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HistoryAdvanced SubsidiaryUnit 2Option C: Conflict and Change in 19th and 20th Century Britain

Friday 16 January 2009 AfternoonSources Insert 6HI02/C

Do not return the insert with the question paper.

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Edexcel GCE

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Choose EITHER C1 (Question 1) OR C2 (Question 2) for which you have been prepared.

C1 The Experience of Warfare in Britain: Crimea, Boer and the First World War, 18541929

Sources for use with Question 1 (a)

SOURCE 1(Sir Garnet Wolseley, The Story of a Soldiers Life, published 1903. Wolseley served as a Captain in the Royal Engineers during the Crimean War and went on to become Commander-in-Chief of the British Army. Here he is reflecting on the Crimean War.)

SOURCE 2(In 1863, the Earl of Cardigan, who had commanded the Light Brigade at Balaclava, sued an author who was critical of his performance in the Crimean War. This is part of the judges summing up in that case.)

SOURCE 3(From General Simpsons first report to the British Government, sent from the Crimea, in April 1855. Simpson had been appointed by the Government in February 1855 to investigate the growing press criticism of the Army.)

Almost all our officers at that time were uneducated as soldiers. Many of those appointed to the staff of the Army at the beginning of the war were absolutely unfit for the positions they had secured through family and political interest. They were not men whom I would have entrusted with a junior officers sentry duty in the field.

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There may be those who will say, Lord Cardigan, as a General, is open to criticism, but it should be a generous and sympathetic criticism, not one that should seek to cast a stain upon his courage and his personal honour as an officer.

The staff here at Headquarters have, I am convinced, been very unfairly criticised. They are a very good set of fellows. I see no staff officer to whom I would object. Not one of them is incompetent. You will see my views are very different from those printed in the newspapers, but I judge from my own observation. I must say I never served with an Army where a higher feeling and sense of duty exists than I notice in the staff officers of this Army.

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Sources for use with Question 1 (b)(i)

SOURCE 4(From The Times newspaper, 19 May 1900)

SOURCE 5(From Jeremy Black, Modern British History since 1900, published 2000)

SOURCE 6(From Richard Price, An Imperial War and the British Working-Class, published 1972)

The report that Mafeking has been relieved was received with great rejoicings all over the country. In the clubs Colonel Baden-Powells health was enthusiastically pledged. At the Theatre Royal, where the news was announced from the stage, there was an impressive outburst of uncontrollable rejoicing.

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The battlefield defeats in the early stages of the Second Boer War undermined Britains imperial prestige. Yet the importance and influence of the Empire remained clear for all to see: the jubilation surrounding the relief of the siege of Mafeking, in May 1900, demonstrated this.

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The working-class reaction to volunteering was based generally more upon economic and social concerns than upon feelings of patriotism and a desire to serve the mother-country. It also explains the rejection of good imperialist candidates at the 1900 election. Imperialism had little or no meaning to working-class life and society. One of the most important pieces of evidence which illustrates this point is the marked difference between the working-class and the non-working-class reaction to the war. It was those who considered themselves to be of the higher social orders who volunteered because of the needs of the country. Young clerks were more eager to volunteer than young labourers.

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Sources for use with Question 1 (b)(ii)

SOURCE 7(In June 1917 Siegfried Sassoon, a highly decorated soldier and famous poet, issued a protest against the war which was read out in the House of Commons and published in The Times newspaper. This is part of that protest.)

SOURCE 8(From an interview with Captain C. Slack, East Yorkshire Regiment. Captain Slack was a professional soldier who served throughout the war.)

SOURCE 9(From Jeremy Black, Modern British History since 1900, published 2000)

I have endured the sufferings of the troops and can no longer be a party to prolonging those sufferings for ends which I believe to be evil and unjust. I am not protesting against the military conduct of the war, but against the political errors and insincerities for which the fighting men are being sacrificed.35

The morale in the regiment was there to begin with. It got a bit weaker later on as the regular soldiers got thinned out by the end of the war. I mean, people came to us from anywhere and they hadnt got the regimental loyalty and pride in service that we, the professional soldiers, had in the early days.

Millions of men served without question. Habits of mass mobilisation had been acquired prior to the war, thanks to industrial labour and the trade unions. This contributed to the willingness to accept discipline and order, as also did passive acceptance of the social order. Despite the strains of the war there was no hostility to authority in the army as there was in the French and Russian armies in 1917.

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Choose EITHER C1 (Question 1) OR C2 (Question 2) for which you have been prepared.

C2 Britain, c18601930: The Changing Position of Women and the Suffrage Question

Sources for use with Question 2 (a)

SOURCE 10(From Viscount Ullswater, A Speakers Commentaries, published 1925. Here he is recalling suffragette activities when he was Speaker of the House of Commons in 1913.)

SOURCE 11(From Emmeline Pankhurst, My Own Story, published 1914)

SOURCE 12(From Helena Swanwick, I Have Been Young, published 1935. Helena Swanwick was the editor of the NUWSS journal, Common Cause.)

The activities of the militant suffragettes had now reached the stage at which nothing was safe from their attacks. A bill was introduced, nicknamed the Cat and Mouse Bill, the aim of which was to permit the release of suffragette hunger strikers on licence. The Bill passed without much difficulty, but proved valueless in preventing a continuance of the outrages. The feeling in Parliament, caused by the extravagant and lawless action of the militants, hardened the opposition to their demands.

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Militancy never set the cause of female suffrage back, but on the contrary, set it forward at least half a century. When I remember how the House of Commons, a few years ago, treated the mention of female suffrage with scorn and contempt, I cannot but marvel at the change our militancy so quickly brought about. The Home Secretarys suggestion that the government should take legal proceedings against those who gave funds to the WSPU was, in itself, a token of the complete surrender of the Government.

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It has often been said that it was the militant suffragettes and not the constitutional suffragists who won the vote. But I would claim for Mrs Fawcetts NUWSS, her devoted record of over half a centurys persistent toil and a national membership far exceeding in numbers that of the militant societies. Without that long, steady, controlled pressure, there would have been no deep cultivation of public opinion.

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Sources for use with Question 2 (b)(i)

SOURCE 13(From Paula Bartley, The Changing Role of Women, 18151914, published 1996)

SOURCE 14(From Joan Perkin, Victorian Women, published 1993)

SOURCE 15(From the satirical magazine Punch, 7 October 1882. The main figure in the cartoon is Osborne Morgan, the sponsor of the Married Womens Property Act of 1882. The label on the suitcase reads Married Womens Property.)

Historians have sometimes viewed the Married Womens Property Act as an important milestone in womens emancipation. It allowed women to spend their own money as they wished and so encouraged them to develop their own interests. As a result, by the end of the century, marriage was more companionable than it had been at the beginning and the angel in the house had ceased to be an ideal image.

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Continued pressure in the 1860s led to the Married Womens Property Act of 1870, a half-hearted measure which gave women the right to their own earnings and to the personal property that they had inherited. However, it gave rights in other property to their husbands. Middle-class husbands could, by this time, see considerable advantage in their wives holding separate property. For example, a husbands creditors could not claim for his debts against property held by his wife.

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Sources for use with Question 2 (b)(ii)

SOURCE 16 (From Martin Pugh, The March of the Women, published 2000)

SOURCE 17(From a speech by Lydia Becker to the Manchester Society for Womens Suffrage in 1885. She was the Secretary of the National Society for Womens Suffrage.)

SOURCE 18(In 1914 the East London Federation of the Suffragettes met with the Prime Minister, Herbert Asquith, to demand votes for women. This is part of Asquiths response.)

The relationship between Liberalism and suffragism was complicated. This was because of the inconclusive attempts by Liberals to weigh up the significance of the growing support for the suffrage movement from the Conservative Party. As a result, for the Liberals, questions of principle became hopelessly mixed up with considerations of political advantage.

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Every effort has been made to contact the copyright holders where possible. In some cases, every effort to contact copyright holders has been unsuccessful and Edexcel will be happy to rectify any omissions of acknowledgement at the first opportunity.

I do not believe that the Liberal Party cares a straw for the interests and wishes of women. Their promises of greater freedom and desire for government founded on popular consent are a mockery.40

I welcome you as an association which has distanced itself from the criminal methods of those who have done so much damage and put back the cause of women.

On one point I am in complete agreement with you. I have always said that if you are going to give the franchise to women, give it to them on the same terms as men. Make it a democratic measure.

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