Supporting Information: Segregation, Ethnic Favoritism ... · in Malawi. Ten districts are not...
Transcript of Supporting Information: Segregation, Ethnic Favoritism ... · in Malawi. Ten districts are not...
Supporting Information:Segregation, Ethnic Favoritism, and the Strategic Targeting of
Local Public Goods
Descriptive Statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Ethnicity Data for Members of Parliament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Measure of Ethnic Group Segregation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Electoral District Raw Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Complete DiD Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Robustness Tests: Including All Electoral Districts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Robustness Tests: Including Rural Electoral Districts Only . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Robustness Tests: Excluding Districts in Machinga and Mangochi . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
DiD Robustness Test: Logit Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
DiD Robustness Test: Clustering by Electoral District-Year . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
DiD Robustness Test: Randomly Generated Segregation Cutoffs . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Cross-Sectional Ethnic Favoritism Analyses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Other Public Goods: Health Clinics and Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Placebo Test: Segregation and the Provision of Private Goods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
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Descriptive Statistics
Figure SI.1: The Spatial Distribution of Malawi’s Major Ethnic Groups
Note: Each dot in the figure represents 100 individuals, and has been color coded according to ethnicity. The grayborders delineate Malawi’s 193 electoral districts.
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Figu
reSI
.2:N
ewPu
blic
Goo
ds,1
998-
2008
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Figure SI.3: Locality-MP Ethnic Match
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Figure SI.4: Ethnic Segregation of Electoral Districts
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Figure SI.5: Ethnic Segregation Categories
Note: The figure shows three electoral districts with low (left), medium (middle), and high (right) segregation scores.Each dot represents one individual, shaded according to ethnic match with the MP (black = coethnic; gray =non-coethnic). The segregation scores in the three electoral districts are 0.21, 0.43, and 0.70, respectively.
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Table SI.1: Summary Statistics Across Electoral Districts
Mean SD Min Max N
Demographics
MP Ethnic Group Segregation 0.43 0.13 0.04 0.80 193
Ethnic Diversity (ELF) 0.41 0.24 0.01 0.84 193
Population Density (in 10,000s/sqkm) 0.41 1.00 0.01 9.10 193
Urban Proportion 0.09 0.25 0.00 1.00 193
Geography
Land Area, Sq Km 389.08 256.20 7.23 1203.07 193
Distance to Nearest City 110.91 109.88 0.00 496.45 193
Representation
MP Coethnic Population Share 0.61 0.31 0.01 0.99 191
President Coethnic Population Share 0.15 0.17 0.00 0.49 193
Electoral Competitiveness (Percentage Point Margin of Victor) 34.44 17.92 1.79 85.29 193
Public Goods
Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 0.57 0.82 0.00 5.20 193
New Borehole Indicator, 1998-2008 0.82 0.38 0.00 1.00 193
No. of New Boreholes, 1998-2008 39.00 40.64 0.00 207.00 193
Schools per 10,000 residents in 1998 3.34 2.16 0.00 13.30 193
New School Indicator, 1998-2008 0.69 0.46 0.00 1.00 193
No. of New Schools, 1998-2008 5.64 9.03 0.00 68.00 193
Clinics per 10,000 residents in 1998 0.57 0.60 0.00 3.95 193
New Clinic Indicator, 1998-2008 0.44 0.50 0.00 1.00 193
No. of New Clinics, 1998-2008 1.16 1.93 0.00 15.00 193
All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 1.52 2.65 0.00 22.75 193
Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.08 0.28 0.00 2.76 193
Education Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.09 0.23 0.00 1.39 193
Health Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.16 0.29 0.00 1.84 193
Private Goods
Proportion Receiving Fertilizer Subsidy, 2004 0.60 0.18 0.05 1.00 159
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Table SI.2: Summary Statistics Across Localities
Mean SD Min Max N
Demographics
Ethnic Diversity (ELF) 0.32 0.26 0.00 0.87 12380
Ethnic Group Majority Present 0.80 0.40 0.00 1.00 12380
Proportion of Largest Ethnic Group 0.74 0.24 0.00 1.00 12380
Population (in 1,000s) 1.04 0.55 0.00 8.29 12380
Population Density (in 1,000s/sqkm) 1.12 4.14 0.00 90.95 12380
Urban 0.14 0.35 0.00 1.00 12380
Geography
Land Area, Sq Km 6.07 7.51 0.02 275.30 12380
Distance to Nearest City 9873.90 3881.42 84.09 19788.67 12380
Representation
MP Ethnic Match Ever, 1999-2009 0.76 0.43 0.00 1.00 11983
MP Ethnic Match Share Avg. 0.59 0.36 0.00 1.00 12292
Public Goods
No. of Boreholes, 1998 0.05 0.32 0.00 6.00 12380
New Borehole Indicator, 1998-2008 0.33 0.47 0.00 1.00 12380
No. of New Boreholes, 1998-2008 0.61 1.10 0.00 13.00 12380
No. of Schools, 1998 0.33 0.59 0.00 6.00 12380
New School Indicator, 1998-2008 0.08 0.27 0.00 1.00 12380
No. of New Schools, 1998-2008 0.09 0.35 0.00 4.00 12380
No. of Clinics, 1998 0.05 0.24 0.00 4.00 12380
New Clinic Indicator, 1998-2008 0.02 0.13 0.00 1.00 12380
No. of New Clinics, 1998-2008 0.02 0.15 0.00 4.00 12380
Private Goods
Proportion Receiving Fertilizer Subsidy, 2004 0.60 0.23 0.00 1.00 469
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Figure SI.6: Relationship Between Diversity and Segregation Across Electoral Districts
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.2
.4
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Ethn
ic S
egre
gatio
n
0 .2 .4 .6 .8Ethnic Diversity
Urban ConstituenciesRural Constituencies
Note: This figure shows the relationship between an electoral district’s degree of ethnic diversity, measured using thestandard ethnolinguistic fractionalization index, and the degree of ethnic group segregation, measured using theaverage MP-specific ethnic group spatial dissimilarity index. The correlation coefficient is -0.43 across all 193districts, but only -0.28 among rural districts. This negative relationship is driven by the fact that segregation isincreasingly difficult as diversity increases. Despite the negative correlation, there is considerable variation insegregation at all levels of diversity.
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Ethnicity Data for Members of Parliament
We compiled new data on the ethnic identity of each Malawian MP who served between 1994
and 2009. To assemble this dataset, we first gathered the names of all MPs from official election
returns (Government of Malawi, 1994, 1999, 2004). Two Malawian research assistants then coded
the ethnic identity of each MP with the assistance of staff at the Malawi Electoral Commission,
Administrative District Offices, and local elites within each electoral district. The inter-rater relia-
bility score across the two coders was 0.66. Where codings differ, we use the coding with the best
documented sources.
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Measure of Ethnic Group Segregation
Our fine-grained ethnicity data enable us to improve upon past efforts to examine the impact of
segregation on ethnic favoritism. In particular, we improve upon the analysis in Franck and Rainer
(2012), which finds no evidence that ethnic favoritism by African presidents is conditioned by
country-level segregation. Franck and Rainer’s measure of segregation comes from Matuszeski and
Schneider (2006), who developed it from the spatial distribution of language groups provided in
the Global Mapping International (GMI) dataset. GMI partitions the globe into mutually exclusive
language-group polygons such that each area of the world has only one language group whose
boundaries are defined and non-overlapping. Thus, the data cannot capture ethnic integration that
occurs from members of more than one group living in the same local area. As our data show,
however, there exists a great deal of local ethnic heterogeneity. Additionally, because Matuszeski
and Schneider measure the segregation of language groups relative to a spatial grid within each
country, levels of segregation on this measure are driven almost entirely by the number of ethnic
group borders in a country: where there are more borders — because of more groups or because
large groups reside in segregated pockets — the country is scored as less segregated. As a result,
the measure is likely to generate misleading codings of segregation. Our disaggregated data thus
allow for a more appropriate test of segregation’s impact.
Using these fine-grained data, we rely on the spatial dissimilarity index to measure how
geographically clustered different ethnic groups are relative to what an even geographic distribution
of the ethnic groups would look like. This and its non-spatial counterpart are widely used and
accepted measures of ethnic and racial segregation (e.g., Cutler et al., 2012). The non-spatial
version of the dissimilarity index captures the deviation between locality and electoral district
ethnic group proportions. In the case of complete integration, all localities would have the same
ethnic group proportions as the whole district. The spatial version is similar but also accounts
for the ethnic make-up of neighboring localities. It measures the deviation between the ethnic
composition of the district and individuals’ “local environment,” where the local environment can
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consist of (parts of) several neighboring localities. We implement this measure in R, using the
function spseg in package seg.
In this section, we describe the theory behind the spatial dissimilarity measure in fur-
ther detail.1 We are interested in measuring the spatial distribution of two mutually exclusive
groups: coethnics of the MP and non-coethnics of the MP. Index these two groups g 2 {c,nc}
(c = coethnics; nc = non-coethnics). Further, let p index geographical locations within the MP’s
jurisdiction, which is denoted J, and let q index points located some distance from p. Param-
eters super-positioned with ˜ describe the local spatial environment of a point rather than the
point itself. Table SI.3 describes each component of the spatial dissimilarity measure. In the
table, “population density” means the population count per unit area (e.g., 10 m2) at location p;
fp =R
q2J exp(�2||p�q||)dq; and ||p�q|| represents the euclidean distance between p and q. The
spatial dissimilarity index D̃ is then:
D̃ = Âg
Z
p2J
tp
2NI|pg
p �pg|d p
Note that this measure will approach 0, indicating minimum segregation, when the group
proportions at the local environment (pgp) are similar to the overall ethnic composition of the juris-
diction (pg). Further, exp(�2||p� q||) is one of many potential non-negative functions we could
have chosen to define the proximity of p and q. In our case, the farther away p and q are, the less
will q influence the local environment at p. This is the default option in seg, the R package we use
to implement this measure.
1See Reardon and O’Sullivan (2004) for a detailed discussion of the nature and validity of this and
other spatial segregation measures.
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Table SI.3: Key Components of the Spatial Dissimilarity Index
Symbol Concept Equivalent expression
N Total population in jurisdiction Jtp Population density at ptg
p Population density of g at p
t̃p Population density in local environment1fp
Z
q2Jtq exp(�2||p�q||)dq
t̃gp Population density of g in local environment
1fp
Z
q2Jtg
q exp(�2||p�q||)dq
pg Proportion of g of total population
p̃gp Proportion of g in local environment
t̃gp
t̃pI Overall diversity of J 2pcpnc
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Electoral District Raw Data
Figure SI.7 plots the number of boreholes built in 1998-2008 against ethnic segregation across
Malawi’s electoral districts. Consistent with our hypothesis, new borehole investments and ethnic
segregation are positively correlated.2
Figure SI.7: Segregated Electoral Districts Invested in More Boreholes than Integrated Districtsin 1998-2008
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Segregation
Num
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Note: This figure shows the relationship between segregation and borehole investments across 183 electoral districtsin Malawi. Ten districts are not shown because they are very homogeneous (ELF scores below 0.05). Point size isproportional to districts’ population size. The lines are population-weighted loess smoothers; the solid line uses all183 observations while the dashed line excludes 8 districts with very high (2 standard deviations above the mean)borehole investments.
2The three districts with the highest levels of segregation have extremely small populations and did
receive new boreholes, pulling the loess curve down at very high levels of segregation.
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Complete DiD Results
Table SI.4 presents the complete DiD results. The Table corresponds to Table 2, displaying the
coefficients on each of the control variables.
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Table SI.4: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes
Dependent variable:
Indicator for whether locality has a boreholeLow Med. High All All All All
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Match with MP 0.03 0.16⇤⇤⇤ 0.21⇤⇤⇤ 0.05 0.03 0.05⇤ �0.02(0.04) (0.03) (0.06) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.07)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.08⇤⇤ 0.09⇤⇤ 0.07⇤(0.04) (0.04) (0.04)
Match x High Seg. 0.18⇤⇤⇤ 0.18⇤⇤⇤ 0.15⇤⇤⇤(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.29⇤(0.16)
Presence of Clinic 0.04 0.04 0.05(0.07) (0.07) (0.07)
Presence of School 0.19⇤⇤⇤ 0.20⇤⇤⇤ 0.20⇤⇤⇤(0.03) (0.03) (0.03)
Presidential Ethnic Match 0.09⇤⇤⇤ 0.10⇤⇤⇤ 0.10⇤⇤⇤(0.02) (0.03) (0.03)
Time 0.28⇤⇤⇤ 0.23⇤⇤⇤ 0.28⇤⇤⇤ 0.26⇤⇤⇤ 0.23⇤⇤⇤ 0.22⇤⇤⇤ 0.22⇤⇤⇤(0.02) (0.02) (0.03) (0.01) (0.02) (0.05) (0.05)
Time x Urban �0.21⇤⇤⇤ �0.21⇤⇤⇤(0.04) (0.04)
Time x Pop. Density (log) �0.01 �0.01(0.01) (0.01)
Time x ELF 0.13⇤⇤ 0.13⇤⇤(0.05) (0.05)
Time x Land Area (sqkm) �0.01⇤⇤ �0.005⇤⇤(0.00) (0.00)
Time x Distance to Lilongwe �0.00 �0.00(0.00) (0.00)
Time x Distance to Blantyre 0.00 0.00(0.00) (0.00)
Time x Boreholes per Capita, �0.14⇤⇤⇤ �0.15⇤⇤⇤1999 (0.04) (0.03)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X X XFixed Controls x Time Period X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120 120Number of Localities 1315 1542 645 3502 3502 3502 3502Number of Observations 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004 7004⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
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Robustness Tests: Including All Electoral Districts
In this section we show that our analyses of H1 and H2 are robust to including all of Malawi’s
193 electoral districts. Recall that in the main analysis, we exclude highly homogenous electoral
districts — those with ELF scores of less than 0.05 — because measures of segregation does not
produce meaningful estimates without a minimum level of diversity. Tables SI.5 and SI.6 show,
however, that our results are not sensitive to including all electoral districts in the analysis.
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Table SI.5: Segregation and Borehole Investments across Electoral Districts (Including AllElectoral Districts)
Dependent variable:
Number of New Boreholes
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) 1.32⇤⇤ 1.15(0.66) (0.69)
Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.38⇤⇤⇤ 0.42⇤⇤⇤
(0.14) (0.16)Dummy for High Segregation 0.28⇤ 0.26
(0.16) (0.17)Ethnic Diversity (ELF) �0.88⇤⇤ �0.80 �0.84⇤⇤ �0.57
(0.37) (0.60) (0.37) (0.59)Population Density (ln) 0.51⇤⇤⇤ 0.43⇤⇤ 0.43⇤⇤ 0.36⇤
(0.18) (0.20) (0.17) (0.19)Urban Proportion (ln) �0.06 �0.04 �0.06 �0.04
(0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04)Land Area (square KM) (ln) 0.69⇤⇤⇤ 0.66⇤⇤⇤ 0.68⇤⇤⇤ 0.63⇤⇤⇤
(0.14) (0.14) (0.13) (0.14)Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 0.27⇤⇤⇤ 0.26⇤⇤⇤ 0.28⇤⇤⇤ 0.26⇤⇤⇤
(0.09) (0.09) (0.08) (0.09)Electoral Competitiveness 0.005 0.01
(0.004) (0.004)MP Coethnic Population Share �0.12 0.04
(0.41) (0.41)President Coethnic Population Share 0.54 0.30
(1.12) (1.11)Distance to Nearest City (ln) 0.02 �0.17
(0.80) (0.80)Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.31 0.11
(0.46) (0.47)All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents �0.07 �0.05
(0.05) (0.05)Constant �0.54 �0.40 �0.32 0.72
(0.77) (4.63) (0.76) (4.63)
Admin. District Fixed Effects X X X XObservations 193 191 193 191⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
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Table SI.6: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes (Including AllElectoral Districts)
Low Med. High All All All All(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
A. Match with MP: Largest Ethnic Group in Locality
Match with MP 0.03 0.16⇤⇤⇤ 0.21⇤⇤⇤ 0.05 0.03 0.05⇤ �0.02(0.04) (0.03) (0.06) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.07)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.08⇤⇤ 0.09⇤⇤ 0.07⇤(0.04) (0.04) (0.04)
Match x High Seg. 0.18⇤⇤⇤ 0.18⇤⇤⇤ 0.15⇤⇤⇤(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.29⇤(0.16)
B. Match with MP: Proportion Coethnic
Match with MP 0.13⇤⇤ 0.20⇤⇤⇤ 0.57⇤⇤⇤ 0.12⇤⇤ 0.09⇤ 0.12⇤⇤ �0.20(0.06) (0.05) (0.15) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.19)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.06 0.09 0.10(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x High Seg. 0.49⇤⇤⇤ 0.48⇤⇤⇤ 0.47⇤⇤⇤(0.14) (0.14) (0.14)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.96⇤⇤(0.47)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X X XFixed Controls x Time Period X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120 120Number of Localities 1315 1542 645 3502 3502 3502 3502Number of Observations 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004 7004
Notes: The table shows difference-in-differences estimates of a locality-MP ethnic match, for different levels ofsegregation. The dependent variable is an indicator for whether a locality has a borehole. Columns (1)-(3) include asubset of electoral districts based on their segregation levels (low, medium, and high, respectively), while (4)-(7)include electoral districts across all levels of segregation. Panel A uses the locality’s largest ethnic group to defineMP ethnic match (Match), while Panel B uses the MP’s share of coethnics (Match Proportion). Models with timevarying controls include controls for ethnic match with the president and the presence of a health clinic or school inthe locality. Models with fixed controls interacted with the time period dummy include time period interactions withan indicator of whether the locality is urban, population density (logged), ethno-linguistic fractionalization, area(square KM), distance to Lilongwe, distance to Blantyre, and the number of boreholes per capita in 1998. The tableshows that ethnic favoritism is more prevalent when the MP’s electoral district is more ethnically segregated. ⇤p<0.1;⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01.
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Robustness Tests: Including Rural Electoral Districts Only
In this section we show that our analyses of H1 and H2 are robust to dropping urban electoral dis-
tricts. Doing so allows us to more effectively control for the demand for boreholes, as the demand
for clean water is much lower in urban areas where there is greater access. To this end we drop
all electoral districts with an urban population of over 30 percent from the sample (although the
results are robust to other cutoffs as well). Using this cutoff, the following 14 electoral districts are
dropped from the sample: Blantyre Bangwe, Blantyre City Central, Blantyre City East, Blantyre
City South, Blantyre City South East, Blantyre City West, Blantyre Kabula, Blantyre Malabada,
Lilongwe City Central, Lilongwe City South East, Lilongwe City South West, Lilongwe City West,
Mzimba Mzuzu City, and Zomba Central. Tables SI.7 and SI.8 show that our results are robust to
the removal of these electoral districts.
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Table SI.7: Segregation and Borehole Investments across Electoral Districts (Rural ElectoralDistricts Only)
Dependent variable:
Number of New Boreholes
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) 0.87 0.74(0.77) (0.81)
Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.36⇤⇤ 0.38⇤⇤
(0.14) (0.16)Dummy for High Segregation 0.26 0.26
(0.17) (0.19)Ethnic Diversity (ELF) �0.58 �0.79 �0.57 �0.61
(0.40) (0.61) (0.39) (0.59)Population Density (ln) 1.07⇤⇤⇤ 0.94⇤⇤⇤ 0.99⇤⇤⇤ 0.81⇤⇤⇤
(0.25) (0.28) (0.24) (0.27)Urban Proportion (ln) �0.08⇤⇤ �0.07⇤ �0.08⇤⇤ �0.06
(0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04)Land Area (square KM) (ln) 0.71⇤⇤⇤ 0.68⇤⇤⇤ 0.65⇤⇤⇤ 0.59⇤⇤⇤
(0.15) (0.15) (0.15) (0.15)Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 0.11 0.10 0.10 0.09
(0.10) (0.10) (0.10) (0.10)Electoral Competitiveness 0.001 0.003
(0.005) (0.005)MP Coethnic Population Share �0.37 �0.19
(0.43) (0.42)President Coethnic Population Share 1.17 0.95
(1.18) (1.18)Distance to Nearest City (ln) 0.25 �0.05
(0.83) (0.82)Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.22 0.02
(0.48) (0.49)All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents �0.05 �0.04
(0.05) (0.05)Constant 0.55 �0.45 0.91 1.41
(0.86) (4.88) (0.83) (4.82)
Admin. District Fixed Effects X X X XObservations 169 169 169 169⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
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Table SI.8: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes (Rural ElectoralDistricts Only)
Low Med. High All All All All(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
A. Match with MP: Largest Ethnic Group in Locality
Match with MP �0.06 0.16⇤⇤⇤ 0.21⇤⇤⇤ 0.05 0.02 0.04 0.05(0.04) (0.03) (0.06) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.12)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.06 0.07⇤ 0.07⇤(0.04) (0.04) (0.04)
Match x High Seg. 0.15⇤⇤⇤ 0.15⇤⇤⇤ 0.13⇤⇤(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.09(0.28)
B. Match with MP: Proportion Coethnic
Match with MP 0.02 0.20⇤⇤⇤ 0.57⇤⇤⇤ 0.11⇤⇤ 0.05 0.12⇤⇤ �0.06(0.06) (0.05) (0.15) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.24)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.05 0.09 0.10(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x High Seg. 0.45⇤⇤⇤ 0.43⇤⇤⇤ 0.44⇤⇤⇤(0.14) (0.14) (0.14)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.59(0.58)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X X XFixed Controls x Time Period X XNumber of Electoral Districts 34 43 35 112 112 112 112Number of Localities 987 1542 645 3174 3174 3174 3174Number of Observations 1974 3084 1290 6348 6348 6348 6348
Notes: The table shows difference-in-differences estimates of a locality-MP ethnic match, for different levels ofsegregation, including only rural electoral districts. The dependent variable is an indicator for whether a locality has aborehole. Columns (1)-(3) include a subset of electoral districts based on their segregation levels (low, medium, andhigh, respectively), while (4)-(7) include electoral districts across all levels of segregation. Panel A uses the locality’slargest ethnic group to define MP ethnic match (Match), while Panel B uses the MP’s share of coethnics (MatchProportion). Models with time varying controls include controls for ethnic match with the president and the presenceof a health clinic or school in the locality. Models with fixed controls interacted with the time period dummy includetime period interactions with an indicator of whether the locality is urban, population density (logged),ethno-linguistic fractionalization, area (square KM), distance to Lilongwe, distance to Blantyre, and the number ofboreholes per capita in 1998. The table shows that ethnic favoritism is more prevalent when the MP’s electoraldistrict is more ethnically segregated. ⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01.
22
Robustness Tests: Excluding Districts in Machinga and Mangochi
In this section we show that our analyses of H1 and H2 are robust to dropping electoral districts in
the Machinga and Mangochi regions. We do so because Machinga and Mangochi were affected by
a relatively large rural resettlement program that the government of Malawi established in 2004.
The program resettled households from Thyolo and Mulanje districts to Machinga and Mangochi,
potentially altering ethnic demographics in the receiving districts. See Chinsinga (2011) for details.
Tables SI.9 and SI.10 show that our results are robust to the removal of these electoral districts.
23
Table SI.9: Segregation and Borehole Investments across Electoral Districts (Excluding ElectoralDistricts in Machinga and Mangochi)
Dependent variable:
Number of New Boreholes
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) 1.91⇤⇤ 1.75⇤⇤
(0.78) (0.84)Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.39⇤⇤ 0.45⇤⇤
(0.16) (0.19)Dummy for High Segregation 0.45⇤⇤ 0.49⇤⇤
(0.19) (0.21)Ethnic Diversity (ELF) �0.75 �0.29 �0.74 �0.10
(0.46) (0.68) (0.46) (0.66)Population Density (ln) 0.51⇤⇤ 0.32 0.39⇤ 0.19
(0.21) (0.23) (0.20) (0.22)Urban Proportion (ln) �0.04 �0.01 �0.03 0.001
(0.04) (0.04) (0.04) (0.04)Land Area (square KM) (ln) 0.75⇤⇤⇤ 0.66⇤⇤⇤ 0.74⇤⇤⇤ 0.61⇤⇤⇤
(0.16) (0.16) (0.16) (0.16)Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 0.24⇤⇤ 0.23⇤⇤ 0.24⇤⇤ 0.24⇤⇤
(0.10) (0.11) (0.10) (0.10)Electoral Competitiveness 0.01⇤ 0.01⇤⇤
(0.01) (0.01)MP Coethnic Population Share 0.05 0.22
(0.45) (0.44)President Coethnic Population Share 1.02 0.99
(1.27) (1.32)Distance to Nearest City (ln) 0.73 0.29
(0.99) (0.98)Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.56 0.34
(0.52) (0.54)All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents �0.12⇤ �0.09
(0.06) (0.06)Constant �1.10 �5.08 �0.68 �2.30
(0.89) (5.74) (0.88) (5.69)
Admin. District Fixed Effects X X X XObservations 164 163 164 163⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
24
Table SI.10: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes (ExcludingElectoral Districts in Machinga and Mangochi)
Low Med. High All All All All(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
A. Match with MP: Largest Ethnic Group in Locality
Match with MP 0.03 0.09⇤⇤ 0.22⇤⇤⇤ 0.04 0.03 0.04 �0.02(0.04) (0.04) (0.06) (0.03) (0.03) (0.03) (0.07)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.02 0.03 0.005(0.04) (0.04) (0.04)
Match x High Seg. 0.21⇤⇤⇤ 0.21⇤⇤⇤ 0.18⇤⇤⇤(0.06) (0.06) (0.06)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.23(0.16)
B. Match with MP: Proportion Coethnic
Match with MP 0.14⇤⇤ 0.12⇤⇤ 0.55⇤⇤⇤ 0.13⇤⇤ 0.09⇤ 0.11⇤⇤ �0.13(0.06) (0.06) (0.16) (0.05) (0.05) (0.05) (0.20)
Match x Med. Seg. �0.03 �0.01 �0.01(0.07) (0.07) (0.06)
Match x High Seg. 0.52⇤⇤⇤ 0.51⇤⇤⇤ 0.50⇤⇤⇤(0.14) (0.14) (0.14)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.65(0.48)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X X XFixed Controls x Time Period X XNumber of Electoral Districts 38 37 30 105 105 105 105Number of Localities 1244 1274 603 3121 3121 3121 3121Number of Observations 2488 2548 1206 6242 6242 6242 6242
Notes: The table shows difference-in-differences estimates of a locality-MP ethnic match, for different levels ofsegregation. The dependent variable is an indicator for whether a locality has a borehole. Columns (1)-(3) include asubset of electoral districts based on their segregation levels (low, medium, and high, respectively), while (4)-(7)include electoral districts across all levels of segregation. Panel A uses the locality’s largest ethnic group to defineMP ethnic match (Match), while Panel B uses the MP’s share of coethnics (Match Proportion). Models with timevarying controls include controls for ethnic match with the president and the presence of a health clinic or school inthe locality. Models with fixed controls interacted with the time period dummy include time period interactions withan indicator of whether the locality is urban, population density (logged), ethno-linguistic fractionalization, area(square KM), distance to Lilongwe, distance to Blantyre, and the number of boreholes per capita in 1998. The tableshows that ethnic favoritism is more prevalent when the MP’s electoral district is more ethnically segregated. ⇤p<0.1;⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01.
25
DiD Robustness Test: Logit Model
The difference-in-difference (DiD) setup we use in the paper shows that segregation shapes the de-
gree to which politicians engage in ethnic favoritism. These results are based on linear probability
models, and rely on three cutoffs or a continuous (linear) measure of segregation. Here, we specify
a logit model that does not depend on cutoffs and allows for non-linearities. The model, which
predicts the presence of a borehole (Y = 1; 0 otherwise), looks as follows:
Pr(Yidgt = 1) = L�
a+G0g+P0d+D0b
for G =
2
66666664
gg
gg ·Sd
gg ·S2d
gg ·S3d
3
77777775
P =
2
66666664
pt
pt ·Sd
pt ·S2d
pt ·S3d
3
77777775
D =
2
66666664
dgt
dgt ·Sd
dgt ·S2d
dgt ·S3d
3
77777775
where i indexes locality, d electoral district, g treatment group, t time period, and L{·} is the
CDF of the logistic distribution. The variable gg equals 1 for treated localities (those that became
matched in the second period) and 0 otherwise, pt equals 1 in the second period and 0 otherwise,
dgt equals 1 for treated localities in the second period and 0 otherwise, and Sd is a measure of seg-
regation. This setup allows the DiD estimate to vary with segregation to a third-degree polynomial
(captured by the vector b). We use a third-degree polynomial because we find significant evi-
dence that fit is improved as compared to a second-degree polynomial or including no polynomial.
Figure SI.8 shows the result, and aligns well with the results reported in the paper.
26
Figure SI.8: DiD Estimated Using Logit and a Flexible Function of Segregation
0.0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6
Spatial Dissimilarity Index
Pr(N
ew B
oreh
ole)
, Mat
ch v
. No
Mat
ch
Note: The y-axis is a measure of ethnic favoritism based on a difference-in-differences setup. For example, a 0.4score on the y-axis indicates that the share of newly matched localities that received a new borehole in 1998-2008was 40 percentage points higher than expected given the share of unmatched localities that received a new borehole.The figure provides parametric evidence that the DiD results we report in the paper are not sensitive to a particulardefinition of low, medium, and high segregation.
27
DiD Robustness Test: Clustering by Electoral District-Year
Our main analysis clusters the standard errors on locality because this is the level at which “ethnic
match” is assigned. This approach is similar to Franck and Rainer (2012), who cluster on ethnic
group (survey round), and Burgess et al. (2015), who cluster on district, the levels at which ethnic
match is assigned in their respective studies. While we prefer this approach, the table below
presents the DiD results with standard errors clustered on electoral district – time period (since
allocation decisions are made for both time periods). Although this more conservative approach to
clustering substantially reduces our statistical power, the results are largely robust.
28
Table SI.11: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes (Standard ErrorsClustered by Electoral District-Year)
Low Med. High All All All All(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
A. Match with MP: Largest Ethnic Group in Locality
Match with MP 0.03 0.16⇤ 0.21⇤⇤ 0.05 0.03 0.05 �0.02(0.10) (0.09) (0.08) (0.09) (0.08) (0.07) (0.11)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.08 0.09 0.07(0.10) (0.08) (0.08)
Match x High Seg. 0.18⇤⇤ 0.18⇤⇤ 0.15⇤(0.09) (0.08) (0.08)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.29(0.24)
B. Match with MP: Proportion Coethnic
Match with MP 0.13 0.20⇤⇤ 0.57⇤⇤⇤ 0.12 0.09 0.12 �0.20(0.18) (0.10) (0.22) (0.18) (0.15) (0.15) (0.34)
Match x Med. Seg. 0.06 0.09 0.10(0.18) (0.16) (0.15)
Match x High Seg. 0.49⇤⇤ 0.48⇤⇤⇤ 0.47⇤⇤⇤(0.20) (0.18) (0.16)
Match x Continuous Seg. 0.96(0.75)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X X XFixed Controls x Time Period X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120 120Number of Localities 1315 1542 645 3502 3502 3502 3502Number of Observations 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004 7004
Notes: The table shows difference-in-differences estimates of a locality-MP ethnic match, for different levels ofsegregation. The dependent variable is an indicator for whether a locality has a borehole. Columns (1)-(3) include asubset of electoral districts based on their segregation levels (low, medium, and high, respectively), while (4)-(7)include electoral districts across all levels of segregation. Panel A uses the locality’s largest ethnic group to defineMP ethnic match (Match), while Panel B uses the MP’s share of coethnics (Match Proportion). Models with timevarying controls include controls for ethnic match with the president and the presence of a health clinic or school inthe locality. Models with fixed controls interacted with the time period dummy include time period interactions withan indicator of whether the locality is urban, population density (logged), ethno-linguistic fractionalization, area(square KM), distance to Lilongwe, distance to Blantyre, and the number of boreholes per capita in 1998. Standarderrors are clustered by electoral district-year. ⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01.
29
DiD Robustness Test: Randomly Generated Segregation Cutoffs
As an additional robustness check of our DiD results, we randomly vary the segregation cutoffs
used to define low, medium, and high segregation. Figure SI.9 shows 15 replications of Figure 3,
but decomposes the four means for each level of segregation into one summary measure, the DiD
(capturing ethnic favoritism). It then plots the DiD estimate for low, medium, and high segrega-
tion. Each subplot employs a different set of mutually exclusive cutoffs for segregation, randomly
generated subject to the following constraints: the medium category lower cutoff has to fall in the
interval [0.25, 0.4]; the high category lower cutoff is then set 0.12 points higher than the medium
cutoff. This approach ensures that at least 10% of the data are included in each category.
30
Figure SI.9: DiD Estimates For Different Segregation Cutoffs
●
●●
0.0425−0.257
0.257−0.377
0.377−0.795
●
●
●
0.0425−0.266
0.266−0.386
0.386−0.795
●
●
●0.0425−0.2990.299−0.419
0.419−0.795
●●
●
0.0425−0.33
0.33−0.45
0.45−0.795
●●
●0.0425−0.368
0.368−0.488
0.488−0.795
●
●
●
0.0425−0.263
0.263−0.383
0.383−0.795
● ●
●
0.0425−0.2690.269−0.389 0.389−0.795
●
●
●0.0425−0.321 0.321−0.441
0.441−0.795
●
●
●
0.0425−0.3410.341−0.461
0.461−0.795
●●
●0.0425−0.369
0.369−0.489
0.489−0.795
●
●
●
0.0425−0.265
0.265−0.385
0.385−0.795
●●
●0.0425−0.297
0.297−0.417
0.417−0.795
●
●
●0.0425−0.324 0.324−0.444
0.444−0.795
●●
●0.0425−0.368
0.368−0.488
0.488−0.795
●
●
●
0.0425−0.396
0.396−0.516
0.516−0.795
low medium high low medium high low medium high
low medium high low medium high low medium high
low medium high low medium high low medium high
low medium high low medium high low medium high
low medium high low medium high low medium high
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.0
0.1
0.2
−0.1
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.0
0.1
−0.1
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.0
0.1
0.2
−0.1
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.00
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
0.25
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
Segregation Category
DiD
Est
imat
e
Notes: 15 replications of our DiD results using randomly chosen cutoffs for segregation, subject to some constraints(see text on previous page). The label above each estimate gives the range our segregation measure included in theestimate.
31
Cross-Sectional Ethnic Favoritism Analyses
To show that our DiD results likely extend to the entire population of localities, this section presents
a cross-sectional analysis of ethnic favoritism within electoral districts. We estimate logistic re-
gression models in which the dependent variable indicates whether the locality received a borehole
during the period from 1998 to 2008. The main explanatory variables of interest are Match, which
indicates whether the plurality ethnic group in the locality was coethnic with the MP during the
time period, and Match Proportion, which indicates the proportion of the population in each local-
ity that was coethnic with the MP. We interact these coethnicity measures with the continuous and
categorical measure of electoral-district segregation. Each models includes electoral district fixed
effects and controls for ELF, population size, population density (log), land area (log), number of
boreholes per capita in 1998, whether or not the locality contains an urban area, distance from
Lilongwe, and distance from Blantye. The results are presented in SI.12.
32
Table SI.12: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Boreholes
Dependent variable:
New Borehole
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Ethnic Match with MP �0.03 �0.01(0.34) (0.14)
Percent Coethnic with MP �0.37 �0.02(0.62) (0.31)
Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation 0.60(0.76)
Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation 0.59⇤⇤⇤
(0.20)Ethnic Match x High Segregation 0.04
(0.22)Percent Coethnic with MP x Continuous Segregation 1.82
(1.29)Percent Coethnic with MP x Med. Segregation 0.78⇤⇤
(0.37)Percent Coethnic with MP x High Segregation 0.47
(0.38)Constant �0.08 0.14 �0.06 �0.03
(0.34) (0.37) (0.34) (0.35)
Constituency Fixed Effects X X X XControl Variables X X X X⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
33
Other Public Goods: Health Clinics and Schools
In this section, we attempt to replicate our findings for the provision of health clinics and schools. Tables SI.13 and
SI.14 report associations between segregation and total investments in clinics and schools, respectively. For clinics,
the association is always positive but statistically insignificant, while we find that more new schools are built in highly
segregated electoral districts. Within electoral districts, we find mixed and generally weak evidence of differential
targeting of clinics (Tables SI.15 and SI.16) and schools (Tables SI.17 and SI.18) by electoral district segregation. One
potential reason for the weaker results is that MPs generally have less discretion over the provision and allocation of
clinics and schools, which are constructed at far lower rates (for example, less than 2% of localities received a new
clinic between 1998 and 2008) and may be more heavily influenced by political decisions at the national level.
34
Table SI.13: Segregation and Clinic Investments across Electoral Districts
Dependent variable:
Number of New Clinics
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) 0.27 0.26(1.09) (1.15)
Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.16 0.11(0.26) (0.26)
Dummy for High Segregation 0.38 0.43(0.30) (0.32)
Ethnic Diversity (ELF) 1.72⇤⇤⇤ 0.92 1.72⇤⇤⇤ 0.89(0.60) (0.94) (0.60) (0.96)
Population Density (ln) 0.37 0.40 0.36 0.37(0.32) (0.33) (0.29) (0.32)
Urban Proportion (ln) �0.08 �0.13⇤ �0.06 �0.11(0.06) (0.07) (0.06) (0.07)
Land Area (square KM) (ln) 0.52⇤⇤ 0.46⇤ 0.49⇤⇤ 0.44⇤
(0.25) (0.25) (0.25) (0.25)Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 �0.49⇤ �0.47⇤ �0.49⇤ �0.51⇤
(0.27) (0.28) (0.27) (0.29)Electoral Competitiveness 0.01 0.004
(0.01) (0.01)MP Coethnic Population Share �1.09⇤ �1.09
(0.65) (0.67)President Coethnic Population Share 0.45 1.15
(1.94) (2.00)Distance to Nearest City (ln) 0.80 0.75
(1.29) (1.29)Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.53 0.54
(0.81) (0.81)All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents 0.02 0.02
(0.07) (0.07)Constant �3.23⇤⇤ �6.77 �3.02⇤⇤ �6.31
(1.40) (7.57) (1.38) (7.50)
Admin. District Fixed Effects X X X XObservations 183 182 183 182⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
35
Table SI.14: Segregation and School Investments across Electoral Districts
Dependent variable:
Number of New Schools
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) �0.59 �0.16(0.88) (0.91)
Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.20 0.20(0.21) (0.21)
Dummy for High Segregation 0.27 0.42⇤
(0.24) (0.25)Ethnic Diversity (ELF) 1.35⇤⇤⇤ 0.56 1.47⇤⇤⇤ 0.62
(0.48) (0.71) (0.47) (0.71)Population Density (ln) 0.73⇤⇤⇤ 0.67⇤⇤ 0.84⇤⇤⇤ 0.73⇤⇤⇤
(0.26) (0.27) (0.23) (0.25)Urban Proportion (ln) �0.12⇤⇤ �0.10⇤ �0.10⇤ �0.07
(0.05) (0.06) (0.05) (0.06)Land Area (square KM) (ln) 0.89⇤⇤⇤ 0.87⇤⇤⇤ 0.90⇤⇤⇤ 0.88⇤⇤⇤
(0.19) (0.18) (0.19) (0.19)Boreholes per 10,000 residents in 1998 �0.43⇤⇤⇤ �0.44⇤⇤⇤ �0.43⇤⇤⇤ �0.45⇤⇤⇤
(0.06) (0.06) (0.06) (0.06)Electoral Competitiveness �0.01⇤ �0.01⇤⇤
(0.01) (0.01)MP Coethnic Population Share �0.31 �0.28
(0.52) (0.51)President Coethnic Population Share 0.62 1.10
(1.44) (1.46)Distance to Nearest City (ln) �1.18 �1.30
(0.99) (0.99)Water Aid Projects per 10,000 residents �0.21 �0.24
(0.59) (0.61)All Aid Projects per 10,000 residents �0.02 �0.01
(0.06) (0.06)Constant �2.56⇤⇤ 4.85 �2.69⇤⇤ 5.42
(1.07) (5.75) (1.05) (5.74)
Admin. District Fixed Effects X X X XObservations 183 182 183 182⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
36
Table SI.15: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Clinics (Binary Match)
Dependent variable:
Indicator for presence of a clinicLow Med. High All All All
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Ethnic Match with MP �0.01 0.03⇤⇤ 0.03 0.01 0.004 �0.01(0.01) (0.01) (0.02) (0.01) (0.01) (0.02)
Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation 0.01 0.01(0.01) (0.01)
Ethnic Match x High Segregation 0.005 0.01(0.02) (0.02)
Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation 0.04(0.06)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120Number of Localities 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004Adjusted R2 0.81 0.74 0.85 0.79 0.79 0.79⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
37
Table SI.16: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Clinics (Proportion Coethnic)
Dependent variable:
Indicator for presence of a clinicLow Med. High All All All
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Ethnic Match with MP �0.001 0.01 0.07 0.01 0.01 0.01(0.02) (0.01) (0.05) (0.01) (0.01) (0.05)
Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation �0.002 �0.01(0.02) (0.02)
Ethnic Match x High Segregation 0.02 0.02(0.04) (0.04)
Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation �0.02(0.12)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120Number of Localities 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004Adjusted R2 0.81 0.74 0.85 0.79 0.79 0.79⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
38
Table SI.17: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Schools (Binary Match)
Dependent variable:
Indicator for presence of a schoolLow Med. High All All All
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Ethnic Match with MP 0.03 0.14⇤⇤⇤ 0.03 0.08⇤⇤⇤ 0.07⇤⇤⇤ 0.12⇤⇤⇤
(0.02) (0.02) (0.03) (0.02) (0.02) (0.04)Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation 0.01 0.01
(0.02) (0.02)Ethnic Match x High Segregation �0.03 �0.05⇤⇤
(0.02) (0.03)Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation �0.14
(0.09)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120Number of Localities 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004Adjusted R2 0.83 0.75 0.73 0.77 0.78 0.78⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
39
Table SI.18: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Schools (ProportionCoethnic)
Dependent variable:
Indicator for presence of a schoolLow Med. High All All All
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
Ethnic Match with MP �0.01 0.17⇤⇤⇤ 0.04 0.05⇤⇤ 0.03 0.15⇤
(0.03) (0.03) (0.08) (0.02) (0.02) (0.09)Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation 0.05⇤ 0.06⇤
(0.03) (0.03)Ethnic Match x High Segregation �0.02 �0.07
(0.06) (0.06)Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation �0.21
(0.22)
Locality Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Period Fixed Effects X X X X X XTime Varying Controls X XNumber of Electoral Districts 42 43 35 120 120 120Number of Localities 2630 3084 1290 7004 7004 7004Adjusted R2 0.83 0.75 0.73 0.77 0.78 0.78⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
40
Figure SI.10: DiDs for Clinics (Upper Panel) and Schools (Lower Panel)
●
●
0.00
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.10
Low Segregation
Pr(L
ocal
ity H
as C
linic
)
1998 2008
●
Coethnic after 1998Never Coethnic
● ●
0.00
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.10
Medium Segregation
1998 2008
●
●
0.00
0.02
0.04
0.06
0.08
0.10
High Segregation
1998 2008
●
●
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
Low Segregation
Pr(L
ocal
ity H
as S
choo
l)
1998 2008
●
●
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
Medium Segregation
1998 2008
● ●
0.0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
High Segregation
1998 2008
Note: 3502 localities (enumeration areas) located in 120 electoral districts are included in the analyses. All of theselocalities were not coethnic with their MP in 1998. 1599 localities became coethnic with their MP in either the 1999or the 2004 parliamentary elections; these are denoted with a triangle. The 1903 localities denoted with a circle werenever coethnic with their MP in the study period.
41
Placebo Test: Segregation and the Provision of Private Goods
This section examines whether segregation also affects private goods transfers across and within constituencies. These
analyses serve primarily as a placebo test for our public goods analyses. In particular, some unobserved characteristic
of constituencies may be correlated with both the degree of segregation and the quality of the MP, producing a spurious
relationship between ethnic segregation and the quantity of new local public goods. Similarly, some localities may be
better able to get a coethnic leader elected and more effective in lobbying for new public investments. However, if this
were the case, we would expect segregation to be positively associated with investment in, and the ethnic targeting of,
all types of distributive goods. These analyses thus help us to rule out that selection effects are driving the patterns
we observe in the local public goods data. In addition to serving as a placebo test, these analyses provide a limited
test of an additional observable implication of our theory. Because incumbents should exert less effort to invest in
public goods in less segregated constituencies, they should be more willing to serve their coethnics in other ways —
for instance, by providing private goods.
We study the largest and most politically salient form of private transfer from the Malawian government
to citizens: coupons given to individual households to subsidize the cost of fertilizer and other agricultural inputs
through the Targeted Input Program (TIP) introduced in 2000 (see Harrigan, 2008, for an overview of TIP and earlier
programs).3 The vast majority of Malawians are subsistence farmers growing maize for household consumption. In
recent years, population pressures and reduced soil quality have resulted in declining productivity and increased food
insecurity. In response to declining agricultural productivity and increased food insecurity, the Government of Malawi
instituted a number of programs, culminating in the Targeted Input Program (TIP). TIP was introduced in 2000 and
scaled up after the 2002 famine.4 The program provided seeds, fertilizer, and other agricultural inputs to households,
especially the most vulnerable households. Between 2000 and 2004, an estimated 7 million beneficiaries received
inputs through TIP (Harrigan, 2008).
While TIP was designed to be programmatic (Chinsinga, 2005), in practice political elites exercised con-
siderable discretion over the distribution of subsidies (Chasukwa et al., 2014; Øygard et al., 2003; Tambulasi, 2009)
and evidence suggests that political elites utilized that discretion politically (Mason and Ricker-Gilbert, 2013; Ricker-
3TIP was eventually replaced by a larger scale subsidy program in 2005, after our data were col-
lected.4TIP was eventually replaced by a larger scale subsidy program in 2005, after our data were col-
lected.
42
Gilbert and Jayne, 2011).5
Ideally, we would analyze data on the total number of subsidies distributed within each constituency, and
the geographic location and ethnicity of each recipient within constituencies. Unfortunately, such data do not exist.
Instead, we utilize a nationally representative survey data gathered as part of Malawi’s second Integrated Household
Survey (IHS2), which records whether a household received a TIP coupon during the three years prior to the survey.
The survey was designed by the Government of Malawi’s National Statistics Office and was implemented with support
from the World Bank and the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). Data were collected on 11,279
Malawians residing in 560 randomly selected Enumeration Areas between March 2004 and March 2005. Fully 53%
of the sample received a TIP transfer.
The sampling procedure of the IHS2 is as follows. The sample includes all three regions: north, center,
and south. The country was first stratified into urban and rural strata. Urban areas include the four major urban
centers: Lilongwe, Blantyre, Mzuzu, and the Municipality of Zomba. The rural strata were further broken down into
27 additional strata corresponding to Malawi’s 27 administrative districts. One district, Likoma, was excluded because
it is an island and difficult to travel to. The sampling was therefore stratified into 30 strata: 26 districts and four urban
areas.
In the first stage of the sampling procedure, EAs were randomly selected from within each strata. The number
of EAs selected was proportional to the total size of the strata: 12 EAs from those with 0 to 75,000 households; 24
EAs from those with 75,000 to 125,000 households; 36 EAs from those with 125,000 to 175,000 households; and 48
EAs from those with 175,000 to 225,000 households. In the second stage, 20 households were selected at random
from within each of the EAs chosen in the first stage. Figure SI.11 maps the EAs for which we have data. Because of
the random sampling of EAs, only 148 of the 193 constituencies had sufficient data to include in our analysis.6
5Dionne and Horowitz (2016) find no evidence of ethnic targeting in the distribution of TIP’s succes-
sor program, Malawi’s Agricultural Input Subsidy Program, in three Malawian districts between
2008 and 2009. However, they only evaluate whether coethnics of the president or member of the
largest three groups were favored, and do not consider the effect of sharing an ethnicity with one’s
MP.6The IHS2 sample was generated by random selection of EAs, and (by chance) did not include data
from 45 electoral constituencies. Figure SI.11 of the online appendix shows the distribution of
sampled EAs.
43
Figure SI.11: EAs Included in the Malawi Integrated Household Survey (IHS2) Sample
44
We first analyze the relationship between constituency-level segregation and overall investments in TIP trans-
fers. The dependent variable is the proportion of households in the constituency that received a transfer. Because this
measure is based solely on a sample, it is measured with error.7 We deal with this partially in our analyses by weight-
ing each constituency by the inverse of the standard error of the constituency level estimate (following Saxonhouse,
1976). Since the dependent variable at the constituency level is the proportion of households receiving a TIP transfer,
we implement a fractional logistic regression model (Papke and Wooldridge, 1996). Because TIP was designed to
benefit the poor and ultra-poor, we control for the proportion of the sample within each constituency that is classified
as such by the IHS2, in addition to controls for ethnic diversity, urban center, and population.
Results are presented in Table SI.19, which shows no significant relationship between segregation and the
provision of these private goods.
Table SI.19: Segregation and Private Goods Provision
Dependent variable:
Proportion Receiving Agricultural Subsity
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Segregation (continuous) 1.96 1.92(2.21) (2.27)
Dummy for Medium Segregation 0.09 0.14(0.47) (0.49)
Dummy for High Segregation 0.41 0.40(0.56) (0.59)
Admin. District Fixed Effects Fixed Effects X X X XControl Variables X X X XObservations 166 165 166 165⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
We also examine ethnic favoritism in TIP allocations within constituencies. To do so, we create a dichotomous
ethnic match variable that takes a value of 1 if the household head in the IHS2 survey shares an ethnicity with the MP
of the constituency in which the household is located, and 0 otherwise. However, because IHS2 does not ask about
7On average, each constituency sample includes 132 individuals, ranging from 39 to 344 con-
stituents.
45
ethnicity explicitly, we use language as a proxy for ethnicity.8 Because the data cover TIP receipts between 2001-
2004, we only code individual survey respondents’ ethnic linkage to the MP that was elected in their constituency in
1999. We interact this individual-level indicator of ethnic match with constituency-level segregation measures. Since
our dependent variable is a binary indicator of receipt of TIP at the individual level, we use a logistic regression, with
standard errors clustered by electoral constituency. We include dummies for whether a household is considered poor
or ultra-poor, with non-poor households as the omitted category, as well as constituency fixed effects.
Table SI.20 presents the results. We find evidence that there is more ethnic favoritism in the allocation of
private goods in integrated electoral districts. This is precisely the opposite pattern than the one we uncover with local
public goods, where ethnic favoritism is increasing in segregation.
Table SI.20: Segregation and Ethnic Favoritism in the Provision of Private Goods
Dependent variable:
Receipt of Agricultural Subsidy
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Ethnic Match with MP 0.13⇤⇤⇤ 0.05 0.09⇤⇤ 0.13⇤⇤⇤ 0.08(0.03) (0.05) (0.04) (0.03) (0.06)
Ethnic Match x Med. Segregation �0.08(0.06)
Ethnic Match x High Segregation �0.04(0.05)
Ethnic Match x Continuous Segregation 0.01(0.13)
Constituency Fixed Effects X X X X XIndividual Level Controls X X X X XAdjusted R2 0.32 0.10 0.10 0.19 0.19⇤p<0.1; ⇤⇤p<0.05; ⇤⇤⇤p<0.01
In summary, unlike with public goods, private goods provision is not affected by segregation. Moreover,
8We code respondent ethnicity as the ethnic group associated with the respondent’s home language.
In Malawi, language uniquely identifies some but not all ethnic groups. Afrobarometer survey data
from 2005, which asks about both ethnic identity and home language, suggest that language is an
appropriate indicator of ethnicity for around 75% of the population.
46
ethnic favoritism in the allocation of private goods is greatest in integrated electoral districts and decreasing with
segregation. Thus, the results from this section help to allay concerns that omitted variable bias is driving the results
of our public goods analyses.
47
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