Chapter - III

SOCIAL REFORMS IN AGASTHEESWARAM TALUK

On the arrival of the Protestant Mission, especially the London

Missionary Society, the social life of the people not only in Agastheeswaram

taluk but also the whole of South Travancore presented a dark and dim

picture. The people were ready to accept any one who could lead them to

social awakening. The women were not allowed to wear upper cloth, there

were obnoxious and objectionable taxes, the people suffered due to social

disabilities. Entering into the temple was just like a daydream to the

oppressed classes. It was during this time the Protestant Missionary Rev.

Mead took the lead. Ayyah Vaikunder, otherwise called Muthukutty

Swamigal came and fought for the oppressed. Before these the people were

suffering from social disabilities.

3.1. Disabilities

Because of the oppression, the Avarnas suffered social disabilities in

all aspects of their social life. In the early period of her social history, not

only Agastheeswaram taluk but the whole of Travancore was feudalistic and

caste-ridden. The non-caste, Hindus like the Ezhavas, the Nadars, the

Parayas and the other low castes were the original inhabitants of Travancore.

But following the establishment of the caste hegemony by the Brahmins, and

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other high caste people, the low castes were reduced to the status of serfs and

thus Travancore became an example of caste division and slavery.1

3.2. Slavery

The institution of slavery started in Travancore from the political

conquest of the invaders and settlers from the north. In the early period of

her history the slaves enjoyed equal privileges to that of a free man. In

course of time they lost their power and prestige and subscribed to slavery.2

The Brahmins who came from the north and settled in Travancore were

responsible to create caste rules to obtain superiority in the society.3 As

years passed by they had established their undisputed dominance over land

and people in the various regions of Travancore. The Brahmins extended

special treatment to those inhabitants who accepted their superiority in all the

regions of Travancore.4 The Brahmins extended special treatment to those

inhabitants who accepted their supremacy and were called as Sudras.5 Thus

caste system slowly began to develop in Travancore.

1 Kunjan Pillai, E., Census of India, 1931, Vol. XXVIII, Travancore, Part I, Trivandrum,

1932, p. 432.

2 The Most Rev. Juhanon Marthoma, Christianity in India and a Brief History of the

Marthoma System, Chennai, 1968, p. 1.

3 Saradamoni, K., Aggressive Slavery in Kerala, Kerals Studies, Vol. I, Trivandrum,

1974, pp. 155-168.

4 Kusuman, K.K., op cit., p. 25.

5 Ananta Krishna Ayyar, L.K., The Travancore Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, Trivandrum,

1939, p. 120.

90

With these changes of social order many segments of people with the

common title, Avarnas, found place in the different social groups.6

According to the common law of the country, they were strictly prohibited

from entering into the temples and using public roads, wells, tanks and

chatrams.7 Equal opportunity of education and employment was also denied

to them.8 Many became slaves due to the hereditary factors. Political and

social order of the day was also partially the responsible to add the number

of slaves. Usually victorious kings of wars carried away the people from the

vanguished country and converted them as slaves. During times of famine,

the affected parents sold their children for money or for one or two times

meals. These unfortunate victims were made slaves. Debtors who could not

repay their loans, according to the custom of the period were forced to do

labour till the liability is over.9

The lot of the slaves was very pathetic. They were not only put in the

chains of bondage, but were suffering from untouchability and

unaproachability. The slaves were forced to observe certain approved

distance in their dealings with higher caste people. They could not move to

6 Kusuman, K.K., op cit., p. 20.

7 Report of the Temple Entry Enquiry Committee, 1934, p. 8.

8 Kunjan Pillai, E., op cit., p. 432.

9 Syed Mohammed, P.A., (ed.), Kerala Charitram, (Malayalam), Vol. II, Trivandrum,

1939, p. 51.

91

the market to buy their daily needs and sell their products.10

They were

unapproachable too. If a high caste man was polluted by the touch of a low

caste man he had to undergo purification ceremony. Hence, the low castes

were commonly spoken as outcastes or untouchables.11

If a Pulaya touch a

Brahmin, he had to take bath immediately and change his Brahminical

thread. If the Pulaya touches a Nayar, he had to take bath and no other

ceremony is required to this effect.12

The system of untouchability was also

very severe in Travancore. Caste rules imposed restrictions on the low

castes. They had to keep a stipulated distance from the high caste people in

proportion to their stage in the social order.13

An Ezhava must keep 36 paces

away from a Brahmin.14

A shannan or Nadar should keep 36 paces from

Brahmin, and 96 paces as the distance from the Nayar.15

A Nayar must not

come within 3 feet of a Namboodiri Brahmin, an Ezhava or Shanan within

24 paces and a Pulayan or other untouchables within 36 paces.16

10 Sobhanam, S., Genesis of the Social Emancipation among the Ezhavas, Historic, Vol.

II, Madurai, 1984, p. 3.

11 Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara

and Malabar, London, 1879, p. 151.

12 Hutton, J.H., op cit., p. 78.

13 Yesudhas, R.N., op cit.,

14 Francis Day, Land of Perumals, Chennai, 1868, p. 322.

15 Mateer, S., op cit., pp. 32-40.

16 Ibid.

92

It is very clear that an oppressed should stand at a prescribed distance

and had to cover his mouth with one hand while speaking to the caste

Hindus.17

Entering into the temple premises was considered to be a sin.

Walking on the roads leading to the wall of the temple was treated as

violations of caste and religious rules. These rules were more severe in the

temples of Guruvayur, Suchindram and Vaikom. Even in village temples

this was prevalent. Thus the people faced untold sufferings due to the strict

adherence of the pollution rules.18

The kings who were the protectors of the rights of the people could

not do anything at all. If at all they were interested to protect the people the

high castes opposed him and considered it as treason. Even the kings did not

treat them on par with the high castes. When the kings could not render

justice, the people were put into more hardships. Any violation was dealt

with severely. Sometimes they suffered deportation. Thus the people were

vainly looking for a savior to save the people from these evils.

3.3. Feudalism

Feudalism prevailed in Agastheeswaram, Kalkulam, Vilavancode and

Thovalai taluks of South Travancore. In the early century B.C. when the

17 Samuel, V.T., One Caste, One Religion, One God, A Study of Narayana Guru, New

Delhi: 1947, p. 23.

18 Ravindran, T.K., Eight Furlongs of Freedom, Trivandrum, 1980, p. 39.

93

Tamil kings were ruling Travancore was known as the Cheranadu.19

During

the 8th

century the Cholas and the Cheras were at war.20

This caused vast

changes in the socio-economic and political set up of Cheranadu. Making

use of the unstable political condition the Cheranadu many petty kingdoms

cropped up.21

The temple trustees and those who were in the upper strata of

the society, made use of the chaotic condition and established their authority

over the temple property. There was no safety to the life and property of the

people and they entrusted their property in the lands of the Namboodiris.

The Namboodiris became owners of the hands by the adopting cunning and

crooked ways. Thus, the Namboodiris became landlords and they became

jenmies. They reduced the poor peasants to the status of workers and the

Brahmins became the landlords.22

The whole Travancore was divided into Nadus and Desams. The

Nayars, who were warrior class were appointed Naduvazhis and Desavalies

by the Namboodiris. The kings too endowed with them grants of lands for

the military service that they rendered to the state.23

They cultivated the

lands with the help of the Ezhavas, the Nadars, the Parayas and the Pulayas.

19 Shangoony Menon, P., History of Travancore from the Earliest Times, New Delhi,

1985, p. 1.

20 Pillai, K.K., op cit., p. 26.

21 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Madras, 2000, p. 141.

22 Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of Kerala, New Delhi, 1979, p 76.

23 Ibid., p. 77.

94

These people were at the beck and call of the Nayars or the Jenmies. By

virtue of their service the backward communities became tenants to the

Nayars.24

Thus feudalism came into existence in Travancore. The jenmi

system or the feudal set up gave economic and social status to the Nayars

and the Namboodiris. This helped them to collect obnoxious taxes from the

low castes. Thus absentee landlordism was a common feature in

Agastheeswaram for Agastheeswaram has fertile arable lands.

The poor Nadars, Ezhavas, Pulayas and Parayas were burdened with

innumerable taxes. In addition to this, they were forced to Oozhiam and

Viruti service to the landlords and to the government. Oozhiam means, free

service to the temple, to the government and the landlords. Viruthi means

that the land holders must provide things as required by the temples,

government, officials and the landlords.25

This created a sense of insecurity

among the people. They wanted to get out of it by any means because it

affected their social identity.

Various exactions and different kinds of free services, to the temples,

to the Brahmins and the feudal lords drove the peasants to the verge of

poverty. The oppression and the interference of the feudal lords in the

24 Peter, D. and Ivy Peter, Liberation of the Oppressed A Continuous Struggle, Nagercoil,

2009, p. 6.

25 Ivy Peter, Samaya Thondarkalum Samudaya Marumalarchiyum, Nagercoil, 1999,

p. 60.

95

freedom of work of the peasants forced them to think of the sufferings and

compared their position with the tenants of other areas of South India. The

enlightenment and the social awakening that the protestant missionaries

created through education forced them to think of freedom.26

Severe punishments were inflicted on those who refused to perform

Oozhiam services. Torture was a common feature. Those who refused or

rejected to supply materials for public work was put into cage.

Ramayyangar the Dewan, Settlement Peishkar reported in his memorandum

about the hardship, “these peasants endure that they had been reduced to

destitution, at present a class of miserable semi serfs struggling to draw a

bare subsistence from their hated Vrutti lands for which and their own

wretchedness there is no escape. It is impossible to overrate the evils of this

state of affairs in its bearing on the trade and industry of the country”.27

In the name the government, the feudalistic exactions were growing.

The people felt sad about that and hence they wanted to oppose this. Moved

by the heavy oppression of the ryots, Mr. Atasius and Vedamanikkam and

the missionary workers represented the matter to the Rani. Her Highness

Maharani Gowri Parvathi Bai on 29 December 1815 issued a proclamation

26 Rev. Samuel Mateer, The Land of Charity, p. 359.

27 Dewan V.P. Madhara Rao’s note on “Vilayartham on Viruti” (First Vol. I, V), p. 1164.

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exempting Christians permanently from doing oozhiam duties on Sundays.28

Though the government issued a series of proclamations it did not bring

much relief. Hence in 1888, Dewan Rama Rao issued a notification

relieving the virutikars from oppression.29

However, a final decision was

taken by the government on August 7, 1893 to give up oozhiaviruti services

permanently.30

This paved the way for a new system of administration and

revolutionary change in the society. Though these oppressions were

removed, there were oppression. However the oppressive attitudes were

completely changed only after 1956.

3.4. The Problem of Upper Cloth

The Brahmins and the Nayars considered the Savarnas or the

backward class as slaves. Hence they could not tolerate the low caste

women dress like the high caste women. The low caste women were not

allowed to cover the upper part of their body with a piece of cloth called

‘thol cheelai’. The low caste men and women realized that this was an

illtreatment and a social evil. The educational programme of the L.M.S.

missionaries also enlightened the people. They wanted to get rid of the

28 Agur, C.M., op cit., Appendix, XVIII, pp. xi-xii.

29 Government Notification dated 13.4.1988, Vol. VI, p. 169.

30 The Acts and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. I, p. 211. Also Travancore

Government Gazette, dated 22.9.1893.

97

social evil. It was during this time Rev. Mead, the Christian Missionary who

was stationed at Neyyoor gave the lead.31

He wrote prayers and petitions to the Government. Advices and

admonitions did not bear fruit. The Nayars began to attack the women and

torn the dresses that were worn on the upper part of their body. Churches

were destroyed to arrest the growth of Christianity. A revolt started in 1822.

However the Christians obtained a court decree in favour of them in 1823.32

It was a relief to the Christians.

The problem of upper cloth did not stop with that. The second upper

cloth revolt burst out in 1828 in Kalkulam and Vilavancode taluks. The

missionaries fought gallantly. The government made an enquiry.

Consequently, Her Highness Maharani Parvathi Bai issued a proclamation in

1829. But it did not give any relief to the people. There was a period of lull

in the revolt. But, it showed its head in 1855 again. Now the revolt took

place very much in the Thovalai and Agastheeswaram taluk.

Following this there were incidents of violation in the Vellala belt of

Nanchilnad. In an attempt to drive Christianity out of South Travancore the

Vellalas set fire to the houses of Christians. Attacked the villagers with

31 Letter from Rev. Mead to the Dewan of Travancore, September 1821, pp. 1-3.

32 Court Decree, Padmanabhapuram, 1823.

98

knives and spears. Tore the upper cloth of the women.33

At Kumarapuram,

Christians and the Catechists were attacked but they escaped. The houses of

the Christians were damaged and their belongings were destroyed. One

Catechist was imprisoned and then the high caste people plundered and

pillaged the houses of the Christians.34

An elderly woman from Elanthaiyadivilai, near Muhilan Kudiyiruppu

at Agastheeswaram taluk was carrying a basket full of jaggery, coconut and

drumsticks. She entered Mahadhanupuram market through Kottaram. At

that time a small group was engaged in tearing sari on the shoulders. One

among the groups pushed her down, tore the sari from her shoulder and in

the action her “thali” or wedding chain was snatched and she fell down.

Considering this as a very bad omen she dropped her basket, showered mud

and dust on the group and returned to home.35

She wanted to complain the

matter to Vethamonickam Nadar, the village headman, but he was not there.

Such acts of wanton mischief created tension and anger among the Nadars.

Consequently the four sons of Vethamonickam Nadar along with some of

their cousins rushed to Kottaram like wounded tigers with stones in their

33 Report of the Dewan to the Resident of Travancore, dated 12 February, 1859.

34 Letter from Rev. James Russel, Yesudhas, R.N., People’s Revolt in Travancore,

Appendix No. XXIII.

35 To remained this incidents even now the market is called Thaliaruthan Chanthai means

a market where thali or the wedding chain was snatched.

99

hands. Finding that no one was at Kottaram junction and without knowing

what would happen the next day, these youngsters entered the houses of the

officers and man-handled them, and tore the saris over the shoulder of the

women in the houses. Though their parents would have considered this as a

cruel act, this was indeed the beginning to check the riots regarding the

tearing the upper cloth. This created unrest throughout the land and the

Nadar youths in every village got prepared to fight against their tormenters.36

Soon there was a big commotion in the market at Kottar. Under the

leadership of a senior church worker, a large body of Nadars entered the

market at Kalkulam and Kottar. They tore to pieces the sarees worn by high

caste women and drove away all those who tried to stop them. The majority

of those who took part in this connection were Catholics. After the crowd

ran, skelter and shelter, the high caste people set fire to the houses of the

Catholic fish folk who lived close to the fish market.37

From there the rioters

gathered in the night and set fire to a lonely Mission bungalow nearby.

Seeing the turn of events the Government officials got the

reinforcement of the Nayar bridge. They imprisoned Vedamanickam Nadar

of Mukilankudy and some of his nephews. The names of 23 persons who

36 Yesudhas, R.N., op.cit., Appendix No. 23.

37 English Records, Letter from Shangoony Menon to the Dewan of Travancore dated 4

January 1859.

100

had played a leading part in these riots and later were in hiding and their

names were inscribed on stones and planted in junctions.38

Further it was

publicly announced by tom-tom that the government would suitably reward

those persons who found them.39

Though the youngsters in many villages were determined to resist the

high caste people, who accompanied the Government officials, the common

people were afraid of them. Many families shifted their residence to

Pandiyanad. Amidst all these, the Vellalas spread the rumour that they

would raze to the ground the famous Christian Church (Kalkovil) at

Nagercoil. Not only the Christians but the Hindu and Catholic Nadars took

this as a challenge, and they patrolled the Nagercoil area round-the-clock

well armed, but nobody dared to do any harm and cause acts of vandalism.

The last two weeks in December 1859 was a period of extreme

anxiety for the Nadars. In February 1859 a memorandum was submitted to

the Maharaja by the missionaries, and favourable orders were issued.40

Another petition was submitted to His Excellency Charles Trevellyan,

38 One such stone was found in 1952 by the Travancore Archaeological Department. But

that stone has not yet been deciphered fully and added to the Archaeological series.

39 English Records, Letter from Shangoony Menon to the Dewan of Travancore, dated 4

January 1859.

40 Memorandum submitted to Maharaja, February 1859 and to Church Travellyan.

101

Governor of Madras.41

He advised the Travancore Government to look into

the matter immediately, but it had no effect, and the Government intensified

the atrocities. But the Governor was receiving letters regularly with full

details from the missionaries as well as from other Europeans. These

displeased the Governor and he sent a strong letter to the Travancore

Government through Major Tracy, the assistant Resident when he visited

Madras. The contents were, “if you cannot quell this atrocity with your

police the respect of the women will be safeguarded at the point of the gun

with our military force. This may be considered as the last warning”.42

After receiving this letter, Dewan Madhava Rao hastened to South

Travancore. While camping at Kanyakumari he saw the suffering of the

villagers on account of water scarcity. He arranged for the digging of wells

at Government expenses in a Nadar village and named it Madhavapuram and

his name engraved on a stone in the well wall. This was the first time in the

history of Travancore that such a work was executed at Government

expenses in a hamlet where the low caste lived. This was done to earn the

goodwill of the Nadars. The Dewan invited all the Nadar leaders in and

around Kanyakumari and made serious enquiries. The Missionaries had sent

41 Yesudhas, R.N., op cit., p. 152.

42 Charles Travellyon, Governor of Madras, letter to Major Tracy, 7 February 1859,

pp. 1-2.

102

petitions bearing the signatures of thousands of Nadars from South

Travancore to the Madras Governor regarding these matters.

The news regarding the last warning by the Governor spread

throughout Travancore. Fearing that they would have to face the English

troops the high caste people hesitated to continue the riot. But as expected

nothing happened. The Nadar felt sorry that the troops did not enter the

villages where high caste people lived. The missionaries were satisfied that

no further destruction would be done to the Churches and schools that they

had built.

On 26.07.1858, His Highness Uthiram Thirunal marthanda Varma

Maharaja (1857-1860) made the following proclamation, “Nadar women can

cover the upper part of their body above the hip in any respectable way they

wish, but they cannot wear sari over the shoulder like the high caste

women”.43

The Nadar leaders who were stupefied by this Proclamation met with

another shock. It was the letter of 19.8.1859 from the Secretary of the Indian

Government approving the above Proclamation. The gist of it was as

follows” “We feel from the present action of the Travancore Government

that no further riot will take place. From your letter of 7.6.1859

43 Velu Pillai, T.K., op cit., Vol. II, p. 558.

103

accompanied by details, “We understand that the Travancore Maharaja has

agreed to remove all objections regarding the covering of the upper part of

the body by the Nadar women, but there is a restriction that they shoulder not

dress like the high caste women. Though this reaction is contrary to the one

you accepted, and as you think that it gives you satisfaction, it is good that

you accept it. We hope that the benefits that you expect will turn up”.44

This Proclamation did not in the least differ from the Proclamation of

1810 made by Colonel Munro, the Resident and Dewan. Moreover the

Proclamation of His Highness Uthiram Thirunal Maharaja which was

endorsed by the Secretary of the Indian Government in his letter, “As you

think that it gives you satisfaction, it is good that you accept it”. This makes

it clear that the Proclamation was made only after consultation between the

Government officials and the missionaries. Further we can easily guess what

benefits they accepted to appear, as mentioned in the letter of the Secretary

of the Indian Government. The missionaries hoped that the Christian women

could be compelled to remove the sari over shoulder. If the Hindu Nadar

women refused to remove the sari over the shoulder, they would be severely

beaten up and put in prison by the Government officials with the help of the

high caste people. They would approach the Missionaries just as it had

happened during the previous half a century. With the recommendations of

44 Letter from the Dewan to the Resident, 17 May 1859.

104

the missionaries these prisoners could be released, and baptized and added to

the Christian fold was their expectation. Another benefit was that no harm

would be caused to either Christians or non-Christians. Further it was a false

hope that the entire Nadar community could be brought under Christianity, if

the missionaries, the Government officials and the high caste stood united

and worked for it.

They said that as before they might discard the blouse, but would

never remove the sari over the shoulder since they considered it a shame.

The missionaries could not think of any other solution. They knew fully well

that if they followed the advice of the Resident Mr. Cullan to prevent women

who wore sari over the shoulder from entering into churches, they would

have to close down all their establishments. Everybody strove to establish

that it was Resident Cullan who was solely responsible for the unbearable

torture of the Nadars and the removing down of the mission’s establishment

in the third upper cloth movement. Thus, the first upper cloth movement

was a half success to the Christians. Even after this the women were not

permitted to wear blouse but permitted to cover their upper part with the sari.

These ills continued in villages of Kalkulam, Vilavancode, Agastheeswaram

and other taluks even after independence. A remedy to the malady came

only after 1956.

105

In spite of all these fights, the sufferings of the oppressed did not stop.

It is a well known dictum that whenever there was an oppression there will

be a redeemer. The Ezhavas in Travancore suffered, Narayana Guru came

and relieved the people from their sufferings. The Pulaya suffered in the

hands of the high caste, Aiyankali came. So also, the Nadar community

suffered and Agastheeswaram taluk took the burden. Bhagavan Muthukutty

Swamigal hailed from Samithoppu a village in Agastheeswaram taluk fought

for self respect and infused and inculcated that Nadar too had the right to

worship God in the temple.

3.5. Rise of Vaikunda Swami

Vaikundaswami was born in 1808 A.D. at Swamithoppu, 7 kilometers

north-west of Kanyakumari. He was born in a Nadar family. His father was

Ponnumadan and mother was Veyilal. Ponnumadan was a palmyrah climber

by profession. As devotees of Vishnu Ponnumadan and his family did not

like the large scale conversion of the Hindus to Christianity. Seeing the

deprived life of the Nadars and the low caste, they wanted to change that and

believed that God will incarnate in this world, to destruct the evils and

protect the good.45

45 Umaithanu, C., and Kasi Udayam, P., Bhagavan Vaikunda Swamigal Varalaru,

Nagercoil, 1966, p. 37.

106

The villagers noticed the sign of greatness in the face of the child and

spent their leisure time with him. Seeing the signs of great man in his face,

they named the child as Mudisudum Perumal. As this denotes a ruler, the

Hindus objected and brought it to the notice of the government. The

government issued immediate order to change the name. In compliance with

the orders of the Government his name was changed as Muthukutty.46

This

arrogant and dictorial policy of the government and the attitudes of caste

Hindus hurt the feeling of Muthukutty and created a feeling of revenge in his

mind.

As there was no regular school, Muthukutty studied the Puranas and

literatures of various faiths and moral works with the help of the learned men

of his village. Thirukkural inspired him about equality and the art of good

government. Harichandrapurana instilled in him the power of Truth. It is

understood that Muthukutty served as a Catechist in the Church at

Thamaraikulam.47

Like his parents Muthukutty was a great Vishnu devotee. He learnt

the devotional songs of Vishnu and conducted daily poojas in his house.48

46 Umaithanu, C., and Kasi Udayam, P., op.cit., pp. 41-46.

47 John A. Jacob, The Thirithankoor London Missionary Sanga Charitram, 1806-1856,

Nagercoil, p. 61.

48 Bala Ramachandra Nadar (ed), Ahila Thirattu Ammanai, Samithoppu, 1153, p. 159

(Hereinafter abbreviated as Ahilam).

107

He disliked the people who made sacrifices. Love for live stock was in his

blood. He worked as a cow hered in his early days. He adopted the principle

of work to live.49

He was very kind and capacious with the poor people. He

treated the poverty-stricken people and the afflicted with the milk of human

kindness and protected their interests. He lived in Dharma and allotted a part

of his earnings to feed the poor.50

He hated the oppressive treatment of the

backward people by the high castes. He opposed the inhuman approach of

the government officials. Pppressive taxes like Talavari, Velaipadivu,

Karailykkanam, Ezhutholai vari and other kinds of poll taxes were extracted

from the people by adopting coercive methods.51

He raised oppositions

against the oppressive taxes. Thus from his early days he hated injustices

and illtreatment meted out to the oppressed. His visits to Tiruchendur was a

turning point in his life.

On March 2, 1833, during the Masi Thiruvizha, Muthukutty and his

family went for holy dip in the sea. But to the surprise of his relatives

Muthukutty was found missing.52

On the third day showed his head and said

to his mother, since now I am not your son, but the son of Lord Narayana.53

49 Ahilam, p. 189.

50 Ibid., p. 190.

51 Agur, C.M., op.cit., pp. 585-586.

52 Bala Ramachandran, T., op.cit., p. 21.

53 Ahilam, p. 218.

108

He told the people who assembled there that Narayana has given rebirth to

him as Vaikundar and deputed him to the Dakshina or South and to relieve

them from oppression of the high castes.54

After that he emphasized pure

and independent life of the Nadars. He criticized the prevailing Hindu social

order and the activities of the Nambudiris. He was very severe in his

criticism on the mismanagement and misuse of temple money.55

He

requested the people to give up the evil practices in their worship.56

He

emphasized that nobody has the right to prevent worship God in his holy

temple. His preaching against the prevailing religious order brought out

considerable change in the attitude of the low caste people.57

Muthukutty returned to his native place and performed a number of

miracles on his return journey.58

The low caste people anxiously welcomed

Muthukutty as their leader whereas the caste Hindus opposed his entrance.

In several places, he was attacked by the caste Hindus and the Muslims. At

one village, the caste Hindus attacked him because he had washed his legs

from the pond of the caste Hindus.59

In another village, Muslims threw

54 Ahilam, p. 218.

55 Ibid., p. 199.

56 Ibid., pp. 226-227.

57 Ibid., 222-223.

58 Arul Nul, pp. 21-22.

59 Ahilam, p. 22.

109

stones on him because he came through their street. At Kanyakumari also,

he directed his people to give up all the religious ceremonies which were

practiced in the Temples.60

3.5.1. The Yuga Dapa

In 1833 A.D., Muthukutty started his meditation at Poovandarthoppu.

For the first two years he led the meditation in a six feet hallow pit called

yuga dapa.61

During this period, he took only liquid food and fruit. For the

next two years, he meditated for the abolition of caste system.62

The caste

Hindus disliked his meditation and attempted to dispel the popularity of

Muthukutty. He welcomed all the lower caste people to his place.63

While

he completed his four years penance, thousands of lower caste people came

from all over South and neighbouring places and represented their grievances

to Muthukutty.64

They worshipped him as a real incarnation of Lord

Narayana and called him as Vaikunda Swami.65

Vaikunda Swami heard the grievances of the people and helped them

in all possible ways. By his miraculous power, he cured their diseases and

60 Ahilam, p. 21.

61 Ibid., p. 328.

62 Amalan, N., Vaikunda Mahatmiyam, Swamithoppu, p. 12.

63 Ahilam, 239.

64 Ibid., pp. 239-240.

65 Ibid., p. 240.

110

advised them how to lead a healthy life. He cured the different diseases like

mental or nervous disorders and other afflictions like blindness, deafness,

paralysis and skin diseases.66

The ability of Swami seems to have been so

powerful that he was able to heal by giving soil and water.67

His act of healing attracted thousands of people all over the South.

People brought their sick-folk crowded around him and prayed for their

recovery. In his preachings he emphasized charity, truth, love and self-

respect among the people.68

Vaikundar took interest in inculcating the spirit

of self-respect among the members of the Nadar community. He advised his

followers to wear turban on their head as a mark of self-respect.69

3.5.2. The Raja versus Muthukutty Swamigal

Vaikundar vehemently attacked Swathi Thirunal (1829-1847), the

Raja of Travancore for his negligence to take interest in the welfare of the

poor low caste people. He wanted the expulsion of the reigning Raja. The

speeches of Vaikundar against the Raja earned the enmity of both the high

caste people and the government.70

66 Ahilam, p. 240.

67 Ibid., p. 2.

68 Vaikunda Swami preached his doctrines on the label of the words of Lord Narayana.

Ibid., pp. 201-201.

69 Ahilam, p. 206.

70 Arul Nul, p. 37.

111

The caste Hindus organised a plot to kill Vaikunda Swami. They

arranged a dinner and gave poisonous food to him at Maruthuvalmalai.

Although Vaikundar ate the poisonous food, he had escaped from death

through his miraculous power.71

When the conspiracy failed, they petitioned

before Swathi Thirunal. The king heard their grievances and arranged an

enquiry at the Suchindram temple Mandapam. The caste Hindus reported all

the activities of Vaikunda Swami and requested his immediate arrest and

also suppression of the new movement.

The Raja sent his army to Poovandarthoppu to arrest Vaikunda

Swami.72

When the army reached at Poovandarthoppu, the followers of

Vaikunda Swami gathered in large numbers and opposed his arrest. When

they prepared for an open fight, Vaikundar appealed them to be patient.73

The soldiers arrested him and sorely beat him. The adjoining village of

Sastankoil vilai at Thamaraikulam ‘was a large Sudra Village’.74

The Sudras

also took part in abusing and throwing stones and mud on him when the

soldiers brought him through their village. Vaikunda Swami was brought

before the king. There the Raja tried to test the divinity of Vaikundar. He

71 Umaithanu and P. Kasi Udayam, op.cit., pp. 77-82.

72 Ibid., p. 258.

73 Umaithanu and P. Kasi Udayam, op.cit., p. 263.

74 Ibid., p. 266.

112

asked several questions to Vaikundar. “If you are a sami, tell what is in my

hand?” But Vaikundar refused to answer any of his questions.75

During his imprisonment too, large number of people rushed to

Trivandrum. There also Vaikunda Swami continued his work of preaching

and healing. Crowds spent their days with Vaikundar and worshipped him

as their god.76

Even in his imprisonment, Vaikunda Swami wassubjected to

several inhuman treatments. He was put inside a room which contained

powdered pepper, in the cage of hyena and also amidst of fire. But

Vaikundar escaped from all these experiences.77

Ultimately the Raja decided

to release Vaikunda Swami on the condition that he should entertain only the

members of his own community.

But he refused to make any declaration and he tore the royal writ into

pieces.78

The Raja finally ordered the release of Vaikunda Swami on the

first week of March 1829, after hundred and ten days of imprisonment. His

followers took him to Nanchilnad in a great procession. Vaikunda Swami

then continued his reform activities and sent his people to penance and

trained them about their mode of a new independent life.

75 Umaithanu and P. Kasi Udayam, op.cit., p. 267.

76 Ibid., p. 269.

77 Arul Nul, pp. 24-25.

78 Ibid., p. 274.

113

3.5.3. Religious Reforms

The religious reforms of Vaikunda Swami was closely linked with his

social reform movement. The reason is that, in the early part of the

nineteenth century, social reform was linked firmly with religious change.79

Social reform was only possible with the alliance of religious reform.

Muthukutty Swami never attacked any religion nor never attempted to set up

any new religion like Buddhism and Jainism. However, with the coming of

Vaikunda Swami, a new sect of Hinduism appeared as a curious

phenomenon in the religious history of Travancore.80

As the first step of his religious reform movement, Vaikunda Swami

raised his voice against the Brahmin temples.81

Immediately Vaikunda

Swami assumed the status of Ayya (Father) to all his followers. His

followers are generally called Ayya Vazhi Makkal. They affirmed that the

worship of Vaikundar is really a worship of the Supreme Being.82

The low caste people satisfied with the worship of their Ayya felt that

there is no necessity to worship in the Brahminical temples. They had set up

their own temples and mode of worship. In the temple of Swamithoppu,

79 Prof. A.R. Wadia, History of Philosophy of Social Work in India, Bombay, 1961, p. 34.

80 Samuel Mateer, Land of Charity, p. 222.

81 Ahilam, pp. 222-223.

82 L.M.S. Report, Santhapuram Mission District, 1864, p. 6.

114

they celebrated three festivals in a year which are in the months of Vaikasi,

Avani and Thai. Each festival lasts for eleven days, beginning with a flag-

hoisting ceremony and ending with a car-festival. Throughout the festival

days, the temple conducted charitable work for the poor.83

In the Nizhal

Thankals also, his followers conducted the festivals. Their worship is

nothing but to do dharma in the name of Ayya.84

Thus the reform movement

of Muthukutty Swami relieved the people from the evils of social oppression

and educated them self-respect.

Vaikunda Swami gave equal importance to the economic life of the

people. He was of the opinion that the working class should be given

reasonable payment for the work did. He directed the people to work for the

payment they received.85

He vehemently opposed the oppressive and

obnoxious taxation. He asked the Raja of Travancore to abolish all the

obnoxious feudal levies like the Ooliyam and Viruthi.86

He warned the Raja

to abolish the tyrannical levies or otherwise the people’s cooperation will be

83 Personal observance.

84 Interview with M. Paramasiva Thevar, Tairavikulam and K. Vannia Nambiar, Kila

Aaimbur, 30 May, 1980. They stated that their caste people celebrate annual festivals in

their Nizhal Thankals in Vavaraikulam, Kila Aaimboor, pappankulam, Jamin

Singampatti, Aiyin Singampatti, Ermapuram and other places in order to do dharma in

the name of Ayya.

85 Arul Nul, p. 52.

86 Ahilam, p. 116.

115

lost. He advised his community people to give up the extravagant religious

rituals and ceremonies.87

The social reform movement of Vaikunda Swami gained widespread

popularity among the low caste especially among the Nadars. His principles

of casteless society, unity of all people and self respect of the Nadar

community echoed among the people of lower order. The social order of the

Hindu Society underwent far-reaching changes in the social fabric of the

Hindus. It ushered in a critical spirit in the minds of the oppressed class.

The Nizhal Thankals that was created by Vankunda Swami created social

consciousness among the people. The reform movement that was organised

by Vaikunda Swami became a catalistic source of inspiration for the low

caste people to fight for their rights and privileges. This was a catelist to

induce the people to temple entry agitations. He also paved the way for Sri

Narayana Guru to launch a reform movement to relieve the Ezhava from the

oppression of the high caste people.

3.6. Fight for Temple Entry

The social awakening consequent upon the enlightenment of the

people without social and religious disparity and segregation created made

the people to think that religion is for all, and temples are for all to worship.

87 Ahilam, p. 251.

116

But in the whole of South Travancore in which Agastheeswaram taluk was a

part, the low caste people were forbidden to walk on the roads and streets of

the high caste people, entering into the vicinity was forbidded and entering

into the temples and worship gods with sight of the gods was totally

forbidden. Hence the low caste people opposed this and there were

violations at Panjalingapuram, Vadiveeswaram and villages situated around

Suchindram. These incidents were culminated in Suchindram Sathyagraha

and finally in the temple entry proclamation in 1936.

3.6.1. Panjalingapuram Incident

Panjalingapuram was a place near Agastheeswaram in Travancore

which was dominated by Brahmins. People of other castes were denied

entry to the roads there. On August 19, William Lee a missionary of the

London Missionary Society who was passing through the road at

Panjalingapuram was assaulted by Brahmins for using that road.88

So he

made a complaint to the Travancore Government. After examining the

whole case, the Raja’s attention was drawn to the principle laid down that

“the streets of all towns are the property, not of any particular caste, but of

the whole community and that every man irrespective of his caste or religion

88 Yesudhas, R.N., Vol. III, General Cullen to Otcrost, 20 June 1859, p. 32.

117

has the right to the full use of them, provided that he does not obstruct or

cause disturbance to others when using them.89

The Madras government strongly advised the Resident to strongly

urge upon His Highness in future to adopt this principle in future that is the

first symptom of an enlightened Prince”.90

So an enquiry was instituted to

investigate the extent and nature of disabilities to which the low caste people

were subjected to in Travancore.

Accordingly the Resident asked the Dewan to furnish “full and

specific information as to whether the low castes in Travancore were still

subject to any substantial disabilities and oppression.91

Basing on the

information received the Resident wrote a report to the Madras Government

with the following points:

1) Low caste people were not permitted by the high castes to use roads

open to the public.

2) They were not permitted to enter and approach within a certain

distance of any courts and public offices.

3) They were excluded from Government schools.

89 Political Proceedings, 1869, Vol. III, Order by Eills, Chief Secretary to Government

Proceedings, 1869, p. 453.

90 Ibid.

91 Political Proceedings, April 1870, No. 23, G.A. Ballard to the Acting Chief Secretary to

Madras government, dated Cochin, 9 March 1879, p. 173.

118

4) They were excluded from the public services.92

After analyzing the Report of the Resident, the Madras Government

instructed the Travancore Government for the immediate removal of all

impediments, facing the low castes including pollution or theendal, which

were the root cause of all the disabilities.93

In the meantime there was a

heart rendering incident at Vadiveeswaram.

3.6.2. Incident at Vadiveeswaram

Vadiveeswaram was a place at Nagercoil in the Agastheeswaram

taluk where Brahmins dominated that village. They did not allow the

depressed classes to enter the streets. In that village, Rev. James Duthie, a

missionary of the L.M.S. made arrangements for the remarriage of a

Brahmin widow.94

The Brahmins of the village entered the house of the

widow and threatened her father. In spite of this the marriage took place.

From that day onwards the Brahmins considered the Christians as out-castes

and they were strictly prohibited from entering the Brahmin streets.95

After

this marriage a serious incident took place in 1872. When two Zenana

92 Political Proceedings, April 1870, No. 23, G.A. Ballard to the Acting Chief Secretary to

Madras government, dated Cochin, 9 March 1879, p. 173.

93 Political Proceedings, No. 24, Order dated 23 April 1870, p. 8, Tamil Nadu Archives,

Madras.

94 Annual Report of the L.M.S. fo the year 1872, Travancore District Committee, 1872,

p. 5.

95 Report of the L.M.S. on Zenana and School work for 1873, Nagercoil, p. 8.

119

workers entered the street at Vadiveeswaram, they were beaten to death by

the Brahmins.96

The L.M.S. records state that “their umbrellas were wrested

from their hands and broken before their eyes, their cloths were torn and mud

was thrown at their faces, and strong hardworking men pushed them down

into the tank and killed them.” L.M.S. Missionaries took it as an offence and

complaints were sent to the Travancore and Madras Government. The

Madras Government on its part instituted reinvestigation.97

The matter was

brought to the notice of the Government and the Dewan issued an order.

3.6.3. Circular Order of 1884

According to this circular order, Dewan Ramiengar declared that all

classes of people can use the public places. But even after the circular of

1884, disabilities in the use of temple roads by the lower castes continued.

Nadars, Parayas, Christians, Europeans, etc. were prohibited from using

temple roads when religious processions were taken out.98

The people

wanted the privilege of total freedom from the stigma of caste and complete

abolition of all religious prejudices.

96 Report of the L.M.S. on Zenana and School work for 1873, Nagercoil, p. 8.

97 Political Proceedings, 20 April 1872, Acting Resident in Travancore and Cochin in the

Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated Trivandrum.

98 Cover File No. 1622, The petition of P.C. Joseph and other Christians of South

Travancore to T. Rama Rao, 7 March 1892, Pollution of the idol of Suchindram temple

by messes. Jacob and Hoossely in February 1891, Tirukalyanam ceremony. English

Records, Trivandrum.

120

So several petitions were addressed by the Christian Missionaries to

the Madras Government on this matter.99

However, they were of the view

that the Travancore Government had gone to its utmost extent in this

direction.100

In spite of all these minor incidents took place here and there.

3.6.4. Kurichi Incident

Kurichi is a small village situated very near the Suchindram temple.

It was thickly populated by Nanchil Nadu Vellalas, and they never allowed

the low caste people to walk through the streets. They were also highly

jealous of the activities of the Salvationists in and around Suchindram, and

therefore the Salvationists were also not permitted to walk along the Vellaala

streets with chapels, umbrellas, and turbans. If anyone violated this rule, he

was punished severely.101

There were instances of violation. Colonel Jesuretnam, a member of

the Salvation Army, rode on horseback along this street. The villagers

chased the horse and cut off its tail. They also threw stones at the Colonel

and wounded him severely102

and chased him. Colonel Jesuretnam took

99 Cover File No. 3679, Political Department, G.O. No. 925, 8 December 1837,

Government of Madras.

100 Political Proceedings, June 1891, 33-34, Letter to the Secretary of State for India, 26

June 1891.

101 Travancore Law Report, Vol. X, Trivandrum, p. 34.

102 Cover File No. 1627, 1893, Letter dated 13 January 1893, English Records Central

Archives, Trivandrum.

121

shelter in a nearby school. Later a case was filed and they were made to pay

a fine of 50% of the damage along with one month rigorous imprisonment.103

3.6.5. Kakkad Incident

Kakkad is a small village in Nanchil Nadu, near the Suchindram

temple, and the people who lived in this village were mostly Harijans. In

order to reach the Cape Comorin – Nagercoil Trunk Road, the people of

Kakkad had only one road which passed through the Temple of Suchindram.

This road was maintained out of public funds for public benefit. But the

Parayas of Kakkad were not permitted to enter this road on account of its

proximity to the temple. They were not permitted to go along the road even

in their bullock carts. If they had to go along the road in bullock-carts they

were asked to get down at a certain point because of the nearness of the

temple. Then they had to engage caste-Hindus to take their carts to the other

end that is far away from the temple. But the Harijan had to walk to the

other end through a circuitous route to get back their bullock carts and had to

pay four cash for each cart.104

Britishers were also considered as out-castes

in Travancore society, and they also were not allowed to pass through these

temple roads. If any Britisher passed through this road, they were subjected

103 Cover File No. 1627, 1893, Letter dated 13 January 1893, English Records Central

Archives, Trivandrum.

104 Travancore legislative Proceedings, p. 680.

122

to petty mischief like throwing of stones, abuse, etc. But a cruel incident

took place in this Kakkad village. An English man and his wife, who were

passing along the Kakkad road were beaten to death by the high caste

people,105

and this incident created so much of distress in the Kakkad village.

3.6.6. Osaravilai Incident

Osaravilai was an important place in South Travancore, and was

inhabited by nanchil Nadu Vellalas and an Ammancoil was situated in that

village. A road runs from this village to Veppanvilai Cheri. It was inhabited

by the Paraya converts to Christianity. After conversion the Parayas of

Veppanvilai cheri was much improved in their outlook and their occupations.

Many of them gave up ploughing transplanting paddy, sweeping, harvesting

and watering.106

This created annoyance in the minds of the Vellalas of

Osaravilai. Further the youth of the Cheri dressed well and passed through

the Ammancoil road with musical instruments on festive occasions which

irritated the inhabitants of Osaravilai.

On May 13, 1909, a return marriage procession of the Parayas with

the display of musical instruments went through the streets of the Vellalas.

The procession was escorted by the Kottar Police Inspector, because they

passed through the Ammancoil road. The Vellalas thought that it was a

105 Travancore legislative Proceedings, p. 679.

106 File No. 40/133 of 1907, Judicial Section, Kerala Secretariat, Trivandrum.

123

calculated attempt to wound their social and religious feelings. So they

planned to prevent the marriage party, and assembled in the Ammancoil with

sticks and knives.107

Even though the marriage party proceeded through the

street assisted by the Police Inspector, they were driven back by the Vellalas,

and some of the low caste men and women were assaulted. The Vellala

protesters upturned the bullock-carts, and threw away the different marriage

items like fruits, betels, rice, etc. in the adjoining paddy fields.108

Though the Policeman interfered, the protest continued for more than

an hour and in the meantime the Magistrate of Kottar rushed to the spot and

filed a case against twelve persons, and panic continued for a week in the

village and then it fizzled out. This incident clearly shows that the Temple

roads were only used by the Savarnas, and the low caste people had no right

to use it,109

and so the agitation continued for a long period.

3.6.7. Suchindram Incident

Suchindram is a pilgrim centre situated on the southern bank of

Palayar. It is situated at a distance of eight miles to north-west of

107 Typed copy of the judgment, copy to Chief Secretary to the Government, 25 October

1909, p. 3.

108 Ibid.

109 Busi, S.N., Mahatma Gandhi and Babu Saheb Ambedkar Crusades against caste and

unsociability (Reprint), Hyderabad, 1998, p. 28.

124

Kanyakumari.110

Suchindram is an enchanting village surrounded by the

vast expanse of paddy fields, coconut groves, tanks and ponds, the river and

its channels and the delightful flower gardens. Strictly speaking Suchindram

means the place where “Indra” attained Suchi or purification.111

In

Suchindram the Trimurtis, Brahma, Vishnu and Siva were worshipped for

the first time. But the earliest nucleus of the temple was the shrine of Konnai

Adinathar (Siva).112

Later the temple was called as Suyampulingam of

Trinity, and was built in the Dravidian style and contains numerous

inscriptions of great archaeological importance. In this temple, the

restrictions prescribed in the agamas were not meticulously observed. The

Nambudiri Priest alone was allowed into the Garbhagraha for poojas.113

A

member of the Vattappalli Madam is permitted to go upto the portico of the

Garbhagraha. The so called higher castes among the non-Brahmins like the

Vellalas, Nayars and Chettis were permitted into the Ardha Mandapa and the

Tirucurras Mandapa to the back of the Garbhagraha.114

110 Velupillai, T.K., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. IV, Trivandrum, 1996, p. 646.

111 Padmanabhan, A., “Suchindram Temple”, Ashrapandana Mahakumbhabhisheka Vizha

Malar, Nagercoil, 1984, p. 56.

112 John A. Jacob, A History of the London Missionary Society in South Travancore,

Nagercoil, 1990, p. 5.

113 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Madras, 1996, p. 160.

114 Pillai, K.K., The Suchindram Temple, Madras, 1953, p. 265.

125

The Vairavis, Chaliyars, Potters and Oil Mongers were allowed

entrance within the precincts of the temple upto the Dhavajastamba, but not

beyond.115

The Ezhavas and Barbers were admitted into the streets but not

into the Temple. But the Nadars, Pulayas, Parayas, Pallans, and the Kuravas

were strictly prohibited from entering in the streets of Suchindram.116

Bamboo sticks were put up at the entrance of all the main streets

proclaiming the prohibition of entry to the depressed classes. It was used for

preventing the entry of the untouchables into the streets where the high caste

people resided.117

This is known as “Therumarachan” which means

preventing the low caste people to enter into the Theru which means street,

Marachan which denotes prevention. Hence Therumarichan means

prevention of low caste people from entering into the roads leading to the

temple. These restrictions imposed on the low caste people for centuries,

attracted the attention of the leaders, and they fought for their just rights to

enter the Temples and temple roads.

3.6.8. Vaikom Satyagraha (1924-1925)

The first major struggle of the Temple Entry Movement in Kerala was

the Vaikom Temple Entry Movement. Its aim was to get the right to the

115 Ramachandran, P., Naidu, M.E., Suchindram Satyagraha, Nagercoil, 1976, p. 2.

116 Report of the Temple Entry Committee, Trivandrum, 1934, p. 8.

117 Abdul Razzak, Nesamony Oru Charitra Thiruppam (Tamil), Nagercoil, 1998, p. 10.

126

approach roads of the Vaikom Temple to the Avarnas of the Hindu

community. The important leaders of this movement were T.K. Madhavan,

Mannath Padmanabhan and T. Kelappan.118

Mahatma Gandhi also visited

Travancore in 1925, to encourage the Vaikom Satyagraha.119

Narayana Guru

also gave support to this movement and gave Rs. 1,000/- as gift. E.V.

Ramaswamy Naicket from Tamil Nadu also participated in this Satyagraha

and went to jail thrice for this purpose. So he got the title “Vaikom Veerar”

(Hero of Vaikom).120

Due to the all-round efforts of the leaders, the Vaikam

Temple roads were formally opened to all Hindus irrespective of caste.121

But this concession was not extended to the Avarnas in the case of other

Temples in Travancore, and hence the movement for getting all the Temple

roads to be opened for the Avarnas were organized in many centres like

Ambalapuzha, Suchindram, etc.

3.6.9. Suchindram Satyagraha

In January 1926 a Satyagraha campaign was organized at the

Suchindram temple in Travancore for gaining the right of entry into the

118 Ravindran, T.K., Eight Furlongs of Freedom, New Delhi, 1975, pp. 51.52.

119 Ravindran, T.K., Vaikkam Satyagraha and Gandhi, Trichur, 1975, p. 58.

120 Ivy Peter and Dr. D. Peter, Samaya Thondarkalum Samudaya Marumalarchium,

Nagercoil, 1999, pp. 168-169.

121 File No. D.Dis. 783/785, General Department, English Records, Kerala Secretariat,

Trivandrum.

127

Temple roads.122

Earlier attempts of the outcastes to cross the street ended in

severe opposition and prosecution. Satyagrahis who entered into the

prohibited areas of the Suchindram Temple were strongly opposed by the

caste Hindus.123

Led by M.E. Naidu, the Satyagraha continued for about a

month and it was withdrawn on receiving assurances from the

Government.124

On account of the pressure exerted by a few orthodox Hindus the

government evaded the issue. In October 1927, Gandhiji visited Travancore

again and held discussions with the Dewan M.E. Watts on the question, and

tried to seek a peaceful settlement of the Suchindram Satyagraha, but

failed.125

Erode Venkatappa Ramaswamy Naicker was the Socio-Religious

reformer of Tamil Nadu in the 20th

century. He did not like the suppression

of low caste people in the name of religion. He participated in the Vaikkam

Satyagraha for the cause of Avarnas, and heard about the Suchindram

122 File No. D.Dis. 1475, Judicial P.D.E.R., Kerala Secretariat, Trivandrum.

123 File No. 62/1926, Confidential Section, English Records, Kerala Secretatiat,

Trivandrum.

124 Mahadeva Desai, The Epic of Travancore, Ahmedabad, 1937, pp. 22-23.

125 Daniel, D., Struggle for Expansible Government in Travancore (1938-1947), Madurai,

1985, pp. 25-26.

128

Satyagraha, and he participated in the movement too.126

Day by day the

situation worsened and many persons were imprisoned.

The campaign was resumed in May 1930, and Gandhi Raman Pillai

became the leader, and was arrested because his followers entered the

prohibited areas of Suchindram Temple and sentenced to one year rigorous

imprisonment.127

The problem of untouchability became a matter of concern to the

Congress leaders also. In a conference of the Indian National Congress held

at Bombay on 25th

September 1932, they passed the following resolution

“. . . Henceforth amongst Hindus no one shall be regarded as untouchable by

reason of his birth . . . that it shall be the duty of all Hindu leaders to secure

of every legitimate and peaceful mean as early removal of social disabilities

now imposed by custom upon the so untouchable classes including the bar in

respect of admission to Temples”.128

The Suchindram Satyagraha and the pressing demand for the right of

Temple entry for the lower castes both from the right thinking men of the

higher castes and the other castes led to the appointment of a committee of

126 File No. D.Dis. 1475, 1926, Judicial Department, English Records, Kerala Secretariat,

Trivandrum.

127 Menon, P.K.K., The History of the Freedom Movement in Kerala (1885-1938), Vol.

III, Trivandrum, 1972.

128 Pattabhi Sitaramayya, History of the Indian National Congress (1885-1935), Vol. I,

Bombay, 1969, p. 536.

129

enquiry. The appointment of the committee with U.S. Subramaniya Iyer,

Retired Dewan of Travancore, as the President of the Committee was

announced by the Government of Travancore on 8th

November 1932.129

The

total members of the committee were 9 and it included two low caste people

also. It submitted its report on 11th

January 1934 and it stated that all the

people irrespective of caste had the right to use public roads, wells, ponds

and inns. But a Proclamation for Temple entry was mentioned in this report,

and so it was opposed by caste Hindus vehemently.130

Since they had no right to enter Temples, most of the Ezhavas and

Nadars wanted to join Christianity.131

Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer, the Dewan

of Travancore realized the critical situation of the Hindu religion and came

forward to pass a Proclamation about this matter.

3.6.10. The Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936

Under strong pressure from the Dewan, the Travancore Maharaja Sri.

Chithira Thirunal Ramavarma issued a Proclamation on 1936 throwing open

the Temples for all Hindus.132

Gandhiji hailed it as a miracle of modern

129 File No. D.Dis 648, 25 November 1932, English Records, Kerala Secretariat,

Trivandrum.

130 Report of the Temple Entry Enquiry Committee, Trivandrum, 1934, p. 80.

131 Gladstone, J.W., Protestant Christianity and People’s Movement in Kerala,

Trivandrum, 1984, p. 358.

132 Krishna Iyer, L.A., Social History of Kerala the Dravidians, Vol. II, Madras, 1970,

p. 50.

130

times and for the people’s spiritual emancipation. The Proclamation says

that “. . . subject to such rules and conditions as may be laid and imposed by

us for preserving their proper atmosphere and maintaining their rituals and

observation, there should henceforth no restriction placed on any Hindu by

birth or religion on entering worship at the Temples controlled by our

Government.133

The Proclamation put an end to the long standing crude and harsh

customs and conceptions of the Travancore society. C. Rajagopalachari said

that “this Proclamation brought about a silent and bloodless revolution in the

Hindu Society”.134

Thus the people’s revolution of the inhuman customs and

practices prevailed in Travancore were crowned with success.

The proclamation occupied a unique place in the socio-religious life

of Travancore because of “the sublimity of its conception, the loftiness of its

ideals and the magnitude of its effects”.135

It is rightly stated “no act of

reform of any ruler in India has so far stirred the hearts, roused the

enthusiasm or evoked the gratitude of the people to the extent that this

momentous proclamation has done”.136

Mahatma Gandhi said, “I verily

believe that when all else Travancore is forgotten, that one act of the

133 The Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. IX, Trivandrum, 1937, p. 3.

134 Temple Entry Proclamation Memorial Souvenir, Trivandrum, 1937, p. 2.

135 The Temple Entry Proclamation Memorial Souvenir, 1942, p. 1.

136 Ibid.

131

Maharaja, the proclamation, will be remembered by future generations with

gratitude.137

To him, the proclamation was a miracle of modern times. He

also congratulated the Travancore Durbar and its advisers for the

magnanimous act of their part. According to C. Rajagopalachari it was

“easily the most non-violent and bloodless revolution in the history of man in

recent years”.138

According to Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the Maharaja’s

Proclamation was a greatest of the achievements of Gandhiji in regard to the

eradication of untouchability. The Temple Entry Proclamation is to be

viewed from several angles not only as a Hindu act, not only as an Indian

act, but as an act of the liberation and sublimation of humanity”.139

T.K. Velu

Pillai characterized the proclamation as the “Spiritual Magna Carta of

Travancore”.140

The proclamation was “applauded as a charter of religious

liberty, and as a document of first-rate importance in the annals not only of

Travancore, but of Hinduism. It marked a milestone in the progress of the

backward communities. All walks of life were thrown open to them as freely

137 Souvenir on the occasion of the Shastiabda Poorthy of our Patron Sree Padmanabha

Dasa Sri Chitra Tirunal Ramavarma, 4th November 1972, Sri Chitra Thirunal

Sangeetha Sabha, Trivandrum, p. nil.

138 The Temple Entry Proclamation Memorial Souvenir, 1942, p. 2.

139 Souvenir on the occasion of the Shastiabda Poorthy of our Patron Sree Padmanabha

Dasa Sri Chitra Tirunal Ramavarma, 4th November 1972, Sri Tirunal sangeetha Sabha,

Trivandrum, p. nil.

140 Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. IV, p. 251.

132

as the higher castes.141

In commemorating the Temple Entry Proclamation, a

set of stamps numbering four with different denominations namely three

chuckrams, one chuckram and eight cash, twelve cash and one cash was

issued in 1937. Thus, the depressed class of Travancore obtained equal

rights and self respect. They will remember this hard fought reforms and

proclamations for years to come.

141 Rao, M.S.A., Social Change in Malabar, p. 63.