Subject position in heritage Spanish in the Netherlands
Transcript of Subject position in heritage Spanish in the Netherlands
Brechje van Osch, Elisabet García González, Suzanne Aalberse, Aafke Hulk, Petra Sleeman.
Universitetet i Tromsø, The Arctic University of Norway, 20-09-2016
Subject position in Spanish adult and child heritage speakers in the Netherlands
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Heritage Language Acquisition: Breaking New Ground in Methodology and Domains of Inquiry
Heritage speakers
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Specific type of bilingual
Drop in input in the heritage language
Variability in ultimate attainment
Focus on the end-state
What about the developmental path?
Theory
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Spanish has flexible word order:
S V V S Un chico llegó Llegó un chico
A boy arrived Arrived a boy
Theory
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Subject position with intransitives in Spanish is constrained by:
1. Predicate type
2. Focus
Asd
Asd
Asd
Asd
Theory
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Subject position with intransitives in Spanish is constrained by:
1. Predicate type
Unergative verbs Unaccusative verbs
Un chico silbó Llegó un chico A boy whistled Arrived a boy S V V S
Theory
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Subject position with intransitives in Spanish is constrained by:
1. Predicate type
2. Focus
Broad focus Narrow focus
¿Qué pasó? ¿Quién silbó? What happened? Who whistled? Un chico silbó Silbó un chico A boy Whistled Whistled a boy S V V S
Previous research – adult HS
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Most studies with heritage speakers of Spanish in the US:
Heritage speakers do not have monolingual-like knowledge of verb type and focus constraints on word order (Zapata et al.,2005; De Prada-Pérez & Pascual y Cabo, 2012)
Heritage speakers overgeneralize preverbal subjects compared to monolingual speakers (i.a. Hinch Nava, 2007).
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Acceptability Judgment Task
Unaccusative & Unergative verbs
Broad & Narrow focus. Context ending in:
¿Qué pasó?(What happened?) introducing broad focus ¿Quién + V? (Who V-ed?) introducing narrow focus
Definite & Indefinite subjects. As a control factor
Method
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Acceptability Judgment Task
2 sentences:
SV - Un chico silbó o o o o o -2 -1 0 1 2
VS - Silbó un chico o o o o o -2 -1 0 1 2
Written and aural
Untimed
Method
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EXAMPLE: Unaccusative - Narrow focus Es mi cumpleaños y hay mucha gente de visita en mi casa. De repente suena el timbre pero como justo estoy recibiendo un regalo de mi tío, no puedo abrir la puerta. Va mi esposa. Cuando regresa, le pregunto: '¿Quién llegó?' Mi esposa me dice: It’s my birthday and there are many guests in my house. Suddenly the doorbell rings, but since I’m just receiving a gift from my uncle, I cannot open the door. My wife goes. When she gets back, I ask her: “Who arrived?”. My wife tells me: Unos primos llegaron. SV Some cousins arrived. They are in the kitchen o o o o
-2 -1 0 1 2
Llegaron unos primos. VS Arrived some cousins. They are in the kitchen o o o o
-2 -1 0 1 2
Method
Broad Narrow
Unaccusative V S V S
Unergative S V V S
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17 heritage speakers of Spanish in the Netherlands Age: 19-36 Educational level: university – No students of Spanish! High-intermediate to advanced proficiency level (as measured by
means of self-reports, the DELE and a lexical decision task) Simultaneous bilinguals from birth 2nd generation HS Mixed families Variety of Spanish: Spain, Mexico, Colombia, Uruguay, Argentina
Participants
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Control group: 18 Spanish monolinguals Similar to the heritage speakers in terms of: Age Educational level Variety of Spanish (Spain, Mexico, Colombia, Argentina, Nicaragua,
Venezuela)
Participants
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EXPECTED Broad Narrow
Unaccusative V S V S
Unergative S V V S
Results - Monolinguals
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2
definite indefinite definite indefinite definite indefinite definite indefinite
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
Monolinguals
SV
VS
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Results - Monolinguals
Mixed effects model: Independent variables: Predicate type Focus Definiteness
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Monolinguals
(t=5.81, p=8.79*10^-7)
(t=-2.56, p=0.01)
(t=-3.61, p=8.34*10^-4)
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Monolinguals rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates
Results - Monolinguals
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
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Monolinguals rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates Narrow focus
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
broad narrow
SV
VS
Results - Monolinguals
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Monolinguals rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates Narrow focus Indefinite subjects
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
definite indefinite
SV
VS
Results - Monolinguals
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EXPECTED Broad Narrow
Unaccusative V S V S
Unergative S V V S
Results – Adult HS
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
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Results – Adult heritage speakers
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2
definite indefinite definite indefinite definite indefinite definite indefinite
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
Mixed effects model: Independent variables: Focus Predicate type Definiteness
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(t=-2.79, p=0.008)
(t=2.83, p=0.007)
Not significant (t=-1.04, p=0.30)
Results – Adult HS
Results – Adult heritage speakers
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Heritage speakers rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
Results – Adult heritage speakers
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Heritage speakers rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates Narrow focus
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
broad narrow
SV
VS
Results – Adult heritage speakers
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Heritage speakers rate VS relatively higher for: Unaccusative predicates Narrow focus Indefinite subjects
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
definite indefinite
SV
VS
Heritage speakers give lower ratings to SV orders (t=-3.06, p=0.003)
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2
Monolinguals Heritage speakers
SV
VS
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*
Results – Adult heritage speakers
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Adult monolinguals
Adult heritage speakers
Accept both orders √ √
Verb type √ √
Focus √ √
Definiteness √ X
Overgeneralize - VS
Summary – Adult HS
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Why overgeneralization of VS?
Cross-linguistic influence from Dutch. Much evidence for VS in Dutch due to V2 in root clauses:
Gisteren vertrok Jan Yesterday left John Adv V S
Questions
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Developmental path: When do child heritage speakers start overgeneralizing VS? When are verb type and focus constraints on word order
acquired?
Questions
Previous research – L1 acquisition
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Monolingual children acquiring Spanish seem to have knowledge of the distinction between unergative and unaccusative verbs early on. (Snyder et al., 1995; Bel, 2005, but see Pladevall Ballester, 2010)
No studies have looked at focus constraints
Oral preference judgement task:
Unaccusative & Unergative verbs Broad & Narrow focus (contextualized in a story)
Only definite subjects Same verbs as adult study
Method
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Three dogs are playing at the beach and having a lot of fun. While they play,
their friend the cat comes and sees them and he gets very sad because they
had not asked him to join them.’
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¿Qué pasó?(What happened?) introducing broad focus
¿Quién + V? (Who V-ed?) introducing narrow focus
13 child heritage children Age: 5-6 Born in The Netherlands 1 Spanish-speaking parent, 1 Dutch-speaking parent Mostly Argentina, Spain and Peru
Some of them went to a Spanish Saturday-school
Participants
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4 child heritage children Age: 9 Born in The Netherlands 1 Spanish-speaking parent, 1 Dutch-speaking parent Mostly Argentina, Spain and Peru
Some of them went to a Spanish Saturday-school
Participants (2)
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Results – 5 year olds
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
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EXPECTED
Broad Narrow
Unaccusative V S V S
Unergative S V V S
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Child heritage speakers prefer SV overall regardless of Verb type
0
10
20
30
40
50
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
Results – 5-year olds
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
unaccusative unergative
Adults Children
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Child heritage speakers prefer SV overall regardless of Verb type or Focus
Results – 5-year olds
05
101520253035404550
broad narrow
SV
VS
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
Broad Narrow
Adults Children
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Child heritage speakers prefer SV overall, unlike adult HS
Results – 5-year olds
00.20.40.60.8
11.21.41.61.8
2
Adult HS0
102030405060708090
100
5-year-olds
SV
VS
Results – 9 year olds
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
broad narrow broad narrow
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
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EXPECTED
Broad Narrow
Unaccusative V S V S
Unergative S V V S
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The older child heritage speakers prefer SV with Unergative predicates
Results – 9-year olds
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
unaccusative unergative
SV
VS
50
But no clear preferences established for: Focus
Results – 9-year olds
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
broad narrow
SV
VS
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Results - overgeneralization
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
1.2
1.4
1.6
1.8
2
Monolinguals Heritage speakers0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
5-year-olds 9-year-olds
SV VS
Summary – child HS
5 yo 9 yo
Accept both orders √ √
Verb type X √
Focus X X
Definiteness ? ?
Overgeneralize SV -
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Discussion
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5 yo 9 yo Adult HS
Accept both orders √ √ √
Verb type X √ √
Focus X X √
Definiteness ? ? X
Overgeneralize SV - VS
Discussion
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5 yo 9 yo ??? Adult HS
Accept both orders √ √ ??? √
Verb type X √ ??? √
Focus X X ??? √
Definiteness ? ? ??? X
Overgeneralize SV - ??? VS
References
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Bel, A. (2005). Aspectos de la adquisición del orden de palabras: la posición del sujeto en castellano y catalán. RAEL: revista electrónica de lingüística aplicada, (4), 36-48. de Prada Pérez, A., & Pascual y Cabo, D. (2012). Interface heritage speech across proficiencies:
unaccusativity, focus, and subject position in Spanish. In K. Geeslin, & M. Díaz-Campos (Eds.), Selected Proceedings of the 14th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium (pp. 308-318). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Friedmann, N., & Costa, J. (2011). Acquisition of sv and vs order in hebrew, European portuguese,
palestinian arabic, and spanish. Language Acquisition,18(1), 1-38. Hinch Nava, E. (2007). Word order in bilingual Spanish: convergence and intonation strategy. In
Selected Proceedings of the Third Workshop on Spanish Sociolinguistics (pp. 129-139). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Pladevall Ballester, E. (2010). Child L2 development of syntactic and discourse properties of Spanish
subjects. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 13(02), 185-216. Rothman, J. (2009). Understanding the nature and outcomes of early bilingualism: Romance languages
as heritage languages. International Journal of Bilingualism, 13(2), 155-163. Snyder, W., Hyams, N., & Crisma, P. (1995). Romance auxiliary selection with reflexive clitics:
Evidence for early knowledge of unaccusativity. InProceedings of the 26th annual child language research forum (pp. 127-136). Stanford: Centre for the Study of Language and Information. Zapata, G. C., Sanchez, L., & Toribio, A. J. (2005). Contact and contracting Spanish. International
Journal of Bilingualism, 9(3-4), 377-395.