Coben, L. y Stanish, S. Sustainable Preservation Iniciative 2010
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Transcript of Sustanaible Preservation. Coben 2014. Con Anotaciones
© W. S. Maney & Son Ltd 2014 DOI 10.1179/1465518714Z.00000000072
public archaeology, Vol. 13 Nos 1–3, 2014, 278–87
Sustainable Preservation: Creating
Entrepreneurs, Opportunities, and
Measurable Results
Lawrence S. Coben
Sustainable Preservation Initiative, USA
In recent years terms such as ‘community’, ‘local’, ‘economic development’, and ‘sustainability’ have featured prominently in the discourse of preserva-tion. Yet we have seen little evidence of the successful application of these concepts as most organizations have published broad, vague missives about economic potential and community benefi t rather than providing meaningful measures of their results and avoiding discussion of their failures. What are the measures of successful preservation and economic development, and what are the ‘returns’ both tangible and intangible, of these types of projects? In this paper, I discuss the nature of the prevailing discourse and some potential metrics for measuring success, and then apply these metrics to projects of the Sustainable Preservation Initiative.
keywords archaeology, economic development, sustainability, community,
metrics
Introduction
In recent years, terms such as ‘community-based’, ‘local’, ‘economic development’,
and ‘sustainability’ have featured prominently in the discourse of cultural heritage
preservation. Numerous organizations claim to be initiating and implementing
projects utilizing these concepts, providing vague anecdotal evidence and unsupporte d
claims of the successful application of these notions. Most organizations, to the
extent that they have disclosed any information at all, have published broad, vague
missives about economic potential and community benefi t rather than providing
meaningful measures of their results or discussing failures. Indeed, many of these
projects, whatever their merits, appear not to be ‘community-based’ and ‘sustainable’,
nor do they constitute ‘economic development’.
In this paper, I will discuss briefl y what constitutes community-based sustainable
economic development, and discuss its application in existing preservation paradigms
and programmes. I will then discuss potential metrics of project success, both
279SUSTAINABLE PRESERVATION
economically and from a preservation perspective. Lastly, I will apply these metrics
to evaluate projects of the Sustainable Preservation Initiative (SPI). I will avoid the
debate between the relative merits of top-down versus community-based approaches
to economic development (for a discussion of these alternatives, see Ostrom, 1990;
2009). While I am a strong proponent of the latter, I will not address this issue here,
but rather demonstrate the effi cacy of a community-based approach through a case
study of SPI’s San Jose de Moro project in Peru.
Discussion of key terms
CommunityWhile there are numerous and expansive defi nitions of community (see, for example,
Anderson, 1991; Gumperz, 2009), for the purposes of this paper community refers to
those people residing in the vicinity of a cultural heritage asset who have the potential
to be affected by economic development activity at or near that asset. These residents
frequently, though not always, are members of a similar political subdivision, such
as a village or town. They may, though need not, be culturally homogenous or have
ethnic or economic ties.
For economic development to be community-based, a portion of the economic
benefi ts of such development must accrue to the local community. For example, an
archaeological site where tourists are bussed in from another town, visit a site and
leave, and are guided by someone not living in the community may constitute
economic activity, but, since no money or jobs are being created in the immediate
locality of the site, it would not constitute community-based development.
Ideally, community-based development will include a strong element of local
control as to the nature and scale of economic development. Much recent research by
scholars such as Nobel Prize winner Elinor Ostrom (1990; 2009) demonstrates that
bottom-up, locally formulated solutions to resource exploitation issues are optimal
and more effi cacious than those imposed from outside the community. I shall return
to this point later in this paper.
Economic developmentAccording to the World Bank, local economic development ‘is a process by which
public, business and nongovernmental sector partners work collectively to create
better conditions for economic growth and employment generation’. Its purpose is ‘to
build up the economic capacity of a local area to improve its economic future and
the quality of life for all’ (World Bank, 2011; see also Fleming, this volume).
In addition to these broad goals, at least two others must be added with respect to
cultural heritage preservation. First, such development must not destroy or materi-
ally diminish cultural heritage, and ideally will provide economic and social incentives
to preserve it. In other words, economic development will contribute to the sustain-
ability of cultural heritage, where sustainability is defi ned as balancing the current
exploitation of such heritage while preserving its availability and potential for use by
future generations. Second, given the dearth of funding available for cultural heritage
preservation, such development must ultimately result in businesses and other
economic activity that is self-sustaining and not perpetually dependent upon grants
280 LAWRENCE S. COBEN
or other funding from governmental or non-governmental sources — that is,
economically sustainable.
SustainabilityThe term ‘sustainability’ has multiple meanings and uses in relation to cultural
heritage (Coben, 2014). Most frequently, the term is employed in conjunction with
or as part of such concepts as sustainable preservation, sustainable development,
or sustainable tourism, though these concepts in practice overlap and are closely
intertwined. These concepts of sustainability derive from and grow out of the World
Commission on Environment and Development (also known as the Brundtland
Commission’s 1987 report, ‘Our Common Future’). That report defi ned sustainable
development as ‘development which meets the needs of the present without compro-
mising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (Brundtland, 1987:
54). This defi nition, while vague, called attention to the problem of over-exploitation
and damage of natural resources in the pursuit of economic development, and implic-
itly called for the practice of forms of economic development that better utilize and
leave adequate natural resources for future generations. Sustainable development thus
merges perpetual economic growth with the maintenance and enhancement of envi-
ronmental values, thereby providing suffi cient resources for both current and future
economic development (Throsby, 2002). Sustainability seeks to balance the demand
for development from private and governmental actors with the maintenance of con-
ditions necessary for the preservation of the natural environment, or in the cultural
heritage context, the physical and landscape features of archaeological and historic
sites (Murphy, 1985).
The Brundtland Commission’s discussion of sustainability also included social and
economic responsibility as important components of sustainable development, though
in many discussions these components played a secondary role to the environmental
one. Some projects do incorporate these notions with respect to cultural heritage
management, strongly considering and incorporating the rights and interests of
indigenous and local people (Richards & Hall, 2000).
Sustainable development in cultural heritage
In the latter part of the twentieth and early part of the twenty-fi rst century, scholars
and governments began to consider and apply a modifi ed concept of sustainable
development to cultural heritage (see, for example, Endresen, 1999; MacDonald,
2004). At times referred to as sustainable preservation, this discussion of sustainabil-
ity has followed two distinct though related paths: fi rst, the environmental and
energy conservation benefi ts of the preservation and reuse of historic structures, and
second, the potential economic and social benefi ts of the development of cultural
heritage sites as touristic attractions or other drivers of economic development
(Coben, 2014).
Recognizing the potential to create jobs and revenues through tourism and preser-
vation (and in a few cases the increasing destruction of heritage sites from other forms
of economic development), governments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs),
and heritage practitioners have begun to consider the potential of cultural heritage as
281SUSTAINABLE PRESERVATION
a driver of economic activity and poverty alleviation. The World Bank has described
its evolving approach toward cultural heritage as one that begins with ‘do not harm’,
avoiding damaging cultural heritage while implementing other projects (1970–80), to
‘specifi c intervention’, investing in particular sites to develop tourism (1980–2000), to
the current ‘integrated approach’ that integrates cultural heritage in local economic
development with a focus on historic cities rehabilitation and sustainable tourism
(Sierra, 2009: 7). The InterAmerican Development Bank’s approach has followed a
similar arc (Endresen, 1999).
This evolving method expands the focus of development projects from a particular
site to include the community that surrounds it. Most of the World Bank’s and sim-
ilar earlier projects fall under the rubric of preservation projects designed primarily
to conserve, protect, and regulate access to and use of a site. The later ‘integrated
approach’ places these sites in a broader context of community-based economic
development, with an important if not primary purpose of the use of a site to benefi t
surrounding communities, with preservation necessary in order to permit continued
economic exploitation. Many of these World Bank and similar sustainable economic
development projects state that one of their goals is sustaining or conserving cultural
heritage assets, allowing their use while preserving them for future generations. In
addition to the environmental and cultural benefi ts from preservation and potential
reuse of historical structures, other potential benefi ts include the creation of jobs,
increased retail and handicraft sales and ancillary revenues, serving as a catalyst for
local and regional development, the rejuvenation of declining towns and neighbour-
hoods, gender inclusiveness, and a greater sense of cultural identity for local
communities.
The current preservation paradigm
Current preservation paradigms that focus on the conservation of an archaeological
site alone, while laudable, are not community-based sustainable economic develop-
ment. Conservation projects generally produce economic activity that is limited
temporally to the duration of the actual work (e.g. wages for workers, local accom-
modation, meals, etc.) and wholly dependent upon the continued provision of exter-
nal funding sources. These projects require the employment of signifi cant numbers of
experts who do not reside within the community, and any local jobs are temporary
in nature. Even if local conservators are trained, these trainees will work only as long
as outside funding is present, and will not be able to employ their newly acquired
skill in the absence of continued grants or support. Similarly, projects that focus on
site protection through such methods such as legal property demarcation, fencing,
and hiring of security guards, while helpful, do not constitute sustainable economic
development. While conservation and protection may be an element of a plan of
community-based economic development, there is no evidence that on their own
they inspire or catalyse such activity, in spite of the claims of their proponents to the
contrary.
Moreover, the control of almost all of the projects employing such current preser-
vation paradigms lies either with governmental entities or funding NGOs, leaving
local communities dependent on their continued support and without the means
to manage and preserve their sites themselves. These current paradigms also fail to
282 LAWRENCE S. COBEN
provide an economic incentive for local communities to continue preserving sites after
the departure of archaeologists and conservators. The greatest threats to cultural
heritage and archaeological sites are alternative economic uses that are destructive,
including looting, agricultural development, grazing, and residential and commercial
uses. In the absence of some form of local economic activity, all of these uses are
economically superior uses of the archaeological site to that of maintaining and
conserving them. And the issue is not solely an economic one: how can we tell an
underprivileged person not to economically exploit a site to feed their family, even if
that exploitation is destroying the site, without providing a viable economic alterna-
tive? Can we provide an opportunity that provides income to that person while
simultaneously preserving cultural heritage?
The Sustainable Preservation Initiative (SPI) paradigm
SPI seeks to create a new paradigm to answer these questions. SPI preserves cultural
heritage by providing sustainable economic opportunities to poor communities where
endangered archaeological sites are located. SPI believes the best way to preserve
cultural heritage is creating or supporting locally owned businesses whose success is
tied to that preservation, and the Initiative’s grants provide a two for the price of one
benefi t: they create transformative economic opportunities for the local residents
while saving archaeological sites for future generations to study and enjoy.
SPI exploits the rapid expansion of extreme tourism and globalization, which has
created an enormous potential for locally based tourism and artisan businesses. Even
small local economic benefi ts from these sources can compete successfully against
looting and destructive alternative uses of sites. In addition, the creation of local busi-
nesses with a vested interest in the preservation and maintenance of a site provides
an ongoing and long-term source of incentive and funding for site preservation, as
well as all of the benefi ts normally associated with economic development in poor
communities.
SPI works with community and government leaders, local business people, archae-
ologists, and preservationists. SPI helps create plans for projects and businesses that
will be locally owned and that maximize the spending of money in the communities
surrounding archaeological sites. Through microlenders, charitable organizations,
and other sources of funding, SPI provides small grants to existing or start-up busi-
nesses such as tourism, tour-guides, restaurants, hostels, transportation, artisans, site
museums, and other rapidly implementable projects. Through this combination of
local involvement, decision-making, and ownership, sustainable economic benefi ts
and value will be related to and conditioned upon continued site preservation.
These businesses will also provide an ongoing revenue stream to meet preservation
and other local needs. This paradigm provides a double benefi t: every dollar spent
on economic development and the improvement of local people’s lives will also
contribute to preserving a portion of the world’s cultural heritage.
SPI’s investment paradigm differs dramatically from most other organizations
dealing with preservation. SPI places greater focus on sustainable economic and
social investment as opposed to a conservation-only focus. SPI invests in and advises
on locally owned and controlled businesses whose success is tied to the continued
283SUSTAINABLE PRESERVATION
preservation and sustainable management of local archaeological sites. These busi-
nesses will all have an excellent chance of economic success, thereby creating a local
constituent group whose economic interest is aligned with site preservation. SPI
favours investments that create or stimulate a cluster of businesses, increasing
the multiplier effect of its dollars, the economic benefi ts to the community, and the
attraction of additional investors and funding (see SPI, 2014, for a full list of the
Initiative’s current projects).
The archaeological research associated with a project will generally be taking place
locally, so that an ‘embedded archaeologist’ with strong knowledge of local commu-
nity power structures is available to advise SPI with respect to the selection of
entrepreneurs and ownership structures. These projects must have strong community
support — SPI must be wanted (!) — and a contribution of local funding, resources,
or in-kind labour and services is expected. Consistent with its focus on ‘people
not stones’, SPI will not fund conservation, except as incident to enhancing the
businesses described above. For example, SPI might fund a small amount of conserva-
tion in order to enhance a site’s touristic experience. In no event will SPI fund a
project where more than 20 per cent of the requested proceeds will be utilized for
conservation.
Metrics
Measurement of the economic impact of sustainable development has been described
as ‘nebulous’ due to the diffi culties of data collection (Rypkema & Chong, 2011: 754)
and data has been described as ‘hard to come by’ (Silberman, 2011: 48). All projects
receiving funding from SPI must collect quantitative and qualitative data regarding
both business and preservation results. Every SPI project must have discernible
methods of evaluation in both of these areas. Economic metrics include:
• jobs created
• revenue generated
• profi tability
• additional economic activity generated
• tourist visits stimulated.
Preservation metrics will include:
• site deterioration
• absence or reduction of destructive activities at a site (e.g. agricultural activities,
grazing, and looting)
• encroachments (if any) on a site’s boundaries
• preservation measures taken by the local community in order to preserve their
‘asset’.
SPI utilizes this data to measure the success of ongoing projects as well as to modify
and improve its investment paradigm and criteria for future investments. SPI also
publishes its data so that others can learn from and comment upon its successes and
failures (see SPI, 2014).
284 LAWRENCE S. COBEN
Case study: San Jose de Moro, Peru
Located near the northern coast of Peru, San Jose de Moro’s archaeological excava-
tions have yielded a treasure trove of archaeological artefacts and information.
The site is one of the most important ceremonial centres of the Mochica culture and
subsequent cultures. The San José de Moro Archaeological Program (SJMAP) began
in 1991 and is directed by Luis Jaime Castillo, professor at Pontifi cia Universidad
Católica del Peru (PUCP) in Lima. SJMAP’s excavations at the Moro site have
revealed one of the largest and most complex cemeteries and ceremonial centres
used consecutively by hundreds of civilizations such as the Moche, Lambayeque, and
Chimú. Hundreds of burials, some of them quite complex, have been excavated at
the site since 1991, showing that Moro was for a long period of time one of the most
important ritual centres for the north coast civilizations. Some of the most signifi cant
fi nds have been seven chamber burials containing the remains of elite Moche Priest-
esses, and, associated with them, a large assemblage of ceramics, including several
remarkable late Moche fi neline ceramics (see SJMAP, 2009). However, while the
cultural heritage of San Jose de Moro is rich, the local community is a poor one. The
average daily wage, even when work is available, is just US$9.50 per day.
The role of SPIDr Castillo and his team had attempted to implement community development pro-
grammes alongside their excavations. They tried all of the classical non-sustainable
paradigms to preserve the site and help the local community such as conservation,
education, and small modular museums. Yet by his own admission none of these were
effective, either in preserving the site or benefi ting the community in a sustainable
way. According to Dr Castillo, ‘For years we were doing little contributions to the
towns, schools, and to some pressing need, but we could never focus on a long term
and sustainable effort that was both different from and integrated with the values and
goals of the project’ (L. J. Castillo, pers. comm., 2012). He realized a sustainable
economic-based paradigm was required, and applied for a grant to SPI.
In March 2010, SPI awarded a US$40,000 grant for artisanal and touristic develop-
ment around the site of San José de Moro. The development plan featured a visitor
centre, incorporating a crafts workshop and training centre for young local craftsper-
sons, a store, and an exhibition area. Tourists are able to witness artisans producing
their wares as well as purchase the fi nished artisanal products. The workshop
includes training for additional local artisans and provides tourists with the unprec-
edented opportunity to participate in the ceramic-making process. Adjacent to the
exhibition centre are a picnic and rest area, small snack bar, and toilet facilities, also
constructed with the SPI grant. A new entrance to the site, replete with Moche motifs
and colours, was created and painted. Peruvian archaeologists and residents of San
Jose de Moro prepared a guidebook and brochure for the site, with the former being
available for sale and the latter being given free to visitors. Peruvian archaeologists
also trained local guides.
Julio Ibarrola, a ceramicist renowned for his replicas of late Moche fi neline ceram-
ics like those excavated at the Moro site, and Eloy Uriarte, a blacksmith specializing
in archaeological tools and implements, direct the workshop and train new artisans.
Both men are lifelong residents of San Jose de Moro, and the project has enabled
them to utilize their artisan skills and entrepreneurial talents.
285SUSTAINABLE PRESERVATION
Outcomes of the SPI paradigm
Initial job creationThis project has created to date twelve direct permanent jobs for local artisans that
provide sustainable income to the community, and an additional twenty temporary
jobs that were created for the six-month construction period of the workshop and
tourist centre. Felix Salmon, a fi nancial columnist for Reuters, took note of this
effi cient level of job creation, calling it ‘impressive’. According to Salmon (2010), as
with SPI projects, ‘if you want to create the maximum number of jobs for the small-
est amount of money, the best way of doing so is to provide catalytic capital which
helps to give a small business the step-up it needs to sustain new jobs on a permanent
basis’.
New tourist visitsPrior to the SPI project, almost all of the visitors to San Jose de Moro were local
Peruvians, school children, and the occasional foreign tourist who was well read in
archaeology. The new centre and project has attracted visitors and buses from sev-
eral international and foreign tour companies, many of which are now incorporating
San Jose de Moro into their regular itineraries. The exact increase is unknown, as
inadequate data on visitation is captured at the site, as there is no charge for admis-
sion, and no data was collected before the project began. However, these tourists
spend signifi cantly, as described below.
RevenuesPrior to the SPI projects, sales for local artisans amounted to roughly US$295 in 2010.
Sales at the visitors’ centre in 2011 reached US$5100, while US$2000 in sales occurred
on a single day in July 2011 to an affl uent fi fty-person tour group. Unfortunately, this
sales volume, unexpected by the local artisans, depleted their inventory, leaving little
for subsequent tour groups and resulting in missed sales opportunities. The artisans
have learned from this experience and it is unlikely to be repeated in the future.
Ceramic replicas by Moro artisans have recently begun to be sold at the Museum of
Art (Museo del Arte) in Lima and online through NOVICA — a website specializing
in community artisan crafts — creating additional revenue opportunities. In 2012,
revenues for SPI-supported entrepreneurs have more than doubled, totalling more
than US$11,000 through November of that year. Each artisan retains 80 per cent of
the sale proceeds of his or her work, while the remaining 20 per cent is placed into a
common fund for materials, maintaining the workshop, and other costs. The artisans
themselves determine the level of retention.
Additional economic benefi ts of the projectSPI’s initial investment has inspired additional economic activity to serve tourists
visiting the site:
• A non-SPI sponsored ceramic replica stand in competition with ours was
established just outside the site’s borders.
• Seven local women are now serving traditional lunches in their homes for
tourists and other visitors. These women reported to SPI that these activities
generated US$2530 in 2012.
286 LAWRENCE S. COBEN
• Three local women artisans are selling textiles in the visitor’s centre.
• Two new small snack bars (for a total of three in the town) have opened to
serve tourists.
PreservationLocal residents now view the site as a valuable economic asset, and the key to sustain-
able community income, a sea change from its prior attitudes ranging from diffi dence
to hostility (L. J. Castillo, pers. comm., 2012). Destructive practices, such as looting
and encroachment from economic development, have come to a halt. Local offi cials
are recognizing the economic potential not just of San Jose de Moro, but the entire
cultural heritage in the area. The municipality of Chepen (where San Jose de Moro
is located) is paying for and installing a new entrance and signage on the Pan-
American Highway as well as for the publication of additional Moro guidebooks for
use by their newly reconstituted tourism board and in their schools. Further, the
Mayor of Chepen recently visited the nearby site of Cerro Chepen with police to
denounce incursions and eject interlopers trying to grow crops on that site, an
unprecedented act by a municipal offi cial that acknowledges the vast potential
economic value of the region’s cultural heritage.
Conclusion
This paper demonstrates the potential benefi ts of true community-based, sustainable
economic development. For many cultural heritage sites, this approach represents the
best way to both improve the lives of impoverished people as well to preserve those
sites for future generations. This paper also sets forth key metrics to evaluate these
types of projects, and demonstrates that it is possible to collect the data necessary to
judge both the economic and other results of a particular grant or investment. All
archaeological preservation projects should be similarly evaluated.
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Notes on contributor
Lawrence Coben is the founder and Executive Director of the Sustainable Preserva-
tion Initiative (SPI). Coben is also an archaeologist and Consulting Scholar at the
University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. He co-
authored the seminal volume Archaeology of Performance: Theater, Power and Com-
munity, a study of the importance and use of theatrical performance at public events,
rituals, and spectacles in ancient societies. He has written numerous articles on
the Inca, empires, and cultural heritage, among other subjects. He has directed or
participated in projects in Bolivia, Peru, Guatemala, Ecuador, and Jordan (Petra).
Coben has started and run numerous energy companies, and still serves on the board
of publicly traded companies in the energy sector. He serves on the US Department
of Homeland Security’s Sustainability and Effi ciency Task Force. Coben writes an
energy and cultural heritage blog for the Huffi ngton Post. He co-wrote the national
energy policy for the Lieberman 2004 Presidential Campaign. Coben has a BA in
Economics from Yale, a JD from Harvard Law School, and a PhD in Anthropology
(Archaeology) from the University of Pennsylvania.
Correspondence to: Lawrence Coben, Sustainable Preservation Initiative, 40 W. 22nd St.
Suite 11, New York, NY 10010, USA. Email: [email protected]