I

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r Vol. 26 No.2

Social ScienceInformation

July-December 1998

CENTENNIAL ISSUE

With articles contributed by the Philippine National Historical Society:

Between Two CenturiesA Hundred. Years of Civic EducationThe Philippine Demographic Transition:

Implications for National Developmentand Identrty

The Ethnic Chinese in the PhilippinesAng Rebolusyon sa Kapanahunan ng 1898Ang Kumbensyorig 'I'eheros sa Iba't Ibang PananawAng Kabayaniban sa Labas ng Bayan:

Ang Buhay at Pamumuhay ng mgaRebolusyonaryo sa Ibang Bansa

The Oil Lamp of Freedom

ISBN 0116-1169 THE PSSC SOCIAL SCIENCE INFORMATION

The PSSC Social Science Information is published twice a year by the Secretariat, PhilippineSocial Science Council (PSSC), with offices at PSSCenter, Commonwealth Avenue, Diliman,Quezon City; U.P. Post Office Box 205, Diliman, Quezon City 1101, Philippines.

The PSSC Social Science Information primarily seeks to serve as a clearing house for theexchange of information, documentation, research activities, and news on people involved inthe social sciences. Since 1973, it has endeavored to be a regular and eomprehenaive inventory.of information and a catalYlLt of discussions.

The views expressed by the authors of articles in this publication do not necessarily reflect thepolicies of the Philippine Social Science Council.

Guest Editor

Editorial andTechnical Assistance :

Circulation

Francis A. GealogoPhilippine National Historical Society

Ida Mae V. Fernandez, Elvira S. Angeles

Milagroll J. Tolentino, Ernesto S. Acosta

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Proper acknowledgement should be given to quote II taken from this publication.

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Contents

Social ScienceInformation

CENTENNIAL ISSUE

Vol. 26 No.2 Jul-Dec 1998

MULA SA PATNUGOT

ARTICLES

• Between Two Centuries

• A Hundred Years of Civic Education

• The Philippine Demographic Transition:Implications for National Developmentand Identity

• The Ethnic Chinese in the Philippines

• Ang Rebolusyon sa Kapanahunan ng 1898

• Ang Kumbensyong Teheros saIba't Ibang Pananaw

• Ang Kabayanihan sa Labas ng Bayan:Ang Buhay at Pamumuhay ng mgaRebolusyonaryo sa Ibang Bansa

• The Oil Lamp of Freedom

Francis A. Gealogo

Samuel K. Tan

Paul A. Dumol

Zelda C. Zablan

Teresita Ang See

Eden M. Gripaldo

Emmanuel F. Calairo

Ronaldo B. Mactal

Samuel K. Tan

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17

29

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46

64

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CENTENNIAL NEWS

PHOTO GALLERY

THE PSSC FRANK LYNCH LIBRARY NEW ACQUISITIONS

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Mula sa Patnugot

Nakatuon ang natatanging bilang na ito ng PSSC Social Science Information sa mga bagongpananaliksik, pananaw at pag-aaral kaugnay ng sentenaryo ng rebolusyong Pilipino bilang handogng Philippine Social Science Council sa pambansang pagdiriwang. Natatangi din ang isyung itong PSSC SSI dahilan sa isa sa mga kasapi ng PSSC, ang Philippine National Historical Societyna siyang pinakauna sa mga samahang pangkasaysayan sa Pilipinas, ang siyang nagsakatuparanng paglalathala.

Bilang paglilinaw sa papel ng agham panlipunan sa pagdiriwang ng sentenaryo, siniaimulan angisyung ito ng artikulo ni Samuel K. Tan ng pagtalakay sa kabuluhan ng pag-aaral ng kasaysayangpampook at pasalita bilang isa sa pangunahing gawain sa pagbubuo ng pagkakakilanlangpambansa. Ang mga sumusunod na artikulo matapos nito ay tumalakay naman sa iba't ibangaspekto ng buhay at kabuhayan ng sambayanan sa loob ng nakaraang isandaang taon. Sinuri saartikulo ni Paul A. Dumol ang ilang mga isyung kaugnay ng kasaysayan ng civic education saPilipinas, Ang papal na tinalakay naman ni Zelda C. Zablan ay nakatuon sa kalagayangpampopulasyon na pinagdaanan ng·Pilipinas sa nakaraang dantaon. Ang papel naman ng mgaTsinong Pilipino sa rebolusyong Pilipino ang tinalakay sa artikulo na isinulat ni Teresita AngSee.

Nakatuon ang mga sumunod na tatlong artikulo sa pangkalahatan at partikular na mga isyungpangkasaysayan at panlipunan sa pagsusuri ng rebolusyong Pilipino. Ang artikulo ni EdenM.Gripaldo, halimbawa, ang tumalakay sa kalagayan ng kapanahunan ng 1898 bilangpangunahing panahong ginalawan ng himagsikan. Sa kabilang banda, sinuri ni Emmanuel F.Calairo ang mga nagtutunggaling pananaw sa kontrobersyal na Kumbensyong Teheros na siyangnagdala sa himagsikang Pilipino sa kakaibang kalitatibong kalagayan. Samantala, tinalakaynaman ni Ronaldo B. Mactal ang kahalagahan ng mga pakikibakang inilunsad ng mga Pilipinongnaninirahan sa labas ng Pilipinas sa panahon ng rebolusyon.

Ang panghuling bahagi ng isyung ito ay sinimulan ng artikulo ni Samuel K. Tan na nagpapahayagng metaporika ng lampara ng kalayaan bilang gabay sa paninindigan at pagsusuri ng kalayaan,pati na ang hamon na kinakaharap ng lahat ng mga mamamayan upang panatilihing may ilawang lamparang ito ng kalayaan. Bilang panghuli, isinama sa natatan.ging bilang na ito ang ilangmga gawaing isinakatuparan ng mga akademiko at mga historyador sa nakaraang taon sapagdiriwang ng kalayaan. Ilang mga larawan at balita ang isinama dito upang maisakatuparanang pagbibigay ng salamin sa naganap na pagdiriwang ng nakaraang taon.

Sa inakala ng maraming mga mamamayan, nagtatapos ang pagdiriwang ng sentenaryo ngrebolusyong Pilipino sa taong 1998. Ang higit na kinakailangan nating bigyan ng pansin, nahanggang sa kasalukuyan ay nakaaapekto pa rin sa kalagayan ng lipunang Pilipino, ay ang mgapangyayari matapos ang 1898. Ang digmaang Pilipino-Amerikano at ang ibinungang pananakopng kolonyalismong Amerikano sa Pilipinas, ay naihudyat sa mga pangyayari na ang ilan aynagsimula lamang sa 1898. Sa katunayan, ang kabuluhan ng mga pagdiriwang ng sentenaryo ngsambayanan ay makikilala sakabayanihan ng pagpapatuloy ng pakikipaglaban sa bagongmananakop. Ang natatanging bilang na ito, kung gayon, ay maaaring tingnan bilang simulalamang ng kinakailangang kaharaping malalimang pagsusuri sa kasaysayan at lipunang Pilipinosa nakaraang isandaang taon.

Francis A. GealogoIssue Editor

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II

Between Two Centur-ies'

SA1\fiJEL II{. TAN

The year1998 is increasingly becoming the point of reference of both public andprivate concerns regarding plans for major activities in relation with the

Philippine's Centennial celebrations. In fact, the most often referred to event forpractically all kinds of celebrations or promotional activities is the Philippine

independence centennial grand celebration on June 12, 1998. Various meaningsare given to the centennial. The business sector looks at it from the "profit and

loss statement- in anticipation ofgood profitable sale ofproducts or serviceswith centennial motif or color. The artists and artisans look upon this year as a

time for meaningful creativity in designs, forms, while the literary andintellectual sector can view this year as an opportune time for works of art and

publications• .The religious sector has its own way of remembering andcelebrating independence with its emphasis on religious cultural heritage. Themilitary undoubtedly likes to ruminate on the sounds and scenes of the battles

for freedom especially those where the Filipino army was victorious. Theeducated youth looks for inspiration from the young revolutionists and

propagandists like Rizal, Lopez-Jaena, Maria-Ponganibon, Jacinto, Bonifacio,Aguinaldo and many others who lost their lives at a young age fighting for the

ideals of independence.

But how about those who belong to the grassroots level of our society? How dothey regard the centennial plan and celebration? The truth of the matter - we do

not know. What was obvious late last year and in January this year was that themedia has been critical of the National Centennial Commission for not doing

enough to bring a centennial consciousness to the masses. From the perspectiveof the National Historical Institute, one of the coordinating and supporting

government agencies of the Commission, the answer to the question is the Localand Oral History Centennial Seminar series which begins today in Vigan, the

first of the 15 regional seminars planned for this year.

How can local and oral history help? This is theissue I hope to present to you 88 you discussthe theme of the regional seminar series andas you look at the destiny and future of thecountry at the close of the present century. Letme begin with the meaning of local and oralhistory in our time, in our century.

lKeynote apeech durin. the Oral GIld Local HiMoryRegional &minGl'- Work.,Aop of the Philippine NationalHistorical Soeiety lleld ia Vigan. l1000B Sur on 19·20February 1998. Dr. Samuel K. Tan iB ChairmlUl alldExecutive Direetoz of the National HiMorical Inatitute.

One of the persistent issues in the relationsbetween the national government and thelocalities is the centralization of the powers andprivileges in the national hierarchy. It hasmarked the history of the Philippines sincecolonial times until the passage of twolegislative landmarks: the Local GovernmentCode and the Autonomous Act for MuslimMindanao. These two laws have one thing incommon: the devolution of power from thenational to the local units of government. Thisevent marked the beginning of a new politicalhistory in the Philippines and, therefore, hasprofound significance and implication to thedevelopment of local history.

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Local and oral history is basicto autonomy

Autonomy implies an exercise of freedom withlimited control or influence from the nationalgovernment. It means more room for localinitiatives to develop and local potentials forprogress. More importantly, it encouragescreative and innovative responses to develop­ment from people with special talents andpotentials. Autonomy allows the locality and itspeople to plan their life and implementprograms and projects to achieve their goals.Consequently, the localities will be expectedultimately to shape their future, create theiridentities, and foster the evolution of their owntraditions.

It is at this stage of searching and rediscoveringthe local potentials and resources for progressthat the localities also rediscover the richnessof their own heritage that has been literallytaken for granted and even hidden for a longtime. It cannot be ignored that in all theprocesses generated by local initiatives in anatmosphere of meaningful freedom, the role oflocal history is vital. Why this is so may besuggested by certain specific uses of history asa discipline of knowledge.

First, history which is simply an organizedrecord of the meaningful past, becomes theessential reservoir of local data and memoriesof events, realities, and things that constitutethe essence oflocallife. From this inexhaustiblereservoir, the people can draw patriotic strengthin times of crisis, inspiration in moments ofdespair, and directions in periods of ambiguitiesand dilemma. Without history, the past whichrepresents the infinite time ofhuman existence,in which the present is but a dot, becomesaltogether inscrutable and elusive. And thetendency ofpeoples and nations without a sense

. of history or recorded past is to view themeaning of existence only through the narrowmirror of the present.

Second, local history performs the vital task ofputting in meaningful perspective the essenceof community life in both space and time. It isat this point in local development, when thingsare seen in context or social perspective in whatsocial scientists call sociology of knowledge that

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the local people begin to appreciate the meaningof existence, the purpose of all individual andsocial acts. But for the Filipino nation which iscomposed of over a hundred ethnolinguisticgroups distributed into 16 regions, 78 provinces,and 1,537 municipalities, 69 cities and 41,925barangay, local history has an equallyimportant relation to national interests.

Local and oral history is fundamentalto national interests

By the very nature of the Filipino nationalcommunity-an example of unity in diversityand diversity in unity-natio'nal interestscannot be dictated by one race, as in colonialtimes. Neither can it be influenced by one sectorand a few ethnolinguistic groups-as in the postcolonial era-wherein numerical dominance hasremained the determinant. National interests,by reason of national purpose and will, asexpressed in national policies and the consti­tution should represent the numerous localities,sectors, and ethnic groups from Batanes toTawi-Tawi regardless of creed, origins, race,age, and gender.

This is the direction we are taking. This is whatwe hear and see in the development processesof the nation. This is what is articulated in everyforum on public policy and information. This iswhat we hope to see and realize. The questionthat should be asked now is: what role doesnational history play in the task of nation­building through the pursuit ofspecificnationalinterests? Clearly, national history seeks tobring together all local interests into nationalinterests. But national history cannot reallyperform this role meaningfully and justly untilit is first liberated from the persisting premisesof colonial historiography.

By colonial historiography, we mean theHispano-American historiographical traditionwe have preserved in our Filipino nationalhistoriography. The only difference between theSpanish and the American historiographicalheritage is: in the former, it is autocratic andprescriptive, while in the latter it is liberal anddemocratic. The Filipino integrates bothapproaches to national history. The premisesare the same and may be stated simply asnational history emanating from the national

center ofpower and culture. In this case, Manilais the national center from which all processesoflhistoryensue.

Consequently, the decolonization of nationalhistoriography is the principal concern and taskof Ithe historian. It is in this regard that localhistory becomes vital as an instrument ofdecolonization. In a sense, Filipino nationalhistory cannot truly be written without localhistory. It must derive substance and suste­nance from local history data and inter­pretations before it can establish valid nationalgeneralizations. In short, national historywithout its local counterpart is shallow. In thesame vein, local history without nationalinterests is parochial and divisive.

Necessarily, every local history should have atheoretical and practical direction. It has tohave a framework to guide the organization ofdata as well as the analysis. The way thingsstand, it is common to see local historiespresented as nondescript data from A to Z inan encyclopedic manner. This type is un­doubtedly useful as data source. However, thekind of local history we are seeking to developand promote is one that is coherent, cogent, andmethodologically-determined - a historicalconstruction that is artistically crafted by aproficiency of language and appropriateness ofillustrations.

The framework may vary from one local historyto another. In some local historical works, itbegins as a tentative assumption based on abroad survey of representative literature. Butin the end, the data collected from all possiblesources should be able to provide the basis foreither supporting the tentative assumption ormodifying and even changing the framework.This is usually the result of months or years ofdata gathering and analysis. Without thisvalidation by a preponderance of sources andevidence, the framework becomes a merespeculative, imaginative creation of the mindusually from personal bias or extraneousimpositions.

Finally, local history cannot be ignored withoutdisastrous consequences to national unity anddestiny. It is one of the means towards themeaningful exercise of freedom as a creative

force in local development and progress.Moreso, it is the only substantial and just basisfor the national history of the variousethnolinguistic and sectoral diversities of theFilipino people.

Consequently, the practical steps that shouldbe taken by all concerned especially the Stateand its agencies are:

• to promote local history as a discipline ofknowledge by curricular integration into theeducational system and by the creation ofthe position of local historians throughappropriate legislation or redefinition oflocal functions;

• to institute training programs for localhistorians by state agencies mandated tocarry out such a task. For instance, theNational Historical Institute is in theprocess of establishing and institution­alizing a training program for local and oralhistorians; and

• for everyone with interest and/or expertisein local history to begin the self-imposedmission of collecting local data and writingthe history of her/his own locality notwaiting for any external support; under­taking the task as a matter of patriotic dutyto people and country.

What I have just said is wi.at constitute ourapproach to the challenges ofthe 21- century.It cannot be denied that the next century bringsboth the perils and 'prospects of growth andprogress. The country is in a dynamic transitionfrom the 20tlo to the 21" century. It is thisdynamism that becomes an interesting focus oflocal historical or oral historical research andstudies. What contributes to transitionaldynamism is the revolution in technology andscience especially in the area of information.At no time in history has the world been broughtso close to even the remotest part of the worldvia the Internet.

What this modern transformation implies isthat the boundaries of history have changed.Geographic limitations are no longer as crucialin historical reconstruction as it was in thedistant past. Cultural isolation has ceased to

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be a problem except in some traditional or pre­modern societies. In these cases, determinedresistance continues to be advocated andencouraged by political leaders on account oftheir ideological orientation or political lever­age.

Local history has not been freed from theprofound effects of modernization whose morevisible feature is portrayed in the variousaspects of urbanization. Its theoretical frame­work is necessarily more dynamic due to rapidsocial changes, due to information technologicalbreakthroughs. Consequently, the methodologyof local history becomes more and more multi/interdisciplinary as oral history becomesmeaningful and relevant to historical valid­ation. Contemporary realities can be effectivelyanalyzed and utilized for local historicalconstruction through interviews (structuredor open) as a methodological tool. Unlike

documentary sources, especially those beyondthe range and limit of human memory, thesustained interviews of eyewitnesses to eventsand processes can yield insights and dataotherwise difficult to expect from documentarysources. It is therefore the oral historicalcomponent that provides the dynamic linkbetween the distant past and contemporaryhistory.

Let me now conclude with the hope that as youdiscuss the various aspects of local and oralhistory, you will not only be able to draw theessential links between local and oral historyand national history but.as importantly, to linkthe value of history as a discipline of knowledgewith nation building. I trust your discussion willalso bring into light the creative meaning offreedom as the very essence of our centennialcelebrations. ..

t

A. Hundred Years of Civic Education

PAUL A. DUMOL1

1998 marked a hundred years of Philippine independence from Spain. It alsomarked almost a hundred years of civic education. Civic education was

introduced by the Americans and came with the public school system that wasset up in 1901.

This circumstance, together with the centennial celebrations, constituted anirresistible invitation to attempt an assessment on how the country has

politically matured in the last hundred years.

Civic education in the Philippines has not been a total failure. It also has itssueeesee. If it indeed failed, it would seem to have been in the area of teaching

our people the meaning of democracy and ofcitizenship in a democracy. Ournational hero-Dr. Jose Rizal-his life and ideas, will be used as the points of

departure for this short discourse on civic education.

Civic education as a failurel

Theile are two reasons, apparent or otherwise,fOI' the failure, of civic education in thePhilippines.

Democracy is a foreign concept in our politicaltradition; a tradition that had its beginningswith the first inhabitants of these islands intime even before Spanish contact. This meansmore than the obvious fact that before thiscenltury the Philippines was not a democracy.The very structure of Philippine society eventoday, was not and is not propitious todemocracy. Rather, one may recollect whatsociologists and anthropologists call the patron­client structure of our society. It is a structuredescribed by the first missionaries and Spanishsoldiiers in their chronicles, a structure whichthe)' preserved and which survives to this day:a two-tiered structure composed of those whoserveand those who are served. At the timethe Spaniards came the upper tier was

lDr. Dumol teaches at the University of Asia and thePacific.

composed of the datu and maharlika or timawa;the lower tier, of the olipin. Today the lowertier is called the masa, and the upper, the A-Bcrowd. The activists of the 70s called it a feudalstructure, but it is not quite that. The two tiersare in fact neither castes nor classes. Thepatron-client structure of Philippine society ismore a mentality than anything. As such, itcrosses social classes: there are people in theA-B crowd that have a client mentality andpeople among themcsc who have a patronmentality.

Rizal has a famous remark in the long speechof P. Florentino at the end of the El Filibus­terismo which goes, What is the use ofindependence if the slaves of today will becomethe tyrants of tomorrow? The remark may beglossed over 8S a prophetic reference to whathas become the history of the Philippines in thiscentury in many ways and at different scales,sometimes at a regional scale and in onenotorious instance at a national scale. In fact,there is no need to stop at the regional levelThere are little tyrants who are the mayore ofcities or towns or municipalities or even ofbarangays, little tyrants in government offices

who ask for tributes and are ready to subjectyou to long periods of suffering if you do notgive them what they want. Rizal, however,meant something more than the mere acknow­ledgment of the existence of tyrants even amongFilipinos. He talks of slaves becoming tyrants,of those who submit to tyranny as actually beingenamored of it. He speaks of a mentality. It is amentality occasionally seen as demonstrated byindividuals who are obsequious and subservientto their superiors, but arrogant bullies to theirinferiors. Thus, class or caste mentality,Filipino-style, connotes the mentality proper toeach tier possessed by the Filipino, regardlessof the tier, or that most Filipinos occupy bothtiers at the same time, since almost all are bothsomeone's inferior and someone's superior.

The patron-client structure of Philippine societyis hostile to democracy, considering that thelatter requires the active participation of allcitizens in the political life of the nation. In apatron-client relationship, the client abdicatesall political concerns, passing them on to thepatron. The patron, on the other hand, isexpected to fulfill his duties as such. Candidand spontaneous illustrations of this relation­ship often come to play daily in every Filipino'slife. Take for example a taxi driver who wasasked by his passenger regarding the former'schoice for the Presidency of the country. Thetaxi driver answered that he was voting for X,no matter what people say about him, becauseX is truly makamasa. X knows what the masawants. In effect, this brief exchange was a clearmanifestation and articulation of the patron­client mentality. To someone with a clientmentality the best candidate is someone (a) shelhe knows personally and (b) who has demons­trated friendliness to her/him or to those in hislher tier by, for example, giving him/her moneyfor her/his vote. Both these qualifications faroutweigh others, such as experience, education,or even a platform. Once a patron wins, theclients entrust all political decisions to him. Thepatron can do what he wants, so long as hisclientele is assured of food, shelter, andclothing. The clients do not usually participatein government, unless the patron reneges onhis duties. The outrage of employees who arelaid off even if for cause is often the outrage ofa client at his patron. Vote-buying and the focus

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on personalities instead of issues complementeach other in a democracy which is also a societywith a two-tiered structure.

Civic education at the moment does not addressthe patron-client mentality in Philippinesociety, and until such time when it does, civiceducation can not be said to have succeededalready.

Filipinos have a narrow practical concept of thecommon good. By common good, what is meantis the good of a society to which citizens belong,say, the family, a firm or corporation, or thenation. For most Filipinos the concept of thecommon good does not extend beyond one's ownfamily or one's immediate neighborhood. Toillustrate with anecdotes:

A Senator, around ten years ago foundhimself campaigning in Marikina. Heentered a house, and his host cheerfullytold him the story of his life, how he hadbeen unemployed for more than a yearbut had found a very profitable job. He.said that this good turn of fortune wasgranted to him by the Sto. Nino, whosestatue was prominently displayed in hishouse. The fellow's dream-come-true jobwas at the Bureau of Customs.

An uncle of a friend saw a group ofworkers in Marinduque. They were busymixing cement, but had obviously put intoo much water. He called their attentionto it, and their reply was that, if they didnot do that, they would soon have nowork to do.

In both examples, the players do not perceivethemselves as doing something wrong; they seethemselves simply as earning a living for theirfamilies. The common good does not enter theminds of persons, at least not ifby common goodone understands the good of people other thanone's family and neighbors.

Does civic education at present teach studentsa concept of the common good that goes beyondthe boundaries of one's family or immediateneighborhood? It would seem to whenever theconcept of the nation is taught. Civic education

at prese.nt is steeped in the notion ofFilipinoness, and yet this education seems toail when it comes to translating love for thenation into daily action. This is so because ofthe prevalence of two different concepts ofnationhood. The first of which is taught in ourschools: vis-A-vis, the external aggressor, thefoneigner, whether this be Spanish, American,or Japanese. We as citizens are, in short,preparedfor war, but are not prepared forpeace. The second concept has to do with thetwo-tiered social structure-patron-clientsystem-where nation is' understood to mean asone of patrons and clients. It is perhaps easierfor patrons to understand the common good asembracing the good of all citizens, than, forexample, Athenian property-owners under­standing common good to include their ownslaves. Clients, however, by the very nature oftheiirposition in the social structure, would tendto understand the common good in terms oftheir own families and immediate neighborhoodand the family and property of their patron.Other patrons and their clients would not beincluded. The patron-client mentality iscompatible with a concept of the nation asconspiracy. In such a concept, the patron iscareful to give the client everything he wantsin order to be able to do what he, the patron,wants. Consequently, the client allows thepatron to do whatever he wants, so long as thelatter gives the former what he wants. Shouldcircumstances promote the client to the statusof patron, the erstwhile client will behave ashis old patron did, and there we have thementality Rizalreferred to as the slaves of todaybecoming the tyrants of tomorrow.

The El Filibusterismo proposes through P.Florentino's long speech that the eliminationof the patron-client/tyrant-slave mentality is apre-condition so that Filipinos will valuepolitical freedoms for what they are. How didRizal come to such a conclusion? The answer tothis question is not to be found in the Fili, butrather in Rizal's own life, specifically in theevents immediately preceding the writing ofP.Florentino's speech. What occurred in Rizal'slife from February 1888, three years before hefinished writing the Fili, is what is sometimescalled the Calamba hacienda troubles. Thisepisode in Rizal's life, on which our history

books do not linger too long, is usually seen 8S

a struggle between the Filipinos and theSpaniards, between Calambenos on one side andthe Dominicans and the Spanish governmenton the other. Rizals' brother-in-law describedthe circumstances of Rizal's exile in Bohol in aletter dated 01 February 1889, in response toaccusations, to wit:

It is absolutely false. There is no truth toit, having been concocted exclusively bythe administrator of the hacienda,Francisco Gobeas, the lieutenant of theguardia civil of Calamba, D. Juan N.Lopez, and Panong who is very close tothe Hacienda and bears a grudge againstme for serving a warrant ofarrest for hisson, Isidro, who...was implicated in arobbery with murder which occurred inthe barrio of San Cristobal...Panong andthis lieutenant, after spreading that it:was they together with the administratorwho were responsible for my exile, goabout saying, aboveall the first, that theywill try to send Neneng [Rizal's sister] to

.Jolo and confiscate our property. [Letterof Manuel Hidalgo to Jose Rizal,Tagbilaran, Bohol, February 1, 1889 inEscritos de Jose Rizal: Tomo II: Corres­pondencia Epistolar: Libro Segundo:Cartas entre Rizal y el ProfesorFernandoBlumentritt: Segundo Parte (Edicion delCentenario; Manila: Comision Nacionaldel Centenario de Jose Rizal, 1961), 481;translation mine]

Another letter from a friend of Rizal's inCalambaanddatedJanuary 14, 1891, describedthe judge assigned to Calamba in the heat ofjudicial proceedings:

He was appointed at the instance of theDominicans so that when the latter suefor the eviction of an inqullino, theinquiline may lose even if he is on theright. This is why he does not wish tolisten to any motion for appeal nor doeshe want to grant any, reasoning that hisjudgment cannot be changed to matterwhere any countersuit may be lodged.The reason for this is that he has beenpaid and given a ricefield, twenty sacks

of rice grain for planting, and a plot ofgrassland, that came from poor people.He has warned the inquilinos thatwhoever is brought before him will lose,because one should not fight the friars,and he will be reduced to beggary. [Letterfrom Nicasio Eigsani to Jose Rizal,Colombo, January 14, 1891 in Escritosde Jose Rizal: TomoII: CorrespondenciaEpistolar: Libro Tercero: Cartas entreRizal y sus colegae de la Propaganda:Segundo Parte (Edicion del Centenario;Manila: Comision Nacional del Cente­nario de Jose Rizal, 1961), 608-609'translation mine]

This description is followed by one of the newcapitan municipal, no less a lackey of theDominicans. By 1891, to Rizal's eyes, it was notonly the friars and the Spanish government whowere the villains in the Calamba haciendatroubles: there were also the opportunisticFilipinos.

Rizal first describes such Filipinos in anarticle for the Solidaridad in 1889:

In every town there are twoparties takingshape: one, the educated, the inde­pendent, which is economically self­sufficient and without any need forsupport orpatrons, thirsty forjustice andpeace, the party full of reproaches for theexcesses and tyranny of certain classes,the party, finally, denounced by itsenemies as separatist, because they arecomposed ofself-respecting persons, andfrom whom genuine separatists willcome, if the baneful system followed upto the moment continues. The otherpartyis that of vagabonds, sowers of dissent,improperly called the party of the friarsbecause they obey and serve the lattersince they consider them a strongsupport, but for whom they professneither lovenor respectand of whom theywould be the worst enemies the day thefriars cease to be useful. [La verdad paratodos in Escritos de JoseRizal: Tomo VII:Escritospoliticos e historicos (Edicion delCentenario; Manila: Comision Nacionaldel Centenario de Jose Rizal, 1961), 93­94; translation mine]

1Z

In the following year, in an article writtenonce again for the Soli, he is more trenchantin his criticism:

The national spirit is beginning to emitits first cries; previously, there was onlythe sentiment for the family or tribe,hardly that for the region, which meantthat no senseless measure would elicitstrong protests from public opinion,except from those whose relatives wouldbe more or less directly harmed. When itcomes to the fatherland, each Filipinothinks: Let it solve things by itself, let itsave itself, let it protest, let it struggle; Idon't have to do anything, I don't haveto be the one to solve things; I haveenough with my own interests, mypassions and my caprices. Let others takethe chestnut from the fire, we will eatit later. [Como segobiernan las Filipinosin Escritos de Jose Rizal: Tomo VII:Escritospoliticos e historicos (Edicion delCentenario; Manila: Comision Nacionaldel Centenario de Jose Rizal, 1961), 285;·translation mine]

The definitive confirmation for Rizal of this newdiagnosis of Philippine society occurred at thebeginning of 1891, in his falling-out withMarcelo del Pilar, which eventually led toRizal's abandonment of all political activity andhis decision to return to the Philippines. Rizaldescribed that incident in a letter to Marceloten months later:

What a pity that the work on which thetwo of us were cooperating should havebeen split! I understand that deep insideyou hold me in esteem and I will alwayshold you in esteem, even more perhapsthan you believe, because in me allsentiments, all love, all hatred or allrancor are lasting, not to say eternal! Ihave this defect, I forgive but I forget withdifficulty, andjust as I do not forget thatyou were my first defender and my bestchampion, in the same way I alsoremember that you were the first rockwith which people tried to topple me!What a pity that we have not been ableto continue one beside the other, andsince I stood to a certain extent as the

J

lPolitical head, you wanted to overthrow,me in order to raise yourself and be the.ehie] ot all! But this is natural to the,human condition. [Letter from Jose Rizalto Marcelo H. del Pilar, Paris, October13, 1891 in Escritos de Jose Rizal: Tomo.II: Correspondencio Epistolar: LibroTercero: Cartas entre Rizal y sus colegasde la Propaganda: Segun da Parte(Edicion del Centenario; Manila:Comision. Nacional del Centenario deJose Rizal, 1961), 73; translation mine]

Rightly or wrongly, Rizal thought del Pilarwas likewise stained by self-interest.

It would be a mistake, however, to think thatP. Florentino's speech was the fruit exclusivelyof incidental events attending the Calambahacienda troubles and of Rizal's misunder­standing with del Pilar. As early as 1885, in aspeech written for a New Year's Eve party inMadrid, Rizal alluded disapprovingly to thefrivolous lifestyle of Filipino students two yearsearlier. In 1889 and 1890, Rizal receiveddisturbing reports of the reputation of Filipinosin Madrid as womanizers and gamblers andwrote letters to del Pilar urging him to dosomething about their countrymen.

In sum, the conclusions Rizal placed on P.Florentino's lips were the natural fruit, not somuch of the plot of the Filibusterismo, but of avery painful chapter in Rizal's own life. Duringthe first quarter of 1891, as he weathered thenervous breakdown he \\ as undergoing, he saw,with a clarity sharpened by suffering, that thetyrant-slave mentality which permeated muchof Philippine society had to be eliminated. Atthe root of this mentality was a blindness tothe dignity of the human person, somethingwhich civic education does not usuallyexamine.

What should we do today?

Rizal championed civic education. It is quiteclear at the end of the Fili that he saw this asthe solution to the problems of the Philippinesas a political society. Needless to say, hemaintained this opinion to the end of his life,as iis obvious in his open letter denouncing the

revolution. He was, however, no utopian. TheFili is quite clear that the transformation ofPhilippine society for the better, if Jit were rooccur, would take generations and require lUI

well the spilling of blood. The tyrant-slavementality, Rizal realized by the time oithe Fili,was not a creation of the friars, as he hadmistakenly thought when he wrote the Noli andhis annotations to Morga. It was somethingmuch deeper, ingrained in Philippine culture;hence, requiring the many generations it wouldtake to eliminate it. Given the depth of Rizal'sinsight, he did not restrict the martyrs requiredfor the transformation of Philippine society tomere victims of the struggles between Filipinosand foreign aggressors. He also saw the inevi­tability of the struggles between the Filipinosthemselves, and between those with the tyrant­slave mentality and those without it. We havehad such martyrs and their numbers areincreasing. Unfortunately, we have not yetbegun to sing their praises as a nation, withthe important exception, of course, of NinoyAquino. Rizal in fact saw himself as one suchvictim. In the private notes he prepared for hisdefense, he was quite bitter in his denunciationof the Filipinos who called the Liga Filipino arevolutionary society and identified him as themastermind of the revolution. He accused themquite simply of lying. Rizal was condemned todeath by a Spanish military court, but thesentence was pronounced on the strength of thetestimony of various Filipinos.

Why is the transformation of Philippine societytaking so long? One reason is poverty. In theprivate notes Rizal wrote for his defense,poverty is mentioned as an impediment togenuinely enjoying political freedoms. He statesthat to have political freedoms with nothing toeat is the same as to listen to speeches and fast.Poverty favors the two-tiered structure ofsociety, it favors the client mentality, whichwillingly gives up political freedoms to receivefood from the patron. The task of transformingthe Filipino people then cannot proceed withdispatch until a significant proportion of ourpeople is lifted above the poverty line. Aristotleavoids this problem by limiting democracy tothe upper tier of his own two-tiered society..This, of course, is impossible to do in thePhilippines today.

13

Another reason is that civic education is some­thing we saw earlier: it is attempting nothingless than a cultural transformation. Thedifficulty of such 8 task is something teachers,especially grade school and high schoolteachers, are very much aware of. The worldoutside the classroom is continually subvertingwhat is being taught. Sometimes the very schoolin which teaching is done engages in such asubversion. One way of course by which thecountry might hasten cultural transformationis through laws which prohibit acts thatobstruct cultural transformation or encouragethose which promote it. Yet, what is the Filipinopeople to do when the lawmakers themselvesare tainted by the very culture their laws shouldchange? And what can be said of the executorsof laws? Or of the judges who interpret laws?

The frustrating nature of the task at hand mayseem like standing up against somethinggenetic or against the fruit of centuries ofcultural brainwashing. At such moments ofdiscouragement one must remind oneself of thesuccess of many thousands, perhaps millions,of Filipinos abroad in societies radicallydifferent from ours. Their success informs usthat Filipinos can adjust to a totally differentculture and succeed within that culture. Webehave as we choose to. But precisely theproblem is that we choose to behave followingwhat the surrounding culture demands in orderto survive. In America we are ready to behavelike Americans because the situation sodemands it, and in the Philippines we behavelike Filipinos.

How can the vicious circle of culturally deter­mined behavior be broken? There are twoanswers, although neither will give quickresults.

The first answer comes from philosophy. In asense, civic education must persuade youngergenerations of Filipinos to be other than theirparents or grandparents are or ever were. Whatargument is there strong enough to persuadechildren to behave otherwise than theirparents? There is none other than one basedon ethical principles, on a clear philosophicalvision of what a human being is. This is, ofcourse, precisely the point of P. Florentino's

14

remark that Filipinos must be taught toappreciate the dignity of the individual and ofRizal's remark in his open letter to therevolutionaries that civic virtues are necessaryfor redemption. Civic education must be aneducation in ethics. This is a point Aristotlemade more than 2000 years ago. Aristotle 8S

well reminds us that loyalty to 8 politicalsociety, in contrast to loyalty to the family, isnot something innate, but learned. Ethicalprinciples are easy enough to grasp; it is theirapplication to concrete situations that isdifficult. New customs and traditions must beestablished.

The second way out of our cultural rut comesfrom the study of history. When Rizal describedthe transformation of Philippine society at theend of the Fili, one can see that he relied aboveall on the example given by the victims oftyranny. With this, Rizal sketched thesignificance to civic education of the study ofhistory. History represents the collectivememory of the race, and memory here servesthe purpose of guiding action in the present. Inthe task of civic education towards establishingnew customs and traditions, an importantsource of strength in doing so is the exampleshowed by Filipinos who have grasped themeaning of nationhood deeply. Thus far, theexamples being held up to us are of Filipinoswho opposed foreign invaders. There exists adearth of examples of Filipinos who haveopposed tyranny, and who have challenged anyand all aspects of our culture that oppose anauthentic understanding of nationhood. Thereis a need for an: honest history of thePhilippines, one that would show warts andblemishes and skeletons in the closet. Philippinehistory is cosmetieized, and has left un­mentioned the unpleasant. How many of ourstudents know that Graciano Lopez Jaenaseriously considered migrating to Cuba and didnot do so, probably only because he could notraise the necessary funds for his endeavor?How many know why Rizal eventually refusedto write for the Solidaridad? How many knowthat del Pilar died in poverty in Barcelona,abandoned by most of the Filipinos in Spain?How many know that Rizal was condemned todeath because of the testimony of fellowFilipinos? How many know that he wrote an

open letter against the revolution, and of thosewho know about it, how many have read thatIetter? How many know that the first majorattack of the Katipunan against the Spaniardswas delayed because Bonifacio overslept andfailed to give the signal at the hour agreedupon? How many know of Bonifacio's battlein which there were only some 30 survivorsfnom a group of more than 1300? How manyknow the battles lost by revolutionarieswhether against the Spaniards or against theAmericans? How many know of the possiblerole that Aguinaldo's mother played in theassassination ofAntonio Luna? How many knowdetails of Antonio Luna's arrogant behaviortowards his fellow army officers? How manyknow the circumstances of Bonifacio's death.How many know of the assembly Bonifaciosummoned in Naik? How many know thatMabini blamed Aguinaldo for the failure of thePhilippine Revolution? How many know thedetails of just how unprepared Filipinos forceswere against the Spaniards and the Americansan.d the price paid for this? How many knowwho pressed for the sale of friar lands andbenefited from it?

Why an uncosmeticized history of thePhilippines? Because what the cosmeticizinghistorians hide-the warts and blemishes,wrinkles and stains-are precisely the goldenoppcrtun.itias we have to learn from. Anuncosmeticized history of the Philippines is onewhich grabs controverted episodes by the horns.There is much to learn from the Rizal-del Pilardisagreement, Rizal's refusal to bless thePhilippine Revolution, RizaYs retraction, theTejeros Convention, the meeting at Naik, thetrial and execution of the Bonifacio brothers,and the assassination of Antonio Luna, tomention a few episodes which go unmentionedor are glossed over in history textbooks. Oftenwhat there is to learn in these episodes of ourhistory is precisely the existence of aspects ofour culture that need to be eliminated ortransformed. The study of a frank history of thePhilippines would also allow us to go about thetask of developing a civil society deliberately.At present, most if not all history textbooksuse the term Filipino as though it is a desig­nated ethnic group. In fact, the term Filipinodesignates a political community, in contrast

to the terms Tagalog, Sugbuhanon, Kalinga, or ­Tausug which designate ethnic groups. Thereis something deceptive then when historytextbooks refer to the peoples the Spaniards metin these islands as Filipinos. There is somethingequally deceptive about the commonplaceexplanation of three and a half centuries ofSpanish colonization, that is, that the Spaniardsdivided and conquered us. Division implies aprior unity and there was no unity amongPhilippine peoples before Spanish contact and

/

during practically the whole of Spanish rule inthe Philippines. In fact, the conceptualizationof unity sounded the death knell of Spanishsovereignty. It would make a difference if aFilipino student knows that the attempt to builda Filipino civil society is something completelynew in Philippine history, something thereforefor which there is no support from the past byway of customs and traditions. On the contrary,we may have values and attitudes inimical tothe establishment of civil society. The Filipinostudent then should be invited by civiceducation to look at this society critically andchange what needs to be changed. Fortunately,certain accidents of history are forcing us tomake an effort to understand clearly what aPhilippine civil society should mean. This is inreference to the incorporation of the Cordillerapeoples and the Mindanao Moslems into thebody politic. Their incorporation to Philippinecivil society means that we cannot define theFilipino by a common history and culture. Weare forced rather to define the Filipino by acommon goal, precisely the development of acivil society, the imp.lications of which are not,as yet, clearly projected.

Civic education has been successful in at leastone outstanding instance, where it hasinculcated in the Philippine peoples that theymake up a single nation. It is easy to beskeptical about such an achievement or todeprecate it. After the discussion regarding thenarrow concept many Filipinos have of thecommon good, it would seem that our sense ofbelonging to a single nation is hollow 01'

superficial. Yet, even granting that, the veryobvious way we all accept our belonging to theRepublic of the Philippines with its flag and itsnational anthem and its heroes is anachievement. This has become commonplace,

15

something taken for granted. Yet, a hundredyears ago, the idea was entirely new, not yetshared for the most part by people outside theTagalog provinces and Pampanga. Two hundredyears ago, the very idea of all Philippine peoplesforming a single nation was the farthest fromanyone's mind, and four hundred and fifty yearsago, eighteen years before Legaspi's arrival inPhilippine waters, the idea was utterly un­thinkable. In fact, what would have seemedmore probable to some impartial observer likethe Chinese merchants visiting Butuan,Sugbu, and Maynilad was the developmentof several independent nations on a string ofislands that would in time come to be knownas the Philippine Archipelago. The sense ofbelonging to a single political community,with all its present-day Iimitations, is anachievement.

The second thing that rises to the defense ofthe civic education we have received thus faris that the transformation of Philippinesociety is going on, slowly perhaps, but it isgoing on. Recall the denunciation of the sonof a Justice of the Supreme Court made bysecurity guards some weeks back for theformer's having maltreated them. Monthsback there was a similar case filed againstthe daughter of a popular actor by house­maids for the same reason. Consider theincreasing number of young girls denouncingthe sexual abuse they have received fromtheir father, grandfather, or a close relative.The mere fact, of course, that small groupsmeet and discuss civic education issues is asign that the transformation is going on...

. ~'~~.~~.......•.: .

16

The Philippine Demographic Transition:Implications for National Developmentand Identity'

ZELDA c. ZABLAN

The paper describes the growth ofPhilippine population from 1591 to 1995 andattempts to analyze the determinants and consequences 9fpopulation growth in

four periods: The Pre-colonial and the Spanish Colonial Eras, the AmericanPeriod, and the Philippine Republic. Development goals of the Philippine

Republic over the 19'14 to 1998 period are discussed in greater detail in relationto population growth and composition in an effort to analyze the population

perspective held by the leadership throughout the period. The analysis showsthat leadership efforts at regulating population growth was vigorously pursued

in the 19'10s but has lost momentum and direction in the late 1980s owing toreligious opposition and the lack ofpolitical will. However, there appears to be

an increasing effort in regulating population growth in the 1990s. ThePhilippine demographic transition is far from complete. The current means

adopted to achieve Philippine demographic objectives appear limited and callsfor the adoption of a sound population perspective that is shared and acted upon

by all sectors and citizens of the Philippine Republic.

Demographic perspective

In commemoration of our Centennial existenceas a nation, this paper takes this opportunityto look back at our demographic past and assessthe present status and future prospects of itsgrowth in an attempt to identify the demo­graphic aspects that need changing for theachievement of our national development goals.

Objectives. The paper has three objectives:

• to describe the growth of the Philippinepopulation, the determinants and conse­quences of such growth;

lPaper read during the International Conference 1898and 'lie World: Actor" and Contexte, Tran"i'ion" andTraM/ormation", held at the UP Diliman Campus on 9·11June 1998 under the sponsorship of the UP Lupon ngSentenaryo and the National Centennial Commission forCultue and the Arts. Dr. Zelda C. Zablan is with the UPPopulation Institute, College of Social Sciences andPhilosophy.

• to assess the perception of the leadership ofthis country of Philippine population growthand how this was taken into account in thespecification of our country's developmentobjectives; and

• to discuss the future prospects ofpopulationgrowth and how it might affect the achieve­ment of our national development goalsand in the strengthening of our nationalidentity.

To do this, we need to first discuss the Demo­graphic Transition Theory, to review thedemographic perspectives that developed overtime, and to understand our own demographictransition.

What is the Demographic Transition Theory?In the 1940s, the demographic transition wasmerely a picture of demographic change, not atheory. It was a paradigm used to describepopulation change in three stages, namely:

11

• Stage I. High Potential Growth: whereboth birth and death rates are high at thisstage.

• Stage II. Transitional Growth: charac­terized by high birth and declining deathrates, otherwise known as the Vital Revol­ution or the Demographic Revolution.

• Stage III. Incipient Decline: where thedeath rates are low and fertility continuesto decline to the point that populationbecomes stationery (Zero PopulationGrowth) and starts to decline in numbers.

Between the mid-1940s and the late 1960s rapidpopulation growth became a worldwide concern,and the demographic transition paradigmdeveloped from a mere description of events toa demographic perspective. From there itevolved into the full blown DemographicTransition Theory which purports to predictand to explain population processes.

Growth of Philippine population:1591-1995

Pre-Colonial Era. Traditional Filipino villagesusually occupied the narrow island coasts inpre-colonial times, influenced largely by Malay

sea migration into the country. Most of thesmall islands remained uninhabited, as thenative population was sparse. Most villageswere nothing more than 30 to 100 houses withpopulations ranging from 100 to 500 persons(plasencia, 1909 as cited in Perez, 1977). Therewas, however, a tremendous variation inbarangay size. Most communities rimming thenarrow coasts in the Visayas were merelyvillages of eight to ten houses. A handful ofgiants existed such as Manila with about 2,000inhabitants and Cebu following closely. Thesettlement of Cainta, located east of Manila,had 1,000 persons. Several agglomerations of700 to 1,000 persons were also reported inMindanao.

Spanish Colonial Era. From the time ofMagellan's voyage to these islands in 1521, thePhilippine population numbered to over two­thirds of a million (see Table 1). The firstpopulation estimate was derived from therecords of encomiendas who were authorizedto collect taxes from residents of the enco­mienda. It was estimated that each tax payer(tributo) had three dependents. Based on anaverage family size of four, a total of 667,612souls were registered in the Relacion' de lasEncomiendas in 1511. At the time of enume­ration, Spanish sovereignty was confined to the

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Figure 1. Philippine Population: 1591-2030 (In Millions)

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Iowlands of Luzon and the Visayas. Earlychroniclers estimated an additional 75,000 to1150,000 persons in the heavily forestedmountains of the islands north of Mindanao.

The war between Spain and Holland, forcedlabor, and the epidemics of cholera, smallpoxand influenza then raging the Islands severelyreduced the Philippine population such that by1655, the population was estimated at 510,000.

However, increments in the population were feltin succeeding years.

American Period. After Spain ceded thePhilippines to the Americans in 1898, thePhilippines became a protectorate of the UnitedStates of America and was administeredthrough a Governor General. The United Statesgovernment conducted three censuses: the firstin1903, the second in 1918 and the third in 1939.

Table 1. Philippine Population and Average Annual Rate of Growth: 1591-1995

Year Population Average AnnualCount Rate Growth (%) Remarks

1591 667,612 · Report of Gov. Gomez PerezDasmariiias to King Philip IIof Spain

1655 510,000 · War between Spain and Holland,forced labor and epidemics(cholera, smallpox, influenza)

IB77 5,567,685 · 1at Census mstructed byRoyal Decree under SpanishAdministration

1887 5,985,000 0.8 2nd Census instructed by RoyalDecree under SpanishAdministration

March 2, 1903 7,635,426 1.60 lot Census under theAmerican Administration

Dec. 31, 1918 10,314,310 1.90 2nd Census under the AmericanAdministration

Jan, 1, 1939 16,000,3032.19 3rd Census under the AmericanAdministration

Uct. I, UJ4H I9,~34, IH~ 1.9U 1at Census under the PhihppmeAdministration

Feb. 15, 1960 27,087,685 3.01 2nd Census under the PhilippineAdministration

May 6,1970 36,684,4862.95 3M Census under the PhilippineAdministration

May 1,1975 42,070,6602.74 4th Census under the PhilippineAdministration

May 1, 1980 48,098,4602.68 5th Census under the PhilippineAdministration

May 1, 1990 60.703,2062.33 6th Census under the PhilippineAdministration

Sept. 1, 1995 68,616,536 2.30 7th Census under the PhilippineAdministration

Note: Population growth rate was calculated using the exponential rate of growth formula.Sources: Perez (1977) for population estimates in 1591 and 1655; Regudo and Murphy (1966) for estimatesin 1877 and 1887; National Statistics Office for population counts in the 1903 to 1995 censuses.

19

In 1903, the Philippines had 7,635,426 in­habitants. It was growing at 1.6 percentannually on average over the 1887·1903 period.By 1918, the population reached 10,314,310 andwas growing at an annual rate of 1.9 percentbetween 1903 and 1918. The population enu­merated in the 1939 census was 16,000,303persons and showed a higher annual growthrate of 2.19 percent between 1918 and 1939.These increases in number over the 1918·1939period were due mainly to improved health andsanitation conditions through public healthmeasures which started in 1927, and toimproved nutrition resulting from increasedfood production, and to widespread educationof the people under the American admin­istration.

The outbreak of World War II in 1941 put thePhilippines at war with the Japanese, and theinternal conflict that characterized the waryears up to 1945 decimated the population andpresented a temporary setback on its growth.The American government gave the Philippinesits independence in 1946 and two years after, acensus was conducted.

Philippine Republic. The first census conductedunder the Philippine Republic was held in 1948and showed a total count of 19,234,182 personsrepresenting an average annual growth rate of1.9 percent between 1939 and 1948, a rate whichwas lower than the 2.19 percent rate of growthobserved between 1918 and 1939. Lorimer(1966) estimated the war losses to Filipinos inmilitary service or Japanese prisons camps tobe 110,000 deaths. Moreover, he estimated atotal of 182,000 Filipinos who had out-migratedmainly to-Hawaii and the continental UnitedStates.

The 1960 Census of the Philippine populationshowed a population size of 27,087,685 personsand an unprecedented rate of growth of 3.01percent between 1948 and 1960. This was thehighest population growth rate ever recordedin the country. This rapid rate of growth wasdue mainly to the reunion of broken familiesafter the war and to the continued high level offertility in 1960 of 6.49 children per woman (deGuzman, 1994). Moreover, the period 1948·1968saw the most rapid declines in mortality(Zablan, 1976).

20

The 1970 census enumerated 42,070,660persons in the Philippines with an averageannual growth of 2.95 percent between 1960 and1970. Fertility started to decline with eachwoman bearing 5.92 children in her lifetime in1970 (de Guzman, ibid). Mortality continued todecline at a moderate pace. Aside from rapidpopulation growth in that period, the develop­mental challenges were the high unemploy­ment (5·7%) and underemployment (16.2%)rates, inadequate infrastructure and tightbalance of payment situation which needed theexpansion of exports (Four Year DevelopmentPlan, 1974·77). Although the GNP was growingat 5.8 percent per year, income distribution waspoor. The oil crisis worldwide also brought aboutescalation in prices of prime commodities andexacerbated the already tight balance ofpayment problems. In view of the high rate ofpopulation growth in the past decade, the laborforce grew by 400,000 new entrants per yearwhich required the economy to generate morethan 450,000 new jobs. To curb rapid populationgrowth, the Philippine Population Program waslaunched in 1971 with a stress on fertilityreduction. The programs of government con­tained in the 1974·77 Four Year DevelopmentPlan consisted of Integrated Regional Projectswhich emphasized regional development andindustrialization. The implementation of landreform was pushed and cooperatives developed,both to promote a more equitable distributionof income. Martial Law was proclaimed in 1971to effect improvements in peace and order whichwere considered critical to sustained economicgrowth and development. Fertility declinedrapidly during the i- half of the decade from5.92 in 1970 to 5.20 children per woman in 1975.This was due to the increase in age at marriageand a rise in the proportion of couples usingcontraception in the late 1970s.

In 1980, the census count reached 42,070,660persons with an average annual growth rate of2.74 percent between the period 1970 and 1980.Fertility decline slackened showing the totalfertility rate (TFR) moving from 5.20 in 1975 to4.96 children per woman in 1980 (Figure 2).Mortality continued to decline but at ..slackening pace (Zablan, Ibid). The continuedgrowth in the labor force placed unemploymentat 5.2 percent and underemployment rate at10.7 percent in August 1976. GNP was growing

Figure 2. Total Fertility Rate (per WODlanJ 1960-1990

765432

1o

1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990

at 3 percent per year but had not alleviated theconditions of the urban and rural poor whocomprised more than hall of the total populationin the past 4 years. A few urban areas of moredeveloped regions continued to experience rapidmigration from the countryside of peopleseeking employment. This premature migrationmade urbanization more an aspect of povertythan a symbol of growth and resulted incongestion problems in urban areas. The rapidexpansion of human settlements and accele­rated development activities in agriculture,mining, forestry and manufacturing resulted inenvironmental problems such as soil erosion,floods and pollution which needed environ­mental protection measures. The 1978-1982Five- Year Development Plan with its goal ofpromoting social development and social justiceadopted the strategy of balanced agro­industrial growth. Industrial developmentwas to be pursued to complement agriculturaldevelopment. Development activities werespatially located in conformity with environ­mental standards. Human resources develop­ment was promoted through an educationalsystem that was relevant to the country'sdevelopment requirements. Population policywas vigorously pursued without prejudice to thehealth status and religious beliefs ofindividuals. Meanwhile, the Family PlanningProgram registered an increase in the currentuse of contraceptives from 15 percent in 1968,

17 percent in 1973, to 38 percent in 1978, amongcurrently married women (CMW) 15-44 years.Fertility decline over the 1975-1980 perioddecelerated with TFR estimated at 4.96 childrenper woman in 1980 from a 5.20 level in 1975.This was on account of the declining proportionsof couples practising contraception. By 1983,only 32 percent of CMW 15·44 were using familyplanning. The inability of the Family PlanningProgram to provide wider access to informationand services during this period was due in partto the growing number of women of repro­ductive age. This, in turn, as a result of theBaby Boom years of the 1950s and 1960s,effected a decrease in the mean age atmarriage from 24.4 years in 1975 to 23.3 yearsin 1980. The fmancial crisis experienced overthe 1975·1980 period affected all sectoralprograms including the health, family planningand nutrition sectors.

The major challenges that faced the Philippinesin the latter part of the 1980s after Martial Lawand during' the Aquino administration (1986·1992) was the economic and financial crisiswhich began in 1983. This later put 59 percentof the Filipino families by 1985 below thepoverty line. The persistent problems ofpovertyand income inequality, unemployment andunderemployment, urban-rural and regionaldispatities in economic opportunities, andstructural inefficiencies that contributed to low

and negative growth rates in GNP, led theAquino government to direct its efforts atpoverty alleviation. Thus, the Medium-TermPhilippine Development Plan: 198'1-1992 wasprincipally directed towards the alleviation ofpoverty, generation of more productive employ­ment, promotion of equity and social justice, andthe attainment of sustainable economic growth,together with the reduction of populationgrowth. The previous fertility reductionrationale of family planning was subjected tointense criticism. One of the most vocal was awell-organized group supported by some leadersofthe Catholic Church hierarchy, which calledfor the dismantling of the Philippine FamilyPlanning Program (Herrin and Costello, 1996).By 1990, the population census enumerated60,703,206 persons and placed the averageannual rate growth at 2.33 percent between1980 and 1990. The MTPDP: 1987·1992 stipu­lated the strengthened promotion of familyplanning in the context of reproductive health.The Aquino administration's Population Policywas to continue to promote the attainment ofsmall family size on a voluntary basis and areduce population growth rate aligned withreplacement fertility! level by 2010. The Policywas, however, ambiguous on how fertilitypreferences will be modified. Family welfarewas to be enhanced through the promotion ofsmall families and responsible parenthood andthis was to be achieved through the improve­ment of maternal and child health and theinculcation of small family size norms toadolescents but not to couples of reproductiveage. Meanwhile, the total fertility rate in 1991was estimated at 4.1 children per woman andthe mean desired number of children was 3.1(NDS, 1993). The MTPDP: 1987-1992 adoptedthe principle that health is a fundamentalhuman right and that adequate nutrition andwell-spaced children are important pre­requisites to good health. Thus, the familyplanning program became essentially a healthprogram with the primary goal of improving thehealth of mother and child. Consequently, theNational Family Planning Program's leadershipwas transferred from POP COM to the Depart-

·Connotes that all women in the population wouldexpect to bear two children on average, which would includeonly one daughter to replace her. By that time the crudebirth rate shall have fallen to around 18 births per 1,000population.

22

ment of Health in 1988. Meanwhile, theproportion of couples currently using a familyplanning method rose by a mere 4 percent, from32 percent in 1983 to 36 percent in 1988 and to40 percent in 1993.

With the restoration ofthe country's democraticinstitutions as a result of the 1986 EDSARevolution, the Ramos administration (1992.1998) set out to transform the country into anewly industrialized nation. Over the period1986·1991, the Philippine gross domesticproduct (GDP) was growing at a very modestrate of 1.3 percent per year, the lowest in South­east Asia at that time. The major challengesfacing the Philippine society was the continuinghigh level of poverty incidence which wasestimated at 44.2 percent in1985, 40.2 percentin 1988 and 40.7 percent in 1991. The distri­bution of income continued to be inequitablewith half of the country's total income flowingto the richest 20 percent of the population.Rapid population growth posed as a continuingconstraint to raising the income per person.Moreover, the degradation of the environmentaccompanied high population density not onlyin urban areas but also in environmentallycritical areas such as shore-lines and hillsidesas pressure of increasing numbers continued tomount. The vision of the Medium TermPhilippine Development Plan: 1992-1998 waspeople empowerment which was anchored onthe strategies of: (1) developing humanresources; (2) attaining international competi­tiveness; and (3)pursuing sustainable develop.ment. This was popularly known as ThePhilippines 2000 'program of the Ramosadministration. The goals of the Plan were toenable the majority of the population to meettheir minimum basic needs (MBN); to providebasic services to the disadvantaged sectors; toharness the productive capacity of the country'shuman resource base towards global eompeti­tiveness; and to promote a balance amongpopulation, resources and environment toensure sustainable development. Under thisPlan, population concerns were integrated inall social and economic development efforts.Family planning was embedded in povertyalleviation and employment generation effortssuch as direct public resources targetted at dis­advantaged regions and specific poor groups(e.g. Social Reform Agenda). Thus, the Ramos

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administration supported the key populationpolicy goal of reducing fertility more vigorouslythan the Aquino administration by making thepolicy of fertility and population growthreduction and the role of family planningcontext explicit. However, the burden ofreducing fertility in the MTPDP: 1992-1998 stillappears to be borne almost entirely by theNational Family Planning Program rather thanby a broader range of development activities(Herrin and Costello 1996).

The 1995 Census gave a count of 68,616,535people with an average annual growth rate of2.3 percent between the 1990-1995 period. Witha total fertility rate (TFR) of 4.1 children perwoman in 1991, it is not likely that the TFRtargetted in the MTPDP: 1992-1998 of 3.2children per woman by 1998 will be achieveddue to the lack of specificity on how fertilitypreferences are to be modified. At best, theNational Family Planning Program can beexpected to serve the 26.2 percent of couples in1993 with Unmet Need for family planningservices (i.e., those who want no more childrenbut are not using a contraceptive method).Unless the population policy is coordinated withother development policies in health, education,housing and employment as the country

proceeds to develop socio-economically, it is notlikely that the fertility preferences of couplesestimated at 3.1 children in 1993 would change.

Extant Philippine Demographic Perspectives.Using the Demographic Transition Theory as aheuristic approach to explain demographicevents of births and deaths, and connectingthese trends with changes in the economic andsocial situation, we shall attempt to analyze thePhilippine demographic transition. As stated atthe outset, the theory is closely linked withmodernization. Thus; the discussion that followswill largely dwell on the causes and effects ofmodernization and the role of population inmodernization.

During the Pre-colonial and Spanish ColonialEras, the growth of the Philippine populationwas kept at a low level of around one percentper year. The period prior to the 15'11 and up tothe 18'hcentury was characterized. by economicstagnation resulting from merchantilismthrough the exclusive trade relations thatexisted between Manila and Acapulco. With thelast departure of the Manila-Acapulco galleonin 1815, merchantilism effectively ended withthe opening of Manila to foreign vessels at theend of the 18'hcentury. Conspicuous economic

29

and social development took place from 1780onwards such that some scholars insisted theuse of the number five generally as the multi­plier for each tribute in estimating populationsize since this brought the figure very close tothe 1903 census count (Corpus 1966). Through­out the 15~ to the 18~ century, epidemics ofcholera, smallpox and influenza ravaged thepopulation at intermittent intervals. Moreover,the last quarter of the century was strewn withpolitical events and violent incidents whichaffected Filipinos at all levels. This kept thepopulation from growing rapidly.

The greatest contribution to population growthof the American period (1903-1946) was in theareas of public health and education. In 1927,the Philippine Public Health Program wascreated which consisted of the construction ofdeep wells and toilets, the conduct of massvaccinations and the setting up ofhospitals andclinics. This brought the level of mortality downand prevented epidemics from ravaging thepopulation. The introduction of the PublicSchool Syste,,{ in the same period has broughteducation to the easy reach of the masses.Particularly for females, increasing educationdelayed their entry to marital unions, madethem more receptive to new ideas and inform­ation, and allowed them to participate moremeaningfully in economic pursuits and socialactivities. Higher education invariably reducesfertility since it gives women alternatives tochildbearing. Increases in education have not,however, been effectively translated intofertility decline, as can be seen in Figure 4. Thecrude birth rate remained high at around 50 to55 births per 1,000 population over the 1903­1948 period indicating that fertility was notaffected by improvements in education. Thecrude death rate started to decline from 39deaths per 1,000 population in 1903 to 27 in1939, probably as a result of improvements inhealth services, sanitation and mass education.

The outbreak of World War II temporarilyhalted the improvements in the birth and deathrates. The war losses raised the crude death rateto 37 per 1,000 population in 1948 and thecrude birth rate rose to 56 births per 1,000population.

14

The peace and order that prevailed after WorldWar II improved the socio-economic conditionsof the population. Death rates plunged to lowlevels of around 10per 1,000population between1960 and 1970. The rapid decline in mortalitywas accompanied by a slow decline in fertility.By 1960, the crude birth rate was estimated at46 births per 1,000 population, declinedmodestly to 44 by 1965 and to 39 by 1970. Thepopulation censuses conducted in 1948, 1960and 1970 showed that the population wasgrowing at around three percent in the period1948-1960 and 1960-1970. This implied that thepopulation could double in 23 years. The stablehigh fertility and rapidly declining mortalityrates experienced during this period produceda young population age structure where over40 percent consisted of individuals 0 to 14 yearsof age. This meant that for every person in theworking ages of 15 to 64, almost one person isdependent on him, or a dependency burden ofaround 83 percent. Starting from 1960, thePhilippines may be considered to be at the earlypart of the second stage of the DemographicTransition which was characterized by a periodof explosive growth.

Several countries around the world shared theexperience of a rapid rate of population growthafter World War II. The 1960 world censuswhich was sponsored by the United Nationsshowed that poor countries were growing at arate of around 3 percent per year, while the richcountries were growing at 1 to 1.5 percent peryear. Rapid population growth was at that timeconsidered to be a hindrance to the achievementof a country's socio-economicdevelopment goals.By 1969, the world leaders, including PresidentMarcos, signed the United Nations Declarationon Population which emphasized the need forGovernments to recognize population problemsas a key element in long-range planning. ThePhilippine Population Commission (POPCOM)was established in 1971 to coordinate the formu­lation of policies and programs relative topopulation. The amendment to the 1939Philippine Constitution in 1972 also included aprovision that placed on the State the respon­sibility of maintaining population levels condu­cive to national development. The POPCOMwasattached to the National Economic and

Development Authority (NEDA) in 1972 tofacilitate POPCOM's role in coordinatingpopulation activities.

It should be noted that despite the full mandatebestowed on agencies to regulate populationgrowth, the population in 1980 was still growinga1l; 18 high rate of 2.7 percent per year, and the1995 census showed this to have declined slowlyto 2.3 percent per year. The total fertility rate(TFR) which was estimated at 6.5 children perwoman in 1960 declined to 4.1 children in199!.Part of the reason for the sluggish decline inthe population growth rate is the continuingimprovements in mortality and the preferenceamong Filipino couples for a large family sizewhich was estimated at 3.1 in the 1993 NationalDemographic Survey.

The trends in the birth and death rates at thebeginning of the 20th century appear to indicatethat Stage II of the Philippine DemographicTransition which began in1918 (see Figure 4)was temporarily halted by the outbreak. ofWorldWar II. Death rates started to decline in 1918,at first at a slow pace and then accelerated inthe immediate post-World War II period.However, the birth rate decline occurring afterWorId War II did not match the rate of declinein the death rate leaving the population to growat well over two percent up to the 1980s. Thesluggish decline in the Philippine birth rate in

the 1980s was often a subject of discussion inthe international arena. Comparisons weremade with Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia andSouth Korea whose family planning programssucceeded in reducing fertility levels just abovereplacement. Why has the Philippine FamilyPlanning Program which began in the 1970sas other programs in Southeast Asia notsucceeded in reducing fertility? Most observethat the Philippines has a high level of literacyeven among the women. The Philippine FamilyPlanning Program adopted similar strategiesas its Southeast Asian neighbors in expandingthe program reach to the rural poor couples,was multi-sectoral in its implementation,broadened its scope to include women's healthconcerns, and yet the use of contraceptives didnot prosper. As shown in Figure 3, the highestuse of the more effective modern methods grewat a slow pace starting at two percent beforethe program began and reaching only to a levelof 24 percent in 1993, while Thailand andIndonesia reached a level of 44 and 47 percent,respectively in 1993. It was conjectured thatreligion or the Catholic teachings, which wereagainst the use of modern contraceptivemethods, may be the reason for low contra­ceptive use levels. Yet, all demographic andother surveys hardly showed religion orreligiosity to be a strong determinant of contra­ceptive practice.

60.,.----------------------------:

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Figure 4. Estimated Rates ofBirthI Death and Natural Increase,Philippines 1903-1990

1903 1918 1939 1948 1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1905 1990

What then is preventing fertility from decliningthe way they have in other countries? Povertyis one probable reason. Since World War II, thePhilippines has experienced just a very briefperiod of economic prosperity, particularly inthe 1970s when GNP per capita was growing at5.8 percent per year. Yet this growth in incomewas not well distributed. There was progressin health, but some sectors (rural, lowlyeducated, farm workers) did not gain benefits.This probably caused them to follow theirtraditional ways of life, and in fact did little inincreasing the effective demands for healthcare. The persistent backwardness of thesesectors of the population probably retardedsocial and economic integration. Fertilitystarted to decline through increases in age atmarriage. However, marital fertility increasedundoubtedly due to improvements in health.

The development plans reviewed earlier showedthat in the period 1974.1977, regionalization,land reform and the development of coopera­tives were the centerpiece programs of thegovernment to improve income distribution.This was followed in 1978·1982 by the govern­ment thrust towards balanced agro-industrialdevelopment. The growth in GNP per capitawhich was placed at 5.8 percent per year in 1975declined to 3.0 percent in 1980. There wasmismanagement and abuse of power in the lastfew years of Martial Law to the point that by1985, GNP growth was negative and 59 percentof Filipino families fell below the poverty line.Although family planning use increased to 38percent in 1978, this declined to 32 percent by1983 on account of the inability of the govern­ment to provide financial assistance to theFamily Planning Program. Most importantly ata time when a big group of women of repro­ductive age resulting from the baby boom in thepost-World War II period needed familyplanning services.

Poverty, income inequality, unemployment andstructural inefficiencies were the problems thatthe Aquino government inherited such thatpoverty alleviation was its centerpiece program.This is perhaps the most significant develop­ment in population in this era of our history.In a way, it reduced the importance of populoation growth in national planning with the

26

adoption of the perspective development is thebest contraceptive (UN 1975) and of the principleof Christian sexual ethics increase and multiply.Strongly influenced by the Catholic hierarchy,the Aquino administration's population policywas diametrically opposed to the aggressiveposture of the Marcos administration in curbingrapid population growth. The broadening ofpopulation concerns was seized by the leader­ship as an opportunity to render ambiguousefforts to reduce fertility by pursuing familyplanning for its health objective. Although thisis not necessarily bad in itself, it has removedthe urgency of regulating population growth asa prerequisite to the achievement of thecountry's developmental objectives. In effect,the government has taken our current fertilitybehavior as a given and relied on improvementin income to reduce fertility preference andpromote fertility regulation behavior. This isevident from the fact that the MTPDP 1987­1992 reflected a delay in the achievement ofreplacement fertility from year 2000 in the1974-78 Plan to year 2010 which will bring thepopulation count of 91,851,266 persons.

The Ramos administration, conscious of theimplications that rapid population growthimposes on the economy and society placedstronger emphasis in the MTPDP: 1992·1998on population growth rate regulation. The Planintegrated population concerns in all social andeconomic development efforts and embeddedfamily planning in poverty alleviation andunemployment generation efforts especially ofthe poor groups. However, the Population Billwhich aims to strengthen the integration ofpopulation concerns in all socio-economic andenvironmental development efforts of thecountry has not been supported by the leader­ship and has been shelved by the last Congress.The lack of urgency placed on the populationissue by the leadership of this country can havegrave implications on the quality of life ofFilipinos in the 21 0t millennium. Shouldpopulation growth be left to stabilize in 2020,there will be 105,509,325 persons in thePhilippines. Alternatively, if we delay stabili­zation by another decade more, there will be124,383,044 persons in this archipelago by 2030(Medium Assumption of NSO Projections 1997).In 1995, the Philippines had a density of 196

persons per square kilometer, With thesepopulation prospects in the next millennium,we shall witness a density of 262 persons persquare kilometer should population stabilize in2010. This density shall have increased to 301persons per square kilometer if stabilizationwere to be achieved by 2020, and to 358 personsper square kilometer by 2030. The choice madefrom these options will certainly determine thequality of life of Filipinos in the nextmillennium.

On the economic aspect, we observe that thegrowth of our informal sector or the under­groutul economy has shielded us from thevagaries of the world economic crisis, parti­cularly the most recent Southeast Asianeconomic crash. Our stable undergroundeconomy may be considered a response to theinability of our economy to absorb the growingnumber of the unemployed but it cannot berelied upon to contribute to capital formationand to the expansion of productive employment.As long as fertility remains high and as long asthe pressure on land resources persists, it wouldbe difficult to raise productivity. There is a needfor a speedy decline in fertility to stimulateeconomic development. Economic developmentpresupposes that new and more efficienttechnologies are introduced that are suitablefor raising labor productivity along with totaloutput. Unfortunately, the popularly held viewin this country is that economic developmentwill automatically regulate population growth.To contain population pressure, the governmenthas promoted out-migration by sending ourbetter educated and able-bodied workers foroverseas employment. The leadership admitsthat this is only a stop-gap measure since theadverse consequences of these movements to thefamily are well recognized. However, unlessfertility declines to replacement levels, ourefforts to increase productivity will be negatedby the increase in child dependency in ourpopulation.

Conclusion

The lack of political will to support populationgrowth rate regulation has been based on themistaken notion that the catholic hierarchy caninfluence the voting behavior of people. Therecently concluded 1998 elections have shownotherwise.

The thrust of poverty alleviation of all presi­dents in the past and present administrationsis laudable, but without a determined effort atcurbing population growth, achievement ofeconomic development and improvement in thequality of life of Filipinos will be made difficult,if not impossible.

The incoming administration's resolve toimprove agricultural productivity is a step inthe right direction, but better results can comeabout ifpop ulation growth was regulated sincea slowly growing population allows theleadership more time to make the necessaryec...nomic adjustments.

Postponing the achievement of populationstability could jeopardize our developmentalgoals and could dampen our pride and sense ofnational identity. Let us not forget how theeconomic crash experienced during the Post­Marcos years caused such a reduction.

We at the academe who are more theoreticallycapable of understanding the implications ofrapid population growth on human developmentand national identity must take part in arousingthe complacency of our leadership in takingmore serious and sustained measures atregulating population growth. Individually, wecan help in this endeavor by reproducingresponsibly and rearing our children to be thehope of our fatherland. The time to act is now.Tomorrow may be too late...

21

References

Corpuz, Onofre D. 1996. Discussions on the paper by M.B. Concepcion entitled Demographk Factors in eMPhilippine Developmene in 1- Conference on Population 1966, UP Press, Q.C. pp. 94-95.

De Guzman, Eliseo A. 1994. Fereiliey and MorroWy in ehe Philippines: Estimates from Recent Data, inHerrin, A. H. (ed.) Population Human Resource. and Development, UP Center of Integrativeand Development Studies, Vol. I, pp. 191-278.

De Plasencia, Juan, O.S.F. 1909. Cuetome of the Tagalogs, Manila: October 1589, in Blair, E.H. and J.A.Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. The Arthur H. Clark Co., Cleveland, Vol. 7, pp. 173­198.

Herrin, A.H. and M.P. Costello. 1996. Population Change and Public Policy in the Philippina, a DiscuaaionPaper (mimeo), April.

National Statistics Office. 1997. 1995·Based National and Regional Population Projection. (1995-2040),Conference proceedings on Long-term Planning Research and Development Project.

Perez, Aurora E. 1997. The Growth of Population in M.B. Concepcion (ed.) The Population of thePhilippine., Population Institute, Manila.

Regudo, Adriana and Edmund M. Murphy. 1969. The Philippine Population in the Seventie., in M.B.Concepcion (ed.) Philippine Population in the Seventie., Community Publishers, Ine., Manila.

Republic of the Philippinea 1973. Four-Year Development Plan FY 1974-77.__ 1977. Five-Year Development Plan, 1978-1992.__ 1986. Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan, 1987-1992.

__ 1993. Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan, 1993-1998.

United Nations. 1975. The Population Debated: Dimension and Perapeeflves, papers in the WorldPopulation Conference, Bucharest, 1974, New York, New York.

Zablan, Zelda C. Evaluation of Existing Mortality Estimates: Philippines, 1902-1973 Research Note No.82, UP Population Inatitute (under the PREPF Project 1975-1978).

21

The Ethnic Chinese in the Philippine Revolution!

TERESITA ANG SEE

This paper attempts to reveal the hitherto little known fact that, in significantpolitical events in Philippine history, particularly in the revolution againstSpain and the United States, the Chinese had not stayed merely as neutral

bystanders. In fact, the ethnic Chinese had directly participated in therevolution and had been involved and committed in various aspects of the

Filipinos' fight against the shackles ofcolonial tyranny.

Face to face with threats, oppression andpersecution of the Spaniards, the Chineselaunched a series of revolts and uprisings inmuch the same manner as Francisco Dagohoy'srevolt in Bohol, Gabriela Silang's in Ilocos, andthe Trece Martires in Cavite. The Chinese-ledrevolts, however, should also be included in thepages of Philippine history as part of thestruggles of the inhabitants of the Philippinesagainst their cruel colonial masters during thattime. All these revolts should be taken togetheras the Filipinos' common struggle for indepen­dence and freedom from colonial rule.

Early Chinese revolts against Spain

1. P'an Ho Wu's revolt against GovernorDasmariiias. The first folk hero of thePhilippines is Lapu-Lapu, who in 1521, led thefirst anti-Spanish revolt and killed the con­queror Ferdinand Magellan. P'an Ho Wu, thus,can be aptly called a Chinese and Filipino folkhero, for having led the more than 250conscripted Chinese galley rowers to mutinyagainst the ship captain, Governor GeneralGomez Perez de Daamarifias. I

IThis paper is a shortened version of a 50.page research.tudy presented during the International Conference onPhili.ppine Revolution at the Manila Hotel in August 1996.The author is the Executive Trustee of Kaisa HeritageCenter.

lMilagros C. Guerrero. The Chinese in the Philippines.1570-1170 and Rafael Bernal. The Chinese Colony in Manila.1570-1'170. in Felix Alfonso. ed. The Chinese in thePhiHppinea. 1570-1770. Vol. I (Manila: SolidaridadPublishing House. 1966). pp. 15-66.

Seventy-two years after the death of Lapu­Lapu, in mid-1593, the ambitious Don GomezPerez de Dasmarinas mounted an expedition toconquer the rich Moluccas in present dayIndonesia for the Spanish crown. Needing mento row for the four fine galleys which he built,he ordered the Filipino slaves of some chieftainsto be bought at two gold coins apiece.

The slaves were hardly enough for three galleys,hence for the flagship, the governor orderedthat 250 Chinese be drafted. The Ming DynastyAnnals recounted that since the rowers wereuntrained, they could not synchronize theirstrokes for the precision-rowing that a galleyswift for pursuit or attack, required. The rowerswere thus flogged brutally, kept at their oarswithout rest and with little food, so that in thefirst days alone, several died.

P'an Ho Wu, the leader, on learning that theship was actually on a military expedition toconquer the Moluccas, thought that they woulddie anyway. He knew that their deaths wouldcome from either the atrocious conditions in theship or from their being fed as cannon-fodderin a battle that was not even their own. Workingwithin the vision that in this particular battlefor the Moluccas, they ought to have a chanceof saving themselves, P'an Ho Wu passed achallenge to his comrades. He asked them,Should we submit to scourging unto death andsuffer an ignominious death ofthis kind? Ought

29

we not rather die fighting and try to save ourlioest"

That night, when the Spaniards were asleep,the rowers struck and killed the Spanishsoldiers, with an assault that can only bedescribed as swift, bloody and deadly. This up­rising against the Governor General, therefore,can also be considered as one of the manyPhilippine revolts against the repression andabuses of the colonizers in the more than 300years of Spanish rule. This mutiny planted theseeds of distrust, hatred and suspicion, almostto the point of panic, in the minds of theSpaniards. The son of Governor Gomez, LuisPerez de Dasmarifias, took over as Governorand avenged his father's death by causing themassacre of 23,000 out of 25,000 Chinese in thecountry in 1603.

There were at least six incidents of massacre ofthe immigrant Chinese in the more than 300years of Spanish rule in the Philippines. Thesemassacres, like those in 1603, 1639, 1662, 1686and 1762, were also called Chinese uprisingsin historical chronicles. In truth, the massacreswere in retaliation against the Chinese whorebelled against Spanish oppression.

2. Revolt of the Chinese in Calamba. The1639 massacre, particularly, was carried out toquash a people's revolt against the Spanishcolonialists that arose out of the harshtreatment and persecution of the conscriptedChinese laborers who were forced to open upthe frontiers of Calamba, Laguna to cultivaterice. When food production fell due to theSpanish pre-occupation in conquering newlands, the Spanish Governor, Hurtado deCorcuera, used force to send several thousandsof Chinese tradesmen from Manila to cultivatethe public lands near Calamba, a virtual deathtrap due to infestation with malarial mos­quitoes. In the first months alone, more than300 settlers died, painfully ravaged by malarialfever.

'Ming Annals, Vol. 323, translated by Fr. MatthewChen, O.P. in Felix Alfonso, ed., Ibid. Also see Charles J.McCarthy, S.J., The High Price ofPrejudice, in McCarthy,ed., Philippine-Chinese Integration (Manila:Pagkakaisa sa Pag-unlad, Inc., 1971), pp. 83·102.

30

The alcalde-mayor or protector of these Chineserice planters, Don Luis Arias de Mora, exactedland-rent from them without pity, and boughttheir rice at low prices of his own fixing.Historians describe Arias as heartless,extortionate and thoroughly given to officialrobbery. Driven to desperation, the settlersarmed themselves with crude bolos, fire­hardened bamboo poles and makeshift farmimplements as weapons and attacked the townof Calamba on November 20, 1639. Arias waskilled and the 3,000 strong land-tillers set outfor Manila.(

It was, in effect, a bid for survival by corneredmen. Peasants in China had a tradition ofstaging several such revolts under severaldynasties when tyrants oppressed them beyondwhat people could bear."

The revolt (called premeditated treason orrebellion in Spanish accounts) flared up andquickly spread to neighboring towns due to thepanic of the Spaniards who used their armedsoldiers to fire their arquebus and cannons onhapless and unarmed Chinese. The Spaniardsset the Chinese's houses afire and pursued themto San Mateo, Calamba, Taytay, Antipolo,Cainta and Bocaue. Governor Corcuera wasbent at exterminating the Chinese and carriedout wholesale and deliberate slaughter of theChinese in Cavite and Pampanga. In Cavite,more than a thousand Chinese who took refugeinside a church, were rounded up and delibe­rately taken out by tens and beheaded. TheChinese tried to fight back for survival's sakebut there was no contest against the cannonsand fire power of the Spaniards.

Chinese sources recorded more than 35,000killed and an account found in a manuscript atthe Real Academia de la Historia in Madriddescribed the event as a sickening record ofslaughter, not just in battle, but in a cold­blooded, deliberate and systematic butchery ofunarmed men. The Parian was burned, and the

4McCarthy, S.J., The Slaughter ofthe Sanllley. m1639,in McCarthy, ed., Ibid., pp. 103·112.

aSee as reference, Vincent Y.C. Shih, The TaipinllIdeology (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967),pp.352.

Cihineseresidents, including house-servants,Wlere all killed and the merchandise eitherlooted or burned.

As can be seen from the above account, thehistory of the Chinese in the Philippines duringSpanish times, just like the history of theFilipinos then, was one written in blood andtears. The six massacres claimed more than ahundred thousand lives. The series of massexpulsions, the restrictions in movementthrough the travel pass, the excessive taxation,the legal discrimination and persecution, abuseslike forced labor and other anti-Chinese racistpolicies of the colonial government broughtuntold sufferings, oppression, and humiliationto the Chinese immigrants."

3. Limahong uprisings. Another threatagainst Spanish rule was the one waged late in1574 by Limahong. Outlawed by the Chineseemperor for rebellion against the imperialmandate, Limahong sailed for the Philippines.With 62 war junks, 2,000 soldiers, 2,000seamen, 1,500 women, agriculturists, artisansand shiploads of household goods and supplies,he set out to find for himself a place to relocatehis people. He entered Manila Bay and wasrepulsed by Salcedo and his soldiers, forcing himto retreat to Pangasinan. The Spaniards laid asiege on their fort and blockaded their suppliesforcing Limahong to escape through a canalleading to the sea. The lack of channels ofcommunication between the Spanish autho­rities and Limahong exacerbated the fear andsuspicion of the Spaniards who jumped to theconclusion that Limahong was out to invade thePhilippines and take over the colony fromthem."

4. The Koxinga threat. The atmosphere offear and distrust of the Spaniards against theChinese spawned other smaller uprisings likethose of 1662 and 1686. In 1662, Koxinga, theChinese pirate-patriot conquered Formosa fromthe Dutch. The Spaniards, fearing an invasionfrom Koxinga, disarmed the non-ChristianChinese and ordered Spanish soldiers and all

8Felix Alfonso, op.cit."McCarthy, ,S.J., op.cit.

available troops to be concentrated in Manila.Residents were forced to dig ditches and fill upbreastworks. The Governor-General, Manriquede Lara, ordered all Chinese in the cities or inthe provinces to be confined within the Binondo­Parian interment zone for fear that they willassist Koxinga's threatened attack. The Chineseresidents, seeing the warlike preparations,feared that another massacre was being plan­ned. A demonstration of the Parian residentsbefore the city gate was mistaken by thegarrison for a general uprising and theSpaniards shelled the entire quarter with about9,000 residents. Many tried to escape, somewere drowned, while others hanged them­selves. About 2,000 rose in arms to protectthemselves but were all killed with the help ofPampangueiio forces. Koxinga, however, neverinvaded Manila."

5. The Tingco revolts, 1686. Another minoruprising was led in 1686 by Tingco, a fugitivefrom law, and his band of robbers. Theyattacked and looted the house of Pedro deOrtega, the alguacil mayor and the house ofCaptain Don Diego Vivien, the alcade-mayor ofthe Parian. Tingco and his eleven companionswere hanged and quartered. What was in realitya robbery by desperate men who wanted to raiseenough funds to go back home to China, wasblown up by rumors to the dimension of arebellion and conspiracy. As a result, manyChinese were innocently killed as a lesson inpayment for the death of the Spaniards."

6. The Sulu revolts, 1773. Another exampleto illustrate the Chinese participation in theFilipinos' struggle against colonial rule was inSulu in 1773. There were 4,000 Chinese im­migrants who helped and supported the nativesof Jolo in their struggle against Spain. Thesupport came in the form of an organizedcontingent that fought the Spaniards side byside with the Muslims. These 4,000 Chinese im­migrants in Jolo were actually expelled by orescaped from the atrocities of Spanish autho­rities in Manila in 1758.10

aMcCarthy, ,s.J., op.cit.9McCarthy, ,s.J., op.cit.lOBlair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493­

1898, Vol. 50 (Cleveland: Arthur Clark Co., 1903), p. 44.

31

Even during the 1896 revolution, the Chinesewere not spared from Spanish rampage anddestruction. One example of Spanish atrocity isdescribed in the Historical Record ofBig EventsOutside China [in Chinese] edited by Qi JianSeng. The account, as culled from the May 1896issue of the Star Paper in Lu Zuo Huei, reportedthe arrival in Cebu of a Spanish militaryexpedition sent to quell the Cebu revolts asfollows:11

The Cebu ethnic Chinese suffered a greattragedy. The Spanish Governor Generalordered the soldiers to torch all the nativehouses. The Chinese stores werecompletely gutted. However, all the othermerchants of other nationalities wereprotected by their consults with theexception of the Chinese who had noprotection at all. They ran hither andthither, each one trying his own escape.Some died in the fire, some died from theenemies'fire pouier,and some werekilledoutright by the soldiers. The whole town'sChinese residents numbering almost 900people perished, with only two who wereable to escape. I could hardly bear to readthe accounts of such a tragic massacre.[Translated from Chinese]

Whether it was P'an Ho Wu's mutiny againstGovernor Dasmariiias or the Chinese uprisingin Calamba, they were just like the hundredsof spontaneous and sporadic Filipino uprisingsbefore the 1896 national revolution. They mayhave been isolated, localized or parochial andwere therefore limited in effect compared to thenational revolution led by the entire populationto achieve independence, but they were allcarried out as part of the resistance againstcolonial domination and abuses. Added together,these small pockets of regional revolts sparkedthe flame that lighted the national conflagrationleading to the final revolution that ended theSpanish rule. In the same vein, all the otherChinese uprisings were also part of this longhistory of revolts that finally led to Philippineindependence.

llQi Jian Seng, ed., Hi.dorical Record of Big El/enuOuuide China (in Chinese) citing the May, 1896 issue ofthe Star Paper.

92

The full-blooded Chinese in therevolution

The participation of the Chinese mestizos orelite illustrados in both the reform and therevolutionary movement as well as in theformation of the Filipino nationality has beenwell documented. Little is known, however, ofthe direct participation of full-blooded Chinesein the revolution. One notable example isGeneral Jose Ignacio Paua, the only pure­blooded Chinese general in the Philippinerevolution described as more Filipino thanmany Filipinos by renowned historian, TeodoroAgoncillo.

As a notable representation of the Chinesecontribution to the Philippine revolution,Paua was responsible for building amunitions factory in Imus, Cavite. He alsoholds the distinction of raising, from amonghis fellow Chinese, 400,000 Mexican dollarswhich was much needed by the depletedrevolutionary coffers. Moreso, he was knownto have personally risked his life in leadinghis men to the frontlines in the actualbattlefield. 12

About his prowess as a general and hisbaptism of fire, General Emilio Aguinaldogave his own description;"

... 1897. The revolutionary army foughtthe Spaniards in Cavite. Many Chinesesympathized with the cause of thePhilippine revolution, not a few alsojoined the revolutionary army andcarried arms. Many of them had theirhomes in Caoite. Jose Paua and BenitoIlapit [Hapit - sic] were the right handand left hand [commanders]. Their wiveswere related to one another. They wereyoung, and they proved themselves equalin their ranks. Paua's bravery touchedand amazed the soldiers. He was at theforefront in every battle. When two

UPhilippine Revolutionary Records <PRR) MicrofilmReel 32, Document 526/8. Cited by Dr. Luia Dery, Pauamonograph, tu«, p. 34.

uLiu Yuan Yan, The ContributioM of the Ol/llrIJIlM

Chinue in Del/eloping the PhilippinelJ, in 1935 Philippine­Chinese Yearbook, Yong Cheng Tong, ed. (Shanghai:Shanghai Society, 1935), p. 17.

armies are locked in battle, many soldierswould hide and wait but not Paua, hewould even run where nobody else daredto tread...In the Battle for Bocoor, ourarmy encountered the Spanish troops led~y Aguirre and in Zapote, Paua was hitby bullets in the left chest. His woundswere grave and the army was rattled,thinking that Paua could not rise again;but he did, as if nothing happened, andcontinued to lead until the enemy wasdefeated. When they saw Paua, theenemies were terrified. Hence, peoplethought he had mystic powers and thebelief that he couldn't be harmed by bolosor bullets started there. [Translated fromChinese]

Harper's History of the War in the Philippinesrecorded that the first encounter Paua had withthe Spaniards was in Imus, Cavite. Paua andPio del Pilar only had 27 men but they forced aregiiment commanded by Colonel Salcedo toretreat from their stronghold. In the Battle ofBinakayan on November 10, 1896, Paua headeda group of bolo-wielding men who, at severaltimes, engaged the Spanish riflemen in hand­to-hand combat and succeeded in forcing theSpanish troops to retreat. 1.

AB a pure-blooded Chinese who rose from therank of lieutenant to a brigadier generalbecause of his military exploits, and whowithout stint, dedicated his life for the causeof Philippine revolution, Paua's contributionswere indeed unique. We should also mentionthe fact that Paua was one of the 52 signatoriesof the Biak-na-Bato Constitution in 1897. AB aside note, the historical truth is acknowledgedthat because of General Emilio Aguinaldo's fulltrust in Paua, he was unfortunately one of thesoldiers assigned to capture and bring AndresBonifacio to the trial that finally led toBonifacio's execution. However, this obedienceto his Commander's order has not changed thefact that Paua has been fully accepted as aFilipino, as a Philippine revolutionary hero, andas an integral personality in the Philippines'struggle for independence. His battle records,

14MarionWilcox. ed. Harper'. Hi.sto~ofthe War in thePhilippine. (New York: Harper and Bros., 1900). p. 365.Cited:in Dery. op.cit., p. 23.

military skills, and his unique distinction asbeing the only Chinese who has ever put hisname in the Philippine Constitution aptlyreaffirms this.

Direct participation

The list of Chinese who directly participated inthe revolution and stood shoulder to shoulderwith the other revolutionists goes beyondGeneral Ignacio Paua. For example, anotherChinese served as Paua's assistant when hebuilt the arsenal and foundry in Imus, Cavite.16

Likewise, as reported in the Singapore Nan-anVillage Associations ,19'17Journal, in an articlewritten by Shi Gong entitled General JosePaua'e Biography, there is mention of 3,000Chinese revolutionists recruited and led byGeneral Paua.18

Other forms of direct Chinese participationin the revolution were mentioned in thefollowing sources:

General Emilio Aguinaldo said: TheChinese who supported the Philippinerevolution are many and those whodirectly joined the ranks of soldiers arealso numerous. 17

•.. the Chinese were considered by theFilipino revolutionists as their allies inthe common fight for freedom. 18

Burguete mentioned that in looking forthe roots of the Philippine revolution, theauthorities traced it to many Chinos,who were a part of the revolutionarymovement. 18

One of the 13 martyrs of Cavite was FranciscoOsorio, son of a prominent Chinese merchant.Historian Rafael Guerrero noted: ·Calmly,Chino Osorio did not weep even up to hisexecution." Likewise, in a box owned byBonifacio was found a picture with L. Osorio

16Reverter, op.cit.•p. 48.lBGolden Aapjyersary Souve.nir_PJogram of the Nan·

An Villare Association of Singapore (Sinrapore:1977).l"Reverter, op.cit. p.132.lIPRR reel 79 (Manila).uBurruete. op.cit.•p. 435.

33

(brother of Francisco Osorio). Although othersources considered Osorio a Chinese mestizo,most cited that his father was pure Chinese.Since both of his sons were active participantsin the revolution, it is not far-fetched to surmisethat the old Chinese Osorio himself would havebeen directly a supporter or sympathizer of therevolution, especially considering the fact thatOsorio was accused of buying 250 guns andconcealing them in his house. 1IO

•

•

PRR Box RL 21 (Revolutionary Leader ­1899) cited Isidro Torres' report on ChineseSpy -Chinese Wenceslao Lim-working forthe revclutionists."

PRR reel 81 mentioned the list of thosewho were implicated (including those whowere captured) among the Filipinorevolutionaries. This includes 160 names ofBinondo residents including the father-in­law of President Quirino, Gregorio Sy Quia.Aside from these are numerous names ofresidents from Tondo, San Nicolas, andQuiapo. A number of these names aresinicized. Of course, we cannot concludethat since the names are sinicized, theywere all Chinese. But among thesenumerous Binondo residents at least,especially those with Chinese surnames,must be a number of ethnic Chinese. lIlI

bolos were being made and insurgentuniforms manufactured. lIlI

• PRR reel 55 Historio Civil deFilipinos Tomo11 Cartas de P.P. Dominieanos sobre laInsurrection de1898 mentioned, A Chinesein Pampanga supplied ammunitions. EachMauser had 200 bullets and the others had100.-

• There is a house made of stone in Cagayande Oro called Balay nga Bato. This housewas built by the Chinese, Insik Ygua, fromtwo boat loads of bricks shipped from Amoy.During the revolution, a number of Filipinorevolutionists were killed by the Americansin that house and were buried in itsbackyard. Up to now, during All Saints Day,there are still people who light candlesaround the house to commemorate the deathof these soldiers."

Financial contribution

Chinese financial contributions to thePhilippine revolution were largely solicited byGeneral Paua, Money that went through Paua'shands were recorded meticulously and from thenames and amounts we could discern the bigcontributions brought in by the Chinese. Othermentions of financial contributions are asfollows:

• PRR reel 72-1, January 23, 1899, mentionedthe organization of a regiment in Binondo." •

• PR reel 209-36, September 23, 1899, reportedthat some ammunitions were discovered inthe Binondo cemetery,u

• ._•• From time to time, our police unearthedsmall native and Chinese shops, where ininconspicuous and inaccessible back rooms,

"Rafael Guerrero, Cronica de la Guerrna de Cuba :1de la Rebellion de Filipina6-1895-1896 (Barcelona:Publiaher and date unreadable, the library puts the date ••probnbly 1897), pp. 270 and 252; Jose Nava, The Blacke6tChapter 01 Spani..h Rule in Cavite, in Kahirup Magazine(1995 Philippine Provincial Series, N. 7), pp. 15·16, 20 and2•.

I1PRR Bolt RL2-revolutionary leader.II.II,1tPRR Microfilm reels 81, 72·1, and 209/36.

34

John Taylor's Philippine Insurrectionpointed out: Voluntary contributions froma number ofprovinces show that theChinesecontributions always come up to twice theamount contributed by anybody in thetown.·

• In November 1898, Aguinaldo ordered therelease of 20 million pesos worth of public

-Edwin Wildman, Aguinaldo: A Narrative 01 FilipinoAmbitions, in Cornejo'. Pre-WAr. EnoyolopedioDireotory olthe Philippine. (Boston, Lothrop Pub., Co.,1901), pp. 60·69.

·PRR Reel 56.rlThe Brielc House olIn.ilc Ygua in Del Mar- Victoria

Street«, in Francisco Demetrio, S.J., ed., The LooalHistorioal Souroes of Northern Mindanao (Cagayan deOro: Xavier University, 1995); Part II Cagayan and HerEnvirons, p. 176.

lITaylor, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 212·123.

bonds. On June 12, 1899, under Paua'sefforts, the Chinese in Nueva Caceres wereurged to buy 100,000 pesos worth of thesepublic: bonds. On June 21, Paua also invitedthe Chinese in Albay and Camarines tovoluntarily contribute 44,790 pesos to therevolutionary coffers. On October 28, hereported to Aguinaldo that as the specialemissary in Southern Luzon, he hadpersonally solicited for the revolutionarycoffers 220,000 pesos. J9

• From May 18, 1899 to October 28, 1899,Paua delivered to the national treasury astaggering 400,000 Mexican dollars. Zaidesaid that in Bicolandia alone, historicalrecords reveal that the amount Pauacollected was P386,OOO-the largest cashsum ever collected by an authorized agentof the Philippine Republic."

• Edwin Wildman pointed out: The richChinese in Manila and everywhere else inthe island, were urged to give huge financialcontributions to the revolutionary cause...its [the revolutionary government] mainsource of contribution came from the richmestizos and the Chinese merchante."

• Zaide recounted in his A Chinese General inthe Philippine Revolution (October 1899):Paua solicited 160,000 silver dollars andwas traveling through the Ragay Gulftoward the Tayabas Coast when he en­countered American gunboats whichpursued them. He almost lost his life thenbut was fortunately able to maneuver to theshallow waters near the banks where hedumped all the silver coins. The Americansceased their pursuit and Paua retrieved thecoins the next day.81

• In the list of those who gave monthlycontributions to the revolutionary cofferswere unmistakable names of Chinese: Tan­Cao, Tao-Chien, Loa Tieo, Tan Dianco, Loa-

lI8Taylor. op.cit., vol. 2, p. 478.IlDPRR reel 32, document 526/8. Cited in Dery, Paua

Monoll'aph, op. cit., p. 34; Zaide, Paua Monograph, op.eit.,p.ll.

8lEdwin Wildman, op.cit.·Paua monograph, op.cit., pp. 11-12. Also Taylor, vol.

3, p. 581 PIR T·30,letter book, original Spanish.

Siengco, Yu-Dongco, Lao-Chichon. OtherChinese sounding names in the list wereAngguico, Guison, Guason, Quionson whomay be pure Chinese or at least, mestizos.88

Material resources

Supplying material resources needed by therevolutionaries appeared to be the moreprevalent form of assistance given by theChinese then. For instance, General SantiagoAlvarez recounted that on August 26, 1896,after Andres Bonifacio led the Katipuneros tosignal the start of the revolution in Balintawak,they moved to Mandaluyong where they weregiven by two Chinese stores two packets of LaInsular cigarettes, two boxes of matches, fivecans ofsardines and five pesos in cash.S4 Thesecontributions may be little but they never­theless demonstrate that at the very start ofthe revolution, there were already Chinese whosympathized and supported the cause andsupplied material resources to the Filipinorevolutionaries.

Other recorded forms of Chinese support:

• Based on the Philippine RevolutionaryRecords, the Chinese supplying materialresources were recorded in Angeles andMalolos, Tayug in Pangasinan, Catmon inCebu, Vigan, San Fernando in Pampanga,Samar, Iloilo, Masbate, Iba in Zambales,Tarlac and Apalit in Pampanga, La Unionand Calumpit in Bulacan, among others.Aside from cash contributions and otherdonations, materials provided included rice,oil, salt, dried pork, carabaos and other food.Otherwise, they helped solicit gunpowder,matches, pen and paper, clothing, hats, andmedicine. There were also Chinese whohelped transport the goods of the revo­lutionaries. In fact, some Chinese were evensent by Antonio Luna to cut dried leatherand bake galletas for the revolutionaryarmy.lI6

aapRR reel 93.84Sa ntiago V. Alvarez, The Katipunan and the

RelJOlution:Memoirs of G General (Quezon City: Ateneo deManila University Press, 1992), p. 22.

8l5Philippine Revolutionary Records from vario\lsprovinces. A more detailed listing of some of these ri&COrdsare given in Appendix II with the numbers indicated on top.

3S

• A cursory look at the photograph of Tarlac'srevolutionary hero, Francisco Makabulos,would show that he was unmistakably ofChinese descent because of his very Chinesefeatures. There are numerous mentions ofthe Chinese helping to provide the Tarlacrevolutionists with their needs. Pauahimself also assisted Makabulos in fightingGeneral Monet's army in Mount Kamansiduring the tumultuous days of Septemberand October 1897: There was also a Capt.Mariano Lim, Makabulos' military com­mander in Dagupan, whose being of Chinesedescent must have enabled him to solicitsupplies from the Chinese.S6

• Rafael Guerrero writes: The Chinos havesupplied the separatists with falsifiedstamps and seals of the government. Theseparatists have much to thank the Chinos:"The underground manufacture of govern­ment paraphernalia was apparentlyuncovered when a Chinese warehouse wasraided.

• The Chinese support and contribution to thecause of the Philippine revolution can alsobe seen in the pronouncements anddocuments of the Philippine revolutionarygovernment itself:

Mariano Trias, Secretary of the Trea­sury, in a letter sent to the governor ofIlocos Sur on January 3, 1899, pointedout: Considering that the Chinese in thecountry pay various contributions,especially the capitation tax, by which actthey are assimilated with the natives ofthe country, a circumstance whichexcludes them from the obligation ofrequesting authority to exercise anyindustry, provided they pay the properlicense:" The letter ordered that the

8lILino L. Dizon, Francisco Makabulos y Soliman: ABiographical Study ofa Revolutionary Hero (Tarlac: TarlacState University, Center for Tarlaqueno Studies, 1994), pp.70·71.

8'IGuerrero op.cit., p. 286.8ITaylor, op.cit., Vol. 3, p. 581 citing PRR T·30, letter

book, original in Spanish.

36

Chinese be exempted from paying a wartax required of other foreigners in orderto conduct business.

• A letter from Quesada on March 11, 1899 tothe provincial governor of Pangasinan andsome local government officials said: Byorder of the Honorable President, you willsee that the Chinese residing in the townsunder your command who have sympathized[sic} with our cause and continue makingcontributions for the needs of the war, shallnot be annoyed by our brothers and that theybe defended from the aggressions of anunjust character of which they are theobiect:"

Chinese revolutionaries overseas

Aside from the participation of the mestizos andthe ethnic Chinese in the Philippine revolution,there was also extensive link between therevolutionaries in China and those in thePhilippines. Chinese documents reveal how theChinese revolutionaries idolized the Filipinosfor daring to fight not just one white colonizerbut two. For instance, renowned Chineserevolutionary, Liang Chi Chao, said: ThePhilippines, our brothers from the samecontinent and race, struggled with the whitemen twice, without losing hope in their defeats:I look towards the south [the Philippines} andprostrate myself to kowtow to the Filipinos."

Another Chinese revolutionary lamented theweakness of China, China is big but is afraidof the small while the Philippines is small yetfighting the big. 41

Support from the Chinese revolutionariesabroad was also given through the two ship­ments of arms that they sent to the Philippines.Unfortunately, one sunk in the waters off the

lllITaylor, op.cit., Vol. 4, p. 771 citing PRR 1157, no. 3,original in Spanish.

40Min Pao, Yokohama, October 1906, no. 9; Xin MinCong Pao, eighth issue, 1902; Liang Chi Chao, New Treati,eon How to Annihilate a Country, No.4, Qing-Yi PaoCompilation, vol. 7, all cited in Zhou, lbid., p. 37.

41Au Ji·jia, The Independence of the Philippine IslaniU,in Qing·Yi Pao Compilation, vol. 4, cited in Zhou, Ibid, p.37.

Marianas while the other was intercepted bythe. Americans before the ship even sailed fromJapan.4J1

Aside from the support of the revolutionariesoverseas, another interesting and revealinghistorical fact is the shared destiny of theChinese and the Philippines.

Historical sources reveal that in 1521, Spaincolonized the Philippines because it desired touse the Philippines as the takeoff point toevangellize or christianize China. In the samevein, in 1899, when the United States annexedthe Philippines, the major intent was also touse the Philippines as its jumping board topenetrate the rich China market, invade itsterritory, and eventually conquer China. Thisfact. is most convincingly discussed in the book,Republic or' Empire: American Resistance to thePhilippine War. The discourse revealed thatMcKinley's final decision to colonize thePhilippines was actually motivated by America'sambition to conquer China. 411

'"Peng Zi-you, Hidory of the RelJol~tion, vol. "(Commercial Press, 1936), pp. 80-91, cited in Zhou, Ibid, p.36. Also cited in Carlo. Quirino's Dr. Sun Yat Sen and thePhilippine Revolution, Fokkien Times Yearbook, 1963, pp.267-268.

ODaniel B. Schirmer, Republic or Empire: AmericanResistance to the Philippine War (Cambridge: SchenkmanPublishing Co., 1972), 298. pp.

From the early times, when the Chineseimmigrants were forced to leave China due tofamine, poverty, and political unrest up to thetime when they finally settled and built theirhomes in the Philippines and raised a newgeneration of Philippine-born and Filipinizedoffsprings, Philippine-China relations indeedhave been as close as the lips and the teeth, touse a Chinese expression, or tied together inone umbilical cord, to use a Filipino expression.

Conclusion

For four centuriea, Q.l:l'r colonizers-theSpaniards, British, Americans, Japanese­unfurled their imperialist ambitions to conquerour country. The Chinese, who came toPhilippine shores looking only for a chance tobetter their lives, suffered, as the Filipinos did.Contrary to certain perceptions that as apeople, the Chinese would rather docilelyaccept their fates, no matter how untenable,the ethnic Chinese likewise had their momentsof dauntless defiance. One hundred years agoin the country's struggles against threecenturies of Spanish colonialism, oppression,and abuses, the Chinese, together with theirFilipino brothers, also gave a bit of theirstrength, also suffered, and also poured theirblood for the revolutionary cause. The red colorfor bravery in the Philippine flag also has somedrops of ethnic Chinese blood in it.•

31

· 1

Ang Rebolusyon sa Kapanahunan ng 1898

EDENM. GRIPALDO

Ang ating himagsikan noong taong 1898 ay may tatlong katotohanang maaaringtalakayin tungkol dito: (l) Ang paglaganap ng Himagsikan 1896,(2) Angtagumpay ng himagsikan sa pamamagitan ng malaya't matagumpay na

pamamahala ng malayang Pamahalaang Mapanghimagsik (RevolutionaryGovernment) na itinatag noong Hunyo 1898; at (3) Ang pamumuno ng mga

elitista at pagsakop sa atin ng mga Amerikano.

Ang paglaganap ng himagsikansa taong 1898

Salungat sa paniniwala ng ilan, patunay angpagtupad sa atas ng Supremo na palaganapinang Katipunan sa Bisayas simula sa Aldan, nanaisagawa sa unang buwan pa lamang ng 1897,na ang Himagsikang 1896 ay hindi isangHimagsikang Tagala lamang. Ang katotoha­nang ito ay lalong napagtibay pagpasok ngtaong 1898. Ang pagsuko ni Emilio Aguinaldosa pamamagitan ng Kasunduang Biak-na-Batoay hindi nagtapos 0 naging hadlang sapagpatuloy ng himagsikan. Nagpatuloy anghimagsikan sa pamamagitan ng mga rebolus­yunaryong hindi sangayon sa pagsuko niAguinaldo. Sila ang bumuo ng pwersangbinalikan at pinamunuang muli ni Aguinaldonoong 1898na humantong sa pagkatalo ng mgaKastila sa halos lahat ng lugar sa bansa.

Naging kasiya-siya para sa mga Kastila angpagpasok ng unang buwan ng 1898. Nakaalisna si Emilio patungong Hongkong at mukhangtinutupad namang ng mga naiwang rebolus­yonaryo ang pagsuko ng mga armas kahit namukhang mabagal ang pagdating ng mgainaasahang dami nito, bilang kapalit ng perangnapagkasunduang isusunod sa naunang

IBinasa sa Kumperensya nr Manila StudiesAssociation, ika 18·19 nr Hunyo 1998 8a Teatro TeodoroLocsin, Sr., NCCA Building, Intramuros, Manila. Si EdenM. Gripaldo ay Kasamanr Propesor Il8. Departamento ngKasayllayan, UP Dillman.

31

P400,OOO na dala dala ni Aguinaldo. Kungtutuusin, tanging perang pangsuhol-bribemoney-kapatawaran sa mga may kinalamansa himagsikan, at kalayaang mandayuhan exilesa labas ng bansa lamang ang ipinangako ngmga Kastila bilang kapalit sa pagtigil nghimagsikan.t

Ang dahilan ng mabagal na pagdami ngisinukong mga armas ay ang sinadyang pagtagong mga rebolusyonaryo sa mga ito. Kahit napansamantala nilang itinigil ang pakikilabansa mga Kastila ayon sa kasunduan ng Biak-na­Bato, hindi ito nangahulugan na sang-ccccayonsilang lahat sa pagsuko ni Aguinaldo at buo naang paniniwala nila sa pangakong ipatutupadng mga Kastila ang mga repormang ipinaabotnila sa mga ito sa pamamagitan ni PedroPaterno. Samantala, malaki ang magagawa ngP200,OOO bilang kapalit ng mga armas na kanilanang naisuko sa mga susunod na hakbangingkanilang gaga win.

Maliwanag na hindi nagkatugma ang ina­asahan ng magkabilang panig sa kasunduangnangyari. Kung kayat, ang katahimikangnamayani sa unang dalawang buwan ng 1898ay napalitan ng muling pagsiklab ng labanansa pagitan ng mga Kastila at rebolusyonaryosimula sa kalagitnaan ng Marso. Isa sa mga ito

'PIR, Vol. 1, p. 83. As of November 1897, Primo deRivera says Pardon, permi""ion to emigrate, and money werewhat Paterno repeatedly represented them G6 demandingin return for surrender of their arm6.

ay ang nangyaring labanan sa ilang lugar saIalawigan ng Zambales na pinamunuan ngdating rebolusyonaryong si Heneral FranciscoMakabulos. Sa Kailukohan na dating tahimiknoong nagsimula ang himagsikan ay nagkaroondin ng labanan sa bayan ng Candon noong ika­241ng Marso sa ilalim ng pangunguna ni IsabeloAbaya na dating ring rebolusyonaryo. Ganondin ang nangyari sa lalawigan ng Bulacan sapagpasok ng buwan ng Abril. Sinasabing higitna mahusay ang pagkabuo ng mga Bulakenyosa Malolos ng kanilang mullng pag-aalsa sapangunguna ni Isidoro Torres.

Noong ding Marso, sa lalawigan ng Cebu kungsaan sinimulan ang pagtatag ng KKK noongunang buwan ng 1898 nina Anastacio Oclarino,isang dating rebeldeng Tagalog, at ng Cebua­nong si Florencio Gonzales, nagkaroon na rinng labanan sa ilalim ng dating rebeldeng siPantaleon Villegas, na higit na kilala sapangalang Leon Kilat.!

Pagpasok ng buwan ng Abril (ika-14-18) angmga rebolusyonaryong naiwan ni VicenteLukban sa Camarines Norte ay nag-alsa sa Daetsa ilalim ng pamumuno ni Ildefonso Moreno.Matagumpay na nasugpo ng mga Kastila angpag-aalsang ito ngunit mull itong sumiklab atlumaganap sa karatig lalawigan ng CamarinesSur pagpasok ng buwan ng Septiembre.'

Samantalang sa Panay, kung saan sinimulanng mga sugo ni Andres Bonifacio na sinaFrancisco del Castillo at Candido Iban angpagpalaganap ng KKK at pagsimula ng labanansa lalawigan ng Aldan noong kalagitnaan ngtaong 1897, ang impluwensyang naiwan nila aynagbunga sa pagsimula ng rebolusyonaryonggawain ni Esteban Contreras sa Capiz, niLeandro Fullo sa Antique at pati na rin niMartin Delgado nang banda hull sa lalawiganng Iloilo kung saan malakas ang nagingsabwatan ng mga ilustrado't mayayamangmamamayan nito at mga Kastila sa simula ng

IDionisio A. Sy, A Shor' Hutory of Cebu 1500·1890'8and The An'i.Spani.h RBuolution in Cebu (Cebu City:Bathalad, Inc., 1996).

4Danilo Madrid Gerona, From Epic to History: A BriefIntroduction 10 Bicol Hi8tory (Naga City: A.M.S. Press,1988).

himagsikan hanggang sa kasunduan ng Biak­na-Bato."

Katulad ng mga Ilongos sa Iloilo, ang mgaTayabanse sa Quezon (dating Tayabas) nakusang nagpadala ng tulong sa mga Kastilalaban sa mga rebolusyonaryo sa simula nghimagsikan ay unti-unti na rin nasasangkotkahit na nga hindi dito naitatag ang mgastruktura ng marubdob at dibdibang eksploy­tasyon tulad sa mga lalawigan ng unang mganakisangkot sa himagsikan at wala ringmahabang talaan ng panggigipit ang mgaprayleng Fransiskano. Mismong ang mgaTayabanse ang nagsabing ang pakikisangkotnila ay bunsod ng kanilang pakikisimpatiya saipinaglalaban ng kanilang mga kababayan samga karatig-bayan ng Laguna at Batangas."

Kahit na sa pulo ng Negros na dating nagbigayng suporta sa mga Kastila sa pamamagitan ngmga boluntaryong ginamit laban sa mgarebolusyonaryo sa Luzon, nakisangkot na rinsa himagsikan nang pumasok ang ika-apat nabahagi ng 1898. Kahit na nga kusang umalisang mga Kastila sa Negros Oriental, nandiyanang desisyon at aktwal na pakikisangkot samull at nag-iinit na pagpatuloy ng himagsikansa katauhan ni Don Diego de la Vina."

Masasabing halos patapos na ang himagsikannang ang alingawngaw ng pagsiklab nito saKamaynilaan ay nagsimulang magbunga sakamalayaan ng mga taga Mindanao. SaZamboanga, halimbawa, kung saan nagkaroondin ng mga boluntaryo8 ang mga Kastila paramapanatili ang kanilang pamamahala dito,pumanguna ang rebolusyonaryong si VicenteAlvarez sa pamumuno ng puwersang kinapa­looban ng mga dating boluntaryo at depor-

&John E. Barrios, The Katipunan in Aldan, A papersubmitted to the National Commission for Culture and theArts, Manila in 1995; Rex S. Salvilla, The PhilippineReuolution in Iloilo, Proceedings of the 111 Conference onWest Visayas History and Culture (lloilo City: Center forWest Visayan Studies, 1990), pp. 74.82. 8Elsie S. Ramos,Kampihan: Problema ng mga Tayabanse 8a Panahon ngHimagsikan, MSA Conference.

'Caridad A. Rodriguez, Negros Oriental and thePhilippine Reuolution, Vol. 1 (Dumaguete City: TheProvincial Government of Negros Oriental, 1983), pp. 81­110.

aKasama dito ang mga Kristyano, Sama, Tausugs,Subanons, Katutubong Visaya at Zamboangetlo.

tatdos." Naitatag na ang isang konseho ngrebolusyon nang napilitang kumanlong angGobernador Diego de los Rios. Tulad ng sa Iloilo,napilitan din likasin ng Gobernador angZamboanga matapos ipagkaloob ang pama­halaang lokal kay Alvarez. Hindi naglaon,lumalawak ang puwersa ni Alvarez bilangpaghahanda laban sa tagumpay ng pagpasokng mga Amerikano.

Sa Kordilyera kung saan ang balita tungkol saKatipunan at sa napipintong pagsiklab nglabanan ay nasagap ng mga mangangalakal naIbaloy sa mga Ilokano sa kapatagan, nagawangsumali ng ilan sa kanila (sina Kustacio Carantesat Mateo Carino na nagmula sa timog ngBenguet) sa Katipunan. Bukod sa paminsan­minsang nakararating ang mga ito sa Maynila,madalas din silang pinupuntahan ng mgaIlokanong Katipunero.

Bagamat walang gaanong tala tungkol salabanang namagitan sa mga katutubo malibansa tangkang pag-alsa ng pinunong Ibaloy nalusubin ang comandancia sa La Trinidad nanasugpo ng mga Kastila bago ito naipatupad,patuloy ang pakikipag-ugnayan ng mga ito sapamahalaan ni Aguinaldo. Ilan sa mga ito aykasali sa puwersa ni Heneral Tinio, bukod sapagbigay tulong kay Isabelo Abaya mataposmailunsad nito ang pag-alsa sa Candon noongMarso 1898.

Dumating sa Kordilyera ang puwersangrebolusyonaryo noong Hunyo 1898. Kahit nanakalilito sa mga katutubo ang pagsiklab nghimagsikan dahil sa wala 0 di gaano ang pang­aaping naranasan di tulad ng sa kapatagan,masasabing nakilahok din sila sa simpatiyangkanilang ipinadama sa mga rebolusyonaryongTagalog at Ilokano. Bandang Septiembre nanang maagaw nito ang Bontoc. Sa pagpasok ngbuwan ng Nobyembre 1898 dumating siAguinaldo na tinutugis ng mga Amerikano. Salahat ng bayan ng Benguet na dinaanan niAguinaldo, tulong na pagkain, gamot at

'Composed of convicts, parolees and political prisonersfrom Luzon, the Bicol area, Samar, Bohol at Iloilo. Fe S.Alvarez, General Vicente Alvarez: The Revolutionary,PNHS.

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serbisyong kargador ang naiambag ng mgakatutubo.P

Sapat na siguro ang mga nabanggit ko sa itaasna mga pagsiklab na muli ng labanan laban samga Kastila at di naglaon laban sa mgaAmerikano sa taong 1898 bilang patunay nanatupad ang mithiin ni Andres Bonifacio na anghimagsikang kanyang inilunsad noong 1896 aysakop ang buong kapuluang Pilipino.

Ang Pamahalaang Rebolusyonaryong 189811

Nitong nakalipas na ika-12 ng Hunyo 1998, tayoay nasangkot sa mainit na mga gawaing maykinalaman sa pagdiriwang 0 paggunita sasentenaryo ng proklamasyon ng ating kalayaan.Sa aking klase, isa sa mga tanong ng aking mgaestudyante na may kinalaman dito ay: Bakitnatin ginugunita ang sentenaryo ng 1898samantalang napatalsik lang naman ang mgaKastila sa pamamagitan ng pagdating ng mgaAmerikano na siyang pumalit sa mga Kastila?

Ang isang implikasyon ng ganitong tanong ayang pananaw na hindi tayo nagtagumpay saating paghihimagsik laban sa mga Kastila. Itoay hindi totoo. Ang pagtatag at pamamahalangnagawa ng Pamahalaang Rebolusyonaryo sahalos lahat ng sulok ng kapuluan simula noongHunyo ng 1898 hanggang sa ito ay napalitanng Pamahalaang Malolos noong 23 ng Enero1899 ay nagpatotoo sa diwa ng proklamasyongng ating kalayaan.

Naipakita ko sa unahan ng aking papel na anghimagsikan ay hindi si Emilio Aguinaldo, kungkayat ang pagsuko niya sa mga Kastila sapamamagitan ng Kasunduan Biak-na-Bato ayhindi nagputol sa himagsikan na nanatilingbuhay sa puso, diwa't gawain ng mga kara­niwang mamamayang Pilipino. Masasabingnagkaroon ng pagkakatang muling mamuno siAguinaldo dahil sa may mga puwersa siyangnabalikan. Sa nakita niyang init na pagtanggap

lODelfin Tolentino, Jr., Resistanc« and Revolutian illthe Cordillera (Baguio City: UP Baguio, 1994).

llTeodoro A. Agoncillo, Maiolo,,; The Crui. 01 theRepublic (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Pre..,1960).

j

S8 kanyang pagbabalik, agad agad na nanung­Kalan siya bilang diktador ng PamahalaangI1iktatoryal. Sinundan ito ng proklamasyon ngating kalayaan para lalong maglagablab angpagnanais ng sambayanang Pilipino namakamtan ito sa kanilang pakikipaglaban samga Kastila. At sa loob lamang ng walang pangisang buwan, nabawi na ng mga rebolusyonaryoang kapuluan sa mga kamay ng Kastila,maliban sa lugar na nakapalibot sa daunganng Cavite at ang Maynila.

Masasabing ang mabilis na pangyayari tungosa tagumpay ng paghihimagsik ay nakita sasimula pa ni Apolinario Mabini, na siyangnaging tagapayo ni Aguinaldo. Bagama'tsalungat siya sa proklamasyon na ipinahayagni Aguinaldo, iginiit niya ang paghanda samagigingepekto ng tagumpay sa malawakanglayunin ng himagsikan na walang iba kunghindi ang maging malaya ang sambayanangPilipino sa pamamagitan ng isang mapag­palayang pamahalaang Pilipino. Kung walangganitong paghahanda, higit na kaguluhan angmamamayani na maaaring magbubunga ngpagkawatak-watak ng kapuluang Pilipino. Dibaga nagsimula na nang mangyari ito sa Negroskung saan nagtatag ang mga Negrense ng sarilinilang republika na hiwalay sa pamahalaan napinamumunuan ni Aguinaldo.

Ang ganitong paghahanda ay sinimulan niMabini sa paghikayat kay Aguinaldo na palitanang pamahalaang diktatoryal (May 24-Hunyo23) ng Pamahalaang Rebolusyonaryo (simula saika·23 ng Hunyo 1898). Ang legal na basehanng bagong pamahalaan ay ang mga batas nasinulat ni Mabini at ipinahayag ni Aguinaldonoong Hunyo 1898.

Ang unang batas ay inihayag noong ika-18 ngHunyo na nagpanibagong-tatag (reorganize) saistruktura ng mga pamahalaang lokal, lalo nasa mga lugar na nabawi na sa mga Kastila. Sapamamagitan ng demokratikong halalan,malayang mamimili ang mga mamamayan ngkanilang pinuno na siyang babalikat sapagpatupad ng pagkakaroon ng panloob nakatahimikan, pagkokolekta ng buwis, atpangangasiwa sa pagpatupad ng katarungan.Magkakaroon din ng mga Sangguniang Bayansa bawat lalawigan. Itinadhana din sa batas ng

ika-18 ng Hunyo ang pahahalal sa mgakinatawan ng bawat lalawigan na bubuo ngKongresong Mapanghimagsik (RevolutionaryCongress).

Ang batas ika-18 ng Hunyo ay nasundan ngbatas ika-20 ng Hunyo kung saan malinaw naitinakda kung paanong patatakbuhin ang lokalna pamahalaan para sa epektibong pama­mahala ng mga ito. Kasama din itinadhana naang Kodigong Kastila, na hindi salungat sa alinman sa mga kautusan ng PamahalaangPilipino, ay patuloy na magkakabisa.

Ang panghuling batas na ipinahayag noong ika­23 ng Hunyo ay nagtakda ng pagtatag ngPamahalaang Mapanghimagsik bilang kapalitng naunang pamahalaang diktatoryal. Angpangunahing layunin ng pamahalaan ito ay angpagpupunyagi sa ikapagkakaroon ng kasa­rinlan sa bansang Pilipinos bilang handa sapagtatag ng tunoy na republikang kikilalaninsa buong mundo, Ito ay pamumunuan ngpangulo na siyang tatayong pangunahingtagapagpaganap (chief executive) sa tulong, sasimula ng apat, na gagawing anim sa mgasusunod na mga araw, ng miyembro ng gabinetena siyang kakatawan sa mga kagawaran(departments), tuladng Kagawarang Panlabas,Nabeo, at Komersiyo, Kagawaran ng Digma atGawaing Bayan, Kagawaran ng Pulisya, atKaayusan, Hustisya, Edukasyon at Kalinisan,at ang Kagawaran ng Pananalapi, Agrikultura,at Industriya. Bukod dito, itinadhana din angpagkakaroon ng Kongreso, na ang mga kina­tawan ay ihahalal ayon sa itinadhana ngkautusan ika-18 ng Hunyo.

Sa madaling sabi, isang buong sistema ngpamahalaan ang itinadhana na hindi nanatilisa papellamang. Bagkus, ipinatupad ito bilangkapalit ng Pamahalaang Diktatoryal simula dinnoong ika-23 ng Hunyo. Upang matiyak angpagpatupad ng sakop ng pamahalaan ito salahat na sulok ng bansa, nagpadala ng mgaexpeditionary forces 0 liberation units siAguinaldo sa mga lalawigan na siyang tutulongsa mga lokal na puwersa para tuluyang magapiang mga natitira pang mga kalaban. Ito din angmga grupong pinangungunahan ng mga sugoni Aguinaldo ang siyang mangangasiwa sapagpapatupad ng halalan ayun sa itinadhana

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ng batas ika-18 at ika-23 ng Hunyo. Di naglaon,sinundan ito ng pagpatawag ng mga nahalalna kinatawan para sa Kongresong itinadhanadin ng mga nasabing batas sa Malolos noongika-4 ng Setyembre 1898.

Ang pagsugo ng mga expeditionary forces samga lalawigan ay maituturing na isa sa mgamagandang nagawa ni Aguinaldo noongkapanahunan ng 1898. Hindi maitatatwa namay mga problemang lumitaw sa ilang lugarsa pagitan ng mga lokal na rebolusyonaryo atHang mga sugo ni Aguinaldo. Ngunit, sapangkalahatan, sa pamamagitan ng mga itonadama ng mga pamamayan ang katotohananng pagkakaroon ng isang pamahalaangnanunungkulan (functioning government) parasa kapakanan ng mga mamamayang Pilipino.

Para sa akin, nanalo ang mga Pilipino sapaghihimagsiklaban sa mga Kastila. Naitatagang isang pamahalaang malayang nanung­kulan, kinilala at sinusunod ng mga mama­mayang Pilipino kahit na sa gitna ng nag­babantang panibagong unos dala ng bagongmananakop. Ito ang Pamahalaang Rebolusyo­naryo na itinatag ayon sa mga batas ika-18, 20,at 23 ng Hunyo 1898. Isang tagumpay na napa­ikli lamang nang ang Pilipinas ay sakupin ngmga Amerikanong akala nito ay kaibigan-iyonpala ay kaaway na kailangan labanan simulasa mga unang buwan ng 1899 para mapanatiliang tagumpay na nakuha na sa paghihimagsiklaban sa mga Kastila.

Ang pamumuno ng mga elitistaat pananakop ng mga Amerihanov

Ang pamumuno ni Emilio Aguinaldo bilangkapalit ni Andres Bonifacio ay nagbigay daansa pagyabong ng pamumuno ng mga elitista sanatitirang panahon ang ating himagsikan. Silaang mga dating kasangga ng mga Kastila nasila ding unang tumalikod sa PamahalaangMalolos at nakipagkasundo sa mga dayuhangAmerikano bago pa man sumiklab ang labanangPilipino-Amerikano.

liMaliban S8 pagtukoy ng p inagkunan, angimpormasyon na tinutukoy ay nanggaling kay John R.M.Taylor, The Philippine Inaurrection Againat The UnitedState», Vol. I"and II (pasay City. Philippines: Eugenio LopezFoundation, 1971).

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Upang pagtibayin ng mga elitista ang kanilangpanunungkulan sa pamahalaan ni Aguinaldo,nahikayat nilang pag-ibahin ang layunin ngKongresong itinadhana ng mga batas ika-18 at23 ng Hunyo 1898. Ayon sa plano ni Mabini,ang Kongreso ay itinatag hindi upang gumawang Konstitusyon, kundi magpayo at magsuhaysa opisina ng pangulo para maging matatag ito,lalo na sa panahon ng krisis na kinakaharappa ng bansa. Ayon sa kanya, ang paggawa ngisang saligang batas ay dapat gawin sa panahonng katiwasayan at kapayapaan upang mag­karoon ng maganda at sapat na pagkakataonna makapag-Isip ang mga kinatawan paramakabuo ng magiging haligi ng tunay nademokrasya sa bansa. Ngunit ang ganitongplano at pag-iisip ni Mabini ay sinalungat ngmga kinatawan ng Kongreso, na ang pinaka­malaking bahagi ay nabibilang sa marurunongat mayayaman. Sa likod ng pagkatalo ni Mabini,ipinadala niya ang kanyang nakahandangPrograma Constitucional de la RepublicaFilipino sa pag-aakalang maaari pang masa­wata ang anumang makasariling plano ng mgakinatawan. Sa kasamaang palad, ito ay hindibinigyan pansin ng mga kinatawan na nag­patuloy sa kanilang paggawa ng Konstitusyon.Ang naging bunga ng kanilang trabano ay angSaligang Batas ng Malolos na siyang basehanng Republika ng Malolos noong ika-23 ng Enero1899. Ito ang itinuturing ng ating pamahalaanat nakararami sa atin ngayon na unangPamahalaang Republika ng bansa at si EmilioAguinaldo ang unang Presidente.

Sa aking pa-aaral ng kasaysayan ng atingrebolusyon, naging mahirap tanggapin ang ika­22 ng Marso 1897 bilang araw ng pagkatatagng isang mapagpalayang pamahalaan dahil sanangyari sa pulong ng Tejeros noong 1897 nahumantong sa kamatayan ni Andres Bonifaciosa kamay ng kapwa niya rebolusyonaryo. Ganondin kahirap para sa akin tanggapin angRepublika ng Malolos na siyang napiling kapalitnito bilang kaunaunahang mapagpalayangpamahalaang Pilipino. Hindi lamang sakatotohanang may naunang dalawang pamaha­laan nang itinatag (ang Republika ng Kataga­lugan ni Andres Bonifacio at ang PamahalaangMapanghimagsik ni Mabini), bagkus kara-

mihan sa .mga taong bumuo at namuno nita aysiyang ring mga unang tumalikod dito."

Mahalaga. sa isang pamahalaang demokratiko,na. siyang ipinahihiwatig ng PamahalaangMalolos, ang pagkakapantay-pantay ng sangayng ehekutibo, lehislatibo at hudikatura. Ngunitalinsunod sa probisyon ng Konstitusyon ngMalolos, di hamak ang kapangyarihan ngIehislatibo kung ihahambing sa ehekutibo athudikatura. Ang kapangyarihan lehislatibo aynasa. kamay ng Asembleya na binubuo ng mgakimatawang inihalalsang-ayon sa batas. Hindiang buong bayan ang hahalal sa presidentekundi ang Asembleya. Ang Gabinete, nabinubuo ng mga kalihim ng ibat-ibang kaga­waran ng pamahalaan, ay mananagot hindi saPangulo.vkundi sa Asembleya. Ang PunongMahistrado ng Kataastaasang Hukuman ayhihirangin ng Asembleya. Ang pagsang-ayon ngPangulo at ng gabinete nito ay isang pormalidadlamang. Kung gayon, ang lehislatibo at hindiang ehekutibo 0 ang Pangulo ang siyang tunayna makapangyarihan.

Karamihan sa mga kinatawang bumuo ngAsembleya ay ang mga taong sa simula ng atingpaghimagsik ay marubdob na nanawagan samga mamamayang Pilipino na panatilihin angkatapatan sa Espanya. Sila din ang nag­tulungan para mapawalang saysay ang mgapagsisikap ni Mabini na maitatag ang isangmalayang pamahalaang matibay na masasan­digan ng mamamayang Pilipino.

Sila din ang unang tumalikod sa PamahalaangMalolos bago pa man nagsimula ang labananPilipino at Amerikano. Ito ay pinatunayan niWilliam Cameron Forbes na nagsabing-":

Maliban kay Mobini, tinalikuran nilaang Pamahalaang Malolos bago pa

18Ilan sa mga ito ay sina Felipe Calderon, PedroPaterno, Felipe Buencamino, atbp.

14All of these, with the exception of Mabini, withdrewfrom the Malolos government prior to. the outbreak ofhostilities with the United States. They represented theconservative, well-educated class, and following them manyothers in minor posts also withdrew form the Malolosgovernment and brought their families within the AmericanIines.

sumiklab ang labanan laban sa EstadosUnidos, Kinakatawan nila ang mgakonserbatibo't may pinag-aralan uri salipunan. Sumunod sa kanilo ang ibapang nananungkulan sa mga mababangposisyon kabilang ang kanilang mgakaanak papunta sa panig ng mgaAmerikano (akin ang pagsasalin).

Hindi nakapagtatakang natalo tayo sa atingdigmaan laban sa mga Amerikano.

Konklusyon

Noong ika-5 ng Mayo 1997, isa ako sanaanyayahan ng Opisina ng Presidente sapamamagitan ni Asst. Executive SecretaryErnesto P. Martinez, na magbigay liwanagkung kailan natin dapat gunitain angpagkakatag ng Opisina ng Presidente.

Naniniwala akong pinakauna ang Republikang Katagalugan ni Andres Bonifacio. Ngunit,ang pangangailangan ng karagdagangdokumento upang matiyak kung kailannagsimulang nanungkulan ang Katipunanbilang isang pamahalaan ay isang dahilangkatanggaptanggap sa akin na pansaman­talang isantabi ito sa ngayon. Siguro sasusunod na pagdiriwang natin angsentenaryo, ang Republika ng Katagaluganna ni Bonifacio ang kikilalanin nating unangPamahalaan at ang bagong halal na si JosephEstrada ay panglabing apat na pangulosimula kay Andres Bonifacio.

Samantala, alin sa ika-22 ng Marso 1897, ika­23 ng Hunyo 18980 ika-23 ng Enero 1899 kayaang dapat nating gunitain? Ang pamahalaangitinatag ayon sa nangyaring halalan sa Tejerosnoon ika-22 ng Marso 1897 ay nagtatag ng isangmalakas na opisina ng presidente. Masasabingdiktatoryal ito dahil sa ang paghihiwalay atpagkapantaypantay ng tatlong sangay ngpamahalaan na itinadhana sana ng Konsti­tusyon ng Biak-na-Bato ay hindi nabigyan ngpagkakataon na maipatupad nang sumuko siEmilio Aguinaldo ayon sa kasunduang Biak-na­Bato.

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Itinatagnoong ika·23 ng Enero 1899 ang isangpayat na halos buto't balat na opisina ngpresidente. Hindi ito malaya, at lalo nang hindikapantay, sa dalawa pang ibang pangunahingsangay ng pamahalaang Malolos. Bukod dito,tinalikuran ito ng mga taong bumuo nito atnagbigay daan sa pagtagumpay ng pananakopsa atin ng mga Amerikano.

Isang malakas na opisina ng presidente angitinadhana ng batas ika·23 ng Hunyo 1898.Bukod sa malakas at malaya, kapantay ito sapagpapatupad ng tungkuling pampamahalaanng lehislatura at hudikatura. Ang aga-aga napagpatupad nito sakatauhan ng PamahalaangRebolusyonaryo noon din ika·23 ng Hunyo aynagpakita ng matapat na hangaring ng mayakda nito na tuparin ang pangunahing layunin

ng Himagsikan 1896: ang maitatag ang isangmalakas, malaya, kinikilala, at sinusunod ngmga mamamayang Pilipino.

Tanging ang Pamahalaang Rebolusyonaryo naitinatag noong ika-23 ng Hunyo 1898 ang maytaglay ng lahat na katangiang ito. Kaya langang paglago at pakinabang na maidudulot sananito sa sambayanang Pilipino noon ay dagliangpinutol ng Pamahalaang Malolos na siyangginugunita natin bilang unang pamahalaangdemokratiko ng Pilipinas at ng buyong Asya.Tila may problema ang pag-aaral natin ng atingkasaysayan. Harinawang maituwid natin itobago dumating ang muling pagdiriwang ngsentenaryo ng proklamasyon ng kalayaan, isangdaang taon mula ngayon.•

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..-----.J

Ang Kumbensyong Teheros sa Iba't IbangPananaw

EMMANUEL FRANCO CALAIRO

Isang daantaon na ang nakalilipas nang maganap ang makulay na yugto saating kasaysayan, ang laban upang tapusin ang kolonyalismong Kastila sa

ating bayan. Kaalinsabay sa labanang ito ay makikita rin ang naging relasyonng bawat Pilipino habang nakikipaghamok sa mga dayuhan. Mula nang isigawang paghihimagsik sa Pugadlauiin, Kalookan noong Agosto 23, 1896 hanggang

sa labanan sa Halige (lmus) at Magpuri (Perez Dasmarinos), Kabite ay walanang naging pahinga ang mga Katipunero sa kanilang pakikikipagtunggali sa

pagkamtan ng kasarinlan. Ang isa sa mga dahilan kung bakit agarangidineklara ang himagsikan. noon sa Kalookan ay wala nang maaari pang gawin

ang mga Anak ng Bayan dahil ang lihim na asosasyon ay nadiskubre na ngmga Kastila sa Tundo. Ang pormal nilang paghayag ng kanilang layunin sa

publiko ay ginanap sa Kalookan.

Simula ng petsang ito ay binagyo ng mgakalbiguan ang mga rebolusyonaryo saKamaynilaan dahil sa kawalan ng kahandaankaiba sa lalawigan ng Kabite na kahit paaano'ynananalo sa labanan.

Sa pagkapanalo ng mga Kabitenyo sapaghihimagsik, ang supremo Andres napumunta sa Kabite sa pamamagitan ngpaanyaya ng kanyang tiyuhing MarianoAllvarez.

Sa naturang buwan (Disyembre) ay naganapdin ang pulong ng mga Magdalo sa Imus upangpag-usapan ang pagbabago ng Katipunan bilangsiyang namamahala sa pagsulong ng kalayaan.Bagama't hindi nagkaroon ng desisyon sapulong, dito na nag-umpisang magkaroon ngsamaan ng loob ang supremo at mga Magdalo.Ito ay sinundan pa ng mga pangyayari na angkinahinatnan ay ang magulong relasyon ngMagdalo at Magdiwang sa pulong sa Teheros,San Francisco de Malabon.

lSi Emmanuel F. Calairo ay nagtuturo saDepartamento nr Kasaysayan, De La Salle University.

1«fdI1,"- fIrj4c•••PC-'fJ. 1998

Sa papel na ito ay ginamit ng may-akda angbatis na sinulat nina Gregoria de Jesus, Ricarteat Alvarez kasama na ang mga sulat ni AndresBonifacio. Ang batis tulad ng sinulat niRonquillo ukol kay Rillo at Memorias ni Hen.Aguinaldo at mga sulat nina Daniel Tirona atAntonio Montenegros ay sadyang hindibinanggit sapagkat hindi tumutugma sakasalukuyan nang nalalaman ukol sakumbensyon. Gayunpaman, ay kinakailananitong p ag-usap an upang mabigyan ngkalinawan kung hindi man maresolba angsuliranin sa mga batis ukol sa nasabingkumbensyon.

Sadya ring hindi binanggit ng may-akda angmga sumunod na kaganapan sa Tanza, Acta deTeheros at Acta de Naik sapagkat walangpagkakasundo ang mga batis na kinonsulta ukoldito. Dagdag pa na ang papel ay tumutukoy sakumbensyon sa Teheros. Gayunpaman, ito ayhindi maaaring mawalay sa talakayan sapagkatmagkakabit ang mga pangyayari mula sa Imushanggang sa pagpupulong sa Naik tungo sakamatayan ng Supremo Andres Bonifacio.

45

Mga pangyayari bago ang KumbensyongTeheroe

Ang mga naging kaganapan sa Teherospartikular na sa relasyon ng supremo at ngsangguniang Magdalo ay maaaring maipa­liwanag sa mga pangyayari bago naganap angkumbensyon. Ang mga pangyayaring ito aynagbigay ng malaking epekto sa emosyonal atsikolohikal na relasyon ni Bonifacio at ng mgaMagdalo partikular na kina Hen. BaldomeroAguinaldo, Emilio Aguinaldo at Daniel Tirona.

Ang una sa mga ito ay nang magpulong angmga Katipunero sa Banlat upang pag-usapanang sabay-sabay na pagkilos ng lahat nglalawigan sa Katagalugan. Sa naturang pulongay itinalaga ng Supremo ang Magdiwang sapamumuno ni Hen. Mariano Alvarez na siyangmamumuno sa Kabite. Kaya naman hindi isi­nama ng supremo sa naturang pagkilos ang mgaMagdalo sapagkat napagtanto ng supremo anghindi pagsang-ayon ng balangay na ito samaagang himagsikan. Gayunpaman, angnaturang pulong ay nakarating sa mga Magdalodahil naroroon pala sa pulong na iyon siDomingo Orcullo, isang Magdalo. Kanyanginiulat na ang pagkilos ay pamumunuanlamang ng Magdiwang. Ito'y mahalagasapagkat nagsimulang magkaroon ng lamat angrelasyon ng supremo at ng mga Magdalo ngunitlubhang maliit lamang at hindi sapat namagbigay ng gulo sa bawat isa,

Dahil sa matinding labanan sa San Juan delMonte, umurong at nagtago sa kabundukan ngSan Mateo ang tropang pinamumunuan niBonifacio upang makaiwas sa mga opensiba ngKastila. Sa kabilang dako naman ay nananalosa mga labanan ang batambatang heneral nasi Emilio Aguinaldo ng Kabite. Dahil saganitong sitwasyon marahil kung kaya'tnagpahayag si Emilio Aguinaldo na kina­kailangang magtayo na ng pamahalaangrebolusyonaryo na siyang mamamahala sarebolusyon laban sa Kastila. Ang naturangpahayag 0 manipesto ay lumabas noongOktubre 1896 nang hindi man lamangkinokonsulta ang pinuno ng Katipunan. Baga­man natatalo sa labanan ay nararapat lamangna kausapin muna ng supremo sa mga bagay

46

na ito sapagkat siya ang pinuno ng Katipunangumiiral sa buong Katagalugan. Ang pagwa­walang bahala ni Emilio Aguinaldo ay maaaringnakapagdulot naman ng sama ng loob kayBonifacio sa mga Magdalo.

Ang ikatlong pangyayari ay nang dumating siBonifacio sa Kabite kasama ang kanyang mgakaanak at nanirahan sa Imus sa bahay ni JuanCastaneda. Sa bahay na ito dinalaw angsupremo ng mga pinuno ng Magdalo kabilangsina Hen. Baldomero Aguinaldo, Daniel Tirona,at Vicente Fernandez. Nang makita ni Bonifaciosi Fernandez ay kaagad na iniutos ang pagdakipdito sapagkat ang naturang Fernandez ay hindipala tumupad ng kanyang tungkulin atpangakong mangunguna sa pag-aalsa saMorong at Laguna. Sa kanya rin isinisisi ngsupremo ang dahilan ng pagkatalo ng mgaKatipunero sa labanan sa San Juan del Monte.Dahil sa ginawing ito ni Fernandez kaya mainitang dugo ni Bonifacio at iniutos ang agarangpagdakip sa naturan. Ngunit sa halip na tuma­lima ang mga Magdalo sa iniutos ng supremoay pinagtawanan lamang niya. Ito ang kauna­unahang pagkakataon na nakita ng hayag ngsupremo na hindi panig sa kanya ang mgaMagdalo.

Ang ikaapat na pangyayari ay nang maka­tanggap ng impormasyon ang supremo namayroong kumakalat na sulat sa buong Iala­wigan ng Kabite na nag-uudyok sa lahat ng mgatagarito na huwag nilang pag-ukulan nganumang paggalang si Bonifacio sapagkat ayonkay Daniel Tirona, taong mababa ang pinag­aralan at isang katiwala lamang na nagli­lingkod sa bahay-kalakal ng Alem-an. Angmasasamang paratang na ito ni Tirona aynakarating sa supremo sa pamamagitan ng mgakaibigan. Nang magkita si Tirona at angsupremo sa bahay ni Andrea Nocon ay inusisaang katotohanan sa likod ng balita laban sakanyang katauhan. Ang balita ay pinabulaananni Tirona at naghitsurang palalokaya nagalitang supremo at siya'y tinutukan ng rebolber.Mabuti na lamang at naroroon si Nocon kayanamagitan ito sa dalawang nag-aaway. Angpangyayaring ito ay hindi matatanggihang nag­iwan sa dalawa ng galit sa isa't isa.

Alng sumunod namang pangyayari ay nangmaghain ng panukalang palitan ang saliganglbatas ng katipunan na umiiral noon sakapuluan. Ang gumawa ng nasabing konsti­tusyon ay si Edilberto Evangelista, isangMagdalo at ikinakampanyang pangulo niAguinaldo sakaling mabuo ang bagong pama­halaan. Ang sinulat na konstitusyon ay binasani Evangelista sa supremo at upang lubos napag-usapan ng mga Katipunero ay nagpatawagng kapulrungan ang mga Magdalo na ginanapsa Imus. Nang ganapin ang pulong ay pinag­talunan ang pagpapalit ng konstitusyon at angpag-iisa ng dalawang sanggunian sa Kabitedahil lubhang maliit ang lalawigan para sadalawang sanggunian. Ang inisan ay mulingnanukso nang dumating ang mga Magdiwang.Una, hindi man lamang nagbigay galang angsupremo sa mga nag-imbitang Magdalo. Nangdumating ang supremo kasama ang kabigan nam;ga Magdiwang ay hindi man lamang dawbinati nil Baldomero Aguinaldo at karaka­rakang umupo sa harapan at pinaupo sakanyang tabi si Mainam. Sa ginawing ito ngsupremo ay tila nagpakita ng favoritismo kay adagli namang umupo sa kabilang tabi saBaldomero Aguinaldo kahit hindi inaanya­yahan. lto'y nakagalit sa panig ng Magdalodahil una, sila ang nagpatawag ng pulong kaya'tnararapat lamang na sila ang mamuno sanaturang kapulungan. Ang ginawi ni Bonifacioay nagpapakitang siya ang pinakamataas kahitsaan dako man siya magtungo. Ikalawa, angIayunin ng pulong ay para mamagitan sadalawang grupo hindi para panigan ang tiyuhinng Supremo na si Mariano Alvarez.

Walang naging desisyon sa naturang kapu­Iungan dahil sa kahit na sino'y ibig mamuno sanaturang kapulungan dahil sa kahit na sino'yibig mamuno sa Kabite. Dagdag pa rito aynakahinto din sa usapan ang pagdating ng mgakaanak ni Rizal tulad nina Josephine Brackenat Paeiano Rizal. Bago matapos ang kapulunganay sinabi ng supremo at .inayunan naman nglahat na siya'y magtatatag ng kamara Iehis­latura at siya ang mamimili ng mga tauhan sanaturang kamara. Hindi ito nagustuhan ng mgaMagdalo sapagkat lumilitaw na si Bonifaciolamang ang nagdedesisyon. Sa kabilang dakonama'y masama rin ang loob ng supremosapagkat iniutos niya sa mga Magdalo na itala

ang katitikan (minutes) ng mga naganap atnapag-usapan sa pulong. Makailang ulit nahiningi ito ng supremo ngunit wala man lamangibinibigay sa kanya.

Ang huli ay masasabi nating ang pagpapataydaw ng supremo sa tatlong pari na dinakip ngmga Magdalo. Ayon sa tala, ang tatlong paringito, sina Padre Echegoyen, Cardenas atPiernavieja ay ipinadala ng mga Magdalo saMagdiwang upang bantayan. Ang naturangmga pari ay tinrato raw ng mga Magdiwangpartikular na ng magkakapatid na Bonifacio atMariano Alvarez n a parang mga hayop­pinahirapan at hindi binigyan ng makakain, atsa huli ay ipinapatay. Hindi ito nagustuhanniEmilio Aguinaldo kaya't nagpalabas siya ngpahayag sa buong lalawigan na kinokondenaang pagpatay na ito at sinabing sina Bonifacio'ymga barbaro.

Ang kaganapan sa Kumbensyong Teheros

Dahil sa patuloy na pananalakay ng mgaKastila sa lalawigan ng Kabite ay maramingnakuhang lugar ang mga ito. Sa buwan ngPebrero ay sinalakay ng mga Kastila angZapote, Bakoor at Kawit at napasok nila angmga bayang ito nang mapabagsak nila ang mgadepensa na ginawa ni Evangelista (napatay sanaturang labanan). Kaagadnamang sinuyod ngkalaban ang Imus at Perez Dasmarifias nateritoryo ng mga Magdalo. Ito ang dahilan kungkaya natawag ang pansin ng mga Magdiwangkaya nagpatawag ito ng pulong na ang layuninay paghandaan ang pagdating ng mga kalabansakaling bumagsak ang teritoryo ng mgaMagdalo. Ang nasabing pulong ay itinakda saika-21 ng Marso 1897 ngunit dahilsa matindinglabanan sa mga bayan kung kaya't ipinag­paliban ang pulong sa sumunod na araw. Angpulong ay ginanap sa CBBa Hacienda de Tejeros,sakop ng Mapagtiis (San Francisco de Malabon,Hen. Trias sa ngayon) ang punong himpilan ngMagdiwang. Kinabukasan, Marso 22, 1897 ayhalos napuno ang Casa Hacienda dahilsa daming taong dumalo. Ang pulong ay pinamunuanni Jacinto Lumbreras sapagka't siya'y tuma­tayong pansamantalang pangulo ng mgaMagdiwang dahilsi Mariano Alvarez (Mainam)ay maryoong karamdaman.

Nagsiupuan sa luklukan ng mesa ang mganagsidalo. Sa dakong kana'y sina JacintoLumbreras, Andres Bonifacio,Mariano Alvarez,Pascual Alvarez, Ariston Villanueva, MarianoTrias, Diego Mojica, Emiliano Riego de Di08,Santiago Alvarez, Artemio Ricarte, SantosNocon, Luciano San Miguel, Pablo Mojica,Severino de las Alas, at Santiago Rillo.Ang mganabanggit ay pawang mga pinuno ngMagdiwang.

Sa panig naman ng mga Magdalo ay wawalolamang ang pinunong nagsidalo kabilang sinaBaldomero Aguinaldo, Crispulo Aguinaldo,Daniel Tirona, Cayetano Topacio, AntonioMontenegro, Licerio Topacio at iba pa. Angkaramihan naman ng mga dumalo ay nakatayoat nakapaikot sa nasabing mesa.

Binuksan ni Lumbreras ang kapulungan atkanyang ipinahayag na ang layunin ng pagpu­pulong ay pagtibayin ang pagtatanggol ngteritoryo ng Magdiwang sapagkat ito na lamangang hindi pa napapasok ng kaaway. Kasunodnito ay humingi ng pahintulot na makapagsalitasi Severino de las Alas na pinayagan naman.Aniya:

Bago pag-usapan ang pagtatanggol samunting bagay, kailangang unahinmuna ang sa malaki: pag-usapan ang uring Pamahalaan kung ana at papaano?,at kung ito ang mapagpasyahan, aysiyang panggagalingan ng lahat ngkakailanganing kaayusan at lakas ngpagtatanggol.

Sumagot naman sa naturang panukala angpangulo ng pagpupulong na si Lumbreras.Aniya:

Ang kapuluan ay pinamamahalaan nang KKK ng mga Anak ng Bayan, nasiyang nagbukas ng paghihimagsik; maybatas at aUtuntuning pinaiiral; sinu­sunod at ginagalang ng lahat sapagtatanggol ng Kalayaan, pag-ibig samga kapatid, pag-aayos sa pamamalakdng mgo pamunuan. An g hangad ngpulong na itinauuig, pag-usapan anglalong mabuting kapasyahang dapatitibay ng Pamahalaang Magdiwang sa

41

mga kaaway, ng huwag maagawan nghimpilan ang hukbo ng Katipunan,sapagkat ang Magdala ay napapawi nosa guhit ng kabayanihan.

Pagkatapos ng kasagutan ni Lumbreras ayhumingi naman ng pahintulot na maka­pagsalita ang supremo ng Katipunan napinagbigyan naman. Idinugtong niya sakasagutan ni Lumbreras na:

Ang kahulugan ng K sa bandila ngpaghihimagsik na nakasulat sa gitna ngaraw ay Kalayaan.

Sumagot naman si de las Alas na hindimahihinuha sa K ng bandito ang uri ngpamahalaang naghihimagsik kung ito'ymakabayan 0 makahari.

Tumugon. naman ang supremo Andresna mula sa kataastaasang pamunuan ngKaiipunan, hanggang sa kababababaan,ay nagkakaisang gumagalang sa pagka­kapatiran at pagkakapantay-pantay;namumuhunan ng dugo at buhay labansa hari, upang makapagtatag ng sariliat malayang pamahalaan, na somaka­tuuiid, ay mamamahala ang bayan saboyan, at hindi ang isa 0 dalawang taolamang,

Pagkatapos magsalita ng supremo ay huminginaman ng pahintulot na magsalita si AntonioMontenegros (nasa panig ng Magdalo at taga­Maynila) at sumegunda sa sinabi ni de las Alas.Aniya:

Kung di mapagpapasyahan ang isanglalong nararapat na pamunuan ngpaghihimagsik, at magpapatuloy angkasalukuyang kalagyan, tayong lahat namanghihimagsik ay magiging katuladlamang ng isang pangkat na tulisan 0

kaya'y mga hayop na walang isip atmaninibasib.

Ang pahayag na ito ni Montenegro ay sinagotnaman ni Santiago Alvarez, na dagling tumayo,tinitigan ng matalim ang nagpahayag at galitna sinabing:

Kaming mga Katipunang napapailalimat gumagalang sa Kataastoasang Sang­gunian ng mga Anak ng Bason, nanagtatanggol at sumasako sa mgopamahalaang Magdiwang at Magdalang Kabite, ay mga tunay na manghi­himagsik sa pagtatanggol ng kalayaanng bayang tinubuan. Hindi mga tulisansa pangangagaw ng di kanyang pag-aariat kayamanan, at hindi rill. maaaringmatulad sa hayop, sapagkat morunongkumupkop at magtanggol sa kapwa, lalosa mga dito y nanganganlong lamang;may isip at hindi humihiya sa mganagsasalitang matapang, ngunit walangnagagawa. Kung ibig mapairal angibang uringpamahalaan, ayon sa inyongisipan; tulad sa aming ginawa, umuwiat agawin ninyo sa Kastila ang inyonglalauiigan, saka gawin ang inyongminamarapat, at huwag papang­himasuhan sa mga duwag na manunu­lusan, na maaaring mag-ukol sa nyo ngmga salitang tulisan at hayop, at upangtayoy masiyahan, kayoy munay akingdinadakip.

Di kawasa'y pinabantayan ni Hen. Apoy(Santiago Alvarez) ang nasabing Montenegro sakawal ni Komandante Fojas. Nagmungkahinaman ang kaanak ni Dr. Rizal (Josephine atTrinidad) na sa kanila lamang ipagkatiwala angnasabing Montenegro sapagkat sa bahayHacienda ng Teheros din naman sila nana­nahan. Sumang-ayon dito ang Hen. Apoyngunitdahil kanyang pananalita ay nagkaroon ngtensyon sa magkabilang panig. Parehong handasa anumang magaganap. Dahil dito kayanahinto ang pagpupulong.

Pagkatapos mapayapa ang lahat ay nagmung­kahi ang supremo Andres na ituloy ang pag­pupulong. Dito'y hindi sumang-ayon angnangungulong si Lumbreras sapagkat aniya ayhindi iyon ang layunin ng ipinatawag na pulongkundi ang pagtatanggol ng mga bayan saKabite. Kung itutuloy ang pangpupulong naang layon ay ang pagkakaroon ng pamahalaanng Himagsikan ay hindi siya ang dapat mamunokundi ang supremo ng Katipunan. Ang pahayagni Lumbreras ay sinang-ayunan ng lahat kaya

itinuloy ang pagpupulong at si Andres Bonifaciona ang nangungulo.

Nang Itinuloy ang pulong ay nagsalita angsupremo:

Yayamang ang hangad ninyo ay mag­bangon. ng ibang pamunuan pamkala­hatan ng KKK ng mgo A.N.B., atpawalan ng bisa ang pinagtibay ngpulong sa bahay-asyenda ng Imus, sapagbabangon lamang ng mga batas nadapat poirolin: Ako, sa aking pagka­presidente at supremo ng KKK ng mgaA.N.B., ay 8umasang-ayon at sumusunodsa inyong kahilingan, datapwa'tinaanya-yahan ko ang What, na tayoykumilala at gumalang sa mga wastanggawain ng ating kakayahan atkarapatan, sa pulong na ita at sa Whatng p ulong; ating pagpitaganan,pahalagahan at sundin. ang kapasyahan.ng marami.

Sumang-ayon ang lahat at kanilang isinigawang Republica Filipina. Kasunod nito ay napag­ayunan ang paghahalal ng siyam na tungkulinna kinabibilangan ng Pangulo, PangalawangPangulo, kapitan heneral, at kalihim panloob.

Nang sisimulan na ang halalan ay mulingnagsalita ang pangulo ng kapulungan na siAndres Bonifacio at kanyang inihayag na angmahahalal sa dami ng boto ay siyang susundin,at igagalang ng lahat, maging anuman ang abotng pinag-aralan 0 hanapbuhay, kailanma't elitaksil sa karangalan ng lahat.

Tinugon siya ng ilang sigawang Ganyan,pantay-pantay; walang mababa at walangmataas; maghari ang ibigin ng bayan.

Itinalaga ng pinuno ng kapulungan si ArtemioRicarte bilang kalihim ng pulong. Pagkataponito ay ipinamigay na ang mga papel nasusulatan ng kanilang boto.

Sa pagkapangulo ay nanalo si Emilio Aguinaldokay Andres Bonifacio. Ipinagbunyi ng lahat angresulta sa pamamagitan ng hiyawang mabuhay.Kasunod nito ay nagsalita na si de las Alas na

49

yaman din lamang na pumangalawa sa daming boto si Bonifacio ay siya na lamang anggawing pangalawang pangulo. Walangtumugon sa munghaki kaya inihayag ni AndresBonifacio ang pagpapatuloy ng halalan. Sapangalawang pangulo ay naglaban sa posisyonsina Andres Bonifacio, Mariano Trias, MarianoAlvarez at si Severino de las Alas. Sa ikalawangpagkakataon ay natalo ang supremo at nagwagisi Mariano Trias. Isinunod kaagad angpaghahalal ng kapitan heneral at nanalo saposisyon si Artemio Ricarte. Tumanggi ito sakanyang pagkakahalal at nangatwirang kulangang kanyang kakayahan para sa nasabingposisyon. Sa huli ay pumayag din dahil sakagustuhan ng kapulungan.

Pagkatapos ng pagbubunyi sa kahahalal nakapitan heneral ay nagmungkahi si Hen.Baldomero Aguinaldo na ipagpatuloy na anghalalan at upang hindi na abutin ng gabi aypumanig na lamang sa isang tabi ang hindiumaayon sa tungkulin sa kabilang tabi namanang umaayon upang sa ganoo'y madali angbilangan. Ang lahat ay umayon kaya ang mgasumunod na posisyon ay isinagawa sa ganitongsistema.

Sa kalihim pandigma ay nanalo si Emiliano deDios laban kina Santiago Alvarez, AristonVillanueva at Daniel Tirona. Pagkatapospapurihan ay isinunod na ang kalihim Panloobkung saan naglaban sina Andres Bonifacio atMariano Alvarez. Lumabas na nanalo sanaturang posisyon si Andres Bonifacio kayasiya'y pinagbunyi din ng mga nahalal. Sa gitnang papuring ito ay humingi ng pahintulot siDaniel Tirona na makapagsalita at aniya:

Mga kapatid, ang tungkulin director delinterior ay totoong malaki at moselan,at hindi maaaring hawakan ng hindiabogado. Mayroon dito sa ating isangabogado, siyay si G. Jose del Rosario,kayay ating tutulan ang katatapos pangnahalal, na walang anumang katibayanng pinag-aralan.

Pagkatapos ay buong lakas niyang isinigaw angpaghahalal kay Jose del Rosario. Dahil saginawing ito ni Daniel kaya tumindig angnahalal na Andres Bonifacio at nagsalita:

50

Ating pinagkaisahang igagalang angkapasyahan ng marami sa pagha­halalan, maukol sa anumang uri ngkalayagan ang taong minarapat nabigyan ng anumang tungkulin 0 mapa­halal. Dahil dito, hinihingi ko sa invo,G. Daniel Tirone, na bawiin sakapulungan ito ang iyong ipinahayag, atbigyang-karangalan ang sinirang-puring manghahahal at ng nahalal.

Pagkatapos magpahayag ay binunot angkanyang rebolber at itinutok sa nasabing Tironangunit imbes na bawiin ang kanyang sinabi aynagpawala ito sa mga naroroon. Ang kalihimng pulong ay agad namang hinawakan angkamay ni Andres Bonifacio upang hindimaituloy ang pagputok nito. Nagulo ang lahatat dahil sa nawala ang kapayapaan at nagsalitaang surpremo:

Ako sa pagkapangulo nitong kapu­lungan, at sa pagkapresidente supremongKKK ng A.N.B., na kilala sa talastasng lahat, ipinahahayag kong lansag atwalang kabuluhan ang lahat ng bagayna pinagkayarian at pinagtibay sapulong na ito.

Pagkatapos magsalita ay nilisan ng supremoang lugar kasama ang mga kabig nito.

Mga interpretasyon ukol sa Kumbensyon

Dahil sa kakapusan ng mababasa 0 datos kungana nga ba talaga ang dahilan sa pagkakagulong naturang pulong ay naging palaisipan samga historyador. Upang maipaliwanag ito aynaghain ng iba't ibang interpretasyon namakakasagot sa mga naging suliranin sakumbensyon.

A. Rehiyonalismo

Ang pagiging rehiyonalistiko ay sinasabingumiral sa kumbensyon sapagkat kaya rawnanalo si Emilio Aguinaldo bilang pangulo aydahil sa mga alsa-balu tan ng mga raga­Batangas na pinamumunuan ni Santiago Rillo.Si Rillo ay isang Magdiwang ngunit bagama'tkapangkat ni Andres Bonifacio ay hindi bobotoito sapagkat ang supremo'y taga-Maynila, Wika

,

I

nga'y higit na panatag ang loob ng mgaBatangenyo sa Kabitenyo kung ang mamu­muno sa kanila ay katulad nila ang kulturangkinagisnan. Sa puntong ito ay ang kultura ngtimog Katagalugan. Sa pagkapangulo ay tatlolamang ang naglaban, sina Emilio Aguinaldo,Andres Bonifacio at Mariano Trias. Samakatwiddalawang taga-timog Luzon at isang taga­Maynila.

B. lPagiging kilala 0 popular

Bagama't ang karamihan ng mga nagsidalo sakumbensyon ay mga Magdiwang at ginanap itosa Teheros na nasa teritoryo ng Magdiwang,ay hindi garantiya na makukuha nila ang lahatng boto sa kumbensyon. Ito sa dahilang higitna kilala sa buong lalawign ng Kabite angkabayanihang ginawa ni Emilio Aguinaldo samga labanan kaysa kay Andres Bonifacio nakasasalta lamang sa Kabite at napabalita pangisang masamang tao kaya hindi dapat igalang.Nakita rin na marami sa mga Magdiwang angpumanig sa bandang huli sa mga Magdalo dahilang kanilang identipikasyon ay kay Aguinaldo.

K. Pagkiling sa kababayan

Ito raw ang nagpanalo kay Aguinaldo bilangpangulo, ang pagkiling kababayan ng kandidatoo Cavitismo. Si Andres Bonifacio ay isa lamangdayo sa Kabite kaya ang sentimyento ng tao aynasa kanilang kababayan, kilala man nila ito 0

hindi. Sa halalan sa ngayon ay kadalasangnangyayari na kung saan lumaki ang isangkandidato ay doon siya nakakakuha ngmaraming boto. Ito marahil ay isang dahilanng pagkatalo ni Andres Bonifacio.

D. Kamag-anak

Sa pag-aaral ni Dr. Isagani R. Medina aynapagtanto niya na ang mga Magdalo atMagdiwang ay magkakadugo magama'tmalalayo na ang relasyon sa isa't isa. Gayun­paman ay pinanaig daw nito sa halalan angpagiging kamag-anak ng inihahalal kaya

nanalo si Emilio Aguinaldo. Si Andres Bonifacioay hindi naman kasama sa kaanak na ito kundinaging malapit lamang kay Mariano .Alvarezdahil sa tiyuhin ito ng kanyang asawang siGregoria de Jesus.

E. Mga halagahin Pilipino (Filipinovalues system)

Batay sa nabanggit sa unahan ng papel na itoay mahihinuha na ang dahilan ng hindipagiging popular ni Andres Bonifacio ay angkanyang hindi pagpapahalaga sa mga gawainng mga Magdalo. Kung mapaniniwalaan natinang kumalat na sulat laban sa supremo aylumilitaw na bumagsak ang kanyang popula­ridad (bilang supremo ng KKK) dahil kinondenaang kanyang mga gawain ng mamamayan.Dagdag pa rito ang sinasabing arogante ngsupremo at pagtingin sa sariling siya lamangang susundin ng bayan. Ito rin ang nagingsuliranin sa panig ng mga Magdalo na hindiman lamang pinahalagahan ang pagkasupremong Katipunan ni Andres Bonifacio.

G. Ilustradlo

Sa pagtingin ni Renato Constantino, ito angnaging dahilan ng pagbagsak ng halalan. Anggulo ay hindi mangyayari kung hindikinuwestyon ang pagkawalang edukasyon ngsupremo. Ang halalan daw sa Teheros ay isalamang simbolismo ng pagkokontrol ng mgaelitista panglalawigan. .

Paglalagom

Ang kaguluhan sa Kumbensyong ay mauugatnatin sa mga pangyayari bago ito naganap.Maliwanang na ang magkabilang kampo ngMagdalo at Magdiwang ay nagpaligsahan paramakuha ang pamunuan ng himagsikan. Atdahil sa kakapusan ng datos upang maipa­liwanag ang naturang pangyayari ay maraminginterpretasyon ang sumulpot na nakapag­bibigay ng idea sa mga mag-aaral ng kasay­sayan...

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Bibliograpiya

Achutegui, Pedro & Miguel Bernard. Aguinaldo and 1M Reuolulion of 1896 A DocuTMnkJry HiMory. QueMilCity: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1972.

Agonoillo, Teodoro. The Reuoll of lhe MCJIUIa. Quezon City: University of the PhilippiJles Press, 1963.__ & S.V. Epistola. The Wrilinga and Trial of Andrea Bonifacio. Quezon City, 1963.Aguinaldo, Emilio. Mga Gunila ng Himagsikan. Inilalhala ni Crislina Aguinaldo Sunlay noong 1964.

Alip, Eufornio. In 1M Day. of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo. Manila: Alip and Sons, Inc. 1969.Alvarez, Santiago. Ang Kalipunan al ang Paghihimagsik. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1992.

Isinalin sa ingles ni Paula Carolina Malay.Constantino, Renato. The Philippine.: A Pase Revisiled. Quezon City. 6'" printing (1980).De Ocampo, Esteban. The Life and Achievemenu of Bonifacio. Manila: Philippine Historical AlI8ociation'.

Historical Bulletin, December 1966.Dery, Luis C. The Army of lhe Firsl Philippine Republic and other Hislorical Essaya. Manila: De La Salle

University Press, 1995.Kalaw, Teodoro. Ang Himagsikang Pilipino. Manila: National Historical Institute, 1989.Mabini, Apolinario. The Philipipne Reuolulion. Manila: National Historical Commission, 1969. (trana. By

L.M. Guerrero)Medina, Isagani (ed.). Ilong Talala Tungkol aa Paghihimagsik Nang 1896-9'1 .inulal ni Carlo. Ronquillo

y Valdez. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 1996.National Historical Institute. Filipinoa in Hislory. Manila, 1991.__. Minuw of Ihe Kalipunan. Manila, 1978.

Quirino, Carlos. The Young Aguinaldo. Manila: Regal Printing Press, 1969.Ricarte, Artemio. Himagsikan ng mga Pilipino Laban sa Kaslila. Hokohama, Japan. 1927.Santos, Jose P. Nag Mahiwallang Pagkakapalay kay Andrea Bonifacio. Gerona Tarlac, 1935.Saulo, Alfredo. E.,.. ilio Aguinaldo Generalissimo and President of Ihe Firsl Philippine Republic • Firsl

Republic in Asia. Quezon City. Phoenix Press, Ine., 1995. 2- printing.__. General Boldomer« Aguinaldo: Magdalo President and Secretary of War, First Philippine Republic.

A published pamphlet distributed at the Baldomero Shrine in Kawit. No date of publication.__. The Truth AbOI'I Aguinaldo and other Heroes. Quezon City: Phoenix Publishing House, Ine., 1987.Taylor, John R.M. The Philippine Ineurrectiot» Againsl lhe United Staw A Compilalion of Documenu with

Now and Introduction. Pasay: Eugenio Lopez Foundation, 1971.

Zaide, Gregorio. The Philippine Revolution. Manila: The Modern Book Company. 1968.

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ANG KABAYANIHAN sa LABAS ng BAYAN:Ang Buhay at Pamumuhay ng mgaRebolusyonaryo sa [bang Bansa

lRJONALlDO B. MACTAL1

Sa kasalukuyan, ang paksang binibigyan ng diin. ukol sa rebolusyon ay angpapel 0 kontribusyon nito sa pagbubuo ng bansa. Ipinalalaganap ang kaisipanna ang Rebolusyong Pilipino ng 1896 ay isang pambansang pag-aalsa laban samga kolonyalistang Espanyol at sa ikalawang bahagi, laban sa imperyalistang

Amerikano. Binubuuuig nita ang lumang kaisipan na ang rebolusyon aynaganap lamang sa unang walong probinsya na unang nag-aklas laban sa

Pamahalaang Espanyol kundi sa halip ang rebolusyon ay naganap sa buongPilipinas mula Batanes hanggang sa Jolo at ang lahat ng Pilipino, bata 0

matanda, magsasaka, pamayanang katutubo, manggagawa, kababaihan,kabataan at maging ano mang sektor 0 sinuman ay kasangkot dito.

Ngunit sa mga pag-aaral na nabanggit, nalimita ang Rebolusyong Pilipinobilang isang panloob na kaganapan lomang sa bansang Pilipinas. Maliban sa

pambansang katangian ng Rebolusyong 1896, ito ay maituturing na mayekstensyon din sa labas ng Pilipinas. Ang ilang mga pangyayari sa panahon ng

rebolusyon ay nagbunsod upang magkaroon ng katangiang pandaigdig angRebolusyong Pilipino: nagkaroon ng mga pangyayari sa panahon ng rebolusyoti

na naganap sa ibang bansa.

Ito ang pagtutuunan ng pansin ng pag-aaralna ito: ang paglalahad at pagsusuri sa ilang mgakaganapan sa panahon ng rebolusyon sa lab asng Pilipinas. Ang mga kaganapang ito sa ibangbansa ay maituturing na ekstensyon 0

karugtong ng mga pangyayari sa loob ngPiHpinas. Maaaring mahati ang nagingpakikibaka at gawain ng mga rebolusyonaryosa ibang bansa sa panahon ng rebolusyon satatlong yugto 0 panahon. Ang unang yugto aymaituturing na ang pakikibaka bago ang HongKong Junta (Disyembre 1896-Pebrero 1898),ang ikalawang yugto ay ang panahon ng HongKong Junta (Pebrero 189B-Agosto 10, 1898), atang ikatlong panahon ay ang panahon ngComite Central Filipino (Agosto 10, 189B-Hulyo19(3).

lSi Dr. Ronaldo B. Mactal ay nagtuturo sa De La SalleUniversity.

Sa lubusangikauunawa ng mga haka-haka ukolsa sinasabing pagbebenta ng rebolusyon sahalagang P800,000, mahalagang makita atmasuri ang naging pamumuhay ng mgaRebolusyonaryong nagtungo sa Hong Kongbilang pagtupad sa Kasunduan ng Biak-na­Bato. Susuriin sa papel na ito ang mgapinagkagastusan ng mga Rebolusyonary saHong Kong. Ipakikita sa pamamagitan ngkanilang mga pang-araw-araw na gastos kungsila lamang ba ay nagpapasarap sa Hong Kongat nilustay ang salapi ng rebolusyon.

Sa papel ring ito tatalakayin ang nagingpamumuhay at paggastos ng mga kinatawan ngPilipinas sa iba't ibang bansa sa panahon ngComite Central Filipino. Aalamin din kung

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tunay bang pagpapakasakit ang kanilangginawa 0 pagliliwaliw Iamang katulad ngginagawa ng maraming mga diplomatiko at mgakonsul ng Pilipinas sa kasalukuyan.

Ang pag-aaral ay maituturing na kakaiba dahilang pagtutuunan ng pansin ay hindi ang mgagawain ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansana may kaugnayan sa kanilang opisyal naresponsibilidad 0 tungkulin. Sa pag-aaral na ito,ang pagtutuunan ng pansin ay ang nagingpamumuhay ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibangbansa. Pagtutuunan ang iba't ibang pinagkaka­abalahan nila sa ibang bansa, mga bagay nakanilang pinagkagastusan, at ang nagingpakikipag-ugnayan 0 relasyon ng bawa't isa sakanilang kapwa rebolusyonaryo.

Pagtutuunan din sa pag-aaral na ito ang nagingpagsasakripisyo at pagtitiis ng mga rebolus­yonaryo habang naninirahan sa dayuhangIupain. Susuriin din ang mga naging pakiki­angkop (coping mechanism) ng mga rebolus­yonaryo sa isang sitwasyon na kanilangkinasapitan: malayo sa pamilya at nagkakaguloat walang katatagan ang bansang pinag­iwanan, salat at may matinding kakulangangpinansyal at sa mga materyal na bagay, at higitsa Iahat sila'y nasa dayuhang lupain na iba angklima, pamumuhay, wika at kultura ng mgatao. Sa papelna ito, bibigyan ng pagsusuri angnaging karakter, katangian 0 di kaya'yemosyong Iumabas sa isang RebolusyonaryongPilipino sa gitna ng ganitong kondisyon.

Matapos ang pag-aaral na ito, hinahangad namaipaunawa sa lahat ng Pilipino ang isang urio halimbawa ng kabayanihan ng ilang mgaPilipino sa Iabas ng bayan sa panahon ngrebolusyon. Ang kabayanihang ito ay bunga ngpagtitiis at pagsasakripisyo na mawalay sapamilya, sa bansa, at ang ilan ay tinalikuranang maginhawang pamumuhay upang maipa­rinig lamang ang mga hangaring makalaya angmga Pilipino sa mga mamamayan, pamahalaanat bansa sa mundo.

Ang naging buhay at pamumuhay ng mgarebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa ay hahatiin sadalawang bahagi. Ang naging pamumuhay ngmga rebolusyonaryong kasama ni Aguinaldo nanaipatapon bilang pagsunod sa Kasunduan sa

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Biak-na-Bato at ito ay maituturing na panahonng Hong Kong Junta. Samantala, ihihiwalayang paglalarawan at pagsusuri sa naging buhayat pamumuhay ng mga kinatawan sa iba't-ibangbansa dahil kakaiba naman ang kanilangnaging mga karanasan at kalagayan.

Ang buhay at pamumuhayng mgarebolusyonaryo sa panahon ngHong Kong Junta

Matapos na matanggap ni Emilio Aguinaldo angpaunang bayad ng Espanya na P400,OOO ayonsa isinasaad ng Kasunduan sa Biak-na-Bato,kaagad niya itong idineposito sa dalawangbangko sa kanyang pangalan at mga kasa­mahan niyang rebolusyonaryo. Sa pagpupulongng mga rebolusyonaro noong Enero 9, napag­kasunduang hindi gagalawin ang mga naka­lagak sa bangko at ang tanging gagastusinlamang para sa kanilang pang-araw-araw napangangailangan ay ang tubo nito na umabotlamang ng P12,OOO bawat taon.

Nang mabalitaan ng mga Rebolusyonaryo saHong Kong ang ginawang paghahatihati ngmga naiwang Rebolusyonaryo sa Pilipinas ngikalawang hulog ng bayad-pinsala ng Espanyana P200,OOO, napagkasunduan sa pagpupulongnoong Pebrero 14, 1898 na ilagay sa pamama­hala at pagkontrol ni Aguinaldo ang mgasalaping nakadeposito ng rebolusyon at angmga panggastos ng lahat ng kasapi ay nasakanyang pagsang-ayon.

Sa buong panahon ng pananatili ng Hong KongJunta mula Enero hanggang Mayo 1898, hindibababa sa 65 ang naging kasapi nito. Hindi pakasama rito ang pamilya ng ilang tulad niMiguel Malvar at ni Mariano Llanera nakasama ang dalawang batang anak nito.

Napakahirap isipin kung paano namuhay angmga nasabing rebolusyonaryo. Sila ay nagsik­sikan sa dalawang bahay sa Daang MorrisonHill, Victoria na inupahan ng P50 bawat buwanat nagsilbing tirahan ng Iahat, kasama angpamilya ng ilan. Ang isa sa nasabing bahay, angGreenmount House ay nagsilbi ring tanggapano himpilan ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa HongKong. Samantala, ang rebolusyonaryo na naismanirahan sa ibang lugar ay pinagkalooban

lamang ng P12 pensyon 0 panggastos bawatbuwan. Bunga nito, halos lahat ng mga kasa­mahan ni Aguinaldo ay naninirahan sadalawang bahay na inupahan ng Hong KongJunta dahilsa di maaaring magkasya ang P12para sa pang-araw-araw na panggastos ngbawat kasapi sa loob ng isang buwan."

An.g tanging pinagkalooban lamang ng P12pensyon bawat buwan ay ang mga kasamahanni Aguinaldo mataposlagdaan ang KasunduanS8 Biak-na-Bato. Ang mga dati nang nanini­rahan sa,Hong Kong ay hindi nakatanggap ngtulong ukol sa pananalapi sa Hong KongJunta kahit na anong dahilan ng kanilangpananatili sa Hong Kong. May mga kasamahandin siAguinaldo na nakaririwasa na humiwalayng tirahan bunga ng nakakaawang kalagayansa tirahan ng mga kasapi ng Hong Kong Juntatulad ng mga pamilyang Tinio, Natividad atAlejandrino.

Ang karamihan ng mga rebolusyonaryongkasama ni Aguinaldo sa Hong Kong aynamuhay sa nakakaawang kalagayan lalo naiyong mga may kasamang pamilya. Sila aynagtiis sa lamig tuwing Disyembre hanggangPebrero ay tag-lamig sa Hong Kong at dahil samarami sa kanila'y walang mga dalang damit,ibinili na lamang ni Aguinaldo ang bawat isang ternong lana (wooden suit) at sombrero namagbibigay proteksyon sa kanila sa lamig atupang makatipid sa labada. Narito ang pag­lalarawan na nakakaawang kalagayan ngkaramihan sa kanila:

Ang mga rebolusyonaryoay dumating ngDisvembre at sa kadahilanang maykakulangon silo sa pananamit at angklima ay malamig sa nasabing pulo ongbawat isa ay biniZhan ng tig-iisangternong lana at isang gora. Ang temonglana ayon sa kanila ay may bentahengproteksyon sa kanila laban sa lamig atito ay higit no ekonomikal dahil ito aytipid sa gostusin. sa pagpapalaba.S

IJose Alejandrino, The Fight 0/Freedom: Episode» andAnecdote. 0/ Our Struggle8/or Freedom (Manila: M. Colcoland Co., 1949), pp. 81-82.

8Alejandrino, p. 82.

Ang talaan ng mga ginastos (list of expenses)ng mga kagawad ng Junta mula Enero 6, 1898hanggang Mayo 10, 1898 na matatagpuan saRolyo 8 ng Philippine Revolutionary Papersang maglalarawan sa pinagkagastusan ng mgarebolusyonaryo sa Hang bansa. Kapunapuna naang pinakamalaking pinagkagastusan ay angpananamit laluna ang kamiseta at trahe.Kapansinpansin din na may paggasta sa pan­talon, kalsonsilyo, sapatos, kurbata (corbata),botones, medyas, panyolito, guwantes, som­brero, tsinelas at sinturon."

Ang malaking paggastos na ito sa pananamitay bunga ng kalagayang ang mga rebolus­yonaryong nakasama sa Hong Kong ay hindina halos nakauwi sa kanilang mga bahay upangkumuha ng kagamitan at mula sa Biak-na-Batoay dumiretso na ng Hong Kong. Ang isa pangdahilan ay ang kakaibang klima na napa­kalamig noong mga unang buwan ng kanilangpamamalagi sa nasabing lugar. Kapansin­pansin na sa mga unang araw pa lamang ngkanilang pamamalagi ay halos mga kasuotanang pinagkagastusan dahil marahil walangkadaladalang damit ang ilan 0 kung may dalaman ay hindi umaangkop sa napakalamig naklima sa Hong Kong. Noong Enero 5, ang HongKong Junta ay gumastos ng P64.60 para sakasuotan tulad ng kamisa, kurbata at ternoupang ipamahagi sa ilang mga Rebolusyo­naryo. Narito ang detalye ng nasabing gastusinat kung kangino napunta ang mga kasuotan atang halaga nito:

Benito Natividad2 kamisa 2.801 kurbata 1.00 3.80

Joaquin Natividad1 pares na kamisa 2.80

Lino Violatatlong pares ng kamisa 4.20

Maximo Kabigtingdalawang pares ngkamisa 2.80

Manuel Tiniodalawang pares ngkamisa 2.80

4Alejandrino, p. 83.

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Gregorio del Pilardalawang pares ngkamisa

Wenceslao Viniegradalawang pares ngkamisa

Tomas Mascardodalawang pares ngkamisa

Celestino Aragon1 pares ng trahe (terno)

Agustin de la Rosa1 pares ng trahe (terno)

Joaquin Alejandrinoisang pares na may

kulay na ternodalawang pares ng

kamisa

2.80

2.80

2.80

10.00

10.0044.80

17.00

2.8019.80

Ang ilan pa ng maituturing na pang-araw-arawna gastos sa bahay na hiwalay na nakalista ayang posporo ($.30), kape (isang lata, $.65), bigas(karaniwan ang halaga ay $4.50 ngunit hindinakalagay kung ano ang ginamit na panukat),dalanghita ($.10, $.20), sabon ($.80), saboneraljabonera ($.40), kendi ($1.00; $1.25), keso, iba't­ibang prutas (varios Irutae de casa, $2.50),petrolyo at kahoy. Gumastos din ang mgarebolusyonaryo para sa ilang serbisyo tulad ngpagpapalaba ng damit na magkakaiba rin anghalaga tulad ng $1.50 para sa isang tao, $1.70para sa anim at $9.65 para sa lahat. Marahilang pagkakaiba ng presyo sa pagpapalaba ayayon sa damit na pinalalabhan. Ang ilang pasa serbisyong kanilang pinagkagastusan ay angbayad sa kargador na ang karaniwang halagaay $1 at ang pagpapatahi ng damit ninaAlejandro Samaniego at Anastacio Francisco naang halaga ay $2.50 bawat kasuotan.

P64.60

Ang sumunod na malaking pinagkagastusan ayang mga pang-araw-araw na pangangailangansa bahay. Masasabing ang mga gastusing itoay karaniwang binubuo lamang ng pamalengkepara sa pagkain ng mga rebolusyonaryo saaraw-araw. Walang malinaw na eksaktonghalaga ang ginastos ng mga rebolusyonaryo saisang araw 0 maging sa loob ng isang buwan.Ngunit masasabi na kinukulang ang panggastossa isang buwan dahilsa listahan ng mga gastosng Pebrero 10 ay may nakalistang gastusin nanagkakahalaga ng $6.24 bilang kapupunan sapagkain sa buwang ito. Mahihinuha na hindipa man nangangalahati ang buwan ay kina­kapos na ang badyet sa pagkain para sa buongbuwan at kinakailangan ng punuan 0 dagdagan.Maraming mga gastusin na pang-araw-araw sabahay na nakatala lamang bilang mga gastosna pangkaraniwan sa bahay (gastos deordinarioe de casa) 0 di kaya ay mga gastos sabahay (gasto8 de casa) at ang mga ito'ypangkaraniwang nagkakahalaga ng mula $.60hanggang $4. May mga nakalista din namanna mga ginastos para sa mga kagamitan sakusina (por varios utensilos de casa) na nagka­kahalaga ang pinakamalaki ng $13.60 saman­talang may Hang hiwalay na kasangkapan sakusina na nakalista tulad ng kaldero ($2.50).

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Ang ikatlong malaking pinagkagastusan ngmga rebolusyonaryo sa Hong Kong aymaituturing na personal na kagamitan ng ilangkasapi tulad ng sepilyo ($.90 ang tatlong piraso),tabako ($.55), lalagyan ng tabako (cajoncitodetabaco, $1.80), baul na lalagyan ng dam it naang karaniwang halaga ay mula $3.00hanggang $3.07 (higit na mura ang lalagyanng papeles na $1.60 lamang), salamin sa matapara kay Silvestre Legaspi ($1), tsinelas ($.30),abaniko, kunot (ang halaga ng tatlo ay $11.35at ito'y napunta kina Pedro Aguinaldo,Wenceslao Viniegra, at Pedro Francisco) atmayroon ding bumili ng relo tulad nina AntonioMontenegro ($6.50) at Tomas Mascardo ($10).Maliban pa rito, may gastusin rin para satuwalya ($2 ang anim na piraso) at susi ng baulpara kay Wenceslao Viniegra ($.30). Saman­tala, may ilan ding gastusin para sa letrato 0

pagpapakuha ng larawan na ang presyo aymaaaring $2.50 para sa isahan (ginastoaniAguinaldo) at maaaring umabot ang halaga nghanggang $24 para sa pagpapaletrato ngmagkakasama tulad ng nagastos .nina AntonioCarlos, Salvador Estrella, Emilio Aguinaldo,Agapito Bonzon, Mariano Llanera at SilvestreLegaspi. Samantala mayroon din namanggastusin sa pagpapakuha ng larawang naka­grupo na binubuo ng anim na katao ay gumastoslamang ng $4.50.

Isang pinagkagastusan ng mga rebolusyonaryoang nakatatawag pansin: ang $10 na ambagan.ng JW mog-aarcl para kay Brebot (?). Naka­tutuwang Isipin na sa kabila ng paghihikahosat kiakulangang pinansyal ay nagawa pangtumulong ng ilang mga rebolusyonaryo. Masa­sabmg para sa mga tunay na bayani angkahirapan ay hindi hadlang upang tumulongsa kapwa at sa sinumang mga nanganga­ilangan. Ang gastusin ding ito ay magbibigayliwanag sa mga ginawa ng Hang mgarebolusyonaryo sa Hongkong: ang ilan sa mgakaniila ay ainamantalang mag-ural. Isangpatunay na may mga mag-aaral ay angnakalistang gastusin para sa kwaderno(cua.derno) ng apat na mag-aaral na nagkaka­halagang $.60. Ang mga nasabing rebolus­yonaryo na gumastos para sa kwaderno ay sinaGregorio del Pilar, Emilio Aguinaldo, WenceslaoViniiegra at Anastacio Francisco. May ilan dinsa mga rebolusyonaryo ang nag-aral ng mgawikang dayuhan at mapapansin sa mgagastusin ang pagbili ng mga pangangailanganukol dito tulad ng mga sumusunod:

Aklat ukol sa Usapang PransesLibro de Conversacion de

Frances $1.20Diksyonaryong Pranses at EspanyolDiccionario Frances y Espanol $6.65

Diksyonaryong Ingles para kayMakapagalDiccionario Ingles para

Macapagal $1.50Aklat ukol sa Balarila

Libra Gramatica $4.50

Pinasisinungalingan ng listahan ng mgapinagkagastusan ng mga rebolusyonaryo saHong Kong na sila ay nagpasarap at nilustaylamang ang salapi ng rebolusyon. Malinaw napinag-ingatan nila ang salapi ng rebolusyon atlahat ng sentimo ay kanilang inilista. Angpaglilistang ito ng lahat ng gastusin ng mgarebolusyonaryo ay bunga ng paniniwala na angsalaping kanilang ginagastos ay hindi kanilangpansariling pagmamay-ari kundi ito ay pag-aaringbayan at dapat pag-ingatan, Ang paglilistang mga gastusin ay bunga ng prinsipyo ngtransparency upang maipaalam sa bayan kungsaan napupunta ang salapi nito.

Sa kabuuan, kung susuriin ang pinagka­gastusan ng mga rebolusyonaryo sa Hong Kongay labis na pagtitiis, pagtitipid at lubhangnakakaawa ang kanilang kalagayan. Walangmakikitang paglulustay sa salapi ng rebo­lusyon. Wala ni anumang Iuho sa katawan athalos lahat ng kanilang gastos ay para lamangsa kanilang pang-araw-araw na panganga­ilangan.

Dapat hangaan ang pagtitiis ng mga Rebolus­yonaryong kasama sa Hong Kong na karamihanay nasa kasibulan ng kabataan (17-30) taonggulang. Dapat silang papurihin na sa kabila ngisinasaad ng Kasunduan sa Biak-na-Bato naang P400,000 na nakadeposito sa dalawangbangko ay dapat paghatihatian ng mgaRebolusyonaryo, tiniis nila ang lahat ng hirapupang huwag galawin ang nasabing salapi,Narito ang paglalarawan ni Jose Alejandrinosa naging pamumuhay ng mga Rebolusyonaryosa Hong Kong:

...Pelagian. ko silang nakikita na mganakasuot ng ternong lana, natutulog sasahig, kumakain ng kahabag-habag napagkain, wala ni anumang uri nglibangan, ngunit palagiang may kati­wasayan, masayahing kalooban at walani anumang pagtutol..•"

Dahil sa inabot na pagtitiis at paghihirap ngmga rebolusyonaryong kasama ni Aguinaldo,ang mga mayayamang Pilipino na dinatnan nilasa Hong Kong ay binansagan ang mga nasabingRebolusyonaryo na mga rebeldeng pulubi(beggarly rebels).

Ang buhay at pamumuhay ng ilangkinatawan sa ibang bansa

Samantala, ang mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas saiba't-ibang bansa ay namuhay rin nang maypagtitipid at pagtitiis. Ang inilaang gugulin(badyet) ng Pamahalaan sa Pilipinas para sakanilang gastusin ay sadyang napakaliit. Noong1899, ang inilaan lamang na salaping pang-

8Alejandrino. p. 83.

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gastos ng mga kinatawan ay P80,OOO atmismong ang Kalihim ng Ugnayang Panlabasna si Felipe Buencamino ay nagpahayag ng angnasabing salapi ay napakaliit."

Marami sa mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas ay hindidumanas ng katulad ng paghihirap ng mgakasapi ng Hong Kong Junta. Marami sa mgaito ay nakaririwasa ang pamilya sa Pilipinasat patuloy pa rin silang pinadadalhan ng pang­gastos ng kanilang mga kamag-anak.Kadalasan, ang kanilang mga personal napangangailangan 0 dating luho ay kanilangtinalikuran 0 isinakripisyo para sa kanilangpagganap ng tungkulin sa pagpapalaya ngInangbayan. At sa kanilang pagtalikod sadating buhay (buhay na nakaririwasa) ayumani ng paglibak sa mga dating kaibigan tuladng nangyari kay Galicano Apacible:

Di pinakaasahan na isa sa magigingpabigat kay ApacibZe ay ang panga­ngaZaga sa pondo ng Reboluevon. nanakadeposito sa bangko sa Hong Kong.Dahil sa kanyang pananagutan sapananaZapikahit na ang kanyang pamu­muhayay nagkaroon ng kagila-gilalasna pagbabago. Dati, siya ay kilalang­kilala sa mga pasugalan sa Hong Kong.Siya'y nagsusugol, siya ay bulagsak,paZagiang nasisiyahan na kasakasamaang mgo babae. Natural Zamang na sisaay maghangad ng masayang pamu­muhay, dahil siya ay nasa kanyangkasibulan. At ang kanyang mga kasa­mahan ay nagsimulang mapansin angkanyang pagtitipid: kanyang iniwasanang mga sugalan at tinalikuran na rinang masayang buhay. Sa kabila ngpanunukso at mga panlalait, hindi nasiya mapabalik ng mga ito sa kanyangdating pamumuhay. 7

Lahat ng maaaring paraan ng pagtitipid ayginawa ng mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas.Kinakailangan maglakad 0 kumilos na mag-isaupang makatipid sa gastusin tulad ng ginawang

'John, R.M. Taylor The Philippine Insurrection Agai1l-'t,he United State,: A Compiltion of Document, With Note,and Introduction, T.!. Eke. 742, p. 278.

'Encarnacion Alzona, Galicano Apacible: Profile of AFilipino Patriot Printed by the Heirs of Galicano Apacible,1971,p.71.

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pagbabalik ni Apacible sa kanyang kalihim nasi Cayetano Lukban nang sila'y nasa Parispatungo sa kanilang misyon sa Estados Unidossa kabila ng panganib sa kanyang buhay.Nagtiis din sila sa pagtira sa mga mumurahingotel at pagkain sa mga pinakamumurahingrestaurant. Kinakailangan ding tiisin ng mganasabing kinatawan ang kalungkutan sa ibanglupain bunga ng ibang kultura at wikang hindimaunawaan. Sa isang sulat ni Apacible kayAgoncillo, ganito ang naging reklamo nitohabang siya ay nasa Toronto, Canada:

Kung hindi Zamang sa gawaing ito,matagal na sana kaming namatay ditosa sobrang pagkabagot at patatas. •

Si Mariano Ponce, ang kinatawan ng Pilipinassa Hapon ay may detalyadong listahan ngkanyang mga paggastos sa loob ng tatlongbuwan mula Disyembre 1898hanggang Pebrero1899 na matatagpuan sa Cartas Sobre LaRevolucion." Sa pamamagitan ng talaan nggastusing ito, mailalarawan kung anong uri ngpamumuhay mayroon ang isang kinatawan.Mapapansin na ang pinaggastusan lamang niPonce at ng iba pang mga kinatawan aymahahati lamang sa dalawa: gastusin para sapagtupad ng tungkulin at gastusin para sapang-araw-araw na pangangailangan. Angtalaan ding ito'y malinaw na maghahayag ngpagtitiis at dedikasyon 0 pakikisangkot ng isangkinatawan sa pagtupad ng kanyang tungkulinat adhikain na makalaya ang bansa sa kamayng mga kolonyalista.

Ang mga ginastos ni Ponce para sa pagtupadng tungkulin ay binubuo ng mga pamasahe namagpapakita sa mga Iugar na pinupuntahannita tulad ng Kobe, Sujita at Tokyo. Ang mgagastusing ito ay nagpapakita din ng mga taongkinakaharap, nilalapitan, nakakasama, naka­kasalamuha at ang iba'y naging kaibigan niPonce tulad ng ilang mga mamahayag at angmakabayang Tsino na si Sun Yat Sen. Ang ilanpa sa mga opisyal na gastusin ni Ponce ay angtelegrama, sobre, reproduksyon ng mga

'Alzona, p. 105.8Mariano Ponce, Car'w Sobr« La Reuolucion, 1897·

1900 (Manila: Bureau of Pzinting, 1937), pp. 295-296.

Kapunapuna rin ang matinding pagkahilig niPonce na madagdagan ang karunungan. NoongEnero 1899, gumastos siya ng $18.10 paraipambili ng libro. Ang mga nasabing libro atang' presyo nito ay ang mga sumusunod:

Si Ponce ay maaaring nagkasakit ng Enero,1899 dahil may malaking paggastos para sadoktor at gamot ($17) at ng sumunod na buwansiya sy gumastos ng $2.50 para sa dentista.Samantala, may paggastos din para sa tabakoat sigarilyo ($6.00), alak (vinos) at biskwit.

larawan na ipinadala sa mga pahayagan, pang­hullogng Bulat, pambayad sa isang tagapagsalinna Hapones ($30), bayad sa pagkonsulta at angpagbili ng telemetro na ipinag-utos ng Directorng Giyera. At upang makuha ang loob at pagka­kaibigan ng ilang rnga Hapones, si Ponce aymay paggastos din sa rnga regale para sa rngaopiisyal atperyodista.

Anjg ilan naman sa pinagkagastusan ni Poncepara sa kanyang pang-araw-araw na panga­ngailangan ay binubuo ng mga pagkain,kasuotan/damit, at rnga gastusin sa bahay. Ilansa mga kasuotang binili ni Ponce ay kamiseta,terne (traje), damit na panlamig ng nabigador,is8lIlg dosenang panuelo, medyas, guantes atsapatoa na kinakailangan bunga ng malamignalklima sa Hapon..Karaniwan ang mga gastossa bahay ay nakalista lamang bilang gastos decasa 0 di kaya ay gastos de cocina. Ngunit mayilang mga kasangkapang hiwalay na nakalistatulad ng kalahating dosenang kubyertos,mesang sulatan, isang relo na pangmesa, 2kutson, 10 kwaderno, mga palamuti sa sala,kumot at isang sobretodo na Hapones napambahay.. Maliban pa rito, si Ponce ay maymalaki ring paggastos sa bayad sa bahay,katulong at labandera.

Nang sumunod na buwan, isa pang Iibro angbinili nito, ang Kojiki at ito'y nagkakahalagang $4. Nang buwan ding ito, gumastos SlYIn nghalagang $8 bilang subskripsyon ng iba't-ibangmga diyaryo. Ang mga gastusing ito ay nag­papakita ng pagiging intelektwal ni Ponce nanais madagdagan ang kanyang kaalamanlaluna ang ukol sa kasaysayan, kultura atmaging ang mga batas ng Hapon at ng daigdigat ng mga pangyayari at nagaganap sa kanyangpaligid.

•.. since last December I have beencontinually travelling going to Paris,London, Canada, and the different statesof the United States of America. Now Iam at the Auditorium Hotel in Chicago,travelling as a wealthy Mexican, paying$6.00 (P12.00) a day for my room; nowat a hotel in the Bowery in New York City,posing as a Greek immigrant looking fora room. Sometimes I pose as a Japanese:at other times a Chinese, etc. Using differ­ent names and only on very formaloccasions and to very few persons whencircumstances demand it do I revealmyselfas G. Apacible, Filipino. Then they

Samantala, upang higit na mailarawan angnaging pamumuhay at gawain ng ilang mgakinatawan ng Pilipinas sa ibang bansa, naritoang ilang bahagi ng liham ni Galicano Apaciblesa kanyang kapatid na si Leon na may petsangHulyo 6, 1900 na naglalarawan sa kanyangnaging paglalakbay:

Sa kanyang mga bakanteng panahon, sa gitnang kanyang kaabalahan, nagbabasa si Ponce ngmga aklat at diyaryo 0 maaaring nag-aaral dinng wikang Hapon at iba pang mga wika tuladng Ingles at Pranses. Sa kabila nito, mapupunana hindi pa rio nakaligtaan ni Ponce angpaglilibang tulad ng pag-eensayo sa pagbaril atang pakikipag-inuman sa kanyang mgakaibigan tulad ng dalawang Hapones (na hindibinanggit ang pangalan) at kay Sun Yat Sen.Sa aking palagay, ang pakikipag-inumang itoay hindi lahat kasayahan kundi ang pinag­uusapan pa rin ay ang pagtupad sa tungkulinna iniatang sa balikat ni Ponce.

$.2.356.005.501.752.00

.50

$18.10

International LawCivil Code of JapanAlmanack de GothaLe JaponLe CoreeHistory of Japan

Kabuuang Halaga

are very much surprised, and, ifI am notmistaken, they regarded me withadmiration and they expressed fear of therisk I am running. Sometimes, I wearmustache, at other times side whiskers,then without them. In short and withoutexaggerationin this mission I lead a mostrisky and novel-like life that you canimagine. The mission is arduous,causing me continuous moral andphysical tension. This continuouspretence, fleeing like a criminal frompleasant company when we see somedanger to the Cause,' shunning the snaresset by friends, and what snares-verybeautiful women-thus appearing rudeand foolish,' changing hastily ourresidence, moving from one district orcity to another, sometimes, crossing byfoot the United States-Canadian frontierin freezing weather, 24 degrees belowzero.••10

Dahil sa inabot na pagtitiis at paghihirap ngilang mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas sa ibangbansa, ang mga mayayamang Pilipino nawalang simpatiya sa rebolusyon sa takot namanganib ang kanilang mga ari-arian aybinansagan ang mga nasabing rebolusyonaryona mga reoolucionariosdescamisados (shirtlessrevolutionaries).

Mga katangian ng isang rebolusyonaryo

Para sa mga tunay na rebolusyonaryo sa ibangbayan, ang kabayanihan ay ang paninindiganat pakikipaglaban para sa ganap ng kalayaanhanggang kamatayan. Walang dapat asahanang mga Pilipino sa lubusang paglaya nitokundi ang kanyang sarili at ang tanging paraanay sa pamamagitan lamang ng armadongpakikibaka.

Kung tutuusin, ang pakikipaglaban ng mgarebolusyonaryo sa ibang lupain ay higit namahirap kaysa sa pakikibaka ng mga rebolus­yonaryo sa loob ng bansa. Ang pakikipaglabanng mga kinatawan ng Pilipinas ay hindi lamangupang gampanan ang kanilang tungkulin nabumili -ng armas at bala at makuha ang

J8Alzona,pp. 85-86.

60

pagkilala ng iba't-ibang bansa sa kalayaan ngPilipinas kundi higit pa ang pagsasakripisyongkanilang dinaranas sa pamumuhay sa ibanglupain. Kinakailangan nilang makiangkop saibang kultura, wika, pagpapahalaga at pamu­muhay ng mga tao. Ang ganitong suliranin aynaipahayag ni Ponce sa kanyang liham kayFelipe Agoncillo at Faustino Lichauco noongHulyo 4, 1898. Sa nasabing liham naibulalas niPonce ang kanyang komentaryo sa ilangkulturang Hapones tulad ng ukol sa pagkain.Narito ang bahagi ng nasabing liham:

Nagtagal komi ng kalahating araw sabahay ni Mr. Wada. Inimbitohan niyakaming maghapunan doon at binigyanniya komi ng mga pagkaing nasa maliitna tasa. Kakaiba ang lasa nito, naghaloang maanghang, matamis, mapait,maalat, at lahat ng mga kilalang lasang pagkain. Nakatikim na ako ng mgapildoras na parang mga minatcmis napaminta. Pinakamahirap gawin angmaupo nang pito a walong oras naganoong kahirap na posisyon habangnananakit ang mga kamay, ang mgakalomnan: at buong katawan. 1 1

Ang problema sa wika ay naipahayag namanni Ponce sa kanyang liham noong Agosto 19,1898 kay Juan Lecaroz, isang Pilipinongnaninirahan sa Macao. Narito ang nasabingpahayag:

...Malaking abala para sa akin ang hindimakausap ang mgo tao rito sa sarilinilang wika. Mukhang mahirap iyotidahil napa.kahirap isaulo ang mgabokabularyo.ll1

Nakatutuwa ang iba pang mga puna ni Poncesa iba pang kulturang Hapones tulad ngkanilang wika na tila awit ng ibon, angkanilang mga bahay na yari sa papel, at sakanyang pamamaalam sa liham nito kay Vergelde Dios noong Agosto 5, 1898 kanyang binanggitang ganito:

llMariano Ponce, Car&tU Sobr« La Revolucion, salinnina Camae&Yat dela Pena (Lungsod Quezon: Universityof the Philippines press, 1997), pp. 319·320.

uPonce, p. 163.

.••mula sa bansa ng mga abaniko, bahayno papel at mga matang singkit, isangmahigpit na yakap mula sa iyongkaibigan tuwina... 18

Katulad ng mga kasapi ng Hong Kong Junta,ang isa pang naging suliranin ng mga kina­tawan sa ibang bansa ay ang napakalamig naklima. An;g malaking gastusin sa pananamit aybunga ng di-matagalang lamig ng mga rebolus­yonaryo. Ayon kay Ponce sa kanyang paliwanagsa pinakagastusan nito noong Nobyembre 29,1898:

Kailangan idagdag sa mga gastos na itoa,ng ipinambili ko ng mga dam it­panlamig. Napilitan akong bilhin angmga iyon gawa ng lamig na tumitindisa bawat araw...a

Ang paninibago sa kakaibang klima flynagdulotng madalas na pagkakasakit ni Ponce. Kina­kaiilangan nitong magpalipat-lipat ng tirahanupang makaiwas lamang sa pabago-bagongklima. Sa kanyang liham kay Howard Braynoong Hulyo 28, 1898 nabanggit nito na napa­bilis ang kanyang pagtungo sa Yokohama,Hapon mula Hong Kong bunga ng paglala ngkanyang sakit dahil sa klima. 111

Maliban S8 problema ng pakikiangkop sabansang tinitirhan, ang isa pang kinaka­ilangang labanan ng mga kinatawan sa ibangbansa sa pagtupad ng kanilang mga gawain ayang pag-aalaala sa kanilang mga pamilyangnaiwan sa Pilipinas na kasalukuyang walangkatatagan bunga ng nagaganap na digmaan.An,g mga kinatawan sa iba't-ibang bansa aypatuloy na nangangamba sa kalagayan ngkanilang mga pamilya laluna kung ang mga itoay matagal ng hindi sumusulat. Sa kabila ngpaninirahan at paghihikahos sa ibang lupain,ang mga rebolusyonaryo ay patuloy sa pagaala­ala sa kani-kanilang mga pamilya at ang ibaay nagagawa pang magpaabot ng kauntinghalaga sa mga ito tulad ng pagpapadala niPonce ng halagang singkwenta pesos sakanyang pamilya kay Teodoro Sandiko. Saman­tala, sa liham ni Ponce noong Pebrero 26, 1899

UPonce, p. 152.14Ponce,p. 262.uPonce. p. 143.

kay Faustino Lichauco, ipinakikiuaap nito na ­ipadala ang dalawang kahon na ang isa ay maylamang payong sa kanyang p armlya saPilipinas. Ang nasabing mga kahon ay nag­lalaman ng mga regale para sa kanyang kapatidna si Pedro na nabalitaan nitong ikakasal. Sakabila ng kaabalahan, si Ponce ay hindi pa rinnakakalimutan ang mahahalagang okasyon sakanyang pamilya. At kung mailalarawanlamang natin ang damdamin nito na hindimakauwi sa Pilipinas dahil sa pagtupad satungkulin, napakalungkot marahil. Narito angbahagi ng nasabing liham:

Mayroong dalawang paketeng mayetiketa para kay Pedro Ponce. Payongang Zaman ng isa at maliit naman angpangalawang kahon. Nakikiusap ako sainyong alamin kung magagawan ngparaan ng kaibigang si Santos naipadala ito sa aking pamilya. Ibinalitasa akin na ikakasal ang aking kapatid.Mga regolong pangkasal ang mga iyon.Kung hindi maipadadala ang mga itogawa ng kasalukuyang sitwasyon saating bayan, nakikiusap akong itag»muna ninyo ang mga ito hanggang sabumuti ang mga pangyayari... 18

Ang pag-ala-ala sa kani-kanilang pamilya aynagdulot ng hindi pagkakatulog ng mgarebolusyonaryo. Sa isang liham na ipinadalani Ponce kay Galicano Apacible noongOktubre 19, 1899, ibinabalita nito angpagtanggap ni Lichauco ng isang liham mulasa kanyang asawa na ibinabalita ang pagdatingsa Yokohama ni Ginoong Rivero para palitansiya at nang makabalik ito sa Hong Kong upangmakapiling ang kanyang pamilya, Inilarawanni Ponce sa nasabing liham ang matindingkagalakan ni Lichauco. Narito ang bahagi ngnasabing liham:

Nakatanggap ng sulat si Lichauco sakanyang asawa na nagsasabing daratingdaw si Sr. Rivero upang palitan siya atnang makabalik siya sa Hongkong kungsoon siya ipinadala ng ating gobyerno.Lubha siyang natuwa sa balitang ito

"Ponce, p. 313.

61

dahil muli niyang makakapiling angkanyang pamilya. Hindi siya makatulog

.sa kaiisip sa kanila. U

Ang kalungkutan ng mga rebolusyonaryo aylalo pang naragdagan bunga ng mgamasasamang balita na nangyayari sa kani­kanilang pamilya. Hindi kayang mailarawanang pighati at ang pananabik na makabalik saPilipinas ng isang kasapi ng Comite CentralFilipino na nagngangalang Tuason bunga ngbalitang lumabas sa mga pahayagan na patayanna naganap sa kanyang pamilya na kung saannabaril ng rebolber ng kanyang bayaw na siHerrera Davila ang kanyang manugang atpamangkin na si Sr. Vidal bunga ng isang pag­aaway. Samantala labis na ikinainis atikinabahala ni Juan Luna ang balita riapumunta sa Maynila ang kanyang mga kapatidnang may permiso ni Heneral Otis. Angnasabing hinanakit ay nagbunga ng matindingkalungkutan at galit kay Luna na maaaringsiyang naging dahilan ng kanyang atake sapuso na nagresulta ng kamatayan nito. Angnasabing pagkainis sa ginawa ng kanyangpamilya ay baon-baon ni Luna hanggangkamatayan.

Ang isa pang damdaming hindi kayang maipa­liwanag na naranasan ng mga rebolusyonaryosa ibang bansa ay ang masaksihan angkamatayan ng isang kasama. Si Ponce aynaging saksi sa kamatayan ng dalawangkasama .sa pakikibaka at kaibigan sa ibangbansa: ang kamatayan ni Marcelo H. del Pilarsa Barcelona noong Hulyo 1896 at ni Juan Lunanoong Disyembre 7, 1899. Ang matindingkalungkutan at sakit na naranasan ni Poncebilang saksi, kasama sa kwarto, at nasa tabimismo ni Luna bago ito mamatay ay nai­larawan nito sa kanyang liham kay Blumentrittnoong Disyembre 21, 1899. Sa nasabing lihamay naibulalas din nito ang labis na epekto ngnasabing kamatayan sa kanya na nagbunga ngilang araw na pagsama ng pakiramdam. Naritoang bahagi ng nasabing liham:

Isang malungkot ita bolita ang pagka­matay ng kaawa-awang Juan Luna.Nangyari ito ilang araw matapos

17Ponce. pp. 492-493.

62

dumating mula Paris. Dumating siyanoong ika-3 na magtuula ang kalagayan,'tumuloy siya rito sa amin at nakasamako sa kuwarto. Noong gabi ng ika-B,nagkalagnat siya at sumakit ang ulo.Akala namin ay trangkaso lamang iyon,Binigyan siya ngpurga. Mobuti-buti angkondisyon niva noong ika-6 at sumulatpa nga siya sa kanyang ina. Kina­gabihan, dahil magkatabi ang mga kamanamin, ang tagal naming nag-usaptungkol sa aming sitwasyon. Ipinag­tapat niya ang malaki niyang gaUt nangmalamang pumunta sa Manila ang mgakapatid niya nang may permiso ni Otis.Labis niyang ikinainis at ikinabahalaito. Sinabi ko sa kanya na dapat kamingmaghintay ng balita bago maghusgadahil marami kaming kilala na lumipatsa Manila nang may paalam kay Sr.Aguinaldo. Maagang-maaga ng ika-7,sinabi niyang mayroon siyang napa­katinding sakit ng ulo. Inatake siya sapuso. Wala siyang dinanas na paghi­hirap at isa iyong tahimik na kama­tayan. Isipin mo na lang kung anongsakit iyon para sa aminl Ilan ng mgakaibigan ang nakita kong namataylLabis akong naapektuhan ng kama­tayang ito kaya ilang araw akongmasama ang pakiramdam...18

Sa kabila ng mga nasabing suliranin atsitwasyon, ang mga nakararaming rebolus­yonaryo ay naging matatag, matapang, buo angloob para sa ikatatamo ng tunay na kalayaan.At sa pagtupad ng: kanilang mga tungkulin,maging ang kanilang pansariling kaligayahanay handang isakripisyo. Sa kabila ng kanyangkaabalahan, si Ponce ay nabighani sa kagan­dahan ng isang prinsesang Koreana na anakni Prinsipe Komnung. Narito ang paglalarawanni Ponce sa nasabing Koreana:

...Binigyan kami ng isang despedidadahil pupunta bukas ang prinsipe saNagasaki upang sunduin sa paaralanang isang anak niyang babae, isangprinsesita na oobserbahan ko sa loob ng

IIPonce. 231.

dalawang linggo. Talo niya ang mgaHapones sa kapinuhan at higit niyangalam ang dapat na pagkilos sa lipunanEuropeo kaysa sa mga Europeo mismo..Magugustuhan ninyo ang kanyangpagtrato. Nakapagsasalita siya ng inglesat nagsusulatan kami sa wikang iyon...19

At sa kanyang liham kay Isidoro de Santosneong Pelbrero 18, 1899, naibalita ni Ponce naplano na niyang ligawan ang nasabing Koreanapagdating nito sa Yokohama. Ngunit pagsapitng Hunyo 1899, ibinalita nito kay Riego de Diosna sila'y magkaibigan pa Iamang ng prinsisetaat nanghihinayang ito dahil muli na namaniteng nagbalik ng Nagasaki at mananatili doonng hanggang Nobyembre. At sa liham nita kayVergel de Dios ng nasabi ring buwan, naipa­hayag nita ang kanyang hangarin na pakasalanang nasabing Koreana. Narito ang nasabingIiham:

Hayaan mo akong hindi muna magsalitatungkol sa Koreana. Subjudice ang bagayna ito at kailangang igalang angpagiging lihim nito, Natutuwa langakong isipiti ang pag-aastuua ng isangRepublikano at isang dugong-bughaw. 2O

Ngunit ang nasabing pag-ibig ay wala ngpinatunguhan. Hindi na nahintay ni Ponce angpagbalik ng prinsesa ng Nobyembre dahilpinabalik na siya ng Comite Central Filipinosa Hong Kong ng katapusan ng Oktubre. At sapangyayaring ito, pinatunayan ni Ponce nahigit dapat mangibabaw ang pagmamahal attungkulin sa bayan kaysa sa pansarilingkaligayahan.

Ang kasalatang pinansyal at kakulangan ngmga materyal na bagay sa ibang lupain aynaglabas din ng pagiging malikhain ng isangrebolusyonaryo. Lahat ng uri ng hanapbuhayay halos kanilang pinasukan. Ang anumangpagkakataon ay kanilang sinasamantala upangkumita ng pera habang ginagampanan angkanilang tungkulin sa bayan. Isang halimbawanito ay ang ginawang pagkuha ng Iarawan niSandiko sa crew at mga pasahero ng barkong

ltPonce. p. 393.lIlIponce. p. 393.

kanyang sinasakyan kapalit ang kauntingkabayaran habang patungo ito sa Hong Kongmula sa Hamburg, Alemanya. At upang hindilumabas na kahiyahiya ang lahing Pilipino sakanyang ginagawa, siya ay nagpanggap naisang Hapon sa nagngangalang Takeshi.t!

At habang nasa Hong Kong naman si Sandikoay lahat ng maaaring pwedeng mapagkakitaansa malinis na paraan ay kanyang sinubukan.Siya ay bumili ng isang bisikleta upang gamitinsa pagtuturo ng mga nais matutong magbisik­leta kapalit ang kaunting kabayaran. Nagturodin siya ng boksing (maging ito man ay istilongPranses 0 Ingles), wrestling, fencing, at ng iba't­ibang wika tulad ng Ingles, Pranses, Espanyolat Aleman. At ng magkaroon na ito ng kauntingnaiipon, bumili ito ng ilan pang bisikleta atnagbukas ng isang paupahan. Ang karaniwanniyang parokyano ay mga sundalo at manda­ragat (sailor) na Ingles at iba pang mganasyonalidad. Si Sandiko ay madalas naki­kitang nakikipagsuntukan sa mga parokyanoupang masingil lamang ang karagdagang upana lampas sa binabayarang oras ng mgananghiram at upang mabawi ang kanyangbisikleta na karaniwang nakikita sa mgainuman (bars) na pinagdalhan ng kanyang mgaparokyanong sundalo at mandaragat na mgalasing na lasing. Narito ang ilang bahagi ngnaging pamumuhay at negosyo ni Sandiko:

He bought a bicycle and with it he gavelessons to those who want to learnbicycle-riding. We used to see him dailyunder the hot sun running behind hisstudents, dressed only with a woolencoatand trousers, cap and shoes. All othergarments were considered by him assuperfluous. When mealtime came, heused to buy something from a panciteriaand eat his meal in a vacant chair in aFilipino barbershop. He gave boxinglessons in the English and French styles.He also gave lessons in wrestling andfencing. He taught English, French,Spanish and German - in fact everythingthat he knew well or little provided itwould give him monetary returns.

21Alejandrino. p. 28

63

Sometimes afterwards, with the savingshe thus made, he bought some machinesand opened a shop for renting bicycle tothe public. His customers were usuallyEnglish soldiers and sailors of differentnationalities who deposited the price ofthe rent for the length of time theyproposed to use the bicycles, butoftentimes he had to get the price of therent the hard way, as he had to look forthis customers in the different bars wherehe usually found them drunk, and torecover his bicycles and the unpaid rentfor the excess time used, he had to swappunches with them ...U

Samantala, si Vergel de Dios ay nagpahayagkay Ponce sa kanyang liham noong Oktubre1897 ng hangarin nitong umalis ng Paris upanglumipat sa Hong Kong bunga ng kamahalan ngpaninirahan sa nasabing siyudad. Binanggit dinnito na kung maaari ay tulungan siya ni Poncena maghanap ng trabaho. At noong Disyembre22, 1897, kinonsulta ni Ponce sa kanyang lihamsi Miguel Morayta sa plano ng mga Pilipino saHong Kong na magbukas ng isang talyer sanasabing pulo upang maitulong ang kikitainnito sa mga rebolusyonaryo sa Pilipinas.P

Bunga ng kakulangan sa pananalapi, ang mgakinatawan sa ibang bansa sa tuwina ay naka­handang isakripisyo ang sarili huwag lamangmatigil ang gawain sa ibang bansa. Narito angnakatataba ng pusong pahayag ni Ponce:

Handa kaming bawasan ang amingpersonal na gastos. Ngunit hindi kamimakapagtitipid sa mga gastos na maykinalaman sa mga bagay na ginaawanamin dito, tulad ng mgo biyahe, sulat,telegrama at iba pa ... Walang halagapara sa amin ang aming mga personalna gastos ...u

May mga pagkakataon na ang ilang rebolus­yonaryo ay pinanghihinaan ng kalooban(disappointed) sa pangyayari. Sa isang lihamni Galicano Apacible kay Leon Apacible noongAgosto 27, 1898, naibulalas nita ang kabiguan

IIAlejandrino. p. 29.lIBPonce. p. 87."Ponce. p. 262·263.

64

ng matagal na pagkilos ng nakararamingopisyal ng Pamahalaang Pilipino at lalongpinatindi ng problemang pinansyal. Angdam darning ito ni Apacible ay umabot ngsukdulan at halos naghangad na ito na takasanang problema sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigaypayo sa kanyang kapatid na si Leon na dalhinna ang kanyang buong pamilya at kayamanansa ibang bansa. Narito ang ilang bahagi ngliham ni Apacible na magbibigay liwanag saemosyon 0 damdamin ng pagkagalit at kabiguanna kanyang nararamdaman sa ilang opisyal ngPamahalaang Rebolusyonaryo:

... they were incompetent: laggard, veryslow, in resolving important matters.The fate of the country depended verymuch on the kind of government shehad...If this confusion continues, and thegovernment does not provide withsufficient means, I am going to resignimmediately in order not to be heldresponsible for failure due to thenegligence of others. 25

Si Ponce ay nakaranas din ng panghihina ngkalooban bunga ng paglubog ng barkongNonubuki Maru. Higit na naging matindi angkanyang panghihinayang at sarna ng kaloobandahil sa mga balitang kumakalat na nagkaroonng lokohan sa pagpapadala ng nasabing barkosa Pilipinas na lulan ang mga armas, bala at.ibang kasangkapang pandigma na kailangang­kailangan ng mga rebolusyonaryo. Bilangtanging tagapamahala ng nasabing ekspe­disyon, inako ni Ponce ang responsibilidad atpinasinungalingannito ang mga haka-haka naang lulan ng nasabing barko ay mga bakal sahalip na riple at bala. At sa liham nita kinaApacible at Isidoro de Santos noong Hulyo 25,1899, ipinakikiusap nita na iharap sa pama­halaan ang kanyang pagbibitiw bilang pag-akosa nasabing sakuna. Ipinababatid na hindipagtalikod sa pagsisilbi sa bayan ang kanyangpagbibitiw kundi bilang delicadeza at sa kabilang nasabing pagbibitiw, ay patuloy pa rinsiyang magsisilbi sa pamahalaan at sa interesng mga Pilipino. Napakagandang halimbawana lingkod ng bayan! Bakit tila nawawala na

lIBAlzona. p. 63.

II

sa; kasalukuyang pamahalaan ang mga taongtulad ni Ponce? Narito ang nakaaawangpahayag ng kabiguan at panghihinayang niPonce bunga ng paglubog ng nasabing barko:

Mayrooon akong kaunting karam­damon; mga mahal na kaibigan, at gustokong umiyak dahil sa nangyari. Naghi­hintay ang ating mga tauhan doon; angdagok na idudulot nito sa atingtulhikain, ang mga buhay at salapingnawala, ang mgo lumubog na pag­asa•••Higit sa lahat, ang ating Boyan,ang ating Adhikain na siyang ugat ngpagkatoo at hustisya: Alam kong hindikailanman nangangohulugcu: ng tiyakna tagumpay ng kalaban ang dis­grasyang ito. Hindi ito mapapahina angating bayang sanay na harapin atlampasan ang ganitong mga balakid.

Maaaring bungo lamang ito ng atingkamalasan. Nakikiusap ako sa inyo naiharap ang aking pagbibitiw sa atingGobyerno at sa ating presidente upangmapalitan ako ng siang taong higit namapalad at mas magaling para saikabubuti ng ating adhikain. Tapat atwalang masamang balak na ginawa koang lahat ng aking makakaya. Walaakong ibang hinabol kundi ang pagsil­bihan ang bayan... Sa kabila ng lahat,dumating itong disgrasya na dala angkalikasan, ng puwersang hindi galing satao. Ano pa ba ang ibig sabihin nitokundi ang aking sariling kamalasan?28

Ngunit sa isang rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa,ang panghihina ng kalooban bunga ng mgakabiguan ay panandallan lamang. Mull itongtitindig sa pagkadapa upang ipagpatuloy anghangaring makamit ang kalayaan. Ang mgakaranasan at mga kasawiang pinagdadaananang nagiging gabay nito sa paglutas sa bawatkahirapang nararanasan. At sa bawat panahonnll! dumarating ang paghina ng kalooban, angmga mumunting tagumpay na natamo angpatuloy na nagbibigay pag-asa at lakas upangipagpatuloy ang pakikipaglaban. Sa liham niPonce kay Isidro de Santos noong Setyembre13, 1898, ipinaaalala nito kay de Santos na hindiito dapat mawalan ng pag-asa at panghinaanng kalooban bunga ng kawalan ng linaw sa

kahihinatnan ng Pilipinas bago ang pagsisimulang kumperensya sa Paris. Narito ang nasabingpaala-ala ni Ponce na punong-puno ng pag-asaat pananalig na matatamo ang kalayaan sapamamagitan ng pagbabalik tanaw sa kanilangnakaraan at mumunting tagumpay:

...Naalala mo noong nasa Madrid tayoat gumagauia ng mga artikulo para saLa Solidaridad sapagitan. ng mgapag­aaliw at panliligaw, sabihin mo sa akinngayon kung noong mga panahong iyoniniisip nating makita ngayong panahongito ang nasasaksihan ng ating mga mata.Noong mga panahong iyon, mga limangtoon na ang nakararaan, maligayang­maligaya na tayo kung makikita natingang ating mga anak at mga apo nalalaban sa rebolusyon. Tingtuui mo kungpaano tayo inabutan ng mga pangyayari; .ni hindi man lang tayo nagkaroon ngpanahong mag-asawa muna; nasa atinna ngayon. yaong gusto nating gawin ngating mga anak. Naririto na ang mgapangyayaring ito at dapat hayaan silasa kanilang magiging wakas. Kailangannatin ngayon maging lalong di­makasarili at sumama sa labanan,gaano man ito katagal obutin, Dapatnating isipin na siang malaking gawainang kamtin ang kalayaan ng isang bansaat hindi ito mawawalan ng mgakahirapan. Kahit paano, magkakaroontayo ng mga balakid sa lahat ng bagay.Kailangang magsimula at hindi langtayo nakapag-simula na, kundi malayona ang ating naaabot ...27

Kongklusyon

Sa pag-aaral na it, sinuri at nailarawan angnaging buhay at pamumuhay ng mga rebolus­yonaryo. Sinuri ang kanilang mga pinagka­gastusan at napatunayan na hindi silanaglustay at nagpasarap sa pera ng rebolusyon.Kanilang pinag-ingatan ang salapi ng bayan atlahat ng pinagkagastusan mula sa kaliit-liitangsentimo ay nakalista at malinaw kung saannapunta. Sa pagsusuri sa mga paggastos,

ISPonce. p. 413·414I7Ponce. pp. 188.189.

65

napatunayan na ang mga rebolusyonaryo aynamuhay ng tipid na tipid at naghihikahos,wala ni anumang luho at karangyaan.

Ang mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa sakabila ng kakulangang pinansyal at materyalay patuloy na naging matatag, matapang at buoang loob sa pagharap sa anumang pagsubok atkabiguan. Ang lahat ng problema 0 suliraninay kanilang hinanapan ng solusyon. Anganumang limitas yon tulad ng problemangpinansyal ay hindi naging hadlang upangipagpatuloy nila ang kanilang tungkulin namaipakita sa buong mundo ang mithiingmagkaroon ng ganap na kalayaan ang bansangPilipino.

Ang mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa aynaging matatag at nagawang makaangkop sanapakahirap na sitwasyon. Tiniis na malayo sapamilya, sa kanyang bayan at manirahan saibang lupain na iba ang klima, kapaligiran,wika, kultura sa kanyang lupang tinubuan.Ngunit sa kabila ng mga sakripisyo, pagtitiisat paghihirap na kanilang naranasan para sakapakanan ng Inangbayan ay patuloy angpaglilibak at panlalait sa kanilang pagkatao at

sa kanilang naging gawain sa ibang bayan.Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, sa pangkalahatanay hindi naging mabuti ang naging pagkilalaat pagtanggap sa kanila ng kasaysayan.

Ngunit sa pag-aaral, nabigyang linaw ang mgamaling haka-haka at lumabas ang katotohanan.Masasabing sa huling sandali, sa pamamagitanng pag-aaral ay nailagay sa tamang posisyonang mga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa sa atingkasaysayan. Ang kanilang pagsasakripisyo atpagtitiis para sa bayan ay hindi matatawarantulad rin ng mga rebolusyonaryong nakipag­laban sa loob ng ating bansa. Ang pamamalaginila sa ibang bansa ay bunga ng pagkakataonat pangangailangan, ang pagtupad sa tung­kuling iniatang sa kanilang mga balikat. Angmga naging gawain nila sa ibang bansa aymaituturing na karugtong ng mga kaganapansa Pilipinas.

Sa kanilang pagsasakripisyo at pagtitiis, angmga rebolusyonaryo sa ibang bansa ay dapatding bigyang karangalan at pagkilala. Angkanilang mga pagsasakripisyo at pagtitiis aydapat ituring na isang kabayanihan...

II~

66

The Oil Lamp of Freedom

SAMUEL K. TAN

As we continue to commemorate the centennial of Philippine independencebeyond the dramatic events of June 12 and 13, we look back and ahead from the

theme of the centennial celebration which is Kalayaan, Kayamanan ngBayan (Freedom, the Wealth of People). It is not without purpose that the

National Centennial Commission adopted this theme as the guiding frameworkfor the plans, programs, and projects that were conceived and gradually

implemented and continue to bepursued even beyond this year. This impressionis what emerges from the historical survey of the Commission's activities since

its formal beginnings in 1994.

Wh.)· the oil lamp?

The Oil Lamp reminds me of the last will andtestament of Rizal written during the lastmoments of his life and immortalized in his MiUltimo Adios. This creative act of genius,passion, and purpose has been enshrined inPhilippine and world literature as one of thegreatest and finest creations of the humanmind. It is the product of freedom undeterredby captivity and impending death. It has beentranslated into several languages, the latest ofwhich into Korean recently unveiled at FortSantiago in the late afternoon of June 12. Theoil lamp Rizal used in writing his immortalpoem is a perfect suggestion of the image offreedom as a rich historical heritage of a peopleand as the driving force of their development.Let me just enumerate four things about thelamp that are the reference points of thisaddress: (1) the lamp itself representing thenation; (2) the oil in the lamp representing theancient heritage of the Filipino people; (3) thewick that conveys the oil to the top representingthe historical process conveying the heritage ofone generation to another; and (4) the flint ormatchstick that ignites the wick representingthe individual freedom and initiative so vitalin the making of nation. Let me now take thesecond thought.

lKeynote address, Manila Studies Conference, NCCAJune 18, 1998.

Rekindling of the oil lamp

This year the oil lamp of freedom has beenrekindled after a hundred years when it waslighted by the declaration of national indepen­dence on June 12, 1898 at Kawit, Cavite, andkept aglow by the waving of the National Flagand the singing of the National Anthem.

But as we reflect upon the historic moment ofour freedom, we cannot or should not forget thatthe profound meaning and significance of thatbold declaration lay in the numerous freedomstruggles from Batanes to Tawi-Tawi, from the16th to the 19th century before the outbreak ofthe 1896 Katipunan-Ied Revolution. Withoutintegrating in our consciousness like the oillamp, local and small uprisings of variousethnolinguistic groups regardless of differencesin religion, ideology, and culture, the resolutionand the Kawit declaration become parochial inmeaning and divisive in direction. Symbolically,the numerous local ethnic struggles, which inmy illustration represent the oil in the lamp,wells up to the summit of our aspirations andideas. Moreso, it provides the substance thatilluminates the national heritage offreedom asa solid product of historical evolution and notas an imposition of colonial or imperialambition.

Consequently, the 1896 revolution was theculmination of centuries of arduous and costlystruggles. These struggles gave us martyrs

61

whose blood, tears, and sweat marked the manyfreedom trails from all directions of thearchipelago converging ideologically on theRevolution of 1896. Like the wick in the lamp,the historical process provides the conduitthrough which these freedom struggles movedup to animate the flame of liberation which wasseen, heard, and felt from June 12,1898 untilJanuary 23, 1899 when the Malolos Republicwas jubilantly inaugurated. Reflectively fromthe intention of the Malolos Republic, therepresentation in the republic legislativeassembly included efforts to represent the non­Christian areas which could not be directlyrepresented by their own representatives forlack of political mechanism. The fact that theirinterests were represented in the Republic byChristian delegates including Sotero Laurel ofBatangas showed the comprehensive andnational character of the Republic's politicalrationale and ideology. This was also followedby no less than the invitation of the Aguinaldogovernment to the Sultan of Sulu to join thestruggle against American forces.

Unfortunately, after the fall of the republic withthe capture of President Emilio Aguinaldo in1901, the flame of freedom began to lose itsbrightness as the oil in the lamp diminished.Further, the water of colonialism and otherfluids seeped in from the outside world untilthe lamp lamely flickered in the dark for half acentury. In this state, it was unable to illuminethe outlying limits of Filipino history, culture,and society. Mter the dark moment of the lastPacific war, new oils of struggle revived onceagain the light of freedom. In this moment ofgrave crisis, every Filipino from Luzon toMindanao, including non-Christians (especiallythe Muslims), joined in a show of unity againstJapanese occupation and rule.

The end of that tragic war, which claimedalmost two million Filipino lives, should havekept the oil lamp of freedom burning andincreasingly dispelling the darkness in nationalattitudes, values, interests, and purposes. Itwas continuously filled up with the pure oil ofthe national heritage, and not the new mixtureof colonial, neo-colonial, and extraneouselements. It is this specific state and meaningof our freedom that had contributed to the

61

dichotomies, dilemmas, and ambiguities innational goals, development and direction. Inbrief, this situation is what has kept the oil lampjust flickering in the dark. This brings me nowto my third and last thought.

Renewing the oil lamp

The flickering oil lamp of freedom calls fornational as well as individual attention. It is asmuch the concern of the government as it is ofevery Filipino today wherever we are, fromwhatever tribe, sector, or place we come from,and in whatever state or situation we are in.The lamp is for all. It lights every nook andcorner within the reach of its capacity.

Lamentably, its capacity is not fully harnessed.Its exterior and glass need cleaning andpolishing to restore beauty lost or hidden bytime and dust as well as to improveillumination. The Pearl of the Orient has to beunveiled to show the intricate work of art andform that it is. But more significantly, theinterior part of the lamp must be cleansed ofdirt, the wick cleaned or replaced by a new one,and the dirty oil replaced by the same type ofoil that had given the lamp that distinct glowand illumination from century to century, fromgeneration to generation, from Batanes to Tawi­Tawi.

The Centennial celebrations this year, withJune 12 as the centerpoint were entrusted tothe National Centennial Commission forconceptualization and implementation from1994 to 1998. In effect, to the Commission wasgiven the solemn responsibility of renewing theoil lamp of freedom. From the general report ofthe Commission which is being done by acommittee co-chaired by Dr. Serafin D~ Quiasonand myself, the coverage of all the Centennialplans, programs, and projects has embracedpractically all aspects of Filipino life extendingbeyond national boundaries to the internationalcommunity. As it appears, billions of ournational and financial resources since 1994havebeen poured into the oil lamp of freedomparticularly into the global showcase of theCentennial the Expo '98 at former Clark AirBase.

From any perspective, the Commission hasdone its share in the gigantic task of bringingthe entire nation and the Filipino peoplewherever they are out from one hundredyears of Iethargy like a Rip Van Winkle. Ithas its own share of shortcomings, shortfalls,failures, and frustrations for which it receiveda lot of criticism. Whether the resources spentwere worth what have been done is for thefuture to unveil. But it cannot be ignored anddenied that the centennial has shaken the oillamp. The Filipino Rip Van Winkle hasaw.akened.

What remains is for every Filipino to take theflint or match stick to light the oil lamp. Theoilof our national heritage has been poured in.The wick ofour historical process has conveyedthe oil to the top. The exterior form has beencleaned and polished. It awaits only theindividual flint of Filipino creativity to light thelamp and begin his own creative contributionin his field of interest like Rizal lighting thesame old lamp and writing his immortal MiUltimo Adio«. You are here to participate in thiscollectively and to come out with your distinct

creations essential to historical knowledge andscholarship, towards the preservation anddevelopment of our national heritage as weenvision it. No one can do this better thanourselves as Filipinos. There are no proxies toperform what is ours by historical mandate. Wecannot blame the foreigners for our failuresbecause they have their own interests to pursue.We cannot expect other people, other nationsto clean our rivers,lakes, and shores ofpollutionand debris we ourselves have carelessly created.We cannot blame the government for the lackof the national progress or prosperity we wantbut which we have hindered by our own selfinterest or sectional and sectoral biases. Wecannot, in effect, expect the ideals of nationhoodto be realized without the meaningful andeffective use of creative freedom for individualas well as social progress. Now I pose thischallenge to every Filipino: Whoever andwherever you are, will you ignite the sameold oil lamp of freedom and from your creativegenius give to the present generation and thenext your distinct contribution to posterity andnation-building? ..

69

CENTENNIAL NEWS

PNHS BRINGS HISTORY TO THE GRASSROOTS

In celebration of the centennial of thedeclaration of Philippine independence, thePhilippine National Historical Society, incooperation with the National HistoricalInstitute, the Philippine Centennial Com­mission, and the various state universities andlocal government units, held a series of localand oral history conferences across the variousregions of the country.

With the theme "Bringing History to theGrassroots," the conference series aimed todevelop historical awareness in the local levelby bringing together local historians, enthu­siasts, education workers and experts in thefield of local and oral history.

The first conference was held in the Ilocosregion, at the University of Northern Philip­pines in Vigan, Ilocos Sur on 19·20 February1998 with Prof. Digna Apilado as PNHSconvener and Mrs. Lourdes P. Llanes as localconvener. This was followed by the conferenceheld in the Cagayan Valley region, at theCagayan State University, Tuguegarao,Cagayan on 26·27 February 1998 with Prof.Apilado and Evelyn Columbano as PNHS andlocal conveners, respectively. The CentralLuzon Conference was held at the CentralLuzon State University in Munoz, Nueva Ecijaon 26·27 March 1998 with Dr. Violeta Ignacioand Dr. Teresita Maquizo as PNHS and localconveners, respectively. Mr. Jose AntonioCustodio and Mr. Emmanuel Calairo convenedthe Southern Tagalog conference held at UP LosBanos on 16·17 April 1998 while Dr. EdenGripaldo and Prof. Danilo Gerona convened theBicol conference on 29·30 April 1998 at theAteneo de Naga.

70

For the Western Visayas region, UP Visayas,Iloilo campus served as host to the conferenceheld on 14·15 May 1998 and convened by Dr.Gripaldo and Dr. Zoilo Andrada, Jr. Dr.Gripaldo also convened the Central Visayasconference at Silliman University, DumagueteCity on 21·22 May 1998 with Prof. Jojima Indabas local convener. The Dapitan City CulturalCenter served as venue for the WesternMindanao conference convened by Dr. Ignacioand Gabriel Cad on 25·26 June 1998 while theAteneo de Davao in Davao City served as hostto the conference on 16·17 July 1998 convenedby Prof. Esmeralda Perez and Dr. Macario Tiu.

Dr. Bernardita Churchill and Dr. Domingo Nonserved as conveners of the Gen. Santosconference held on 23·24 July 1998 at theMindanao State University, while Dr. Gripaldoand Atty. Benedicto Bacani convened theeleventh conference at Notre Dame University,Cotabato City on 13·14 August 1998.

The PNHS then went to the Buenos AiresMountain Resort in Bago City, Negros Occi­dental for the conference convened by Dr.Churchill and Mr. Clemente del Castillo on 20·21 August 1998. Afterwards, the PNHS wentto Calapan City, Oriental Mindoro for theconference on 3·4 September 1998and convenedby Dr. Ignacio and Mr. ~~lorante D. Villarica.

Dr. Churchill also convened the Surigaoconference at the City Pastoral Center atVilla San Miguel, on 24·25 September 1998with Mr. Fernando A. Almeda, Jr. as localconvener; the Koronadal conference withDirector Ninfa Estabillo at the KoronadalMuseum on 5·6 November 1998; while Prof.

,Apilado:convened the Abra Conference at theDivine Word College, Bangued, Abra on 12­13 November 1998 with Fr. Nick Vergara aslocal convener.

FHA GOES TO THE BARRIOS

The Philippine Historical Association, incooperation with the National HistoricalInstitute, the Philippine Centennial Com­mission and the Philippine Association ofMuseums, Inc. recently held a series ofconferences in celebration of the centennial ofthe declaration of Philippine Independence.

The PHA held the conferences at the followingvenues: Calaca Science Centrum, Batangas, 21·2~5 April 1998; University of NortheasternPhilippines, Iriga City, 28-29 May 1998; TarlacState Uniiversity, 2·3 July 1998; Palawan StateUniversity, Puerto Princesa, 29-30 July 1998;Aklan College, Kalibo, 6-7 August 1998;Francisco Benitez Memorial Elementary School,Pagsanjan, Laguna, 2-3 September 1998;Tagbilaran, Bohol, 24-25 September; Bukidnon,8..9 October 1998; St. Michael's College, IliganCiity, 27·28 October 1998; North Fairview]Elementary School, Novaliches, 3-4 November1998; Sacred Heart College, Catbalogan, Samar,

The year-long conference series was capped bythe National Conference on Oral and LocalHistory at the Manila Hotel, on 23·25 November1998.

5-6 November 1998; Northern QuezonCooperative College, Infanta, Quezon, 12-13November 1998; Pillar College, ZamboangaCity, 19·20 November 1998; Mariano MarcosState University, Batac, 3-4 December 1998;and University of Baguio, 14·15 December1998.

The PHA Conference Conveners were Atty.Pablo Trillana III, Dean Gloria Santos, Prof.Evelyn Songco, Prof. Orestes de los Reyes, Prof.Andrea Edang, Prof. Estrellita Muhi, Prof.Oscar Evangelista, Dr. Celestina Boncan, Prof.Epifacio Palispis, Prof. Teofista Vivar, and Prof.Cesar Pobre.

Together with the Philippine NationalHistorical Society, the PHA co-convened theManila Hotel National Conference on Oral andLocal History on 23-25 November 1998 as aculminating activity for the nationwide year­long conference series.

l\~HI, PNHS, PHA HOLD NATIONAL CONFERENCEON ORAL AND LOCAL HISTORY

The National Historical Institute, thePhilippine Centennial Commission, thePhilippine National Historical Society, and thePhilippine Historical Association sponsored theNational Conference on Oral and Local Historyat the Manila Hotel on November 23-25, 1998.With the theme "Bringing History to theGrassroots," the conference served as aculminating activity to the year-long nationwidelocal and oral history conference seriesconducted by the said institutions which aimedto bring historical awareness to the local level

as the centerpiece of the centennial celeb­rations.

Selected papers generated by the conferenceseries in the various localities were presentedto the national audience thru the conference.At the same time, plenary papers covering bothlocal and national histories served as tie up tothe papers presented by local historians. Theseincluded Bernardita Churchill, "Local Historyin the Context of National History;" Ma. NelaFlorendo, "Interpreting the Past, Anticipating

the Future: Cordillera Views of History;"Francis Gealogo, "Ang Heograpiya at Demo­grapiya ng Timog Katagalugan sa Panahon ngHimagsikang Pilipino at Digmaang Pilip.ino­Amerikano:" Eden Gripaldo, "The Use of OralHistory Methodology;" Leslie Bauzon, "AConceptual Framework for the Study ofPhilippine History and for Nation Building;"

Digna Apilado, "Some Perspectives on HistoryWriting in the Twenty First Century;" FrancesMorillo, "Alternative Ways of Bringing Historyto the People;" Pablo Trillana III, "A HundredYears of Philippine Education and Rizal:Implications for Higher Education;" andCelestina Boncan, "Socio-Economic Planning forthe Third Millenium."

UP, NCC, NHI HOLD SECOND KADATUAN CONFERENCE

The University of the Philippines Center forIntegrative and Development Studies, theNational Centennial Commission, the NationalHistorical Institute and the UP SystemwideLupon ng Sentenaryo held the SecondKadatuan Conference at the Grand Men SengHotel, Davao City on December 9-10, 1998 withthe theme "The Datuship as a National CulturalHeritage."

The Kadatuan Conference aims to emphasizethe continuing search for the Philippinecultural heritage thru the institution of thedatuship which antedates Islam and Christia­nity in the Philippines. The Conference broughttogether various datus from the Muslim andLumad groups in Southern Philippines in aunique conference which focused not only onthe heritage of the ancient Philippine insti-

tutions but also the contemporary issues,problems and concerns of indigenous peoples.

Ahighlight of the conference were the workshopsessions wherein major datus of Maguindanao(Iranun, Buayan, Kabuntalan), Maranao(Unayan, Bayabao, Balo-i and Masiu); andLumad groups (Davao, Cotabato) presenteddiscussion papers on genealogies, writtentraditions, artifacts and legacies; oral historiesand contemporary institutions, and develop­ment issues and concerns.

The affair was the second KadatuanConference, with the first being held at theGarden Orchid Hotel in Zamboanga City onMay 30-31, 1997 participated in by Sarna,Tausug, Yakan and Subanun datus.

SAGADA HOSTS WILLIAM HENRY SCOTT MEMORIAL LECTURES

The William Henry Scott Memorial Lectureswere held on May 27-30 1998 at Sagada,Mountain Province to highlight the contributionof Scott to Philippine historiography. Confe­rence sessions included themes close to Scotty'sheart: Cordillera studies; archeology, prehistoryand baranganic society; ethnography andhistoriography; the labor movement; the IglesiaFilipina Independiente; and boat making in thePhilippines.

12

Paper presenters included Rev. EdwardMalecdan, "William Henry Scott, the MaverickMissionary;" Joana Carino, "William HenryScott, the Progressive;" Dr. Rowena Boquieren,"Scott and His Contribution to CordilleraHistoriography;" Mr. Wilson Cadiogan, "IgorotPride, Nationalism and Scotty;" Dr. Ma. NelaFlorendo, "Contribution of Scott to CordilleraResistance and Revolution;" Prof. DignaApilado, "Interaction of Cordillera and the Ilocos

Region;" DJr. Sabino Padilla, Jr., "Dr. Scott'sContribution to Ethnography;" Dr. EusebioDizon and Mr. Armando Mijares, "ArcheologicalEvidence of a Baranganic Culture in Batanes;"Dr. William Solheim, "Southeast AsianPrehistory in Relation to the Philippines;" Mr.Elfren Isorena, "Boat Making in Catanduanes;"Prof. Henry Funtecha, "Boat Making in Western

Visayas;" Prof. Teresita Ang See, "Filipinos inChina before 1500;" Prof. Aurora Roxas Lim,"The Iglesia Filipina Independiente;" Prof.Rolando Talampas, "Dr. Scott's Contribution tothe Study of the Labor Movement;" Dr.Reynaldo Imperial, "History of Labor Unionismin the Public Sector;" Mr. Arnold Azurin,"Ilocano Resistance."

MSA HOLDS 10TH CONFERENCE AND GENERAL ASSEMBLY

The Manila Studies Association (MSA), incooperation with the National Commission forCulture and the Arts - Committee on HistoricalResearch, the National Historical Institute andthe Philippine National Historical Society heldits 10t h Annual Conference and GeneralAssembly at the Tanghalang Leandro Locsin,NCCA Building, Intramuros on 18-19 June1998.

Paper readers of the conference included Dr.Paul Dumol, University of Asia and the Pacific,.,A Hundred Years of Civic Education"; Dr.Eden Gripaldo, University of the Philippines,"Pagbabalik-Tanaw: Ang Himagsikang Pilipinosa Taong 1898";Mr. Patrick Anthony de Castro,Miriam College, "Ang Urbanismong Pag-unlad

_ng Maynila, 1896-1898"; Dr. Eusebio Dizon,

The National Museum, "Recent UnderwaterArcheological Findings: Some Insights into Pre­Spanish Philippine Society"; Dr. BuenaventuraMedina, De La Salle University, "Under­standing History through Poetic Language";Dr. Ma. Luisa Carino, De La Salle University,"Poetry and the Task of Writing the Nation";Mr. Ronaldo Mactal, De La Salle University,"Ang Hong Kong Junta at ang Rebolusyon"; andProf. Cristina Torres, UP Manila, "Manila:Washington DC of the Orient."

The holding of the conference was also coincidedwith the book launching of A History of thePhilippines, by Dr. Samuel K. Tan, ExecutiveDirector and Chair of the National HistoricalInstitute.

73

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74

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THE PSSC FRANKX. LYNCH LIBRARY

NEW ACQUISITIONSlFilipiniana

Aguilar, Filomeno V., Jr. 1998Clash of Spirits: The History of Power andSugar Planter Hegemony on a Visayan Island.Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press(co-published with University of Hawaii Press).313 pp.

This book draws on oral history interviews andresearch in archives in Spain, the United States,the United Kingdom, and the Philippines. Itreconstructs the emergence ofthe sugar-planterclass and its strategic maneuvers to attainhegemony. It also throws light on the innerworkings of colonial capitalism, integratescultural analysis with political economy, andoffers a fresh understanding of Philippinesociety and history.

Hutchcroft, Paul D. 1998Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking inthe Philippines. Quezon City: Ateneo de ManilaUniversity Press (co-published with CornellUniversity Press). 294 pp.

This book tackles the question on why thePhilippines continuously lagged behind otherAsian economies despite the resources it had.It carefully examines the interaction betweenthe state and the major families of the oligarchyin the banking sector since the 1960s, and showsthe political obstacles to Philippine develop­ment.

Arce, Wilfredo F. 1998Systematic Qualitative Research: An Intro­duction for Filipino Practitioners. Quezon City:Ateneo de Manila University Department ofSociology and Anthropology. 109 pp.

Drawn from the author's extensive experienceas a teacher and researcher, this book discussesin a concise manner the basic assumptions, datacollection techniques, and analytical techniquesof qualitative methods of research in anthro-

76

pology and sociology. Students and researcherswill find the use of examples from actualresearch in the Philippines and other relatedliterature, and an Appendix of SelectedExercises extremely useful.

Doeppers, Daniel F. and Peter Xenos(editors). 1998Population and History: The Demographic Ori­gins of the Modern Philippines. Quezon City:Ateneo de Manila University Press (co­published with University of Wisconsin­Madison Center for Southeast Asian Studies).444 pp.

This collection of essays aims at a compre­hensive demographic history of the Philippinesas a subject intertwined with the study of socialand economic change across the archipelago.The book traces the causes of the rapid rise andsustained growth of Philippine population fromthe late eighteenth century to the mid-1870s.

Essays by Daniel F. Doepp ers, Linda A.Newson, Peter Xenox, Michael Cullinane, Shu­Meng Ng, Norman G. Owen, and Francis A.Gealogo are included in this book.

Ileto, Reynaldo C. 1998Filipinos and their Revolution: Event,Discourse, and Historiography. Quezon City:Ateneo de Manila Press. 314 pp.

This is a collection of essays that explores theintersection of revolutionary history, popularconsciousness, and political events from thedecades of U.S. rule to the 1998 centennialcelebration. Moving between historical issuesand theoretical problems, the author en­courages the reader to take local and nationalnarratives seriously, to see them as meaningful,mutable, and linked with often unexpected waysto transnational narratives and concerns.

Sillliman, G. Sidney and Lela Garner Noble(Editors). 1998Organizing for Democracy: NGOs, Civil Society,and the Philippine State. Quezon City: Ateneode Manila University Press (co-published withUniversity of Hawaii Press). 344 pp.

Philippine, American and European scholarsdocument (based on primary research on ruraland urban NGOs) the transformation in thecharacter of civil society and evaluate its impacton the state. This book is projected to be a timelyand important addition to the literature on therole of nongovernmental organizations ininternational development and democraticconsolidation.

The first section of the collection defines thecontext within which NGOs function. Thesecond details the response of NGOs, NGOcoalitions, and peoples organizations to theenduring social, economic, and ecological issuesof Philippine society. The third and final sectionrecords the interaction between citizen groupsand the Philippine state.

Mercado, Cesar M. 1998 (Second Printing)The Successful Development Manager. QuezonCity: Development Consultants for Asia AfricaPacific (DCAAP). 89 pp.

Prepared by DCAAP, a Manila-based globaltraining, research, development and consult­ancy firm that specializes in human develop­ment management (HMD), this guidebook aimsat helping development managers attain aharmonious relationship between human,resource and environment before planning andundertaking programs and projects. It attemptsto put together concepts, principles, researchresults, field experiences and lessons relevantto the formation of development managers.

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