / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) / cui praeest / Ulpius Titia/nus praefec/tus / v(otum)

s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 30: RIB 846, Alauna /

Maryport

V Helstri/us Novel/lus prae/fectus / Numini / Volcan[i] / [p]o[s(uit)]

P 31: RIB 847, Alauna /

Maryport

V Postumiu]s Ac[ilian]/us praefe[ctus] / [c]oh(ortis) I

Delma[t(arum!)]

P 32: RIB 850, Alauna /

Maryport

D Pro sa[lute Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris)] / Antonin[i] Aug(usti) Pii

p(atris) [p(atriae)] / [P]aulus [1] f(ilius) Palatina / [Postumi]us

Acil[i]anus / praef(ectus) c[o]h(ortis) I Delmatar(um)

P 33: RIB 1067, Arbeia /

South Shields

V Pr]oculus p(rae)p(ositus)

P 34: RIB 722 = AE

1969/70, 328,

Bainbridge47

D Imp(eratori) Caesari L(ucio) Septimio [Severo] / Pio Pert[i]naci

Augu[sto et] / Imp(eratori) Caesari M(arco) Aurelio A[ntonino] /

Pio Feli[ci] Augusto et P(ublio) S[[[eptimio]]] / [[[Getae

nobilissimo Caesari]] vallum cum] / bracchio caementicium [fecit

coh(ors)] / VI Nervio[ru]m sub cura L(uci) A[lfeni] / Senecion[is]

amplissimi [co(n)s(ularis) institit] / operi L(ucius) Vin[ici]us Pius

46

This is surely a loyalty vow made for the health of the emperor. Salute, which may have been abbreviated, can be

restored. The identity of the emperor mentioned here is lost. 47

205-208 CE.

317

praef[(ectus) coh(ortis) eiusd(em)]/ [l]egio[nis

P 35: RIB 723 = AE

1969/70, 329,

Bainbridge48

D [Imp(eratori)] Caesari Augusto [---] / Marci Aurelii filio [---] / [---

sub cura L(uci) Alfeni] / Sen[ec]ionis amplissimi [co(n)s(ularis)

coh(ors) VI Nerviorum] / [fecit cui praeest L(ucius)] Vinic[ius]

Pius [praef(ectus) coh(ortis) eiusd(em)]

P 36: AE 1962, 260 = AE

1969/70, 327, Bainbridge

D Imp(eratori) Caesari Lucio Septimio / Severo Pio Pertinaci

Aug(usto) et / Imp(eratori) Caesari M(arco) Aurelio / Antonino Pio

Felici Aug(usto) et P(ublio) Septimio Getae no/bilissimo Caesar(i)

dd(ominis) / nn(ostris) Imp(eratore) Antonino II et / Geta Caesare

co(n)s(ulibus) centuria<m> / sub cura C(ai) V(aleri) Pudentis /

amplissimi co(n)sularis coh(ors) / VI Nervi[o]r(um) fecit cui

prae(e)st L(ucius) Vinicius Pius praefectus coh(ortis) eiusd(em)

P 37: RIB 278, Bakewell V Deo / Marti / Braciacae / Q(uintus) Sittius / Caecilian(us) /

praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / I Aquitano(rum) / v(otum) s(olvit)

P 38: RIB 2189 = AE

1914, 290, Balmuildy

V Deae Fortunae / Caecilius Nepos / trib(unus)

A 39: RIB 2167 = AE

1898, 152, Bar Hill

V [D]eo Silv[ano] / [C]aristan[ius] / [I]ustianu[s] / praef(ectus) /

[c]oh(ortis) I Ham[ior(um)] / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

P 40: RIB 2172, Bar Hill

F D(is) M(anibus) / C(ai) Iuli / Marcellini / praef(ecti) / coh(ortis) I

Hamior(um)

P 41: RIB 880, Bibra /

Beckfoot

D [---]/lia praef(ectus) coh(ortis) II Pannon(iorum) fecit

P 42: RIB 2094,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

V Fortunae [pro] / salute P(ubli) Campa[ni] / Italici praef(ecti)

coh(ortis) I[I] / Tun(grorum) Celer libertus / [v(otum)] s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 43: RIB 2097,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I / Nervana / Germanor(um) /

m(illiaria) eq(uitata) cui / praeest L(ucius) Faeni/us Felix

trib(unus)

P 44: RIB 2100 = ILS V Marti et Victo/riae Aug(usti) c(ives) Rae/ti milit(antes) in coh(orte)

48

205-208 CE.

318

2555, Blatobulgium /

Birrens49

/ II Tungr(orum) cui / praeest Silvius / Auspex praef(ectus) /

v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

P 45: RIB 2108 = ILS

4756, Blatobulgium /

Birrens

V Deae Viradec/thi pa[g]us Con/drustis milit(ans) / in coh(orte) II

Tun/gror(um) sub Silvi/o Auspice praef(ecto)

P 46: RIB 2110 = AE

1897, 59, Blatobulgium /

Birrens50

D Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) T(ito) A[el(io)] Hadr(iano) / An[to]nino

Aug(usto) [Pio po]nt(ifici) / max(imo) [tr]ib(unicia) pot(estate) XXI

co(n)s(uli) IIII / coh(ors) II [Tung]r(orum) m[i]l(liaria) eq(uitata)

c(oram?) l(audata?) / sub Iu[lio Vero] leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o)

pr(aetore)

P 47: RIB 2117 = ILS

2623, Blatobulgium /

Birrens

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) ve[x]/il(l)atio R(a)eto/rum Gaesat(orum)

/ q(uorum) c(uram) a(git) Iul(ius) / Sever(inus) trib(unus)

P 48: RIB 1263 = ILS

2557, Bremenium / High

Rochester

V Genio et signis / coh(ortis) I f(idae) Vardul(lorum) / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) m(illiariae) / T(itus) Licinius Valeri/anus

[t]rib(unus)

P 49: RIB 1286,

Bremenium / High

Rochester

V P(ublius) Ael(ius) Era/sinus trib(unus)

P 50: RIB 1288 = ILS

1425 = AE 1953, 241c,

Bremenium / High

Rochester51

V [---]S / [---] / [..]HII[---]I[..]II[---]II[.] / [..] coh(ortis) I

Vardul(lorum) [---] / [--- praef(ecto)] coh(ortis) I Aug(ustae) /

Lusitanor(um) item coh(ortis) I / Breucor(um) subcur(atori) viae /

Flaminiae et aliment(orum) / subcur(atori) operum publ(icorum) /

Iulia Lucilla c(larissima) f(emina) marito / b(ene) m(erenti) vix(it)

an(nos) XLVIII / m(enses) VI d(ies) XXV

P 51: RIB 589,

Bremetennacum /

Ribchester

D Imp(eratori) Ca[es(ari) M(arco) Au]rel(io) A[ntonino ---] /

Imp(eratori) Ca[es(ari) L(ucio) Au]rel(io) Ve[ro --- Augg(ustis)] /

vex(illatio) eq(uitum) [provinc]iae [Germaniae] / sup(erioris)

Se[x(to) Calpu]rn(io) [Agricola leg(ato) Augg(ustorum) pr(o)

pr(aetore)]

P 52: RIB 782, Brocavum V [---]/ri[---] / Gall[o]r(um) [trib(unus)] / mil(itum) leg(ionis) VIII /

49

153-157 CE. 50

10 Dec. 157 – 9 Dec. 158. 51

Possibly a 3rd

century inscription.

319

/ Brougham Castle Aug(ustae)

P 53: RIB 1534 = ILS

4725, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh52

V Deae / Couventinae(!) / T(itus) D(omitius?) Cosconia/nus

pr(aefectus) coh(ortis) / I Bat(avorum) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 54: RIB 1536 = ILS

2549, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

V Fortunae / coh(ors) I Batavor(um) / cui praeest / M(arcus)

Flaccinius / Marcellus prae(fectus)

P 55: RIB 1545 = AE

1951, 125b, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh53

V D(eo) In(victo) M(ithrae) s(acrum) / Aul(us) Cluentius / Habitus

pra(e)f(ectus) / coh(ortis) I / Batavorum / domu Ulti/n(i)a colon(ia)

/ Sept(imia) Aur(elia) L(arino) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 56: RIB 1546 = AE

1951, 125c, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh54

V Deo Invicto / Mit(h)rae M(arcus) Sim/plicius Simplex /

pr(a)ef(ectus) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 57: RIB 1550 = AE

1947, 129, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh55

D [---]v[er]o leg(ato) / [Aug(usti) pr(o) p]r(aetore) coh(ors) I

Aquit/[anorum] fecit / [sub ---]io Nepote / [pra]ef(ecto)

P 58: RIB 1535, Brocolitia

/ Carrawburgh

V Couven[ti(nae!)] / Aelius Te[r]/tius p[raef(ectus)] / coh(ortis) I

Bat(avorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 59: AE 1962, 261,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

V Nymphis et Genio / loci M(arcus) Hispanius / Modestinus

praefectus / coh(ortis) I Bat(avorum) pro se / et suis l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 60: RIB 2187, Cadder V Deo / Silvano / L(ucius) Tanicius / Verus / praef(ectus) v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 61: RIB 1884 = AE

1991, 1158, Cambloganna

/ Birdoswald56

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] / [coh(ors) I] Ael(ia) [Daco]/[rum]

c(ui) p(raeest) Do[mit]/[ius H]onor[atus] / tri[b(unus)]

52

One would expect Coventina. Other expansions of the abbreviated gentilicium D(---) are possible. 53

On the familial connection between this Cluentius and his ancestor, also named A. Cluentius Habitus, defended by

Cicero, see RIB comm. ad loc. Larinum, the hometown of that famous Cluentius, was referred to by Cicero as a

municipium (Cic. Clu 11.9), but is here attested as Colonia Septimia Aurelia Larinum, belonging to the tribe Voltinia

(rendered Ultinia in the text). 54

Both Celtic and Germanic origins have been suggested for Simplicius Simplex; for references, see RIB comm. ad

loc. His name provides a good example of the practice of forming a gentilicium (Simplicius) from a Roman

cognomen (Simplex). The omission of a praenomen indicates a late 2nd

– third century date. 55

130-133 CE. 56

Ca. 160 CE; around thirty altars and votive tablets have been discovered at Cambloganna‟s, but almost all were

dedicated by equestrian tribuni cohortis in the 3rd

century. Thus I have omitted most of them, with the exceptions

made for clearly datable inscriptions.

320

P 62: RIB 1909 = AE

1930, 113 = AE 1947, 107,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald57

D Impp(eratoribus) Caess(aribus) L(ucio) / Sept(imio) Severo Pio /

Pert(inaci) et M(arco) Aur(elio) A[nt]o/nino Augg(ustis) [[[et

P(ublio) Sep(timio)]]] / [[[Getae nob(ilissimo) Caes(ari)]]]

hor/reum fecer(unt) coh(ortes) I Ael(ia) / Dac(orum) et I T(h)racum

c(ivium) R(omanorum) sub / Alfeno Senecione co(n)s(ulari) / per

Aurel(ium) Iulianum tr(ibunum)

P 63: RIB 1914,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

D Sub Modio Iu/lio leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o) / pr(aetore) coh(ors) I

Ael(ia) D(a)c(orum) / cui praeest M(arcus) / Cl(audius) Menander /

trib(unus)

P 64: RIB 1919,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

F D(is) M(anibus) / Aureli / Concor/di vixit / ann(um) un/um d(ies) V

/ fil(ius) Aurel(i) / Iuliani / trib(uni)

P 65: RIB 2118 = AE

1924, 96, Cappuck

V [---] / coh(ors) I fid(a) Vardul(lorum) / c(ivium) R(omanorum)

m(illiaria) eq(uitata) et G(aius) / Quintius Severus / trib(unus)

coh(ortis) eiusdem / dom(o) Camil(ia) Ra/venna / v(otum)

s(olverunt) l(aeti) l(ibentes) m(erito)

P 66: RIB 2149,

Castlecary

V Deo / Neptuno / cohors I / fid(a) Vardul(lorum) / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) eq(uitata) m(illiaria) / cui prae(e)st / Trebius / Verus

pr/aef(ectus)

P 67: RIB 2195 = ILS

4829, Castlehill

V Campes/tribus et / Britanni(ae) / Q(uintus) Pisentius / Iustus

pr(a)ef(ectus) / coh(ortis) IIII Gal(lorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

P 68: RIB 1462, Cilurnum

/ Chesters58

D [Impp(eratoribus) Caess(aribus) L(ucio)] Sept(imio) / [Severo Pio

Pertin]ace / [et M(arco) Aur(elio) Antonin]o Pio / [Augg(ustis) [et

[[P(ublio) Sep(timio) Get]a]]e / [nob(ilissimo) Caes(ari) ala II

Ast(urum) cu]rante / Alf[eno Senecione co(n)]s(ulari) et /

Oc[latinio Advento p]roc(uratore) / ins[tante ---]

P 69: RIB 1463 = AE

1898, 35, Cilurnum /

Chesters59

D Aqua adducta / alae II Astur(um) / sub Ulp(io) Marcello / leg(ato)

Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore)

57

205-208 CE. 58

198-209 CE. 59

181-185 or 217 CE, based on the ambiguous evidence of Ulpius Marcellus; see RIB comm. ad loc.

321

P 70: RIB 1464, Cilurnum

/ Chesters60

D Ala] II Ast[urum] / [sub] Ulpio [Marcello] / [le]g(ato) pr(o)

[pr(aetore)]

P 71: RIB 1482, Cilurnum

/ Chesters61

F D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum) / Fabi(a)e Honor/at(a)e Fabius

Hon/oratus tribun(us) / coh(ortis) I Vangion(um) / et Aurelia

E[g]lec/[t]iane fecer/unt fili(a)e d/ulcissim(a)e

P 72: RIB 792, Clifton62 V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(axiom) / Genio loci / Su{u}brius Ap/ollinaris

prin/cep(s) c(ohortis) I V(---)

P 73: RIB 1328 = ILS

9316 = AE 1924, 4,

Condercum / Benwell63

V Deo An[t]enocitico / sacrum / coh(ors) I Va[n]gion(um) / quib(us)

praeest / [---]c(ius) Cassi/[anus p]raef(ectus) / [v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens)] m(erito)

P 74: RIB 1329 = ILS

4715, Condercum /

Benwell64

V Deo An(ten)ocitico / iudiciis optimo/rum maximorum/que

Impp(eratorum) n(ostrorum) sub Ulp(io) / Marcello co(n)s(ulari)

Tine/ius Longus in p[rae]/fectura equitu[m] / lato clavo exorna/tus

et q(uaestor) d(esignatus)

P 75: RIB 1337 = AE

1976, 375, Condercum /

Benwell65

V Victoriae / [Au]gg(ustorum) Alfe/no Senecio/n[e] co(n)s(ulari) felix

/ ala I Asto[ru]m pr(aetoria?)

P 76: RIB 1128, Coria /

Corbridge

D [Disci]p(linae) Augusto[rum?] / [milit]es coh(ortis) I

V[ar]/[dullo]rum m(illiariae) [c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae)] /

[cui] praees[t Pub(lius)] / [Calpur]nius Vic[tor tr(ibunus)]

P 77: RIB 2134,

Cramond66

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) V Gall(orum) / cui praeest /

L(ucius) Minthonius / Tertullus / praef(ectus) v(otum) s(olvit)

l(aeta) / li(bens) m(erito)

60

181-185 or 217 CE (see note on RIB 1463). 61

The DMS formula appears occasionally in Britannia. 62

Either V(ardullorum) or V(angionum) are possible expansions. The numeral IV seems unlikely, given the space in

between the two letters. The omission of fida would be unusual for the coh. Vardullorum, but not without precedent

(RIB 1288, from Bremenium). 63

Pre-197 CE, based on numismatic evidence discovered at the findspot. 64

Pre-197 CE (see note on RIB 1329). 65

205-208 CE. The interpretation felix is disputed, but its location on the stone seems to indicate, following AE

comm. ad loc., that it is acting as an adjective, rather than an honorific, and alludes to military action during the

Severan campaigns ("fortunate is the first ala of Asturians"). Set up during the governorship of Senecio (hence the

ablative case). 66

Ca. 209-211.

322

P 78: RIB 2135 = ILS

4801 = AE 1977, 496,

Cramond

V Matrib(us) Ala/tervis et / matrib(us) Cam/pestrib(us) coh(ortis) I[I]

/ Tungr(orum) ins(tante) / VERSCARM / [|(centurione)] leg(ionis)

XX V(aleriae) v(ictricis)

P 79: RIB 2136, Cramond

D [---] C(aius) Publius Cr[---] / [---] in(---) Pomponian[---] / [---] / [-

--] p[r]a[e]f(ectus) p(osuit) d(edit?) d(edicavit?)

P 80: AE 1975, 559,

Derventio / Malton

D [---] / I[---] / Can[didus] / praef(ectus) [alae] / Picen[tian(ae)] /

d(e)d(icavit)

P 81: RIB 576, Deva /

Chester

V [---]RIC / [prae]posi/[tus] vexil(lationis) / Raetor(um) et /

Noricor(um) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 82: RIB 1042, Eastgate V Deo / Silvano / Aurelius / Quirinus / pr(aefectus) f(ecit)

P 83: RIB 649 = ILS 3598,

Eburacum / York

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(axiom) / dis deabusque / hospitalibus

pe/natibusq(ue) ob con/servatam salutem / suam suorumq(ue) /

P(ublius) Ael(ius) Marcian/us praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / aram

sac(ravit) ac ded(icavit)

P 84: RIB 1214,

Habitancum / Risingham

V [D]e[o] / (H)e[r]cul[i C(aius)] / V[al(erius)] Lon/[g]inu[s] /

trib(unus) / [---]

P 85: RIB 1215,

Habitancum / Risingham

V Deo Invicto / Herculi sacr(um) / L(ucius) Aemil(ius) Salvianus /

tr[i]b(unus) coh(ortis) I Vangi(onum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 86: RIB 1216,

Habitancum / Risingham

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / v[e]xi[l(latio)] G(aesatorum)

R(aetorum) / q(uorum) c(uram) a(git) / Aemil(ius) Aemilianus /

trib(unus) coh(ortis) I Vang(ionum)

P 87: RIB 1217,

Habitancum / Risingham

V [I(ovi?) O(ptimo?) M(aximo?)] / [ve]xi[l(latio)] G(aesatorum)

R(aetorum) / q(uorum) c(uram) a(git) / Iul(ius) Victor / tr[i]b(unus)

coh(ortis) I V/angionum

P 88: RIB 1231,

Habitancum / Risingham

V [--- Coh(ors)] I Va[ng(ionum)] / [e]q(uitata) mil(liaria) cu/i

praeest M(arcus) / Peregrinius / Super trib(unus)

323

P 89: RIB 1234 = ILS

2618, Habitancum /

Risingham67

D [Impp(eratoribus) Caess(aribus) L(ucio)] / [Sept(imio) Severo Pio

Pertin]/[aci Arab(ico) Adi]ab(enico) Part(h)[i]co maxi(mo) /

co(n)s(uli) III et M(arco) Aurel(io) Antonino Pio / co(n)s(uli) II

Augg(ustis) [[et P(ublio) Sept(imio) Getae nob(ilissimo)

Caes(ari)]] / portam cum muris vetustate di/lapsis iussu Alfeni

Senecionis v(iri) c(larissimi) / co(n)s(ularis) curante Oclatinio

Advento proc(uratore) / Augg(ustorum) nn(ostrorum) coh(ors) I

Vang(i)onum m(illiaria) eq(uitata) / cum Aem[i]l(io) Salviano

trib(uno) / suo a solo restit(uit)

P 90: RIB 1241,

Habitancum / Risingham

D Coh(ors) I Vang(ionum) / fecit curante / Iul(io) Paullo trib(uno)

P 91: RIB 1242,

Habitancum / Risingham

D [Coh(ors) I Vang(ionum)] / [e]q(uitata) m(illiaria) cui pr(a)e[est --

-] / [---] M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Cast[us ---] / [---] vetustate

conlabs[um(?) ---]

P 92: RIB 635 = ILS 4731,

Ilkley

V Verbeiae / sacrum / Clodius / Fronto / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / II

Lingon(um)

P 93: RIB 636, Ilkley V [Pro salute] / [Imperato]/rum Caes(arum) / Augg(ustorum) /

Antonini / et Veri / Iovi Dilect(ori) Caecilius / Lucanus /

praef(ectus) coh(ortis)

P 94: RIB 1073,

Longovium / Lanchester

V Fortunae / Aug(ustae) sacr(um) / P(ublius) Ael(ius) Atti/cus

praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 95: RIB 1075,

Longovium / Lanchester

V Genio praetori / Cl(audius) Epaphroditus / Claudianus / tribunus

c(o)ho(rtis) / I Ling(onum) v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit) m(erito)

P 96: RIB 1083,

Longovium / Lanchester68

V Num(ini) Aug(usti) et / Gen(io) coh(ortis) I f(idae) / Vardullorum /

c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) m(illiariae) sub An/tistio

Adven/to leg(ato) Aug(usti) pr(o) p[r(aetore)] / F(lavius) Titianus

trib(unus) / d(e) s(uo) d(edit)

P 97: AE 1988, 841,

Longovium / Lanchester

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo)] / [coh(ors) I] Ling(onum) / [e]q(uitata)

c(ui) p(raeest) / [--- F]ulvius / [Fel]ix praef(ectus) / [---]

67

205-207 CE. 68

Although Antistius Adventus was governor of Britain from ca. 175-178, this text (following RIB comm. ad loc)

must predate Nov. 27, 176 CE, when Commodus became Augustus.

324

P 98: RIB 730, Lavatrae /

Bowes

V D(e)ae Fortunae / Virius Lupus / leg(atus) Aug(usti) pr(o)

pr(aetore) / balineum vi / ignis exust/um coh(ortis) I Thr/acum

resti/tuit curan/te Val(erio) Fron/tone praef(ecto) / eq(uitum) alae

Vetto(num)

P 99: RIB 732 = AE 1947,

133, Lavatrae / Bowes69

V [Deo] / Vinotono / Silvano Iul(ius) / Secundus 7(centurio) /

coh(ortis) I Thrac(um) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(libens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 100: RIB 733 = AE

1949, 96a, Lavatrae /

Bowes70

V Deo Vin/otono / L(ucius) Caesius / Frontinus pr/aef(ectus)

coh(ortis) I Thrac(um) / domo Parma / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

l(aetus) m(erito)

P 101: RIB 734 = AE

1949, 96b, Lavatrae /

Bowes71

V [---]/no L(ucius) Cae[sius] / Frontinus [praef(ectus)] / coh(ortis) I

Thrac(um) [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

P 102: RIB 739, Lavatrae /

Bowes72

D Im[p(eratori)] Caesari divi Traiani [Parthici f(ilio)] / divi Nervae

nepoti Traia[no Hadria]/no Aug(usto) pontifici maxi[mo

tr(ibunicia) pot(estate) ---] / co(n)s(uli) I[II] p(atri) p(atriae)

coh(ors) IIII B[reucorum] / [sub Sex(to) Iul]io Sev[ero leg(ato)

Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore)]

P 103: RIB 740 = AE

1930, 111, Lavatrae /

Bowes73

D Impp(eratoribus) Caess(aribus) L(ucio) Septim(io) / Severo Pio

Pertinaci / Arab(ico) Adiab(enico) Part(hico) maxi(mo) / et

M(arco) Aur(elio) Anton(ino) Pio Augg(ustis) / [[[et P(ublio)

Sept(imio) Getae nob(ilissimo) Caes(ari)]]] ius/su L(uci) Alfeni

Senecionis leg(ati) / Augg(ustorum) pr(o) pr(aetore) coh(ors) I

Thrac(um) eq(uitata)

P 104: RIB 741, Lavatrae /

Bowes74

D [---]us Aem[ilian]us [leg(atus)] / [Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore)

co]h(orti) I Thrac[um] ins(tante) / [---]llo praef(ecto) / [---] fecit

P 105: AE 1988, 850 = AE

1990, 672, Lavatrae /

V Deo Vino/tono Silva/no Aug(usto) T(itus) / [.]rbius Pri/[---]nus

p[r]/aef(ectus) coh(ortis) I Thrac(um) / [---]

69

3rd

century. 70

1st half of 3

rd century.

71 1

st half of 3

rd century.

72 130-133 CE.

73 205-208 CE.

74 Ca. 212 CE.

325

Bowes

P 106: RIB 886,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

V [D]eae Ae[tern]/ae te[mplum] / L(ucius) Vater[ius Mar]/cellus

[praef(ectus) eq(uitum)] / rest[ituit]

P 107: RIB 890,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

V Deae Bel/lonae Rufi/nus prae[f(ectus)] / eq(uitum) a[l]ae

Aug(ustae) / et Lat[i]nia/nus fil(ius)

P 108: RIB 893,

Luguvalium / Carlisle75

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / ala Aug(usta) o[b] virtut(em)

appel(lata) cu[i] / [pr]aeest Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Tib(eri) fi(lius) /

INGM Iustinu[s] / praef(ectus) Fuscian[o] / II Silano II

c[o(n)s(ulibus)]

P 109: RIB 894,

Luguvalium / Carlisle76

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / ala / Aug(usta) ob virtutem / [a]ppellata

cu[i] prae/[e]st P(ublius) Ael(ius) Pub(li) f(ilius) Ser/gia Magnus

d(omo) Mursa ex Pannon(ia) / inferiore praefec(tus) / Aproniano et

Br[a(dua) co(n)s(ulibus)]

P 110: RIB 895,

Luguvalium / Carlisle77

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) [D(olicheno?)] / pro salut[e] /

Imp(eratoris) L(uci) Sept[i]m[i] / Severi Aug(usti) n(ostri) / equites

alae / Aug(ustae) curan[t]e / Egnatio Vere/cundo pra/ef(ecto)

posuerunt

P 111: RIB 902,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

V T(---) B(---) A(---) T(itus) A/ur(elius) Ate/co c(urator?) alae(?)

Au/g(ustae) vot(um) / s(olvit) l(ibens) a(nimo) fe(cit)

P 112: RIB 903,

Luguvalium / Carlisle78

V [---] / [cu]i p[r]aee[st] / Septimenus / Rusticus pr(a)ef(ectus) /

Materno et Bra/dua co(n)s(ulibus)

P 113: RIB 946 = AE

1999, 973b, Luguvalium /

Carlisle79

V Dei Herc[ulis Romani In]/victi con[ditoris virtu]/tibus pro sa[lute

ipsius et] / commiliton[um caesa manu] / barbaroru[m ab ala

Augusta] / ob virtu[tem appellata] / P(ublius) Sextaniu[s ---]

praef(ectus) e civi/tat(e) Traianens(ium) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 114: RIB 957,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

D [---] Luca / [pr]aef(ectus) alae Augustae / Petrianae torq(uatae)

75

188 CE. 76

191 CE. 77

197 CE. 78

185 CE. 79

The prefect‟s hometown was Ulpia Traiana / Vetera (Xanten) in Germania Inferior.

326

m(illiariae) c(ivium) R(omanorum) / d(onum?) d(edit?)

P 115: RIB 1778 = ILS

2551, Magnae /

Carvoran80

V Fortunae Aug(ustae) / pro salute L(uci) Aeli / Caesaris ex visu /

T(itus) Fla(vius) Secundus / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) I Ham/iorum

sagittar(iorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 116: RIB 1791 = CLE

24, Magnae / Carvoran81

V Imminet Leoni Virgo caeles/ti situ spicifera iusti in/ventrix urbium

conditrix / ex quis muneribus nosse con/tigit deos ergo eadem mater

divum / Pax Virtus Ceres Dea Syria / lance vitam et iura pensitans /

in caelo visum Syria sidus edi/dit Libyae colendum inde / cuncti

didicimus / ita intellexit numine inductus / tuo Marcus Caecilius

Do/natianus militans tribunus / in praefecto dono principis

P 117: RIB 1792, Magnae

/ Carvoran82

V Deae Suri/ae(!) sub Calp/urnio Ag[r]/ico[la] leg(ato) Au[g(usti)] /

pr(o) pr(aetore) Lic[in]ius / [C]lem[ens praef(ectus)] / [co]h(ortis)

I Ha[miorum]

P 118: RIB 1809, Magnae

/ Carvoran83

D Sub Calpur]/[ni]o Agri/cola co(n)s(ulari) / Licinius Cl[e]/mens

p[raef(ectus)]

P 119: RIB 1818 = AE

1947, 109, Magnae /

Carvoran84

D 7(Centuria) Primi[---] / v[alla]vit / p(edes) CX[II] / sub / Fl(avio)

Secundo / pr(a)ef(ecto)

P 120: RIB 1820 = AE

1947, 108 = AE 1958, 117,

Magnae / Carvoran85

D 7(Centuria) Silvani / vallavit / p(edes) CXII sub / Fla(vio) Secundo /

[pr]aef(ecto)

P 121: RIB 1421 = AE

1933, 133, Milecaste 1986

V Matrib(us) / templ(um) / cum ara / vex(illatio) coh(ortis) / I

Vard(ullorum) / instante / P(ublio) D(---) V(---) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) m(erito)

P 122: RIB 797, Moresby

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) II T(h)ra(cum) / eq(uitata)

c(ui) p(raeest) Manili/us Nepos pra/ef(ectus)

80

136-138 CE. 81

197-217 CE. 82

163-166 CE. 83

163-166 CE. 84

136-138 CE. 85

135-139 CE. 86

Spaul 2000: 107 n. 1 speculates this stone was moved from Coria, which lies 5 miles away from this site.

However, the fact that milecastes “are usually too small to hold a temple or shrine in addition to barrack blocks”

does not explain the reason for the stone‟s transfer. The altar, which is 12 x 29 in., is not grand by any means and

seems appropriate to a small shrine.

327

P 123: RIB 798, Moresby V Deo Silvan[o] / coh(ors) II Ling[on(um)] / cui praees[t] / C(aius)

Pompeius M(arci) [f(ilius)] / Saturnin[us]

P 124: RIB 800 = AE

1951,127, Moresby

D [---] / curan(te) Valerio / Lup[e]rco praef(ecto) / coh(ortis) II

Ling(onum)

P 125: RIB 283 = AE

1904, 229, Navio /

Brough-on-Noe87

D Imp(eratori) Caesari T(ito) [Ael(io) Hadr(iano)] / [An]tonino

Au[g(usto) Pio p(atri) p(atriae)] / coh(ors) I Aquitan[orum] / sub

Iulio V[ero leg(ato)] Aug(usti) / pr(o) pr(aetore) inst[ante] /

[C]apitoni[o Pri]sco prae(fecto)

P 126: AE 1971, 226 = AE

1983, 642, Old Kilpatrick

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Bae/tasiorum / c(ivium)

R(omanorum) cui pr/aeest Publicius / Maternus praef(ectus) /

c(uram) a(gente) Iulio / Candido 7(centurione) leg(ionis) I Italicae /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 127: RIB 2144, Rough

Castle

V Victoriae / coh(ors) VI Ner/viorum c(uius) c(uram) / Fl(avius) Betto

7(centurio) leg(ionis) / XX V(aleriae) V(ictricis) / v(otum) s(olvit)

l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

P 128: RIB 1300,

Segedunum / Wallsend

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / Ael(ius) Rufus / praef(ectus) coh(ortis) /

IIII Lingo/num

P 129: RIB 1301,

Segedunum / Wallsend

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / [Cor]nel(ius) / Celer pr/aef(ectus)

coh(ortis) / IIII L[ing(onum)] / [

P 130: RIB 1302,

Segedunum / Wallsend

V [---] / [Di]dius Seve/rus praef(ectus) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

P 131: EE 9, 1157 = ILS

9151 = RIB 1299 = AE

1892, 127, Segedunum /

Wallsend

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) IIII Lin/gonum eq(uitata) / cui

attendit / Iul(ius) Honor/atus 7(centurio) leg(ionis) II / Aug(ustae) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 132: RIB 1578 = ILS

4723, Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V Deo / Silvano / Cocidio / Q(uintus) Florius / Maternus /

praef(ectus) coh(ortis) / I Tung(rorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)

m(erito)

87

Ca. 158 CE.

328

P 133: RIB 1580,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V Herculi / coh(ors) I Tungror(um) / mil(liaria) / cui praeest

P(ublius) Ael(ius) / Modestus prae(fectus)

P 134: RIB 1584,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et numinibus / Aug(ustorum) coh(ors) I /

T[un]gror(um) / cui praeest / Q(uintus) Iul(ius) Maxi/mus

praef(ectus)

P 135: RIB 1585,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et numinibus Aug(ustorum) / coh(ors) I

Tungr[orum] / cu[i] prae(e)st Q(uintus) Iulius / [---]sus

praef(ectus) / v(otum) [s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

P 136: RIB 1586 = ILS

2550, Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et numinibus / Aug(ustorum) coh(ors) I

Tu/ngrorum / mil(liaria) cui praee/st Q(uintus) Verius / Superstis /

prae[fec]tus

P 137: RIB 1587,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads88

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) [M(aximo)] / et numinibus / [---] / [---] / [---] /

[Ve]rius / [S]upe[rstis] / [p]raefectu[s]

P 138: RIB 1588,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [et numinibus A]ug(ustorum) / [---] / [--

-] / [---] / [p]raefectu[s]

P 139: RIB 1591,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V Deo / Marti Quint(us) / Florius Ma/ternus praef(ectus) / coh(ortis) I

Tung(rorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 140: RIB 2071,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V [S]ive deo si/ve d[e]ae Cl(audius) / Marcian[u]s / [pr]aef(ectus) [--

-]

P 141: AE 1967, 260,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

D P(ublio) Sep(timio) Get]ae [nob(ilissimo) Caes(ari)] / [coh(ors) I

Tungr(orum) m(illiaria) restit]uit pra[etor(ium)] / [L(ucio) Alfeno

Senecione l]eg(ato) A[ugg(ustorum) pr(o) pr(aetore)]

P 142: RIB 1395,

Vindobala / Rudchester

V Deo Invicto / Myt(h)rae(!) P(ublius) Ael(ius) / Titullus prae(fectus) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

88

On the basis of RIB 1586, the text of RIB 1587 can in the main be restored as I(ovi) O(ptimo) [M(aximo)] / et

numinibus / [Aug(ustorum) coh(ors) / I Tungr(orum)? mil(liaria)? / cui praeest / Q(uintus) Ve]rius / [S]upe[rstis] /

[p]raefectu[s]. If the prefect included the unit‟s milliaria title (∞ or mil(liaria)), this would probably have been

inscribed in lines four or five. The degree of abbreviation for the ethnic Tungrorum varies, however, in other

inscriptions (e.g. RIB 1578, 1584 and 1586, all from Vercovicium).

329

P 143: RIB 1396,

Vindobala / Rudchester89

V Deo Soli Invic(to) / Tib(erius) Cl(audius) Dec(i)mus / Cornel(ius)

Anto/nius praef(ectus) / templ(um) restit(uit)

P 144: RIB 1099,

Vindomara / Ebchester

V Genio [---] / [---]IV / A[u]relius / [---] / [p]r[a]ef(ectus) v(otum)

l(ibens) s(olvit)

P145: AE 1998, 835,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

F D(is) [M(anibus)] / T(itus) Ann[ius ---] / centur[io leg(ionis) ---

praepositus coh(ortis) I] / Tungr[orum |(milliaria) annorum ---

stipen]/diorum [--- cecidi]/t in bell[o --- inter]/fectus [T(itus)

Annius?] / fil(ius) et Arc[---] / h(eredes) e[x testament(o)

fec(erunt)]

P 146: RIB 1683,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Deo / Cocidio / Decimus / Caerelli/us Victor / pr(aefectus)

coh(ortis) II Ner(viorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

P 147: RIB 1685,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Genio / praetori(i) / sacrum Pi/tuanius Se/cundus prae/fectus

coh(ortis) IIII / Gall(orum)

P 148: RIB 1688 = AE

1950, 131 = AE 1952, 87

= AE 1953, 102,

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm90

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [c]oh(ors) IIII G[al]l(orum) / [cu]i

p[rae]est L(ucius) II/[.]gius Puden/[s] pr[a]efect(us) / [a]ram

[p]osuit / v(otum) [l(ibens)] m(erito) s(olvit)

P 149: RIB 1691,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Marti Victor[i] / [coh(ors) III Nervioru]m / [cui] praeest [T(itus)]

Caninius [---] / [---]MI[I]IVS

P 150: RIB 917 = AE

1995, 1008, Voreda /

Penrith91

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) / II Gal(lorum) eq(uitata) /

T(itus) Dom[i]ti/us H[i]eron / d(omo) Nicomedia / praef(ectus)

12. B Unit dedications identifying no specific soldiers

89

2nd

Century; this combination of multiple nomina is rare. 90

3rd

century. The earliest datable inscription attesting coh. IIII Gallorum at Vindolanda is RIB 1705: [Imp(eratori)

Caes(ari) M(arco) Aur]el[i]o An[t]on[i]no P[i]o [F]el[i]c[i] / [Aug(usto) Parthi(co) ma]x[i(mo)] Britan(n)i(co)

maxi(mo) ponti(fici) / [maxi(mo) trib(unicia)] potest(ate) XVI imp(eratori) II / [co(n)s(uli) IIII pa]tr[i] patriae

proco(n)s(uli) pr[o] / [pietate a]c devotione communi / [---] / [coh(ors)] IIII Gallo[rum] cui pr[ae(est)] / [---]. This

inscription must date to 213, since Caracalla is in the 16th

year of his tribunicia potestas, but has not yet acquired the

title Germ. max., bestowed on him later in that year. It is not clear, however, when the unit first arrived at

Vindolanda (Birley and Blake 2007: 105-106). 91

178 CE (cf. RMD 184, recording him as prefect).

330

U 1: RIB 855, Alauna /

Maryport

D Coh(ors) I / [H]i[sp(anorum)] / [fecit]

U 2: RIB 1059, Arbeia /

South Shields

D [Co]h(ors) V Gal(lorum) / [fecit?]

U 3: AE 1952, 92, Arbeia

/ South Shields

D Coh(ors) V Gallorum

U 4: AE 1975, 560,

Arbeia / South Shields

D Coh(ors) V G[al(lorum)]

U 5: AE 1992, 1138,

Arbeia / South Shields

D C(ohortis) V G(allorum)

U 6: AE 1997, 1002a,

Arbeia / South Shields

O Al(ae) S(abinianae)

U 7: RIB 2166, Bar Hill V Deo Mar(ti) / Camulo / [m]ilites coh(ortis) [I] / Hamioru[m] /

[..]CIV[.]SC[..] / [..]IVI[---]

U 8: RIB 2169 = AE

1904, 30, Bar Hill

D Coh(ors) I / Baetasior(um) / c(ivium) R(omanorum)

U 9: RIB 2170 = AE

1904, 31, Bar Hill

D I[mp(eratori) Cae]sari / T(ito) Ael(io) [Hadr(iano) An]tonino /

Au[gusto Pio p(atri) p(atriae) c]oh(ors) / I B[aetasior(um)

c(ivium)] R(omanorum) ob / vir[tutem et fi]dem

U 10: RIB 2092,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

V Discip(linae) / Aug(usti) / coh(ors) II / Tungr(orum) / mil(liaria)

eq(uitata) c(oram?) l(audata?)

U 11: RIB 2093,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

V Fortunae / coh(ors) I / Nervana / Germanor(um) / m(illiaria)

eq(uitata)

U 12: AE 1964, 174,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

D [--- I Ger]/man[orum] / m(illiaria) [---]

U 13: AE 1976, 374,

Branodunum / Brancaster

D C(o)h(ors) I Aq(uitanorum)

331

U 14: RIB 1285,

Bremenium / High

Rochester

D Coh(ors) I Va/rdullo/rum fecit

U 15: RIB 1276,

Bremenium / High

Rochester92

D Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) T(ito) Aelio / H[a]d(riano) Antonino

Aug(usto) Pio p(atri) p(atriae) / sub Q(uinto) Lol(lio) Urbico /

leg(ato) Aug(usti) pro prae(tore) / coh(ors) I Ling(onum) /

eq(uitata) f(ecit)

U 16: AE 1983, 641,

Bremenium / High

Rochester

D Vex(illation) coh(ortis) IIII Gall(orum) et / vex(illatio) coh(ortis) II

Nerv(iorum) / fecerunt

U 17: AE 1966, 222 = AE

1967, 249, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

D [Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Traiano] / [Had]ri[ano Aug(usto)] /

co(n)s(uli) / [co]h(ors) I Tun[gr(orum)] / fec(it)

U 18: RIB 2154,

Castlecary

D [co]h(ors?) I Bat(avorum?)

U 19: RIB 2155,

Castlecary93

D Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) T(ito) Ael(io) Ant(onino) / Aug(usto) Pio

p(atri) p(atriae) / coh(ors) I Tungro/rum fecit m(illiaria)

U 20: RIB 414 = AE

2001, 1277, Castle Collen

D [Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) divi] / [Ner(vae) f(ilio) Ner(vae) Traiano] /

[Aug(usto) Germ(anico) Dac(ico) pont(ifici)] / [max(imo)

tr(ibunicia) p(otestate)] p(atri) p(atriae) c[o(n)s(uli) V] / [coh(ors)

IIII De]lma[tarum]

U 21: AE 1979, 388,

Cilurnum / Chesters

V [D]iscipulinae(!) / Imp(eratoris) Had(riani) Aug(usti) / ala

Aug(usta) / [o]b virt(utem) appel(lata)

U 22: AE 1940, 109,

Coria / Corbridge

D A(la) II As(turum)

U 23: RIB 2313 = AE

1975, 581, Cramond94

D [Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) T(ito)] / [Ael(io) Hadr(iano) Anto]/nino

Aug(usto) Pio / p(atri) p(atriae) co(n)s(uli) [I]II / [[[et P(ublio)

Sep(timio) Getae]]] / [[[nob(ilissimo) Caes(ari) co(n)s(uli) II]]] /

[co]h(ors) I Cugernor(um) / [Tri]monti(o) m(ilia) p(assuum) / [---]

U 24: AE 1958, 102, D Coh(ors) I / Dalmat(arum) / fecit

92

138-161 CE. 93

138-161 CE. 94

Ca. 209-211 CE.

332

Deva / Chester

U 25: RIB 1206, Gloster

Hill

V [Ca]mpestri/[bus c]oh(ors) I / [---]

U 26: AE 1958, 116,

Grimscar

D Coh(ors) IIII Bre(ucorum)

U 27: RIB 1227,

Habitancum /

Risingham95

V Numinib(us) / Augustor(um) / coh(ors) IIII Gal(lorum) / eq(uitata) /

fec(it)

U 28: RIB 1240,

Habitancum / Risingham

D Vexil(latio) [coh(ortis) ..] / Nerv[ior(um)] / fec[it]

U 29: RIB 2014,

Irthington

D C(ohors) IV / Lin(gonum) f(ecit)

U 30: AE 1951, 126,

Irthington

D C(ohors) IV / Lin(gonum) f(ecit)

U 31: AE 1993, 1082,

Isca / Caerleon

D Ala I T(hracum)

U 32: AE 1959, 159,

Kelvedon

D [Coh(ors)] / I Van[g(ionum)

U 33: RIB 407, Llanio D Coh(ors) II Astur(um) / [---]

U 34: RIB 408, Llanio V [---]mibus [..] / [--- coh(ors) I]I Astu[r(um) ---]

U 35: RIB 2 (8) 2504.23,

Londinium / London

O Ala I A(sturum)96

U 36: RIB 1823 = RIB

1824 = AE 1988, 836,

Magnae / Carvoran97

D Coh(ors) VI / [Ner]/v[i]orum f[ec]i[t]

U 37: RIB 581,

Mamucium / Manchester

D [---]I[---] / [--- Anto]ninus [Aug(ustus)] / [coh(ors) I

Ba]etas[iorum] / [---]

U 38: AE 1965, 217,

Mediobogdum /

D [Imp(eratori) Ca]es(ari) di[vi Traiani] Part[hici] / [fil(io) div]i

Ne[rvae nep(oti) Tr]aian[o] / [Hadrian]o Augusto pont(ifici)]

95

161-169 CE or later, based on the reference to two Augusti. 96

A lead tag found at Southwark, south London. The earliest datable evidence for ala I Hispanorum Asturum is a

military diploma of 98 (CIL 16, 43). 97

A lead sealing which may belong to Legio VI; cf. Spaul 2000: 209-211.

333

Hardknott m[ax(imo)] / [---] / [le]g(ato) Aug(usti) p[r(o)] pr(aetore) /

coh(ors) II[II De]lmatar(um) / [---]

U 39: AE 1977, 503,

Melandra Castle

D C(ohors) III B[r(acaraugustanorum)]

U 40: AE 1966, 223,

Melrose

D Coh(ors) I

U 41: RIB 803, Moresby D Coh(ors) II / T(h)raq(um!) fec(it)

U 42: RIB 1323, Pons

Aelius / Newcastle

D Coh(ors) I Th/racum

U 43: AE 1976, 366,

Ratae Coritanorum /

Leicester

D C(ohors) I Aq(uitanorum)

U 44: AE 1969/70, 314,

Regulbium / Reculver

D [C(ohors)] I Baetasiorum

U 45: AE 1991, 1129,

Rocester

D [---? Coh(ortis) III? G]allor(um)

U 46: RIB 2145 = ILS

9176 = AE 1904, 29,

Rough Castle98

D [Imp(eratori) Ca]esari Tito / [Aelio] Hadriano / [Anto]nino

Aug(usto) / [Pio] p(atri) p(atriae) coh(ors) VI / [Ner]viorum

pri/[nci]pia fecit

U 47: RIB 1303,

Segedunum / Wallsend

V Deo M(ercurio) s[igil(lum?)] d(edicavit) et p(osuit) coh(ors) / II

Ner[vioru]m pago / [---]diorum

U 48: AE 1976, 369b,

Segedunum / Wallsend

D Al(a) I A(sturum)

U 49: AE 1987, 742a,

Segedunum / Wallsend

D C(ohors) IIII / L(ingonum)

U 50: RIB 430,

Segontium / Caernarvon99

D [Imp(eratores) Caes(ares) L(ucius)] Sept(imius) Severus Pius

Per/[tinax et M(arcus) A]urel(ius) Antoninus / [Pius Aug(usti)] et

[[P(ublius) Sep]]t(imius) [[Geta no]]b(ilissimus) [[C[aes(ar)]]] /

[rivos aq]uaeductium vetus/[tate conla]bs(os) coh(orti) I

Sunic(orum) restit(uerunt) / [---]ARE[---] / [---]NL[---]

98

138-161 CE. 99

198-209 CE.

334

U 51: RIB 1579 = ILS

3230, Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V Diis Deabusque se/cundum interpre/tationem oracu/li Clari

Apollinis/ coh(ors) I Tungrorum

U 52: RIB 1598,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V [Ma]tribus / coh(ors) I Tungr/[or]u[m]

U 53: AE 1975, 568,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Deo Mapono

U 54: AE 1975, 571,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Mer(curio?)

U 55: AE 1975, 572 =

RIB 2411.143,

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm100

D Co(hors) II P(annoniorum) // c(ivium?) R(omanorum?)

U 56: AE 1979, 392,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Deo / Huiti/ri(!) v(otum) s(olvit)

U 57: AE 1979, 393,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Ara Vi/tirum

U 58: AE 1998, 837a,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Ma/tribu(s) / Parc(is)

U 59: RIB 1113,

Vindomara / Ebchester

D [Coh(ors)] IIII B[reucorum]

U 60: AE 1968, 264,

Vindomara / Ebchester

D Coh(ors) IIII Br(eucorum)

100

It is tempting to read civium Romanorum on this lead sealing. This title is hitherto unattested for coh. II

Pannoniorum (see Spaul 2000: 337), and the latest record on a diploma dates to 124 CE, CIL 16, 70 (II PAN[N]).

The total evidence, however, is too meager to exclude the possibility that this cohort received a special grant of

citizenship for meritorious service.

335

13. B High-ranking auxiliaries: immunes and principales

IP 1: RIB 1742, Aesica /

Mumrills

F D(is) M(anibus) / Ael(io) Mercu/riali cornicul(ario) / Vacia soror /

fecit

IP 2: AE 1997, 1002b,

Arbeia / South Shields

O I(ulius) G(---) d(ecurio)

IP 3: RIB 2213, Ardoch101

F Dis Manibus / Ammonius Da/mionis |(centurio) coh(ortis) / I

Hispanorum / stipendiorum / XXVII heredes / f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt)

IP 4: RIB 991, Banna /

Bewcastle102

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / coh(ors) I Dac(orum) [---] / [---] /

[.]at[.]e[..]t(---) centur(io) / leg(ionis) II [Aug(ustae)] / [v(otum)

s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)]

IP 5: RIB 2115,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

F D(is) M(anibus) / Afutiano / Bassi or/dinato / coh(ortis) II

Tung(rorum) / Flavia Baeti/ca coniunx / fac(iendum) curavit

IP 6: RIB 765, Bravonium

/ Kirkby Thore

V [F]el(icitati?) eqq(uitum) LL(---) Aurelius M/arcus dec(urio) alae

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus) m(erito)

IP 7: RIB 769, Bravonium

/ Kirkby Thore

O [---] filia / Cres(centis) / imag/(i)nif(e)ri

IP 8: RIB 1269,

Bremenium / High

Rochester

V Dis / Mo{u}nti/bus(?) Iul(ius) / Firmin/us dec(urio) f(ecit)

IP 9: RIB 1289,

Bremenium / High

Rochester103

F D(is) M(anibus) [s(acrum)] / Aureli Ex[---]/im[i] 7(centurionis)

coh(ortis) I Da[---]

IP 10: RIB 586,

Bremetennacum /

Ribchester

V [Deab(us) Ma]trib[us] / M(arcus) Ingenui/us Asiati[cus] / dec(urio)

al(ae) II As[t(urum)] / [v(otum)] s(olvit) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito)

101

The unabbreviated formula Dis Manibus indicates a first century date. 102

2nd

century. 103

Da[lm(atarum) or –ac(orum)], although in the former case the more usual spelling is Delm(atarum).

336

IP 11: RIB 595,

Bremetennacum /

Ribchester

F D(is) M(anibus) / [--- de]c(urio) al(ae) Sarmata[rum] / [---]

IP 12: RIB 596,

Bremetennacum /

Ribchester

F [EG]NATIA [---] / curam eg[it ---]/lis dec(urio) filius

IP 13: RIB 1523,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

V De(ae) Conve(n)ti(nae) / vot(um) ret(t)u/lit Maus(aeus) / optio

c(o)ho(rtis) / p(rimae) Frixiav(onum)!104

IP 14: RIB 1527,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

V [Ny]mphae Coventinae / [---]tianus dec[u]ri(o) / [---]SLE[.]V / [---

] m(erito)

IP 15: RIB 1559,

Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh105

F D(is) M(anibus) [s(acrum)] / Longi[ni ---] / buc(inatoris)

c[oh(ortis) I Bat(avorum)] / [---]

IP 16: RIB 1560,

Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh106

F [D(is)] M(anibus) / [---]S Mileni / [signi]fero / cohor(tis) I

Bat/[avorum] / [---]

IP 17: RIB 1561,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

F D(is) M(anibus) / Ael(iae) Comindo / annorum XXXII / Nobilianus

dec(urio) / coniugi car[i]ss[i]m(ae) p(osuit)

IP 18: AE 1952, 86,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

V Matribus / Albinius / 7(centuria) <Q>(uinti) Vari mil(es)

d(edicavit)

IP 19: RIB 1445, Brunton D Turm(a) / L(uci) A(---) Fani // T(urma) L(uci) A(---) F(ani) / p(er)

val(lum) / p(edes) CXIII

IP 20: AE 1952, 85,

Castle Collen

D 7(Centuria) Marci / f(ecit) p(edes) XXXXVI

IP 21: RIB 1918 = AE

1947, 115 Cambloganna /

Birdoswald107

D 7(Centuria) Deci Sax(ae) / coh(ortis) I Dac(orum)

IP 22: AE 1991, 1160,

Cambloganna /

D 7(Centuria) Cl(audi) Agisi

104

One would expect Frisiav(onum). 105

3rd

century. 106

Ca. 205-212 CE. 107

Ca. 126 CE.

337

Birdoswald

IP 23: AE 1991, 1161,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

D [---] / 7(Centuria) Cove[---]

IP 24: AE 1994, 1129,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

O Martini dec(urionis)

IP 25: AE 1996, 956,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

D [7(Centuria)] Ulpi Regini

IP 26: RIB 1480,

Cilurnum / Chesters

F D(is) M(anibus) / Aventino / curatori alae / II Astur(um)

stip(endiorum) XV / Ael(ius) Gemellus dec(urio)/ h(eres)

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

IP 27: RIB 1172 = ILS

2520, Coria / Corbridge108

F Dis Manibus / Flavinus / eq(ues) alae Petr(ianae) signifer / tur(ma)

Candidi an(norum) XXV / stip(endiorum) VII h(ic) s(itus)

IP 28: RIB 1178, Coria /

Corbridge

F Em]erit[o ex e]q(uite) alae [---] / [---]ae / [---]

IP 29: RIB 1365 = AE

1938, 118, Denton Hall

D Coh(ortis) I / Dacor(um) / |(centuria) Ael(i) Dida(e)

IP 30: RIB 458, Deva /

Chester109

V Numini Aug[usti ---] / ALMAECERT[---]/NVS act(arius?)

co(ho)r(tis?) [---] / [---] / ex voto faci[end(um) cur(avit)]

IP 31: RIB 521, Deva /

Chester

F D(is) M(anibus) / Au[re]lius Diogen[es] / [ima]ginifer / [---]

IP 32: AE 1964, 169,

Galava / Ambleside

F D(is) b(onis) M(anibus) / Fla(vius) Fuscinus eme(ritus) / ex

ordi(nato) visi(t)(!) an(n)is LV // D(is) b(onis) M(anibus) / Fla(vius)

Romanus act(arius) / vixit anni(s) XXXV / in ca(stris) inter(fectus)

ab hosti(bus)

IP 33: RIB 2015 = ILS

4724b, Irthington

V [D]eo / Marti [C]ocidio / [..] Martius / [7(centurio)] [c]oh(ortis) I

Ba[t(avorum)] / [et] Genio / [Lugu]vali / [v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens)]

108

The unabbreviated formula indicates a first century date. 109

For the suggestion almae Cereri t[emplum] see RIB comm. ad loc. The erased line is probably the result of an

emperor‟s damnatio memoriae, most likely Caracalla or Severus Alexander.

338

m(erito)

IP 34: RIB 600, Lancaster V Deo / Ialono / Contre(bi) / sanctiss[i]/mo Iuliu[s] / Ianuarius /

em(eritus) ex dec(urione) v(otum) [s(olvit)]

IP 35: RIB 2415,41 = AE

1995, 1002, Lincolnshire

D Coh(ors) IIII Bre(ucorum) // 7(centuria) Cl(audi) Senioris / Anni

IP 36: RIB 266, Lindum /

Lincoln

F [---] ex / [d]ec(urione) alae II / Astor(um!) vixit / [a]nnis LXX[.]

IP 37: RIB 409, Llanio D 7(Centuria) Arti M(arcus) / Ennius / Primus

IP 38: RIB 410, Llanio D 7(Centuria) Arti

IP 39: RIB 411, Llanio D 7(Centuria) Verioni[s]

IP 40: RIB 1076,

Longovium / Lanchester

V [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [ord]inati coh(ortis) / [I f(idae)]

Vard[ul]lor(um) / c(ivium) R(omanorum) eq(uitatae) m(illiariae) /

v(otum) s(olverunt) l(aeti) l(ibentes) m(erito)

IP 41: RIB 907,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

F D(is) M(anibus) / Mae[lo]/nius Sec/undus / equi[s(!)] / al(a)e

Aug(ustae) / sesq(uiplicarius)

IP 42: RIB 1795, Magnae

/ Carvoran

V Deo sanct[o] / Veteri / Iul(ius) Pastor / imag(inifer) coh(ortis) II /

Delma(tarum!) v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

IP 43: RIB 577,

Mamucium / Manchester

D Coho(rtis) I Frisiav(onum) / 7(centuria) Masavonis / p(edes) XXIII

IP 44: RIB 578,

Mamucium / Manchester

D Coh(o)r(tis) I / Frisiavo(num) / 7(centuria) Quintiani / p(edes)

XXIIII

IP 45: RIB 579,

Mamucium / Manchester

D 7(Centuria) Cudreni c(o)hor(tis) I / [F]ris[iav(onum)] p(edes) [---]

IP 46: RIB 580,

Mamucium / Manchester

D 7(Centuria) Candidi / [pe]des XX/IIII

IP 47: RIB 279, Melandra

Castle

D C(o)ho(rtis) I / Frisiavo(num) / 7(centuria) Val(eri) Vit/alis

339

IP 48: RIB 2140 = ILS

4628, Mumrills110

V Herculi / Magusan(o) / sacrum / Val(erius) Nigri/nus dupli(carius) /

alae Tun/grorum

IP 49: RIB 1433, Onnum /

High Chesters111

F [---]rmat[---] / [civ]is Norici an(norum) XXX / [M]essorius

Magnus / [f]rater eius dupl(icarius) al{i}ae / Sabinianae /

[f(aciendum)] c(uravit)

IP 50: RIB 620,

Templeborough112

V Dis Manibus Croto Vindicis em/erito coh(ortis) IIII Gallorum

annorum / XXXX monimentum fecit Flavia Pe/regrina coniunx

pientissima marito pientis/simo titulum posuit

IP 51: RIB 2121,

Trimontium / Newstead113

V Campestr(ibus) / sacrum Ael(ius) / Marcus / dec(urio) alae

Aug(ustae) / Vocontio(rum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) l(aetus)

m(erito)

IP 52: AE 1967, 262,

Turret

D 7(centuria) Iuli Valen(t)i(s)

IP 53: AE 1967, 263,

Turret

D 7(centuria) Eppi / Con

IP 54: AE 1975, 565,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Veteri/bus pos/uit Sen/ilis

IP 55: AE 1975, 566,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V Dibus(!) Ve/teribus / pos(uit) Longi/nus

IP 56: RIB 1618,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

F D(is) M(anibus) / Anicio / Ingenuo / medico / ord(inario) coh(ortis)

/ I Tungr(orum) / vix(it) an(nos) XXV

IP 57: AE 1962, 262,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads

V 7(centurio) Saturninus / 7(centurio) Rufinus / Henoenus / optio

110

2nd

century 111

1st half of 3

rd century.

112 The unabbreviated formula indicates an early date; the unit arrived in Britannia during Hadrian‟s reign, as

indicated by diplomas (cf. Spaul 2000:164-165). His wife‟s name includes two markers of a former peregrine

status: her imperial gentilicium and her telling cognomen Peregrina, which is well attested on the German and

British frontiers. Crotus‟ status as a veteran (emeritus) at age 40 is noteworthy. If he was a Celtic recruit from

Britannia, this monument should date to ca. 160 CE. 113

142-145 CE.

340

IP 58: RIB 1713,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

F D(is) M(anibus) / Corn(elius) Victor s(ingularis) c(onsularis) /

mil(itavit) ann(os) XXVI civ(is) / Pann(onius) fil(ius) Saturni/ni

p(rimi) p(ilaris) vix(it) an(nos) LV d(ies) XI / coniu(n)x procuravi(t)

IP 59: AE 2003, 1052,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

D T(urma) Pruso(n)iana Marc[---]

IP 60: RIB 1028, Vinovia

/ Binchester

V [Aesc]ulapio / [et] Saluti / [pro salu]te alae Vet/[tonum] c(ivium)

R(omanorum) M(arcus) Aure/[lius ---]ocomas me/[dicus v(otum)

s(olvit)] l(ibens) m(erito)

IP 61: RIB 1039, Vinovia

/ Binchester

F D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum) / Nem(onius) Montanus dec(urio) / vixit

ann(os) XL Nem(onius) / Sanctus fr(ater) et coher{r}(edes) / ex

testamento fecer(un)t

IP 62: RIB 918 = ILS

4543, Voreda / Penrith114

V Deo / Marti / Belatucad/ro et Numi/nib(us) Augg(ustorum) / Iulius

Au/gustalis / actor Iul(i) Lu/pi pr(a)ef(ecti)

IP 63: RIB 935, Voreda /

Penrith

F [---]/gaduno / Ulp(ia) Trai(ana) / em(erito) al(ae) Petr(ianae) /

Martius / f(ilius) p(onendum) c(uravit)

14. B Auxiliary infantry and cavalry milites gregales

A 1: RIB 159 = ILS 2517,

Aquae Sulis / Bath

F L(ucius) Vitellius Ma/ntai f(ilius) Tancinus / cives(!) Hisp(anus)

Caurie(n)sis / eq(ues) alae Vettonum c(ivium) R(omanorum) /

ann(orum) XXXXVI stip(endiorum) XXVI / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A2: RIB 1064, Arbeia /

South Shields

F D(is) M(anibus) Victoris natione Maurum / [a]nnorum XX libertus

Numeriani / [e]q(u)itis ala(e) I Asturum qui / piantissime(!)

pr[ose]qutus(!) est

114

The exact duties of this prefect‟s actor are unclear; this may be a corruption of the well attested rank of actarius

who belonged the the officium of the unit commander and thus had the rank of principalis. This is also the likeliest

solution to RIB 458, from Deva. Cf. Domaszewski-Dobson 1967: 53-59; contra Spaul 2000: 157, classifying

Augustalis as an immunis. It is unlikely that this title is related to the legionary actor primipili (CIL 5, 8237, ca. 244

CE) since auxiliary units had no rank analogous to the primus pilus.

341

A 3: RIB 2107 = ILS

4752, Blatobulgium /

Birrens

V Deae Ricagam/bedae pagus / Vella(v)us milit(ans) / coh(orte) II

Tung(rorum) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

A 4: RIB 2109,

Blatobulgium / Birrens

V Dib(us!) de/ab(us)q(ue) / omnib(us) / Frument/ius mil(es) coh(ortis)

II / Tungr(orum)

A 5: RIB 1921,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

F [---]spa Septimo vi[xi]t ann(os) / XXXX mil(itavit) XVIII coh(orte) I

Ae/lia Dacorum / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 6: RIB 1529, Brocolitia

/ Carrawburgh

V Deae Coven/tin(a)e P[---]a/nus m(i)l(es) c(o)ho(rtis) V /

R(a)eto[rum] / votum [li]/be(n)s animo / r(eddidit) et posivit(!)

A 7: RIB 418, Caer Gai115 V Iulius Gaveronis f(ilius) / fe(cit) mil(es) c(o)ho(rtis) I Ner(viorum)

A 8: AE 1995, 994b,

Caersws

V Boud[us c(o)h]o(rtis) Ast(urum)

A 9: RIB 1667,

Cawfields116

F D(is) M(anibus) [s(acrum)] / Dagualda m[i]l(es) [coh(ortis) I] /

Pan(noniorum) vixit an(nos) [---] / Pusinna [con]/[iu(n)]x titulu[m

pos(uit)]

A 10: RIB 201 = AE

1928, 156 = AE 1929, 34

= AE 2002, 888,

Camulodunum /

Colchester

F Longinus Sdapeze / matygi f(ilius) duplicarius / ala prima

T(h)racum pago / Sardica(!) anno(rum) XL aeror(um) XV / heres

exs(!) testam(ento) [f(aciendum)] c(uravit) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 11: AE 1952, 12,

Concangium / Chester-le-

Street

D [Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aur(elius) Antoninus] /

[perpet(uae) sal(uti) et usibus] eq(uitum) / [---] / [aquam per agros

t]errit(orium)q(ue) / [alae s(upra) s(criptae) ped(es) ---] induxit /

[et balneum milit(um) a s]olo in/[struxit ---]diani leg(ati) /

[Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) Sabino et An]ullino co(n)s(ulibus)

A 12: RIB 1350 = AE

1940, 110 = AE 1947, 99,

Condercum / Benwell

F D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum) D(ecimus) Iuliu/s Q(uinti) f(ilius)

Candidus c(o)ho(rtis) / p(rimae) Vangionum a(nnorum) XXXX

A 13: RIB 108, Corinium

/ Cirencester

F Dannicus eq(u)es alae / Indian(ae) tur(ma) Albani / stip(endiorum)

115

Fragmentary reliefs of Herculean iconography indicate that this was an altar set up to that god. Cf. Spaul 2000:

218. 116

Late 2nd

-early 3rd

century CE.

342

XVI cives(!) Raur(icus) / cur(averunt) Fulvius Natalis it(!) /

Fl[av]ius Bitucus ex testame(nto) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 14: RIB 109, Corinium

/ Cirencester117

F Sextus Vale/rius Genialis / eq(u)es alae Trha{e}c(um!) / civis

Frisia(v)us tur(ma) / Genialis an(norum) XXXX st(ipendiorum) XX /

h(ic) s(itus) e(st) (h)e(res) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 15: AE 1914, 293,

Deva / Chester

F Iulius Aventinus mil<e>s / co(ho)rtis prim(ae) Sunicor(um) /

leg(ionis) XX V(aleriae) V(ictricis)

A 16: RIB 522, Deva /

Chester

F [D(is)] M(anibus) / Aureli Luci / equitis / h(eres) f(aciendum)

c(uravit)

A 17: RIB 523, Deva /

Chester

F D(is) M(anibus) / C(a)ecilius Donatus B/essus na/tione mili/tavit

ann/os XXVI vix/it annos XXXX

A 18: RIB 121, Glevum /

Gloucester

F Rufus Sita eques c(o)ho(rtis) VI / T(h)racum ann(orum) XL

stip(endiorum) XXII / heredes exs(!) test(amento) f(aciendum)

curave(runt) / h(ic) s(itus) e(st)

A 19: RIB 1249,

Habitancum / Risingham

F [---] mil(es) coh(ortis) IIII Gal(lorum) / sti(pendiorum) XIIII

def(unctus) / [vix]sit an(n)is / XXXXIIII

A 20: AE 1975, 549, Isca

/ Caerleon

D [7(Centuria)] Ge(r)mani / [D]animacus f(ecit)

A 21: RIB 606 = AE

1969/70, 292,

Lancaster118

F Dis Mani/bus / L(ucius) Iul(ius) Apol/linaris / Trever an(norum) /

XXX eq(ues) al/ae Au[g(ustae)] / h(ic) [s(itus) e(st)]

A 22: AE 1998, 852,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

F [--- eq(uiti) al]ae Sebosianae sing(ulari) / Agricolae

A 23: RIB 804 = AE

1951, 130, Moresby

F D(is) M(anibus) / Smert[ri]/o Mac[ri f(ilio)] / m(iliti) coh(ortis) I[I]

/ [T]hrac[um] / [e]q(uitatae) stip(endiorum) / X vicsit(!) [an(nos)] /

XXXV d(ies) V

A 24: RIB 2142,

Mumrills119

F Dis M(anibus) Nectovelius f(ilius) / Vindicis an(norum) IXXX /

stip(endiorum) VIIII nat/ionis Brigans / militavit in / coh(orte) II

117

End 1st – early 2

nd century.

118 1

st century.

119 1

st century.

343

Thr(acum)

A 25: RIB 619,

Templeborough

F Dis M(anibus) Cintusm/us m(iles) coh(ortis) IIII Gall/orum po(suit)

Melisus

A 26: RIB 1619,

Vercovicium /

Housesteads120

F D(is) M(anibus) / Hurmio / Leubasni / mil(iti) coh(ortis) I /

Tungror(um) / b(ene)f(iciario) praef(ecti) / Ca[l]pur[ni]us(?) /

her(es) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

A 27: RIB 291

Viroconium / Wroxeter121

F Tib(erius) Claud(ius) Tiri/ntius eq(ues) coh(ortis) [..] / Thracum

an[n]/orum LVII sti[p]/endior(um) XX[---] / h(ic) s(itus) [e(st)]

A 28: RIB 403, Y-Gaer F Diis M[anibus] / Cand[idi ---]/ni fili(i) [eq(uitis) alae] /

Hisp(anorum) Vett(onum) [c(ivium) R(omanorum) tur(ma)] /

Clem(entis) dom[o ---] / an(norum) XX stip(endiorum) III H[---]

A 29: RIB 405, Y-Gaer122 F D[is] Man[i]bus / Val(eri) Pr[i]mi [.]et[.] / fil(ii) / [e]q(uitis)

[a]lae NER / opt[io]nis / h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit)

15. B Auxiliary Rank / Text Uncertain

ARU 1: RIB 1727, Aesica

/ Great Chesters

V [I(ovi) O(ptimo)] M(aximo) / [---] Gal(l)or(um) / [---]N[---]

ARU 2: RIB 1737, Aesica

/ Great Chesters123

D [Impp(eratoribus) Caesarib]us Antonino et [Vero] / [Augustis

Par]thicis Medicis [Armen]/[iacis coh(ors) V]I(?) Raetoru[m ---] /

[---]misia [---]cci[..] et [---] / [---]iiat[---]

ARU 3: AE 1996, 961,

Arbeia / South Shields

O Vitalis

120

An auxiliary who later served as a beneficiarius of the unit‟s prefect. 121

1st century.

122 If the text has been reported correctly, the only possibility would be Ala I Augusta Nerviana, but the extant

evidence is entirely located in Mauretania Caesariensis. 123

166-169 CE. The incomplete preservation of the names is unfortunate, since they include some obviously

peregrine elements.

344

ARU 4: RIB 1538 = ILS

2556, Brocolitia /

Carrawburgh

V Genio / hu(i)us lo/ci Texand(ri) / et Suve(vae?) / vex(illarii)

cohor(tis) / II Nervior/um

ARU 5: RIB 1562,

Brocolitia / Carrawburgh

F Coh(ortis)] I Bat(avorum) / [--- et] Hilario / heredes f(aciendum)

c(uraverunt)

ARU 6: RIB 1920,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

F D(is) [M(anibus)] / Deciba[li vixs(it)?] / dieb[us ---] / et Blae[---

vix]/s[i]t a(nnos) X Et[---]/us frat[er ---]

ARU 7: AE 1991, 1159,

Cambloganna /

Birdoswald

O Iulius

ARU 8: RIB 205,

Camulodunum /

Colchester

F D(is) [M(anibus)] / Ar[---] / Re[---] / Val[--- coh(ortis)] / I Va[---] /

qui m[ilitavit ---] / ex a[ere collato]

ARU 9: RIB 1348,

Condercum / Benwell

? [---]NIO / [---]BI[---]VV / [---]I[---]SV[---] / [---]AVG [---]E / [---

a]lae I As/[turum ---]OI I / [---]V / [---] I [---]

ARU 10: RIB 1186, Coria

/ Corbridge

O [Coh(ors) I(?)] / Ling(onum) / Iliom/[arus]?

ARU 11: RIB 557, Deva /

Chester124

F [---] an(norum) XXVI / turma VILIX(!) / frater fec(it)

ARU 12: RIB 558, Deva /

Chester125

F D(is) M(anibus) / Fl(avi) Callimor/phi vix(it) an(n)i(s) XXXXII / et

Serapioni vix(it) / ann(is) III m(ensibus) VI Thesa/eus fratri et filio /

f(aciendum) c(uravit)

ARU 13: RIB 1230,

Habitancum / Risingham

V [.]RAN[---] / [.]I[.]I[..]L[..] / [---] / [---] / [--- coh(ortis)] / I

Van[g(ionum)] s(olvit)

ARU 14: RIB 1870 = AE

1956, 108, Harrow‟s

Scar126

V [Deo sanc]/[to Si]l[v]an[o] / [F]lavius / Marcel/linus dec(urio) /

v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

124

VILIX is inscribed next to turma and in a separate line from frater; clearly it qualifies the former noun. It has

generally been understood as a corruption of Felix, in which case one would expect turma Felicis. This, however, is

not certain and the use nominative case is odd. Even if this is a peregrine name, it would be simple to decline. An

oversight on the part of the engraver seems, in this case, to be the likeliest explanation. 125

Two brothers and a son, all bearing Greek names, are commemorated here. They should not be assumed to be of

servile origin solely on the basis of their names. The lack of any mention of a military rank may indicate a

connection with camp-followers. 126

An auxiliary decurion is very likely recorded here, but the text is ambiguous.

345

ARU 15: AE 1996, 942,

Londinium / London127

O [---]IRA[---] / [--- T]hraec(um)? Aug(usta)? [---]

ARU 16: RIB 896,

Luguvalium / Carlisle128

V [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [p]ro sal[u]te L(uci) Septi[mi] /

[S]everi et M(arci) Aur(eli) Anto/[nini Augg(ustorum)] / [---]

ARU 17: RIB 898,

Luguvalium / Carlisle

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) C(onservatori) / [p]ro salut[e] / [---]MI[-

--] / [---]V[---] / [---] / [---] / [---] / [c]onsec[ra]v[it]

ARU 18: RIB 1810,

Magnae / Carvoran

D [---]ius Agripp[a ---] / [--- coh(ortis) I] Hamioru[m ---]

ARU 19: AE 1967, 261,

Turret

D [---]V[---]V[---] // Co[h(ors)] V[---]AXN[---]

ARU 20: AE 1975, 567,

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm129

V Deo Mo/gunti et / Genio lo/ci / Lupul[us] / [v(otum)] s(olvit)

m(erito)

ARU 21: AE 2003, 1038,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) // [et Ge]nio pra/[e]tor[ii ---] / [---] / C[-

--]OR] / [---]NC[.] / [---]/orum / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

ARU 22: AE 2003, 1051,

Vindolanda / Chesterholm

D C(ohors) I Va(rdullorum) // Q(uinti) [---]

ARU 23: RIB 1687,

Vindolanda /

Chesterholm130

V I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Genio / diisq(ue) cus/todib(us)

coh(ortis) II[II] / Gall(orum) et Vindo(landae) Caecil(ius) / OP

CELER[---]

ARU 24: RIB 1035,

Vinovia / Binchester131

V [---] / Sulp(icius) Vic(tor) / [--- alae] Vett[on(um)] / [civis]

Cann(inefas) / v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito)

ARU 25: RIB 926 = AE

1911, 131, Voreda /

Penrith

V Omnibus / dibus(!) Unse/nis Fersome/ris Burcanius / Arcavius

Vagda/varcustus Pou[.]/[.]c[.]arus vex(illationis) MA/VI [.. pr]o

salute / sua et suorum v(otum) s(olverunt) l(ibentes) m(erito)

127

The reading has been doubted by the editors of AE. The artifact was discovered in an archaeological context

dated by dendrochronology to 63 CE, but this unit is not otherwise attested in in Britain during the first century. 128

197-211 or 208-211 CE, depending on the now lost titles of Geta. 129

The single name Lupulus suggests a peregrine origin, but this text is brief and the dedicator need not have

inscribed his full name. 130

3rd

century. 131

The deceased‟s rank is lost.

346

ARU 26: RIB 1198 = AE

1947, 116 = AE 1947,

119, Whitley Castle132

V D[e]o / Apo[lli]n[i] C(aius) / [Iul?]ius / [---] / [..] coh(ortis) [II]

Ne[r(viorum)] / [---]

ARU 27: AE 2002, 896,?

V Deo / Invicto / coh(ors) I / Batavor(um) / fecit Aulo / Maximo

ARU 28: CCID 588,? F? [---] coh(ortis) V Gal(lorum) ex / [tes?]t(amento?)133

ARU 29: RIB 2089,?134 V [C]n(aeus) Egnat[i]us [---] / [--- A]sturum [---]

132

The deceased seems to have been a Roman citizen. His praenomen C(aius) suggests the gentilicium [Iul]ius. 133

Probably [tes]t(amento). 134

Infantry and cavalry units of Astures are attested in Britannia. This, and the unclear provenance of the inscription,

make a closer identification of the unit presently impossible.