Stonequist - The Problem of the Marginal Man

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1/13

The Problem of the Marginal ManAuthor(s): Everett V. StonequistReviewed work(s):Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Jul., 1935), pp. 1-12Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768176.

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2/13

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL

OF

SOCIOLOGY

VOLUMEXLI

JULY 1935 NUMBER

I

THE

PROBLEM OF THE

MARGINAL MAN'

EVERETT V. STONEQUIST

Skidmore ollege

ABSTRACT

The marginalman

arises

n a

bi-cultural

r

multi-culturalituation. The natural

desire

of

the mixed-blood

s to

advance toward he

group

occupying

he

higher

tatus.

He

may be forced

o

accept

the

tatus

ofthe

ower

roup, ossibly ecoming heir eader.

He

may be rejected

by

both

groups.

Where

ccommodation,

ather han

conflict, re-

vails, the mixed-bloodmay constitute middle class. With ntermarriagehe mixed-

blood

approximates

more

nearly

o the status

of

the

dominant ace. The

marginal

ndi-

vidual

experiences

what Du

Bois has

analyzed

as

"double

consciousness."

t

is as

if

he

regarded

imself

hrough

wo

ooking-glasses resenting

lashing mages.

The

marginal

individualpasses through life-cycle: ntroduction o the

two cultures, risis, nd ad-

justment.

The

natural

history

nvolves

n

initial

phase

with small

group

of

marginal

individualswho

are ahead

of

the

minority. his group

ncreases, nd

a movement e-

velopshaving

s

a

goal

somekind

of

quality

nd

independence.The final utcome

may

be

a

new

social

framework;

f

assimilation s facilitated, he minoritymay

be

incorpo-

rated nto the dominant

group,

r

become the

dominant

roup,

nd the

cycle

ends.

Probably he

greatmajority f ndividuals

n the world ive and

havetheir eingwithin single ultural ystem. ach individuals

likely

o

be born,mature, nd diewithin he

boundariesfonetribal

or

national

radition,earning

o

communicate

n

one tongue, e-

velopingoyalties

o

one

sovereign

overnment,onforming

o the

expectations

f

one moral

ode,believing

n

theway

of

ife pproved

by

one

religion. he

deepest art

f

his

personality-hisentiments,

conception

f

elf, tyle

f

ife, ndaspirations, hetherrticulate r

inarticulate,onscious

r

unconscious-are

ormed

utof

nd denti-

I

This paper is designedmerely o outlineverybroadly hetheory rhypothesis f

the marginal

man. The

supporting etails

and factual

materials, irst

eveloped

n

a

University

f

Chicago

thesis,

re

being

revisedfor he

purpose

of

publication.

I


3/13

2

THE AMERICAN

OURNAL

F SOCIOLOGY

fiedwith

hese

more

r

ess

harmonious

atterns

f the socialheri-

tage.

From he tandpoint

f

material

ulturet s true hat

hiswell-

being odays atthemercyf world-wideconomicystem;utthe

elements

hichmakeuphispersonality

re formed

na much

more

restrictedystem.

He

is

English,

rench, apanese,

merican.

his

relatively

estricted

ystem

fnon-materialulture--of

ations nd

nationality--cannot,

f

course, scape

some

nner ultural onflicts

in

proportion

o

the

degree

hat t s

dynamic.

Nevertheless,

t

has a

powerful

endency

oward nity,

onsistency,

nd

harmony,

or

ach

national ystem,

esting

pon

common

istorical

memories,

aces

world fothertrivingationalystems,achboundwithin frame-

work

f

governmental

nstitutions,

conomic

nterests,

nd

ethno-

centric

entiments.

However,

argely

ecause

the

economic

ystem

as

expanded

o

much

more

apidly

hanhave

the

other

spects

f

culture, e find

today

many ndividuals

rowing

p

in

a morecomplex nd less

harmonious

ultural ituation.

hey

are

unwittingly

nitiatednto

two

or more

historicraditions,anguages,

olitical

oyalties,

moral

codes, and religions.Migration as transplantedndividuals nd

cultures

o such

an extent

hat

nearly very

and and

every

ity s

something

f

melting-pot

fraces

nd

nationalities.

he ndividual

whogrows p

in

such

a situation

s

likely

o

find

imself

aced, er-

haps

unexpectedly,

ith

problems,

onflicts,

nd decisions

eculiar

to the

melting-pot.

his

is true

particularly

f thosewho

are ex-

pectedto

do

most

of the

melting,

hat

s,

those

who

belong

o a

minorityroup,

r

to

a

group

which as

an nferiortatus

n

the

and.

Themore owerfulr dominantroup oes notexpect oadjust t-

self o

the

others;

t

s the ubordinate

roup

which

s

expected

o

do

the

adjusting,

onforming,

nd

assimilating-or

emain

part.

Some

of the members

f the subordinate

r

minorityroup

re

able

to live their

ives

within heir

wn

cultures,

r

at least to

live

in them ufficiently

otto be

greatly

isturbed

y

theculture

fthe

dominant

roup.

They

have a

symbiotic

ather han

a social

rela-

tionship. thers,

owever

and

the

proportion

illbe

small r

arge

dependingpontheconditions),ind hemselves ore tronglyn-

fluencednd

attracted

y

thedominant

roup.

The

personality

e-

velopment

f

such ndividuals

s of interestnd

significance

oth


4/13

THE

PROBLEM

OF

THE MARGINAL

MAN

3

to theoreticalnd practical

tudents

f human ehavior.

iving s

theydo, nbetweenhetwocultures,heir ersonalitiesndcareers

are nterwoven

nd linkedwith

both

ystems. hey

thusmirrorn

their wn

personalities

spects

of

the two

cultures,

nd

especially

the

relations

f

the twocultures.

We are

ndebted

o

Professor

obert

.

Park2

or

dentifying

his

personalityype,which

he has called the

"marginal

man"

and

de-

fined s one who s "living nd sharing ntimately

n

the cultural

life and traditions f twodistinct eoples,neverquite

willing o

break, ven

f

he were

permittedo do so,

withhispast and his

traditions,nd

not

quite

accepted, ecauseofracialprejudice,n

the new

ociety

n

which

he

now

eeks

ofind

place."3

Accepting

this broad

statement,

ithonly

minor

ualifications,

e may

n-

quirefurther

nto

he

nature

fthis

marginalman,

he

variationsn

type,

he

ocial

ituation

ut

of

which

e

emerges,

nd

his

ife-cycle.

Let us beginwith he

social situation,

ince t

is

thiswhich ro-

ducesthe marginal ype

ofpersonality.We have already ndicated

its general onfiguration:

bi-culturalor multi-cultural)ituation

inwhichmembersfonecultural roup re seekingo adjust hem-

selves to the groupwhich

possessesgreater restige

nd power.

Two general ypes f ituation

maybe distinguished:

ne where he

cultural

ifferencelso

includes racial biological) ifference;he

secondwhere hedifferences purely ultural. ach

ofthese an be

further

ubdivided.

The first f these marginal

ituations, hat involving racial

difference,ffordst first

lance clearer onception

f

theproblem

thandoes the econd.This sparticularlyrue s regardsersonsf

raciallymixed ncestry.

he individual f mixed lood s likely o

growup influencedy the

cultures f each of his parental

roups.

Even

if

his familyife s predominantlyf one culture,

e is often

keenly wareof his connection

ith he other ulture

r group. n

addition

e s

apttopossess ome

f

hephysical raits

f

ach

of

he

two

races.

Other

membersfthe communityan therefore

dentify

him

s of

mixed escent.

Consequently,hatever acialprejudice-

ranging rommild loofnessr Datronizingolicitude obiting on-

2

"Migration nd

the MarginalMan,"

AmericanJournal f

Sociology,May, 1928.

3Ibid., p.

892.


5/13

4

THE AMERICAN OURNAL F

SOCIOLOGY

tempt-exists

n the

community

owardmixed

ersonswill sooner

or later mpinge ponhis consciousness. he

typeof ifehe leads,

thenature fhisachievementsrfailures,isconceptionfhimself,

and

his social

attitudes ill

nevitably

eflect

he fact hathe

is

of

mixed

ace,

and whatever hat factmeans

n

any particular

om-

munity.

The status f the mixed

erson

s not a

uniformne. Generally

speaking,t

s

somewhereetween he wo

parent-races.

n

the arly

stages

f

mixturene can

scarcely peak

of

a clear tatus:

thefirst

mixed-bloodsre anomalies

orwhich he socialorganizations un-

prepared. he particularonstellationfforcest work n thecom-

munity radually efines

status.

From

the

subjective

ide the

initial,

aturaldesire

f

themixed-blood ith

ny

ambition

s to

advance oward he

group

which

ccupies

he

higher

tatus.

Sharing

its

blood, nd at least some

of

ts culture, e feels hathebelongs

with

t,

or

close o t. The extent fhis

advancewill hen e

imited,

excepting

or

ossible

nherited

ifferences,y socialconditions.

In

the case

of

an

illegitimatehild heabsence fthe father ill

tend oplacethechildnthemother'sroup.Since heblood f he

whiterace

has been

generally

ntroduced

y

men

rather

han

by

women, hismeans hat he

child

will

be

cared

for

y

the

non-white

group.

n themodern eriod

f

race mixture,his s

almost lways

the

group

r raceof ower

tatus.Where

acial

ntermarriage

s for-

bidden, he result

s

similar;

ut

n

certain

espects

he

status

may

be

even

ower, eflecting

hehostilemores.

Thus,

n the

case

of

the

American egro, hecolor ine s so rigidlyrawn

hatthemulatto

must ccept he tatus ftheNegro, rat best hatofthe eader f

the

Negro;

nd this

s

true

no

matter ow"white"he

actually

s-

unless,

f

course,

e

is so

white

n

appearance

hat

he can

"pass"'

as a white

erson.

The

mixed-blood,owever,

oes not

alwaysbecome he

eader

f

the

weaker ace.

This

role,

o

conspicuous

n

thecase of

the

Ameri-

can

mulatto,merely

ndicates he

peculiar

American

ituation.

he

slave

ystemeprived

he

Negro

fhis

Africanultural

eritage

nd

forcedhimto acceptthe American ulture nd its values.The

mulatto, wing

n

part

at least to historical

ircumstances,

as ad-

vancedfurther

n

this

direction;onsequently,

hen

aced

by

that


6/13

THE PROBLEM

OF

THE MARGINAL

MAN 5

categoric

ttitude

f the white acewhichmakes

no distinction

e-

tween ureNegroes

nd mixed ersons,

e has

gradually

ssumed

more hanproportionatehare fthe eadershipfthedarker ace.4

In other arts

of the

world

he

mixed-bloodccupies

different

position.

n

India,

for

xample,

heEurasian

annot

nter

ither

f

the parent-groups.

ach

of the twomain

races s contemptuous

f

mixed ndividuals.

he Eurasian

lings o the coat

ofthe aloofbut

retreating

nglishman,

espises he ndian,

nd s

heartily espised

in turn.

The growth

f Indian nationalism

ffers im

ittle

r

no

future;

t

increases

is

social

solation.As an

intelligent

urasian

has stated, To theEuropeanwe are half-caste,mong urselves e

are

no caste, ndto

the ndianwe areoutcaste."5

Where

he

competition

nd conflictftheraces s less

severe,

he

mixedgroupmay

have a position loser

o the

dominant ace.

In

certain olonial reas

where

whitemen ome o ive

temporarily,

r

else

live

as

a

capitalistic-not

working-class,

he mixed-blood

group

pproximates

middle lass in

status. The

whitegroup s

small

n

number,

t occupies he eading

ositions,nd

t

may

find

middle lass of mixed-bloodsseful othfromn economic tand-

point nd because

t acts

as a "buffer"roup eparating

hetwo

unmixed aces.

n this

ase,

where ccommodation,

ather

han

on-

flict, revails,he

mixed-bloodevelops

he traits

f the conformist

anxious

o preserve

is

superior

tatus.

n

Java,

for

xample,

he

average

mixed-blood

as

been

described

s

"usually emperate,

ivil

to

thepoint

of

sycophancy,

ospitable,nd essentially

evoted

o

his family."6

gain,the cool

attitude f Jamaican

mulattoes

r

"colored"peopletoMarcusGarvey's Back-to-Africa" ovement

was

an illuminating

ndication

f

their reference

or he

tatus uo.7

Another

ype

fmixed-race

ituationhould e noted: thatwhere

4

See E. B. Reuter,

The

Mulatto

n theUnited

tates

Boston,

9I8).

5 Quoted

n

Mary

H.

Lee,

"The Eurasian:

A

Social Problem"

thesis

n the

University

of

Chicago Library),p.

io.

6

H. J. Scheuer, uoted

n

S.

H.

Roberts,

opulationProblems f

he

acific

London,

I927), p. 378.

7

In his Philosophynd OpinionsofMarcusGarvey rAfrica ortheAfricans, om-

piled by AmyJacques-Garvey, ol.

II

(NewYork,

926),

Garveywrites: "I was openly

hated and persecuted y some

of

thesecolored

men of the

island

who did

not want

to

be classified s Negroes,but as white. They

hated

me

worse

han

poison" (p.

I27).


7/13

6 THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

racial ntermarriagexists pon an extensive cale. Latin America

generally

nd Hawaii are

illustrations.uch a situation oes not

imply he complete bsence fraceprejudice, s somewriters ave

affirmed;ut

t

does hange hecharacterfraceprejudice, revent-

ingor restrictingts nstitutionalizationnd drivingt under over,

where

t

leads

a

precarious ut not insignificantife. Here the

racial hybrid evelops somewhatmorediversifiedharacter, e-

flecting

he

greater reedom

f his

position,

nd so

approximates

more

nearly

o the

status

f the dominant ace.

Significantly

aried s these

mixed-blood

ituations

re, they

ll

involve ome ultural onflictndracialprejudice;ndthey avean

unsettled,roblematicharacter. here

s a

pull and pressure

rom

both

sides.

The

person

f mixed

blood,by

his

dual biological nd

cultural rigin,s identified ith ach group.His awareness

f

the

conflict

ituation,

mild

r

acute, ignifies

hat

n

looking

t

himself

from he standpointf each grouphe experienceshe conflicts a

personal roblem. hus

his ambitions un ounter o his

feelings

f

self-respect:e wouldprefer ecognitiony the dominant ace,but

heresentsts rrogance. sense f uperiorityo onerace scounter-

balanced y

a

sense

f

nferiority

o

theother ace.

Pride

nd

shame,

love and hate, nd other ontradictoryentiments, ingle neasily

in hisnature.The two ultures roduce dual pattern

f

dentifica-

tion nd a divided

oyalty,

nd the

ttempt

o

maintain

elf-respect

transformshese

feelings

nto an

ambivalent

ttitude.The

indi-

vidual

maypass

in

and out

of

each

group

ituation everal

imes

day; thus

his

attention

s

repeatedly

ocused

pon

each

group

tti-

tude nd hisrelationshipo t. Aprocess frepeatedtimulationr

meaningfulonditioningoes

on whichbecomes

f central

ignifi-

cance

n

his

ife-organization.

is

racial

tatus

s

continually

alled

in

question;naturally

is

attentions

turned

pon

himself

o

an

excessive

egree:

thus

ncreased ensitiveness,elf-consciousness,

and

race-consciousness,

n

indefinable

alaise, nferiority

nd

vari-

ous

compensatory echanisms,

re common raits

n

the

marginal

person.

The

giftedmulatto,

r.

Du

Bois,8

as

analyzed

he

problem

interms fa "double onsciousness":

"..... the Negro

s

a sortof seventh

on,

born

with

veil,

and

gifted

with

second-sight

n this Americanworld-a

worldwhich

yields

him no true

self-

8

W.

E.

B.

Du Bois, The

ouls

ofBlack

FolkChicago, 903),

p. 3.


8/13

THE

PROBLEM

OF

THE

MARGINAL MAN

7

consciousness,

utonly

ets him ee himself

hrough

he

revelationf the

other

world.

t is

a

peculiar

ensation,

his

double-consciousness,

his enseof

always

looking t one's self hroughheeyesofothers, fmeasuringne's soulbythe

tape ofa world

hat

ooks on

in

amused

contempt

nd

pity.

One ever

feels

his

two-ness-an American,

Negro; two souls,

two thoughts,

wo unreconciled

strivings;

wo

warring

deals

in one dark

body,

whose

dogged

strength

lone

keeps

t from eing

orn sunder.

Thestatement

f

Du

Bois

suggests development

f

Cooley'sook-

ing-glassheory

f

personality.

he

process

f

seeing

ne's

selfre-

flected

n

the attitudes

f others oward ne

s so

habitualwith

he

ordinaryndividualhathe is unaware f t; itrequires Cooley o

discover

nd describe

he

process.

But withthe

marginal

erson,

it s

as if

he were laced

imultaneously

etween wo

ooking-glasses,

eachpresenting

differentmage fhimself.

heclash n

the

mages

cannothelp

but

make

the individual

omewhat

onscious

f

the

process-conscious

f the

two

mirrors nd conscious f

the two

clashingmages.

So

far

he

discussion

as been onfined

o racial

hybrid

ituations.

Thefact fracemixture,owever, roves pon nalysisobe rather

incidental.

he

racial

hybrid

s

likely

o be a

marginal

haracter,

not

because

ofhis

mixture

f blood

viewed

s

a

biological

act, ut

because

his mixture

laces

him

n

a

certain

ocial

situation. he

validity

f

this

nterpretation

s

strengthened

hen

omparisons

re

made

with ndividuals

f

unmixed

ace

occupying

similar ocial

situation.

Without

making

detailed

r extensive

nalysis,

s

it

not clear

thattheimmigranthohas lefthishome culture nd is not yet

assimilated

nto henew

ituation

may,

f

he

encountersnunfriend-

lyattitude,

ecome

marginal

man?

The

autobiographies

fmany

immigrants,specially

when

hey

have had social

contacts

eyond

the

immigrantommunity,

re

best

understood rom

his

general

standpoint.

f not

he

mmigrant,

hen he

hildren

f

mmigrants-

the

econd

eneration-frequently

re

n

this

position.

his

s ikely

to

happen

when he

children

dopt,

s

they

eadily o,

thenewcul-

ture

more

rapidly

han their

arents,

nd

when

he

culture

f the

latter

tands

n

sharp

ontrast ith hatof

the

new and. The diffi-

culty

f he

econd

eneration

s

further

ncreased

hen acial

differ-

ences

re addedto

the usual cultural ifferences-asn

the case

of


9/13

8 THE AMERICANJOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

second-generationOrientals in America. They are then neither

Orientals

nor

Americans

n

a

full sense, and may feel themselves o

be,

in

the wordsof a youngman

of Japanese descent, "lost genera-

tion." Their undetermined

tatus also

gives rise

to a

baffling

mbi-

valence

of

mood

and sentimentwhich reflective

ntrospection

an

sometimes atch

and throw nto relief.

For

example,

an

intelligent

second-generation

hinese

girl

n

Hawaii describedher

feelings

bout

the

"Haoles"

(the

white American

group, chiefly

Nordic and

upper

class)

as follows:

.... Although hey reinmore omfortableircumstances, y ndividual-

ism does not permitme

to

desire

o

be a haole-only

at

bittermomentswhen

haole

is

preferredust because

he

is

a

haole.

I

may be only Chinese,

but

I

am

I

The

haole needn't

think

he's

so

"blamed

almighty."

When

am

not amused,his condescensionggravates

me and I hate him. Then I am sorry

forhim,

for

his

parents

had

fired

is

baby

brain

with

race

superiority.

Sometimes findmyself anting

o

command is respect nd recognition

s

a socialequal.

I

analyzed

hat

feeling.

rom

wheredid

it

come?

Is it

because

I

want o be "someone"

in a

society

where aoles

are the

prominentnes?

Is it

because

t

would

be

a

golden

chance

to

show

off o

my

ess fortunate riental

friends? wonder. t is so difficultostandapartfrom hewhole omplex ub-

jective et-up

f reactions nd

feeling

ones.

Even

ifhe should

become

riendly,

e

wouldnever nviteme

to

dinner

r to

a

party. Oh,

no

Whoever

id such a thing

'm

yellow

Please

do

not think hat

'm

bitter,

or

his attitudeholds true

only

when

there re

a

thousand

haoles

(as

a

mass),

and

not for

ndividuals.The best of

my

haole

friendsthose

who

are

older

nd

consequently

ave had more ontact

with

peoples

of

other

aces)

treatme

like

a human

being.

have

spent

many

happy week-ends

with

them-swimming

nd

playing ogether, aving

tete-a-

tetes over a tea table on an afternoon, onsuming hickendinners, inging

hymns,nd spending

he

night

r the

weekwith hem.

Aside

from

hose

who

have

nothing

o

boast of and

yet

act as if

theydo,

the

haole

as

I associatewith

him

becomes

very

ikable

person. After ll, we must

not udge the haole by

his

lowly,

narrow-mindedrother.

I

remember hen

was

in

school

the

first

welve years, simplydreaded

being

called

"haolified."

Everyone

alked

about

you

if

you

tried

o

speak

ike

a haole

or

put

on

the

airs of a

haole.

The

Portuguese

who

tried

o

pass

off

s

a

haole was

hooted

down.

Do

you

see

how

we

magnified he arrogance f the

general

un

f

haoles

here nd

shutout

of

the

picture

ur

ovelywhite eachers?

I too have beenprejudiced. ometimes his childishdea ofdreading o seem

haolified

ropsup

and

I

reproach

myself.

It isn't bad

being haole,

but

I'd rather e

myself.


10/13

THE

PROBLEM OF

THE

MARGINAL

MAN 9

The Jew s

likelyto be a typical marginalman. Perhaps the fac-

tors

in

his

situation

are the

most

complex. His

is

the traditional

minority roup. He is the perennial mmigrant.His

children re apt

to

have the

second-generation roblems.Popularly regarded as a

race, the Jews are felt to be unassimilable.

Consider the Nazi

ideology.) An

individualof part-Jewishncestrymay be thought f

in terms imilar o the mixed-blood. Besides

being a distinctive e-

ligious group,

they are viewed by many

Christians as "Christ-

killers."

Centuriesof social conflict, ombinedwith theirtenacious

historicalmemories, ave produceda group

consciousness

which n

turn suspects and resists ssimilation endencieswhich go beyond a

certain point. It is

little wonder, then,

that

the Jew becomes the

classic llustration fthisproblem, ust as he has

been mostarticulate

in

expressing t.

The

marginal

type may emerge among

a

people

who

have

not

themselves emigrated but instead have been

subject

to

invasion

fromwithout.

The expansionof Westernpeoplesduring he modern

periodofhistory

has been the main factor

n

creating

his

situation.

Besides the racialhybrid, here s also theunmixed ulturalhybrid.

Missionarieshave been instrumental

n

producing

uch

individuals:

the convertwho

is

no

longer djusted

to his native

group

and

yetis

not fully t homeor accepted by the whitegroup.

Colonial adminis-

tratorshave noted the

difficultiesonnected

with

Westernizedna-

tives-"Europeanized

Africans,"

for

instance.

Incidentally,

it

is

significanthat such

terms re

applied

to

Westernized

ndividuals f

both mixed and

unmixed

descent:

apparently

he fact

of

race mix-

ture s notthe crucial one. Modern nationalisticmovements an be

understood est

n

terms

f

a reaction o such cultural

hybridization.

This is

recognized

by some of the leading students

of

India,

for

ex-

ample.

It

may

be

pertinent

o note what the East

India

Calcutta

University

Commission

had to

say concerning

he

effects f

English

education

upon

the

studentsof

Bengal:

The

Bengali

tudent,

ike

many

student

n

other

ands,

feels

pon

his

mind

the

pull

of two

oyalties,

he

oyalty

o the old

order

nd

loyalty

o

the new.

Butinhis casethedifficultyf ombininghese wo oyaltiessvery reat.Each

loyaltyneedsfuller nd clearer

efinitiono

him.

He

finds

t

hardto

ight pon

any

real

adjustment

etween hem.

Therefore,

t is often is

fate

to lead

what


11/13

Io THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is in effect double ntellectualife.He is two-mindednd ives parallel

ife

in the tmospheref wo ultures.9

Naturally themarginal ndividual s not identical n all his per-

sonality raits

n

all situations,

nor

even within ne situation.What

is here termed marginal" represents processof abstraction, core

of psychologicaltraits which are the inner correlatesof the

dual

pattern

of social conflict nd identification.

he intensity

of the

inner conflict

aries

with the

situation

tself, he individual experi-

ence

with this

situation,

nd

perhaps

certain nherited raits. With

some

ndividuals,

t

appears

to be a minor

roblem;

n

such

cases one

cannot speakof a "personality ype." It is only nthose cases where

the conflict

s intense nd of considerable

duration

that the

person-

ality

as a whole s

oriented round the conflict.The individual

then

seems almost

to be "obsessed"

with his

problem;

his moods are

re-

shaped. Then,

n

spite

of the variations

n

race and

culture, he type

is

clearly

delineated.

Another mportantdistinction

hould be

emphasized: the

exist-

ence

of a

life-cycle.

The traits of

the

individual vary

considerably

withthe stage ofdevelopment.Three stages can be defined: First,

there

s

a

stage

of

preparation

when the individual

s

being

intro-

duced into the

two

cultures.

In

a

generalway

this

represents

t least

some

assimilation

nto

the

two

cultures. Without

at least

partial

assimilation

he

ndividualwould

not

ater

experience

he conflict f

loyalties.

This assimilation

s

often an

unwitting rocess

in

which

the individual

does

not

realize

he is

taking

over

two

cultures. At

this

period

he

is

not conscious

of a

personality roblem;usually

this

stage

is confined o childhood.

The secondstage

has the character

of

a "crisis":

the

individual,

through

ne

or

more

defining xperiences,

ecomes aware

of

the cul-

tural conflict

which nvolves

his own career.

I'his

may

be the

result

of a

single experience

which climaxes

a

process

of

summation,

r it

may

dawn

in

a more

gradual

and

imperceptible

mannernot

clearly

recallableby

the

subject.

The

typical

traits

of

the

marginal

man

arise out

of

the

crisis

experience

nd in

response

to

the situation.

The

individual's

ife-organization

s

seriously

disturbed. Confusion,

even

shock, restlessness, isillusionment,

nd

estrangementmay

re-

sult;

a new

self-consciousness

evelops

to

mirror

he

newly

realized

9

Report f

theEast India Calcutta

University

ommission

Calcutta,

9I9),

p.

128.


12/13

THE PROBLEM OF THE

MARGINAL MAN

II

situation.

he

individual

akes

the

attitude

of

the two

groups

toward

ach

other nd toward imselfnd becomes

omething

f

a

dividedpersonality. aturallyhe does not remain assive;some

effortt

least s made at readjustment.uch

a

problematicitua-

tion

s

indeed

eculiarly

onducive o

thought,

s

John ewey

has

made clear n

other onnections.

erhaps his

s

one reason or

he

frequentuperiorityhownby the

Jew and the mixed-blood,

or

instance.

The third tage consists f the

more nduring esponses

f

the

individual o the situation.n

general, he ndividualmayevolve

in severaldifferentirections. e may continue oward he domi-

nant group

and perhapseventuallyucceed

n

becoming

n

ac-

cepted

member. n this ase theconflictnds,

r

merely choes e-

currentlys

a memory. his solution

s

more ikely o

occur

where

there s nobiologicalarrier.Passing" s a more ncertainolution.

Another

ossibilityies n moving

n

the other irection,

hrowing

one's lot withthe

subordinate roup,

f

t

in turn

s willing.

he

marginalndividual's ual contacts

may give

him

an advantage,

making im leader. Resentment ay purhim ofighthedomi-

nantgroup;

e becomes "revolutionary,"r aggressive

ationalist.

If

his attention

s centered

n

raising is owngroup ysomeother

method, e

may ppear

n

therole

f

conciliator,eformer,

eacher,

etc.

Such roles ontributeo

organize nd

give

directiono the

pre-

viously

isturbed

r

disorganized

ndividual,

ven

though hey

do

not always

reate ompletenner

armony.

n

yet other nstances

neither

f

theforegoingourses s

taken;

there

may

thenbe

with-

drawal nd solation,rremoval-the astdifficultoachieve xcept

perhaps yescape

to anotherand

American

egroes,

or

nstance,

professo find rance

haven

f

refuge

rom

ace

prejudice).

Again,

the ntermediate

roup-say,

f

mixed-bloods-may

e

arge

nough

to afford

moderatelyatisfyingife;ndeed,

he

future

may

belong

to

it.

In

individual

ases

certain

oles

f

adjustment,nvestigation,

creative

cience,

nd

artenable he

ndividual

o

profit y

his

pecial

position,

nd

perhaps

ase

the

problem

y expressing

t.

The

stimu-

lusof he ituation ay reate superiorersonalityr

mind.Io

With

IO

A

notion hat

the

marginal

man s

necessarily abnormal,"unhappy,

r

otherwise

unfortunate

ppears

to have arisen. This is a

misconception

f the

facts,

narrowing

of

the

concept

to the more

disorganized

ases.


13/13

I 2

THE

AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

some he

onflictoes

not

ppear

o be resolved

xcept

or

emporary

periods, nd with

others t initiates process

f

disorganization

whichfinds xpressionn statistics fdelinquency,rime, uicide

and mental

nstability.

hat

the

traits

f

the

marginal

man,

s

well

as

his

attitude

oward

is

position,

hould

vary

n

this

third

tage

is perhaps

o obvious

hat t

needs

no

development

t this ime.

Just s

there s

a

life-cycle

or he

ndividual,

o

there

s a natural

history

or he ituation.

he

nitial

hase

nvolves small

roup

f

marginal

ndividuals

ho

are

much

head

of

the

minority

r sub-

ordinate

roup.

This favors

he

process

f their dentification

nd

assimilation iththe dominant ace; it is about the onlyroad.

Gradually

he

group

f

marginal ersons

ncreases nd

the

minority

race tself egins

o stir

with

ew eelings

nd

deas.

t makes rogress

incultural evelopment

ndself-respect.hen,

f

hedominantace

continuesntransigently

n

its

position

nd attitudes f

superiority,

some

of

the

marginal

ndividuals

wing

bout and

identify

hem-

selveswith

herising roup.They

furtherefine he

situation nd

accelerate

he movement.

n

this

manner, ativistic,

ationalistic,

andracialmovementsvolvefrom ricklesnto ideswhich aveas

their

oals

some

kind

f

equality

nd

ndependence.

he

final ut-

come

may

be a new

ocial

framework-perhaps

new

race,

national-

ity, aste,

r

even

new tate. On

theother

and,

f

ssimilations

facilitated,

he

minorityroup

s

eventuallyncorporated

nto

the

dominant

roup,

r the

minorityroup

say,

of

mixed

loods)may

growand become

the dominant roup, nd the particular

ycle

comes o

an end.

In anycase, hemarginalman s ikelyo have animportantart.

He is the

key-personality

n

this

ype

f cultural

hange.

From

he

practical iewpoint,hen,

he

tudy

fthe

marginal

man s obvious-

ly significant.

rom

the

standpoint

f theoretical

cience, is ife-

history

ffers

method

or

tudying

he cultural

rocess

rom he

mental,

s well

s

objective,

ide.

In

thewords

f

Park,

It is

in

the.

mind

f

he

marginal

man-where he

changes

nd

fusionsf

culture

are

going

n-that we

can

best

study

he

processes

f civilization

andprogress."II

II

Op.

cit.,

p.

893.

Stonequist - The Problem of the Marginal Man

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