Taxation and fiscal policy in Latin America
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Transcript of Taxation and fiscal policy in Latin America
TAXATION AND FISCAL POLICY IN
LATIN AMERICA
Christian Daude OECD Economics Directorate
• Trends and tax mix in LAC
• Efficiency and equity challenges
• Tax morale and political economy of reform
Outline
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Diferencia (A-B) AL1 (A) OCDE (34)2 (B)
LAC’s gap in the tax burden (% of GDP) relative to the OECD has
been declining slowly since the 1990s
Main factors behind this convergence: • Economic growth • Commodity prices • Tax policy and administrative reforms
… but there is a lot of heterogeneity across countries in the
region
0 10 20 30 40
OECD (34)
LAC (18)
Guatemala
Dominican Republic
Venezuela
El Salvador
Honduras
Paraguay
Peru
Panama
Nicaragua
Colombia
Mexico
Ecuador
Chile
Costa Rica
Bolivia
Uruguay
Brazil
Argentina
Tax revenues (as per cent of GDP) in 2012
Tax to GDP ratios have increased in most LAC countries
ARG
BOL
BRA
CHL COL
CRI
DOM
ECU
SLV
GTM
HON
MEX
PAN PRY
PER
URU
VEN
NIC
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
20
12
1990
Mainly in the last decade
BRA ARG
URU
CHL CRI
MEX
PER
COL
DOM
SLV
VEN
GTM
ECU
HON
PAN
PRY
BOL
NIC
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
20
12
2000
OECD countries present a stable tax mix, while in LAC taxes
on income and profits are becoming more important
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1990 92 94 96 98 2000 02 04 06 08 10 2012
LAC
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
1990 92 94 96 98 2000 02 04 06 08 10 2012
OCDE
… although taxes on goods and services continue to be
predominant
25.4
16.9
33.8
17.7
6.2
Impuestos sobre la renta y las utilidades Contribuciones a la seguridad social
Impuestos generales sobre el consumo Impuestos específicos sobre el consumo
Otros impuestos
33.5
26.2
20.3
10.7
9.3
AL (18) OCDE (34)
There are several reasons for these differences
• Different tax policies, but also:
• Differences in the economic structure
• Informal labour markets
• Private pension and health systems
• Evasion
Indirect tax are a significant component of tax revenues in
most LAC countries
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
OECD (34)
LAC (18)
Venezuela
Uruguay
Peru
Paraguay
Panama
Nicaragua
Mexico
Honduras
Guatemala
El Salvador
Ecuador
Dominican Republic
Costa Rica
Colombia
Chile
Brazil
Bolivia
Argentina
1000 Income and profits/Ingreso y utilidades 2000 Social security/Seguridad social
3000 Payroll/Nómina 4000 Property/Propiedad
5000 Goods and services/Bienes y servicios 6000 Other/Otros
Most LAC countries rely on highly centralized revenue structures
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
OECD
Venezuela
Uruguay
Peru
Paraguay
Panama
Nicaragua
Mexico
Honduras
Guatemala
El Salvador
Ecuador
Dominican Republic
Costa Rica
Colombia
Chile
Brazil
Bolivia
Argentina
Central governmentGobierno central
State or Regional governmentGobierno estatal o regional
Local governmentGobierno local
Social-Security FundsFondos de seguridad social
Non-renewable natural resources are an important source of
revenue in many LAC countries
0 20 40 60 80 100
Bolivia (E.P.)
Peru
Chile
Ecuador
Argentina
Colombia
Venezuela (R.B.)
Brasil
México 7.7
12.2
3.3
3.1
14.7
2.8
4.4
9.8
2.2
Como % del PIB
PEMEX
Remarkable differences in oil revenues versus mining after the crisis
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Minerales y metales (5 países) Hidrocarburos (7 países)
The main part of the increase in revenues is due to price
effect, not increased production
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Producción del petróleo crudo (ALC) Precio de petróleo crudo Producción de cobre (Chile, Perú) Precio de cobre
Examples of some challenges reflected by tax
revenue structures in LAC
• Prevalence of indirect taxation: good for economic efficiency, but creates also challenges in terms of redistribution and automatic stabilisers.
• Little revenue raising power (or capacity) and subnational level: weaker link between public service provision, taxpayers and accountability
• High natural resource dependence can translate into volatile tax bases as a source of macroeconomic instability
Fiscal policy does little to redistribute income
0.25
0.30
0.35
0.40
0.45
0.50
0.55
0.60
Arg
en
tin
a
Bra
sil
Ch
ile
Co
lom
bia
Mé
xico
Pe
rú
Paí
ses
OC
DE
no
la
tin
oam
eri
can
os
Ingreso de mercado
Después de transferencias en efectivo e impuestos
0.25
0.30
0.35
0.40
0.45
0.50
0.55
0.60
Ch
ile
Mé
xico
Paí
ses
OC
DE
no
la
tin
oam
eri
cano
s
Ingreso de mercado
+ Transferencias en efectivo
- Impuestos a la renta
+ Educación (especie)
+ Salud (especie)
Source: OECD (2012), Castelletti (2013)
… creating some upward, but also downward mobility
Source: Lustig and Higgins (2012)
Fiscal mobility matrix for Brazil
The tax structure reduces the size of automatic stabilisers
Source: Daude, Melguizo and Neut (2011)
Tax semi-elasticity to output (pps of GDP)
Many not well-targeted tax expenditures
Some examples:
• VAT exemptions on essential goods and reduced rates (often also on fuels, education, health expenditures, etc.) benefit the rich more than the poor (in absolute terms) and make tax administration more difficult
Example: VAT exemptions in Colombia
Many not well-targeted tax expenditures
Some examples:
• VAT exemptions on essential goods and reduced rates (often also on fuels, education, health expenditures, etc.) benefit the rich more than the poor (in absolute terms) and make tax administration more difficult
• PIT exemptions (mortgage interest payments, investment income, capital gains, etc.) combined with high minimum exemption levels reduce progressivity and revenue raising potential
Marginal PIT rates in LAC
Source: Daude, Melguizo and Neut (2011)
Marginal PIT rates in LAC compared to OECD
Tax exemptions on PIT are significant
Source: Corbacho et al (2013)
Many not well-targeted tax expenditures
Some examples:
• VAT exemptions on essential goods and reduced rates (often also on fuels, education, health expenditures, etc.) benefit the rich more than the poor (in absolute terms) and make tax administration more difficult
• PIT exemptions (mortgage interest payments, investment income, capital gains, etc.) combined with high minimum exemption levels reduce progressivity and revenue raising potential
• CIT exemptions are widespread (Free Zones, special regimes, etc.) eroding the tax base and creating deadweight losses
Generous CIT tax expenditures are common in LAC
Source: Corbacho et al (2013)
Tax evasion is high
Source: Corbacho et al (2013)
… due to lack of enforcement and low tax morale
Tax morale in Latin America and OECD countries (“Do you think cheating on taxes is justifiable?”)
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
OECD Latin America
Never Justifiable Justifiable
Source: Daude and Melguizo (2012)
in part because of low levels of trust in government
the perception of low quality of expenditures
ARG
BOL
BRACHLCOL
CRI DOM
ECU
SLV
GTM
HND
MEX
NIC
PAN
PRYPER
URY
VEN
y = 0.914x + 6.23R² = 0.323
6.5
7.0
7.5
8.0
8.5
9.0
9.5
1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5
Tax
Mo
rale
Satisfaction with public education
BEN
BWA
BFA
CPV
GHA
KEN
LSOLBR
MDGMWI
MLI
MOZNAM
NGASEN ZAF
TZAUGAZMB
ZWE
y = 0.383x + 2.661R² = 0.222
2.5
2.7
2.9
3.1
3.3
3.5
3.7
3.9
4.1
4.3
1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5Ta
x D
ep
artm
en
t h
as r
igh
t to
mak
e p
eo
ple
pay
Satisfaction with improving healthcare
Latin America Africa
… and poor objective results
What can be done?
Two different levels:
– Technical improvements (reforming tax administration, factura eletrónica, etc): many of these things are taking place
– Political economy aspects of reform
Reforms will be more effective if technical reforms are part of an encompassing process of fiscal reform, otherwise results will be limited and have limited legitimacy (e.g. SUNAT reform in Peru)
What can be done?
• Current situation reflects a weak social contract: low revenues, low tax morale, high evasion, informality and bad and insufficient provision of public goods
• But it is an equilibrium (political and economic forces act to maintain the status quo)
• A good understanding of the political game is needed to coordinate a better equilibrium
Reciprocity is challenging
• Often implies inter-temporal transactions: credibility and time inconsistency issues
• Uncertainty about costs and benefits of reforms
• Capture and incentives for politician: Does the State serve primarily the common interest or is it a way to capture rents?
• “how” is often as or more important as “what”
Lack of reciprocity leads to inefficient solutions
Reforms to address credibility issues often end up:
• Constitutional amendments that fix expenditures as % of GDP or the budget envelope for certain destinations (health, education, etc.)
• Earmarking of taxes to certain expenditures
This creates:
• Budgetary rigidities in economic and political terms (“devoradores”)
• Pro-cyclical fiscal policy
• Focus on input/quantity not results and quality of public goods and services.
OECD experience with reforms shows
• Clear electoral mandates matter: This requires a political system and parties that formulate their programs around the key reform challenges
• Communication and technical background work matters to reduce the influence of lobbies and pressure groups and convince the public
• Institutions and technical capacity are key for designing and implementing reforms
• Political and institutional leadership
• Time horizon: implementation and transitions take time. It is useful to build in evaluation, learning and adaptation mechanisms
• Consultation and compensating potential losers. Bundling might be useful.
TAXATION AND FISCAL POLICY IN
LATIN AMERICA
Christian Daude OECD Economics Directorate
Some useful links
LAC Revenue Stats: http://www.oecd.org/ctp/latin-america-tax-revenues-continue-to-rise-but-are-low-and-varied-among-countries-according-to-new-oecd-eclac-ciat-report.htm
OECD-LAC fiscal initiative: http://www.oecd.org/tax/tax-global/the-lac-fiscal-initiative.htm
My papers: www.christiandaude.com
IDB book: http://www.iadb.org/en/research-and-data/dia-publication-details,3185.html?id=2013
Commitment to equity project: http://www.commitmentoequity.org/