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You Do Your Worst - and We Will do Our Best

A tonic for today by Winston S. Churchill

First delivered 14 July 1941

Feature Articles - Finest Hour 112

In reproducing Churchill's mighty tribute to the rescuers of London, we have donesomething we have never done to one of his speeches: edited it slightly to eliminate

contemporary references. In this evergreen form it serves as commentary on a day

that will live in infamy, 11 September 2001. The original can be found in Churchills

The Unrelenting Struggle (English edition 187; American edition 182) or in the

Complete Speeches VI:6448.

The impressive and inspiring spectacle we have witnessed displays the vigour and

efficiency of the civil defence forces. They have grown up in the stress of

emergency. They have been shaped and tempered by the fire of the enemy, and we

saw them all, in their many grades and classe - the wardens, the rescue and first-

aid parties, the casualty services, the decontamination squads, the fire services, the

report and control centre staffs, the highways and public utility services, the

messengers, the police. No one could but feel how great a people, how great a

nation we have the honour to belong to. How complex, sensitive, and resilient is the

society we have evolved over the centuries, and how capable of withstanding the

most unexpected strain.

I must, however, admit that when the storm broke in September, I was for several

weeks very anxious about the result. Sometimes the gas failed; sometimes the

electricity. There were grievous complaints about the shelters and about conditions

in them. Water was cut off, railways were cut or broken, large districts weredestroyed, thousands were killed, and many more thousands were wounded. But

there was one thing about which there was never any doubt. The courage, the

unconquerable grit and stamina of our people, showed itself from the very outset.

Without that all would have failed. Upon that rock, all stood unshakable. All the

public services were carried on, and all the intricate arrangements, far-reaching

details, involving the daily lives of so many millions, were carried out, improvised,

elaborated, and perfected in the very teeth of the cruel and devastating storm.

We have to ask ourselves this question: Will the bombing attacks come back again?

We have proceeded on the assumption that they will. Many new arrangements arebeing contrived as a result of the hard experience through which we have passed

and the many mistakes which no doubt we have made - for success is the result of

making many mistakes and learning from experience. If the lull is to end, if the

storm is to renew itself, we will be ready, we will not flinch, we can take it again.

We ask no favours of the enemy. We seek from them no compunction. On the

contrary, if tonight our people were asked to cast their vote whether a convention

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should be entered into to stop the bombing of cities, the overwhelming majority

would cry, "No, we will mete out to them the measure, and more than the measure,

that they have meted out to us." The people with one voice would say: "You have

committed every crime under the sun. Where you have been the least resisted

there you have been the most brutal. It was you who began the indiscriminate

bombing. We will have no truce or parley with you, or the grisly gang who work yourwicked will. You do your worst - and we will do our best." Perhaps it may be our turn

soon; perhaps it may be our turn now.

We live in a terrible epoch of the human story, but we believe there is a broad and

sure justice running through its theme. It is time that the enemy should be made to

suffer in their own homelands something of the torment they have let loose upon

their neighbours and upon the world. We believe it to be in our power to keep this

process going, on a steadily rising tide, month after month, year after year, until

they are either extirpated by us or, better still, torn to pieces by their own people.

It is for this reason that I must ask you to be prepared for vehement counter-action

by the enemy. Our methods of dealing with them have steadily improved. They no

longer relish their trips to our shores. I do not know why they do not come, but it is

certainly not because they have begun to love us more. It may be because they are

saving up, but even if that be so, the very fact that they have to save up should

give us confidence by revealing the truth of our steady advance from an almost

unarmed position to superiority. But all engaged in our defence forces must prepare

themselves for further heavy assaults. Your organization, your vigilance, your

devotion to duty, your zeal for the cause must be raised to the highest intensity.

We do not expect to hit without being hit back, and we intend with every week thatpasses to hit harder. Prepare yourselves, then, my friends and comrades, for this

renewal of your exertions. We shall never turn from our purpose, however sombre

the road, however grievous the cost, because we know that out of this time of trial

and tribulation will be born a new freedom and glory for all mankind.

Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat

May 13, 1940

First Speech as Prime Minister to House of CommonsOn May 10, 1940, Winston Churchill became Prime Minister. When he met his

Cabinet on May 13 he told them that "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears

and sweat." He repeated that phrase later in the day when he asked the House of

Commons for a vote of confidence in his new all-party government. The response of

Labour was heart-warming; the Conservative reaction was luke-warm. They still

really wanted Neville Chamberlain. For the first time, the people had hope but

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Churchill commented to General Ismay: "Poor people, poor people. They trust me,

and I can give them nothing but disaster for quite a long time."

I beg to move,

That this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the unitedand inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a

victorious conclusion.

On Friday evening last I received His Majesty's commission to form a new

Administration. It as the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this

should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all

parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the

Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet

has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Opposition Liberals, the

unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War

Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It

was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the

extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions, key positions,

were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I

hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. the

appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that,

when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the

administration will be complete in all respects.

I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned

to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed, and took the necessary steps, in accordancewith the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of

the proceedings today, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until

Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The

business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the

earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion which stands in my

name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the

new Government.

To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in

itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of thegreatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and

in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is

continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon.

Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I

may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any

of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political

reconstruction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with

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which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who

have joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and

sweat."

We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many,

many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I cansay: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the

strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never

surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You

ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs,

victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for

without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British

Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the

urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I

take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be

suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I

say, "come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."