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Soc 102-Sec 1

Winter 14: Final Analysis Essay

Choice 2

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Pervading throughout modern society is an underlying convention of racism. It is not an

overt racism that is deliberately planned and carried out, but rather a subconscious understanding

that one race is inherently superior to another. Sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant

define racism as anything that “creates or reproduces structures of domination based on

essentialist categories of race” (Omi, Winant, 219). As much as self-satisfied white men might

enjoy celebrating the achievement of an apparently “color-blind” society that has overcome

racism, it is made clear by the overarching hegemonic whiteness as well as a subconscious sense

of entitlement that racism is alive and well in society today.

This racism, a sense of superiority above that which is apparently abnormal, can be

examined by first determining that which is considered normal. Hegemonic whiteness defines

the “default” ethnicity; to be white is to maintain the dominant social position. Typically

hegemony implies a preferred set of thoughts and actions regardless of one’s physical condition;

under hegemonic masculinity it is permissible and even encouraged for females to participate in

traditionally male activities while the reverse is typically heavily discouraged. Similarly,

especially within the upper classes of society, a black person is encouraged to dress and act

“white” - the typical image of success is that of the rich white male.

Interestingly enough, we see the opposite expectation within the lower classes. While

racial hegemony still exists in the persistence of the notion of white social dominance, its

application is reversed. A white youth may dress and talk like a black person, mimicking the

stereotypical image of the urban black youth – indeed, doing so fosters a certain level of respect

within the culture of the streets. Conversely, a black person of the lower class is ostracized for

taking on the appearance and mannerisms typically reserved for white people; he is spurned for

“selling out” his black culture in order to be a part of the dominating social class of whiteness.

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Both blacks and whites maintain “an underlying image of what black should be” (Omi, Winant

215). From this reversal of expectations we see a disconnect between race and class. Within

different classes, expectations of how a particular race should look and act often vary.

Even within white culture, regardless of class, expectations may vary depending on a

person's racial identification. Mary C. Waters talks about the concept of symbolic ethnicity, the

ability of a white person to choose their race, be it Italian or Polish or any other white European

ethnicity, in order to attain “a sense of who they were [and] where they had come from” (Waters,

230). This invokes a notion of the fluidity of whiteness – the definition of what is white and

“normal” can evolve to include a multitude of races. For example, Irish Americans once faced

persecution in America similar to that now faced by blacks, Asians, and Hispanics. However,

under an evolving and fluid concept of whiteness, it is now permissible and encouraged to take

on a symbolic ethnicity of being Irish – “Now being Irish just means having fun at funerals”

(Waters, 235). This fluidity of whiteness is not incompatible with the concept of racial

hegemony; while there prevails a particular racial identity which holds dominion over all others,

the range of those who can claim that identity is widened by the fluidity of whiteness, as those of

typically non-white races can elect to maintain the symbolic ethnicity of whiteness in order to

attain racial superiority.

Racial superiority is not a simple case of “black and white,” as it were. Rather, it is a

hierarchy, constantly evolving to match the current state of racial rankings. Rooted in the tenants

of conflict theory, foremost we see a division of whites and non-whites; those perceived as white

hold superiority over all others. However, within this set of non-whites there exists a large range

of subsets and divisions. The largest of such divisions is that of blacks and non-blacks, with

blacks generally considered racially inferior to all others. Essentially the hierarchy is arranged as

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follows: at the top are whites, at the bottom are blacks, and all other ethnicities, be they Hispanic,

Asian, or Arab, lie in between. We can attribute these ever-changing divisions to the measure of

how “white” a particular race appears. A Hispanic with fair skin will be held in higher regard

within the racial hierarchy than an Asian who matches all of the visual stereotypes of Asian

culture. We can see this hierarchy demonstrated on a smal scale in Elna Baker’s story of “Babies

Buying Babies.” Tasked with selling dolls to self-righteous mothers and their racially naïve

daughters, Baker is faced with disaster – all of the white baby dolls sell out. It came as no

surprise that the white babies would be held in higher regard than those of other races; the real

revelation came when, one by one, the mothers, at first outraged by the lack of white baby dolls,

chose the Hispanic or Asian dolls over the black dolls in an effort to find a doll somewhat

resembling their daughter.

It is evident, then, that this racial hierarchy pervades all of American society. We see it

even here on Washington and Lee campus. W&L has traditionally, though not deliberately,

maintained a primarily white atmosphere; it was not until 1972 that the first African American

student graduated (wlu.edu). The university has since striven to increase the presence of

minorities on campus, but progress has been slow; minorities currently make up only 15% of the

student body. Furthermore, despite the increasing presence of minorities on campus there still

exists a high degree of racial division, as the non-white students tend to segregate themselves

from the white students. Again, within this set of non-white students there exists further division

as the black students segregate themselves from the rest of the non-white students, who are

collectively defined as “the internationals.”

These divisions, however, result not from a perception of racial inferiority, but rather

from inherent feelings of both cultural and structural differences. Though white W&L students

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come from all over the country with their own respective norms and values, their wide range of

lifestyles converge into a single distinct culture of bean boots, barbour jackets, and self-

importance. Meanwhile, the internationals arrive at W&L with little to no understanding of

“white” culture and find themselves incapable of assimilating with the huge majority of white

students. Bonded by a common sense of cultural dissonance by consequence of their own

individual norms and values, the internationals group together and dissociate from their white

peers.

From a structural perspective, we see the isolation of minority students from the rest as a

consequence of their involuntary social status. Though there exist many exceptions, a great deal

of minority students, especially the black ones, are only able to attend Washington and Lee

through financial aid. Many of these students grew up in drastically different environments than

those of their upper class white peers; their need for financial aid indicates their lower-class

status, which defines their place in society and those with whom they associate. At W&L, these

lower-class minority students feel the pressures of their social class and consequentially group

together with those of similar economic backgrounds.

Here we observe an inherent relation between class and race; alienation via class

discrimination results in racial segregation. Race and class are not strictly intertwined, but class

differences often attribute to racial inequalities in a functionalistic manner. In analyzing this

connection we first examine the source and nature of entitlement, within both class and race. It

is evident that class differences often result in feelings of entitlement, an intangible claim to

certain resources and opportunities above those perceived as “lower.” It could also be argued

that whites tend to foster a sense of entitlement over anyone of a different race. The main

distinction in these mindsets of entitlement lies in their source and execution. The entitlement of

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the upper class is primarily a conscious one; they deliberately feel entitled to goods and

opportunities because they feel they have earned it. They believe in the meritocracy, the utopian

ideal that “a child is not born to the station of its parents, but with an indefinite claim to all the

prizes that can be won by thought and labor” (Kozol, 361). Because they are already reaping the

benefits of their advantageous upbringing, the upper class feel, often erroneously, that they have

achieved their station in life by their own merit and thus deserve more than their lower-class

peers.

The entitlement of white people, however, is an unconscious phenomenon. Few white

people would willingly admit to feeling that they inherently deserve more than a minority solely

by the merit of their skin color; in today’s colorblind society “the socioeconomic playing field is

now level” (Gallagher, 227). And yet it is clear that white people take for granted the lifestyle

their skin color has permitted them. Scarce resources such as education and employment appear

to be in ample supply for white people. However, when these same resources are allotted to

minorities, it is seen as a privilege, one of the many benefits of having achieved a “colorblind”

society.

This complex relationship between race and class begs the question of the possibility of a

solution. If race and class were somehow connected, then the absence of one would suggest the

disappearance of the other. But the existence of the racial hierarchy pervades deeper than a

simple class structure. The systematic prejudice against minorities is supported and upheld by a

division of classes, but it is not based in it. The racial hierarchy is rooted within the very fabric

of society, and until a fundamental change is made such that one may no longer believe that one

human being holds greater value than another based solely on his ethnicity, racism will continue

to prevail.

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Works Cited

Baker, Elna. "Babies Buying Babies." Audio blog post. This American Life. Chicago Public Media, 18

Jan. 2008. Web. 06 Apr. 2014.

Gallagher, Charles A. "Color-Blind Privelege: The Social and Political Functions of Erasing the Color

Line in Post Race America." Race, Gender and Class. Print.

Kozol, Jonathan. "American Education: Savage Inequalities." The Meaning of Sociology: A Reader.

Comp. Joel M. Charon. 7th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1999. Print.

Omi, Michael, and Howard Winant. Racial Formation. Comp. Karen Sternheimer. Everyday Sociology

Reader. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2010. Print.

"University Chronology." : Washington and Lee University. Web. 06 Apr. 2014.

Waters, Mary C. The Costs of a Costless Society. Everyday Sociology Reader. Comp. Karen

Sternheimer. New York: W.W. Norton &, 2010. Print.

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