Syrian Chronology in the Old and Early Middle Babylonian Periods

Wilfred van Soldt •

One field of interest that was left out by Gasche et al. 1998 was the one that played a very important role during earlier discussions on the chronology of the Ancient Near East:

the archives found at the Old Babylonian city of Alalal;). In this contribution I want to look

at the chronological data that can be obtained for Syria during this period, and to see if these data are compatible with the chronology proposed in Gasche et al. 1998.

§ 1. The kings of !falab-Yam!Jad during the Old Babylonian period I

•

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

a. Sumu-epul! 2 is the earliest king(?) 3 of Ijalab attested so far. According to a seal

impression 4 he is the father of Yarim-Lim I (see below, b). He occurs in the

Yal;)dun-Lim inscription and in a number of Mari letters.5 Accordiug to ARM I, 91 6 Sumu-epul! died before the end of the war with the Turukkeans, which can

be dated at the beginning of the eponymate of Awiliya. This eponym

corresponds to Ijammu-rabi of Babylon, year 137

b. Y arim-Lim I 8 succeeded his father Sumu-epu!J and became king 9 of Yam!Jad

during the 13th year of Ijammu-rabi of Babylon (see above). He was the father

of queen Sibtu of Mari, the consort of Zimri-Lim.'o Yarim-Lim probably died

Leiden University.

Much has been written on the subject. For recent discussions and references to older literature, see Nagel and Eder 1992. 7-10, 16-22; Heinz 1992, 190-197, Oliva 1999-2000, and the bibliography at the end of this article.

KJengel 1965, !llf.; 1992, 5lf.; Durand 1998, 67f.

For a discussion of his status, see Charpin 1992, 74f. (with previous literature) and Klengel 1992, 52.

Charpin 1992, 74.

See note 2.

Reedited in Durand 1987. 177f.

Durand 1998, 68. Note that one text mentions pagrl1:Jum offerings performed by ljammu-rabi I for his deceased grandfather Sumu-epuij, see Durand and Guichard 1997, 35 note 91.

Klengel 1965, !l5f.; 1975,51; 1992, 54f.; Durand 1998,68.

See already Dossin 1939,47.

10 Klengel 1975, 5lf.; Durand, ARMT 26/1, 95f.; Ziegler 1999, 54f.

Akkadica 119-120 (2000), pp. 103-116. 103

Akkadica 119-120

between months III and VIII of Zimri-Lim year 9', which corresponds to tfammn-rabi of Babylon, year 2811

c. tfammu-rabi 112 is the son of Yarim-Lim I, as can be deduced from ARM 9, 33: 2-3, [PltJa-a[m-mJu-ra-bi / [dumu ia-rJi-[iJm-li-im. 13 Note, however, that the sign DUMU is broken. He probably was the brother of queen Sibtu of Mari (see above).14 The earliest available date for this king is Zimri-Lim year 10' =

tfammu-rabi of Babylon year 2915 He also was a contemporary of kings Mutiya and Till-Abnu of Sel!nal6 The approximate date of tfammu-rabi's death can be inferred from these same synchronisms. A sizable number of documents from the reign of Mutiya of SelJna are dated to the eponym tfabil-kenum. According to Veenhof s reconstruction, this eponym must be dated to the end of the reign of tfammu-rabi of Babylon or the beginning of the reign of his successor Samsu­iluna17 Since there is a letter from tfammu-rabi of YamlJad to Till-Abnu of SelJna, who must have ascended the throne after the limmu of tfabil-kenum, tfammu-rabi I must have died after this limmu. His death should therefore be dated to Samsu-iluna year 2 or later. 18

d. Abba-AN 19 is the son of tfammu-rabi I, as can be seen from impressions of his seal on some tablets from AlalalJ.20 If indeed his father died shortly after Samsu­iluna's first regnal year (see above, c), the beginning of his reign should be dated to approximately the same time. Abba-AN is the brother of Yarim-Lim (I) of AlalalJ,21 see also below, §2.

e. Yarim-Lim II 22 is the son of Abba-AN. His filiation is given in a seal inscription from AlalalJ.23 According to Na'aman, several AlalalJ texts should be dated to the reign of this king (AT 79, 95 and 455)24 In these texts king Ammi-taqum(ma) of AlalalJ is mentioned who, in Na'aman's view, should be identified with Ammi­

taqum(ma) 1. For a discussion of the various opinions, see §2.

II Villard. ARMT 23, 473 and note 45; Charpin and Durand 1985,310 and note 80.

12 Klenge11965, 123f.; 1975, 5lf.; 1992, 58f. Although the reading of his name is more likely to be cAmmu_ rape (van Soldt 1991, 316 note 125), I retain the more traditional transcription tJammu-rabi.

13 See also Artzi and Malamat 1971, 84, and Durand, ARMT 26/1, 96.

14 Klengel 1975, 5lf. (cf. ARMT 10, 131 and 132). As far as I can see, ljarnmu-rabi is nowhere explicitly referred to as Sibtu' s brother.

15 Dossin 1939,48; for the year name, see Charpin and Durand 1985, 306.

16 For Mutiya, see Eidem 1991, 120, 126£.; for Till-Abnii, see Eidem 1987-88, 114b; 1991, 126 note 22.

17 Veenhof 1987-88.

18 Correct Zeeb 1991a, 402, second paragraph, where "TIrronbesteigung des Mutia" should be changed to "Thronbesteigung des Till-AbnO".

19 Klengel 1965, 151f.; 1992, 60f.; Oliva 1999-2000, 232f.

20 AT 444b; see Collon 1975, 6 no. 3, and the discussion on p. 146. ~

21 Cf. AT I: 32 (see Klengel 1965, 138), AT 56: 43-44 and 456: 3lf., see Wiseman 1958. See in general, Na'arnan 1976, 130. For AT 126, see Na'aman 1979, 112. See also Nagel and Eder 1992, 9.

22 Klengel 1965, 154f.; 1992, 62; Oliva 1999-2000, 233f.

23 AT 444a, see Collon 1975, 8 no. 5, and the discussion on_po 146f.

24 Na'aman 1976, 135f. and 29, 106.

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f. Niqmi-epubfepa 25 is the son of Yarim-Lim II. This is clear from a seal impression on a tablet from Alalab.26 He was a contemporary of both Yarim-Lim and Ammi-taqum(ma) of Alalab.27 For a discussion, see §2.

g. Irkabtum 28 is the son of Niqmi-epubfepa, as can be seen from two seal inscriptions, the first apparently from the time when his father was still king, the second from the time he himself had ascended the throne as his father's successor.29 Irkabtum is attested as a prince in AT 96,30 dated to his father, and as king in five more texts from Alalab3 ! According to AT 54, he was a contem­porary of Amrni-taqurn(rna) and, possibly, of Yarim-Lim (II) of Alalab,32 see also §2.

h. ljammu-rabi 11.33 The reason for inserting this king between Irkabtnm and Yarim-Lim ill will be discussed below (§ Ii). No filiation is known. He is attested as king in AT 21 and 22, in which Ammi-taqum(ma) of Alalab is mentioned. ljammu-rabi is also attested in a text that is reported to have been found in Alalab level VI (AT 39), two years before the tablets of level VII were uncovered.34 See below, i.

1. Yarim-Lim III 35 is the probable successor of ljammu-rabi II. He was considered

by the majority of scholars to be a son of Niqmi-epug and a brother of Irkabtum. However, the seal which gives his filiation is half broken. Collon read his father's name ni-i[q-mi-e-pu-ub] 36 but, as suggested by Na'aman,37 the second sign can

hardly be IG : on both the seal inscriptions and the tablets the sign always starts with 3 short horizontals. According to him, it is rather the sign KAB, which has the same form on the tablets (not on the seals, however). Na'aman therefore read [dumu] ir-ka[b-tum] and considered Yarim-Lim ill to be a son of Irkabtum and a grand-son of Niqrni-epub. The matter is best left open.38

The order of the two kings ljammu-rabi II and Yarim-Lirn III depends on attestations in texts from Alalab and ljattnsa. In AT 6 Ammi-taqum(ma) of Alalab bequeathes all his possessions to his son ljammu-rabi. The document is

25 Klengel 1965, 155f.; 1992, 62; Oliva 1999·2000, 234f.

26 AT 7e; see Collon 1975, 9 no. 6, and the discussion on p. 147.

27 Yarim-Lim: AT 7.9. 11.52; Ammi-taqum(ma): AT 55. See Klengell965. 155f. and Collon 1975. 147. See also below, §2.

28 Klengel 1965, 156f.; 1992, 63; Oliva 1999-2000, 235f.

29 Collon 1975, 10 nos. 7-8, and the discussion on p. 148.

30 See Na'aman 1976, 139 and the remark by Collon 1977, 130. For a discussion of AT 96, see Na'aman 1979, 110f.; for more texts that can be dated to Irkabtum, see Na'aman, ibid.

31 AT 33, 38, 58, 64, 65.

32 For Yarim·Lim II, see Na'aman 1976, 131f.; 1979, 105f. and Collon 1977, 128.

33 Klenge1 1965, 161f.; 1992, 64; Oliva 1999-2000, 237.

34 See the discussion in Collon 1975, 149.

35 Klenge1 1965, 157f.; 1992, 63f.; Oliva 1999-2000, 237.

36 Collon 1975, 11 no. 10.

37 Na'aman 1979, 103f.

38 Nagel and Eder 1992, 15 opt for Niqrni-epu\).

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drawn up in front of king Yarim-Lim (III) of Yarn\)ad, the witnesses mentioned in this text point to the end of Alalall VII39 Uammu-rabi is not attested as king of Alalall, the town was probably destroyed before he could ascend the throne.40 In AT 6: 27 the army-commander Zukrasi (ugula uku.u[S]) 41 is mentioned as a witness. Naturally, the Alalall text has to be dated before the destruction of Alalall VII, which took place during Uattusili I's second campaign42 The same Zukrasi occurs in a few texts from the time of Uattusili I, which narrate the Hittite siege and capture of Uassum.43 In the annals of Uattusili I he is mentioned as Zukrasi, the ugula uku.us.e.ne of the 'man of Aleppo'.44 The capture of Uassum took place in Uattusili I's sixth campaign, after the fall of Alalall.45 This means that Zukrasi must have stayed in office for several years after the Hittite destruction of Alalall. He probably also occurs in another text about the siege of Uassum, which is preserved in two copies.46 In the same text Yarim-Lim and his son Uammu­rabi are mentioned side by side with Zukrasi47 Since Zukrasi is an army­commander of the king of Aleppo, Yarim-Lim is likely to be his king. Therefore, Yarim-Lim must still have been king of Aleppo after AlalalJ. had been destroyed, and the Uammu-rabi mentioned here as his son cannot have been the same as the king mentioned in AT 21 and 22.48 It is for this reason that I follow Kupper 49 and Na'aman,50 who proposed to insert the Uanunu-rabi of the two Alalall texts between Irkabtum and his son Yarim-Lim III. Uammu-rabi II may have been a brother of either Irkabtum or Yarim-Lim IlLS 1 In any case, his reign was probably rather short.52 The only remaining problem is the findspot of text AT 39, which is said to have been found in level VI. Either the tablet was moved from its original context or the Uarnmu-rabi mentioned in it is in fact Uarnmu­rabi III, the son of Yarim-Lim III. Note, however, that two wituesses in AT 39 53

39 Na'aman 1976, 139f.; 1979, 107; cf. Collon 1975, 151.

40 Na'aman 1976, 130; Collon 1975, 152.

41 Landsberger 1954, 52.

42 Klengel 1965, 161, 174 note 141, 211 with older literature; Na'aman 1976, 130; Kempinski 1983, 16: 6f., 23: 15f.; Astour 1997, 19f.

43 For the history of this town and its possible location, see AstaUT 1997.

44 Kempinski 1983,44: 14f. and see 43 (with older literature).

45 Kempinski 1983, 16: 32f.; 23: 1 If.; 29: 16; cf. also the letter from Tikunani, Salvini 1996, 107: 9 (men­tioning "the man of ijalJ.bum", a city mentioned in connection with ijassum). For a possible location of TikunanilTigunanum, see Charpin 2000.

46 KUB 31, 5 and KBo 19, 91; see Kempinski 1983, 47f. (with older literature). The name Zukrasi can be restored as [Pzu-uk-ra-aS]-si-in in line 7 because of the epithet ugu I a [u ]ku. us. s <i.e.n e in line 8.

47 Kempinski, ibid., lines 1-2 and 6-7. For the 'Yarim-Lim fragments', see Klihne 1972, 242f.; see also Klengel 1975, 53f.

48 New edition of both texts by Zeeb 1992, 458f.

49 Kupper 1973, 31f.

50 Na'aman 1974, 273f.; 1976, 137; 1979, 104. This order is also followed by Oliva 1999-2000, 237.

51 Na'aman (1979, 104f.) regards him as an older brother of Yarim-Lim III.

52 For additional texts concerning tWs episode, see below, §3.

53 New edition by Zeeb 1991b, 425f.

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possibly occur in other texts from level VII: Werimuza in AT 6 : 28,54 to be

dated shortly before the destruction of Alalal}, and Ammusdi-AN, attested in AT

36 : 12,55 a text from the last generation at Alala\} (cf. Talmammu in line 3 and the !;azannu Pendili in line 7).56 Therefore, it is preferable to assume that AT 39

got somehow out of its original context (level VII)57

j. ijammu-rabi III, son of Yarim-Lim III. See the discussion under i, above. It

remains uncertain whether he ever ruled as king over ijalab.

The dates that have to be assigned to the kings of ijalab on the basis of the new proposals by Gasche et al. 1998 will be discussed in §4.

§2. The kings 58 of Alala!; during the Old Babylonian period

There are two names attested for the kings of Alalal} VII, Yarim-Lim, son of

ijammu-rabi I of Yarn\}ad and brother of Abba-AN, and Ammi-taqum(ma), son of Yarim­Lim.59 Both kings date part of their records to Niqmi-epu\} of Yarn\}ad, so the transition

from father to son must have taken place during the reign of this king.

In the 1970's, a discussion evolved around the two attested kings Yarim-Lim and

Am:m.i-taqum(ma). In two articles, Na'rullan (1976 and 1979) concluded that there must have been four kings instead of two: Yarim-Lim I, Ammi-taqum(ma) I, Yarim-Lim II and

Ammi-taqum(ma) II. Na'aman based his theory on the fact that two generations at Alalal} appeared to correspond to five generations at Yarn\}ad, and on different groups of

witnesses that appear in the records, sometimes together with one of the two kings of

Alalab and sometimes with a king of Yarn\}ad. These prosopographical connections could only work if one were to assume that there were four kings of Alalal} instead of two.

Finally, there are a few texts from which, the existence of two extra kings could be inferred (AT 38 and 95).60

54 See Nagel aod Eder 1992, 13f.

55 New edition by Zeeb 1992, 47Of.

56 Na'aman 1976, 132.

57 Note that according to Collon 1977. 129 note 9, the main reason for assigning AT 39 to level VI is the date it was found: two years before the rest of level VIT.

58 Perhaps better «governors" (16). Note, however, that Arnmitaqum(ma) calls himself king in a number of texts. For the problem of the status of the kings of ijalab and Alalab, see, for example, Kuhne 1982, 243, D.

68, and Nagel aod Eder 1992, 10, 14.

59 Landsberger 1954, 51f.; Klengel 1965, 208f.; Callan 1975, 149f. For older literature, see Na'aman 1976, 129 note 2.

60 AT 38 is dated in the reign of Irkabtum of Ya.ml:l.ad and mentions a man who is said to be a servant (h) of Yarim-Lim. According to Collon (1977, 128) he must be Irkabtum's son, the future Yarim-Lim ill of Yarnbad. According to Na'aman (1976, 131f.) the text belongs to a group of texts with the same persons, in which Yarim-Lim of Alalal] is mentioned. Since these texts are dated to the Yambad kings Niqrni-epulJ., Irkabtum and Yarim-Lim III, however, Collon's assertion cannot really be discredited. The other text is AT 95, a legal case from the time of Yarim-Lim of Yam1Jad. According to Na'aman (1976, 134; 29, 105f.) the text must have been written shortly after the death of Yarim-Lim of Alalag, the testator. This, according to him, would prove that Ammi-taqum(ma) succeeded his father during the reign of Yarim-Lim II of Yambad, and he was followed by Oliva 1999-2000, 233, who dated AT 95 to Ammi-taqum(ma) I because of its similarity to AT 126. Collon (1977, 129) suggested that the text must be dated later, in the reign of Yarim-

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Collon (1977) refuted Na'aman's view and in this she was followed by Carre Gates (1989, nf.), Heinz (1992, 195f.) and K1engel (1992, 64 note 115). Na'aman's reconstruction was followed by Gail (1982) and Oliva (1999-2000), and partly by Eder,61 who posited only a third king, Yarim-Lim II, as son and successor of Yarim-Lim I and father of Ammi-taqum(ma).62

This is not the place to go once more into the much-debated question of the number of kings at AlalalJ. I would just like to say that, although Na' aman certainly makes a rather convincing case for more than two kings during AlalalJ VII, there is at present no evidence which can prove this beyond any doubt. Moreover, for a reconstruction of the chronology of Syria in the period under discussion the qnestion of the number of kings at AlalalJ is not really an important One. That two kings can also be accomodated in the available time­span will be shown in §4.

§3. The time interval between the destruction of Alalab and the destruction of Halab

AlalalJ was conquered and destroyed by ljattusili I in his second campaign (see §l,i). The city of ljalab was siezed by ljattusili's grandson Mursili I a number of years later. The exact time interval is unknown. According to Kempinski 1983, 219f.,63 the number of years between ljattusili's destrnction of AlalalJ and the seizure of ljalab by his grand-son Mursili I can have been no more than twenty. Unfortunately, we do not know in what part of his reign ljattusili' s campaigns against Syria took place, nor do we know whether these campaigns took place in consecntive years or not. Even the length of ljattusili's reign is unclear. Finally, it is not clear at what age Mursili I ascended the Hittite throne.64

Therefore, it is more appropriate to work with an upper and a lower limit instead of a fixed number. The lower limit would be somewhere around 15, the upper can go as high as 35. It should be emphasized that this is no more than a more or less sophisticated guess.

Lim III of Yamb-ad (similarly Heinz 1992, 196). If Ammi-taqum(ma) took over from his father 1ate in the reign of Niqrni-epub, and if the reign of Irkabtum was relatively short, this is certainly a possibility. For AT II, see below.

61 Nagel and Eder 1992, 14f., 18f.

62 Erler based her reconstruction mainly on AT 11, a legal case between Yarim-Lim of Alalah and his sister Tatteya dated in the reign of Niqrni-epub of Y~ad. The reason for separating this Yarim-Lim from Yarim­Lim, son of Abba-AN, was given by Na'aman 1979, 107: in AT 456 the town of Nastarbi was given to Yarim-Lim by his brother Abba-AN, in AT 11 it is said that Yarim-Lim's father presented him with this town. One wonders if the difference is important enough to justify the existence of another Yarim-Lim. Perhaps the decades that had passed since the original donation are to be blamed for the different identity of the donator. Whether the town was given by his brother or his father may not have been all that important. More important was that it had originally been given to Yarim-Lim and not to Tatteya.

63 For the texts, see ibid., 49f. See also KlengeI1964, 213 : 2-6 (CTH 75); 1979,83-87; \992, 80f., and 1999, 38f., 59f.; Kuhne 1982, 243f. (note 68); Heinz 1992, 197 and 207 (absolute dates).

64 See in particular the cautioning words by Carre Gates 1987,73-75, and Wilhelm, 1993-97a, 291. Astour (1989, 11) suggests a time interval of 40 years between the destruction of Alalab VII and the fall of Babylon. See also Klengel 1999, 56f., 64f., and KUhne 1999, 207f., who do not give dates, however. According to Wilhelm 1993-97b, 434, Mursili was probably not older than 14 when he ascended the Hittite throne.

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§4. The dates according to the chronology of Gasche et al

According to the dates suggested by Gasche et al. 1998 for the Old Babylonian kings, the beginning of the reign of ijammu-rabi I of ijalab has to be set at 1667 (=

ijammu-rabi of Babylon year 29, see §lc). The destruction of ijalab probably has to be dated to 1500, assuming that Mursili returned to ijattusa before he started his campaign against Babylon.65 This gives us a period of 167 years between the beginning of ijammu­rabi I's reign and the destruction of ijalab. If we look at the number of kings who reigned between 1667 and the destruction of AlalalJ we first have to deduct the 15 to 35 years for the time interval between the destructiou of AlalalJ and ijalab (see §3). This gives us ± 130 (167-35) to ± 150 (167-15) years. In these 130 to 150 years we find at least seven kings belonging to five generations or, in case Yarim-Lim III was a son of Irkabtum, seven kings and six generations. Note, however, that Yarim-Lim III ruled for several years after the destruction of AlalalJ. If we reckon with seven kings and five generations we get 26 to 30 years per generation. If we have seven kings and six generations we get 22 to 25 years. Examples from Babylon (an average of 27 years for 11 generations) and Ugarit (an average of 28 years for 5 generations 66) show that the figures found for the kings of ijalab are not uncommon.67

As for AlalalJ, the installation of Yarim-Lim as king probably took place later in Abba-AN's reign. If the latter started his rule ca. 1640, then Yarim-lim's reign probably began around 1625. If there were only two kings at AlalalJ - Yarim-Lim and Amrni­taqum(ma) - they must have ruled between 90 and 110 years (1625-1535 or 1625-1515), or approximately a century. Since the transition from father to son took place during the reign of Niqrni-epuij, the third generation at ijalab, this seems quite possible: there are more examples of two consecutive kings who reigned almost a century.6' Also, Ammi­taqum(ma) seems to have been an old man by the time the Syrian campaigns of ijattusili I were underway, as we learn from AT 6, a document drawn up in the presence of Yarim­Lim III of Yambad and his general Zukrasi, in which Ammi-taqum(ma) bequeathed all his possessions to his son ijammu-rabi. As discussed in §2, this son is not attested as king in the AlalalJ archives. The city was probably destroyed soon after AT 6 had been written.

The reconstruction snggested by Na' aman (§2) would give us four kings at AlalalJ and the average reign would have lasted between 22.5 (90/4) and 27.5 (!l0/4) years. These figures are in line with the ones found for the kings of ijalab.

The destruction date of ijalab and the date of the Babylonian campaign (1499) can only be upheld if pharaoh Tuthmosis I attacked Syria only in his later years. According to von Beckerath 1997, 122f., Tuthmosis ruled from 1504 to 1493 or 1491. His Syrian

65 See Kempinski 1983,50: 17-20.

66 From the beginning of the reign of ArlJalba (±1315) to the end of the reign of Ammurapi (±1175), see van Soldt 1991, 44f. Note that Arbalba and Niqrnepa were brothers. Singer 1999, fold-out table between 730 and 731 dates the destruction of Ugarit around 119011185.

67 According to Steiner 1989, the Mesopotamians regarded 40 years as the normal length of one generation.

68 For example, Niqrnepa and Ammistamru II at Ugarit, ca. 90 years, see van Soldt 1991, 5-12 and Singer 1999, fold-out table between 730 and 731. A time span of 110 years, however, would seem a bit too long for just two rulers.

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campaign took place after his 4th year (ibid., 120). If indeed Mursili I conqnered Babylon in 1499 there would be enough time left for Tuthmosis 1's Syrian campaigns (1498-1493/91), see below, §S.

§S. The beginning of Idrimi's reign

Our most important source for the history and chronology of Syria after the fall of ljalab is the Idrimi inscription.69 The text was found in a room of a level IE building.1o

Despite its finds pot, however, most scholars are inclined to regard it as a document either from the end of Idrimi's reign or shortly after. In any case, I regard the text as relevant to our subject,71

The Idrimi inscription provides us with the following data: 1) Idrimi was the son of Ilimilimma (line 1), probably the king of ljalab.12 2) He was forced out of ljalab after some evil (masiktu) had befallen the city (11. 3-4).13 3) He reached Canaan after short visits to his faruily in Emar (11. 5ff.) and to king Zakkar of the Suteans (11. l3ff.). He stayed seven years in Canaan, but left in the seventh year for Mukis and Alalab (17-34). 4) For seven years he and the king of the Hurrians, Parattarna, were enemies: in the 7th year he swore a loyalty-oath to Parattarna (43ff.). 5) Idrimi's son was Addu-nirari (91). 6) Idrimi reigned for 30 years over Alalab (102).

If we assume that the seven years of enmity between Idrimi and Parattarna overlapped either Idrimi's stay in Canaan or his reign at Alalab,74 we arrive at a total of 36 or 37 75 years between the fall of ljalab (the evil mentioned by Idrimi) and the end of Idrimi's reign. The numbers 7 and 30 have generally been mistrusted: most scholars have contended that they have probably been rounded up or down.76 For the number seven, which is used no less than three times in the inscription (lines 28, 43 and 65), this seems indeed quite obvious.17 Also the number 30 may be a round number. However, we have to take into account that kings do occasionally rule for exactly 30 years like, for example,

69 Text editions: Smith 1949; Oller 1977; Dietrich and Loretz 1981. See also Kempinski and Na'aman 1973, and Greenstein and Marcus 1976.

70 For the find circumstances, see Smith 1949, If.; see also Mayer-Opificius 1981; Carre Gates apud Sasson 1981, 318f.; Oller 1989, 412, and Longman III 1991, 60f.

71 See, for example, Oller 1989, 417. For a date closer to level r. see Sasson 1981 and Longman III 1991, 63f.

72 Because of the bit abiya, ''the house of my father" or "my family seat" (Oller 1977, 9). According to Mayer 1995, 341f., Ilimi-lirnma was king of Alala)) rather than of lJalab.

73 For masiktu, see Mayer 1995, 341f. and Marquez Rowe 1997, 183f., according to whom this 'evil' "must have involved the killing of Idrimi's father as well as the seizure of the town" (ijalab).

74 See, for example, Klinger 1988, 39 note 24.

7S Much depends on Idrimi's stay in Emar. Since he does not mention the length of his stay, and since he gives a clear reason why he wanted to get out of Emar (10~ 12) I have assumed that his Emar period lasted for only a few months. There is, however, no unequivocal evidence for this assumption. Idrimi says that he undertook his campaign to Alalav in the seventh year of his stay among the l;apirus. That is why I give both six and seven as the length of this period. In view of the sojourn in Emar the total number is likely to be closer to seven than to six. See, however, the next note.

76 See, for example, Oller 1977, 195f.; Na'aman 1980, 108, and Klengel 1981,275,278.

77 For the number seven, see Liverani 1967.

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the Kassite king Adad-suma-u~ur.78 Since these numbers (7 and 30) are the only oues we have I will start by using them as a working hypothesis in my calcnlations79

Since level IV at Alalat begins with the palace built by Idrimi' s son Niqmepa, Idrimi's reign is generally assumed to belong to level VB. 80 As pointed out by Carre Gates there is some archeological evidence for the beginning of level IV : 81 this level no longer contains Cypriote bichrome ware, which stops toward the end of level VB. In Megiddo this bichrome ware disappears after the destruction of Megiddo IX by Thutmosis III, which is now dated by von Beckerath in 1456 (that is, 1479-23).82 Alalat level IV may have started around this time. When we add the 30 years of Idrimi to this figure we get 1486 for the beginning of his reign at Alalat. When we add the (symbolic) 7 years of his exile in Canaan we arrive at 1493 for the fall of Ualab. This would be just 7 years after the destruction of that city by Mursili I (see above, §4), at least according to the chronological scheme provided by Gasche et al.

These two dates (1493 and 1500) are so close that one wonders whether the two destructions of Ualab reported for these two years could in fact be one and the same. Since the accession date of Tuthmosis ITI is separated from that of Ramses IT by exactly 200 years, and since the accession date of the latter is firmly fixed to 1279 83 the extra seven years cannot be found by dating Tuthmosis' accession 11 years earlier.'4

If we therefore assume that Idrimi' S flight from Ualab was indeed instigated by Mursili 1's capture of the city, Alalat level IV must have begun a few years earlier, andlor Idrimi's stay at Emar andlor in Canaan must have lasted a few years longer than assumed above. The Idrimi text states that Idrimi's father I1imilimma lived before Ualab's destruction, which would make him a contemporary of Mursili J.85 KUhne 86 has pointed out that the name Ilimilimma probably occurs in a Hittite text possibly from the reign of Uattusili I or his grandson Mursili I (373/v+KUB 36,103). The ideographic writing of the name (dingir-dingir-ma) was apparently understood by the Hittite scribe as an-an-ma and rendered as a-na-an-ma-an (acc.) and a-na-an-ma-as (nom.). In the same text we find the nameS Yarim-Lim and Ualba. A restoration of Zukrasi, which would date the text shortly after the fall of Alalaij, is uncertain. The text can be dated to either Uattusili I or Mursili l, and the identification of both I1imilimmas seems at least possibleP

78 Brinkman 1976, 21.

79 For the role played by the scribe Sarruwa, see the discussions by Oller 1989, 413£.; Longman III, 1991, 64f., and in particular Marquez Rowe 1997, 179f. (all with previous literature). According to Marquez Rowe, the statue may have been an ex-voto dedicated by Sarruwa to the deceased king Idrimi. See also Na'aman 1980, 110.

80 Astour 1972, 108 note 58; Oller 1989,412; Carre Gates 1981, 33f.; 1987,76; Marquez Rowe 1997, 178f.

8! Carre Gates 1987, 64f.; see also Collon 1975, 169 for Cypriote pottery (Base Ring II) found in level IV. 82 von Beckerath 1997, IOSf.

83 von Beckerath 1997, 67, 103.

84 As explained above, the seven years of enmity between Idrimi and Parattarna cannot be used to fill the gap: these seven years probably overlap the 37 years mentioned by the text. See also below.

85 According to Astour 1989, 18, IIimilimma was a son of Abb-AN II, see below.

86 Kuhne 1972, 246f.

87 See also Klinger 1988, 39, note 24.

III

Akkadica 119-120

The exact time interval between Yatim-Lim III of .\}alab and his son ijammu-rabi III (who did not necessarily become king) on the one hand, and Ilimilimma on the other is uncertain. It is possible that the Abba-AN son of Sarra-AN, mentioned on a level VII seal used by Niqmepa, has to be inserted here.88 If .\}ammu-rabi III did not make it to the throne of .\}alab, and if Sarra-AN was a ruler elsewhere we would have at least two generations of kings for the 15 to 35 years between the destructions of AIalab and of ijalab (see above, §3). If both .\}ammu-rabi III and Sarra-AN were kings of ijalab, we would have four different kings during this short interval. Since we do not know the relationship between ijanunu-rabi III and Sarra-AN the number of generations is uncertain.89 However, neither Abba-AN nor Sarra-AN are identified on the seal as kings of .\}alablYamlJ.ad and the seal may be "a family heirloom through the marriage of one of the family of IamlJ.ad into the family of Abban, son of Sarran" (Collon 1975, 170). This would relieve us of the need to insert new names among the ones we already know.

One serious disadvantage of the identification of the evil of .\}alab mentioned by Idrimi with the destruction by Mursili I is, that it would leave the seven years of enmity between the Hurrian king and Idrimi unexplained, at least if we assume that these seven years followed the destruction of .\}alab. So far, it has been assumed that ijalab had been destroyed by Parattarna,90 king of the Hurrians, who concluded a treaty with Idrimi after seven years of enmity.91 According to KIinger,92 however, the good relationship between ijalab and the Hurrians predating these seven years can only have existed before the fall of ijalab. After Mursili I had captured the city there appears to have been a period of Hittite influence in the region, which may have been the cause of Idrimi's problems with Parattarna. According to Warburton, however, these seven years coincided with the activities of the Egyptian pharaoh Tuthmosis III in Syria.93

Finally, there is the archeological record. If indeed the dates given here for Idrimi are correct, it would mean that only 45 years at the most are left for levels VI and VA (1535-1490). If Idrimi's reign is not confined to VB, but overlaps with VA, we wonld have a maximum of 75 years for levels VI and V (1535-1460).

88 Collon 1975, 12 no. 11, and 170f.; Kuhne 1982,245; Klengel 1992, 86; Marquez Rowe 1997, 182.

89 According to Astour (1989, 17f.) Sarra-AN should be identified with someone of the same name during the reign of Yarim-Lim III, and he is best regarded as his younger brother. This would make Abba-AN a full cousin of ijammu-rabi III. However, the identification is far from certain.

90 For Parattama, see Klengel 1978, 107f.; Kuhne 1982, 215f. and 1999, 213f.; Wilhehn 1993-97a, 293.

91 Klengel 1965, 228; 1978, 107; 1981, 276; 1992, 87; Oller 1977, 205f.; Kuhne 1982, 211; Marquez Rowe 1997, 184.

92 Klinger 1988, 30f.; see also Wilhelm 1993-97a, 292b.

93 Warburton 1997, 130f. For the Egyptian-Mittanian confrontations during this period, see also KUhne 1999, 212f.

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§6. Conclusion

The textual aud archeological material ;;;{;ovide us with enough conclusive evidence for absolute dates in Syrian chronology.94 Therefore, our task was restricted to examining the possibilities of applying the chronology proposed by Gasche el aZ. 1998.

Our discussion of the sources available for the reconstruction of Syrian history has, at least in my opinion, shown that the chronology proposed by Gasche et aZ. can also be use¢ for Syria. One of the results of this study is that the destruction of ljalab by Mursili I around 1500 probably was the "evil" referred to in Idrimi's inscription and the reason he had to flee.

In the next section a survey of Syrian chronology is presented on the basis of Gasche et al. 1998.

§7. AbsoZute Dates

ij"aIab/Y am1Jad Sumu-epub ... - ±1685

f Yarim-LimI ±1685 - 1668

I? tJam..'11u-rabi I 1667 - after 1653

I Abba-ANI after 1653 - ...

f Yarim-Lim II

f Niqrni-epublepa

f Irkabtum

or :/ ljammu-rabi II

Yarim-Limm

I [ljammu-rabi me?)] [Abba-AN II son of Sarra-AN(?)] [llimilimma I father of Idrimi]

Alalab

Yarim-Lim

I or : Yarim-Lim (I)

f

Ammi-taqum(ma) (I)

Ammi-taqum(ma) I Yarim-Lim (II)

Ammi-taqum(ma) (II)

I [ljammu-rabi?] [ljammu-rabi?]

AJalab destroyed by Hattusili I

ljalab destroyed by Mursili I, ±1500

Idrimi (±1490-±1460) f

[Addu-niran (±1460?)]95 I PantaraSsura 96 (?)

[ ... J = Not attested as king in contemporary records

Niqmepa (±1460-?) f

Ilirnilimma II

Babylon lJammu-rabi 1696-1654

Samsu-iiuna 1653-1616

Abifu!! 1615-1588

Ammi-ditana 1587-1551

AmmiTduqa 1550-1530

Samsu-ditana 1529-1499

94 The only exception is the beginning of the reign of Tuthmosis ill in 1479, see §5.

95 See Marquez Rowe 1997, 180f. and Kuhne 1999,215.

96 See Marquez Rowe 1997, 186f.

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Akkadica 119-120

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