Shirley-The Kings Physician-OConnor Festschrift

7/21/2019 Shirley-The Kings Physician-OConnor Festschrift 1/32 The  Archaeolo  and  Art  of  Ancient Et


Physicians in Ancient Egypt

Transcript of Shirley-The Kings Physician-OConnor Festschrift

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 Archaeolo  and Art of 

  Ancient Et

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 Archaeolo  and

 Art of 

  Ancient EtEssas in Honor of David B. O’Connor


 Volume II

Edited by  

Zahi A. Hawass

and Janet Richards


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Graphic Designer

Lourie, Margaret A.

Director of Printing

Safwat, Amal

(CASAE 36) 2007

© Conseil suprême des A ntiquités de l’égypte, le C Aire, 2007

 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be repro-

duced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form

or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, record-

ing, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of thepublisher.

Dar el Kutub No. 5576/2007

ISBN-10 977-437-241-7

ISBN-13 987-977-437-241-4

ISSN 5576/2007

imprimerie du Conseil suprême des A ntiquités

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 Volume I


Zahi a. hawass  xiii 

Acknowledgments xv

 List of Abbreviations xvi

 David B. O’Connor: A Tribute

h. s. smith  xix

An Archaeological Biography

Janet RichaRds  xxi


matthew douglas adams,  Household Silos, Granary Models, and Domestic

 Economy in Ancient Egypt  1

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C on t e n t s

william Y. adams, Anthropology and Nubiology 25

david andeRson, Zoomorphic Figurines from the Predynastic Settlement

at el-Mahâsna, Egypt  33

dieteR aRnold,  Buried in Two Tombs? Remarks on “Cenotaphs” in the

 Middle Kingdom 55

John Baines and liam mcnamaRa, The Twin Stelae of Suty and Hor 63

KathRYn a. BaRd and Rodolfo fattovich,  Mersa/Wadi Gawasis: New Evidence

of a Pharaonic Harbor 81 

ladislav  BaReš,  Lesser Burial Chambers in the Large Late Period Shaft

Tombs and Their Owners 87

lauRel d. BestocK,  Finding the First Dynasty Royal Family 99

RoBeRt s. Bianchi, The Stones of Egypt and Nubia 109

manfRed BietaK, iRene foRstneR-mülleR, and tomasZ heRBich, Discovery ofa New Palatial Complex in Tell el-Dab‘a in the Delta:

Geophysical Survey and Preliminary Archaeological Verication 119


PatRicia Bochi, The “Image” as Visual Trope and Cognitive Structure

in the Ancient Egyptian Harpers’ Songs 127

Janine BouRRiau, The Vienna System in Retrospect: How Useful Is It? 137

edwaRd BRovaRsKi,  King NTr-kA-Ra Ii-m-Htp zA PtH? 145


BetsY m. BRYan, A ‘New’ Statue of Amenhotep III and the Meaning of

the Khepresh Crown 151

lauRent chiotti, haRold l. diBBle, deBoRah i. olsZewsKi, shannon R. mcPheRRon,

utsav  schuRmans, and JennifeR R. smith,  Paleolithic Abydos:

 Reconstructing Individual Behaviors across the High

 Desert Landscape 169

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sue d’auRia, The American Branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund 185

Rosalie david, The International Ancient Egyptian Mummy Tissue Bank:

A 21st Century Contribution to Paleo-pathological and Paleo-pharmacological Studies 199

denise doxeY, A New Kingdom Pair Statue in the University of

 Pennsylvania Museum 215

günteR dReYeR,  Wer war Menes? 221 

KatheRine eaton, Memorial Temples in the Sacred Landscape of

 Nineteenth Dynasty Abydos: An Overview of Processional

 Routes and Equipment 231


Yahia el-masRY, The Ptolemaic Town (Ptolemais) 251

ahmed el-sawY, The Necropolis of Ancient Terenouthis (Kom Abou Bellou) 267

RichaRd a. faZZini, Some Objects Found before the First Pylon of the

 Mut Temple277

lauRel flentYe, The Mastabas of Ankh-haf (G7510) and Akhethetep

and Meretites (G7650) in the Eastern Cemetery at Giza:

A Reassessment 291

Renee fRiedman,  New Observations on the Fort at Hierakonpolis,

Appendix by Dietrich Raue 309

melinda haRtwig, A Head of a Ramesside Queen from Abydos 337

stePhen P. haRveY,  King Heqatawy: Notes on a Forgotten Eighteenth

 Dynasty Royal Name 343

feKRi a. hassan,  Droughts, Famine and the Collapse of the Old Kingdom:

 Re-reading Ipuwer 357

Zahi a. hawass, The Discovery of the Osiris Shaft at Giza 379

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colin a. hoPe,  Egypt and ‘Libya’ to the End of the Old Kingdom:

A View from Dakhleh Oasis 399

salima iKRam, Animals in the Ritual Landscape at Abydos: A Synopsis 417

RichaRd Jasnow, “Through Demotic Eyes:” On Style and Description

in Demotic Narratives 433

Janice KamRin, Toward a New Database for the Egyptian Museum, Cairo 449

 Volume II

naguiB Kanawati, The Watchers/Dependents of Min of Akhmim

in the Old Kingdom 1

BaRRY KemP, The Orientation of Burials at Tell el-Amarna 21

PeteR lacovaRa, A Rishi Cofn from Giza and the Development of

This Type of Mummy Case 33

anthonY leahY, Tomb Relief Carving at Abydos in the Seventh Century BC 39

maRK lehneR and fReYa sadaRangani,  Beds for Bowabs in a Pyramid City 59

Ronald J. lePRohon, “Opening” in the Pyramid Texts 83

chRistine lilYquist,  Reections on Mirrors 95

michelle maRlaR, Sex as a Votive Offering at the Osiris Temple 111

geoffReY t. maRtin, The Early Dynastic Necropolis at North Saqqara:

The Unpublished Excavations of W. B. Emery and C. M. Firth 121


heatheR lee mccaRthY, The Beit el-Wali Temple of Ramesses II:

A Cosmological Interpretation 127

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RoBeRt s. meRRillees,  Egyptological Ramblings Down Under 147

a. J. mills,  Where Are We Going? 157

angela milwaRd-Jones, A Unique Design on a Faience Bowl from Abydos 161 

ellen f. moRRis, On the Ownership of the Saqqara Mastabas and the

Allotment of Political and Ideological Power at the Dawn

of the State 171

KaRol mYsliwiec, The Scheme 2 × 4 in the Decoration of

Old Kingdom Tombs 191

adela oPPenheim, Three Deities in Procession: A Relief Block from the

 Pyramid Complex of Senwosret II at Lahun in the

 Metropolitan Museum of Art 207

R. B. PaRKinson and detlef fRanKe, A Song for Sarenput: Texts from

Qubbet el-Hawa Tomb 36 219

diana cRaig Patch, Third Intermediate Period Burials of YoungChildren at Abydos 237

maRY-ann Pouls wegneR, A Third Intermediate Period Burial

‘ Ad Sanctos’ at Abydos 257

stePhen quiRKe,  Labour at Lahun 273 

ali Radwan, Concerning the Cult of Amenhotep III after His Death 289

donald B. RedfoRd, Some Toponyms and Personal Names Relating

to the Sea Peoples 299

caRol Redmount,  El Hibeh: A Brief Overview 303

Janet RichaRds, The Archaeology of Excavations and the Role of Context 313 

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C on t e n t s

gaY RoBins, The Decorative Program in the Tomb of Tutankhamun (KV 62) 321

geRRY d. scott, iii, Two Ceremonial Palette Fragments in the Collection

of the San Antonio Museum of Art 343

stePhan Johannes seidlmaYeR,  People at Beni Hassan: Contributions to

a Model of Ancient Egyptian Rural Society 351


alaa el-din m. shaheen, “Water Carrier” or the Like in the Ancient

 Egyptian Sources and Its Resemblance to Dilmun Glyptic Art 369

JJ shiRleY, The Life and Career of Nebamun, the Physician of

the King in Thebes 381

david P. silveRman and JennifeR houseR wegneR, A Late Egyptian Story

in the Penn Museum 403

RaineR stadelmann,  King Huni: His Monuments and His Place in

the History of the Old Kingdom 425

chiP v incent,  International Conservation Methodology, Practice and Ethics and Their Application at the American

 Research Center in Egypt’s Conservation Project at Abydos 433

deBoRah v ischaK,  Identity in/of Elephantine: The Old Kingdom Tombs

at Qubbet el Hawa 443

Josef wegneR,  From Elephant-Mountain to Anubis-Mountain?

A Theory on the Origins and Development of the Name Abdju 459

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The Life and Career of Nebamun, the Physician

of the King in Thebes1

JJ ShirleyUniversity of Wales Swansea 

Before beginning, I must first acknowledge that it is a great honor to contribute to theFestschrift of such an esteemed Egyptologist. David O’Connor has been a mentor to me for

several years, and has consistently encouraged me in my pursuits. To that end, the following paperis most appropriate, as he has been urging me to publish it since I gave a version of it at the 55th

 Annual ARCE in April, 2004. I only hope the result lives up to his expectations.The private tombs stretching across the west bank of Thebes have long been acknowledged

as a principal source for our understanding of the officials who lived and functioned during theNew Kingdom. As a result, many of the most spectacular and interesting of them have been pub-lished, either in full or in part. The tomb decoration has been studied with respect to the style andmethods of painting or carving, while the owners have been categorized in areas of administra-tion on the basis of their titles. Occasionally, and more often in recent studies, the tomb ownershave been discussed in light of the broader socio-historical context of the New Kingdom. Thisis especially true when their inscriptions contain pertinent information, or if a particular scenehas historically informative content (e.g., A ssmAnn 1991; Dziobek  1998; brAck  and brAck  1980).

Overall, however, there is still a tendency to separate the epigraphic text from the image withwhich it appears when examining these tombs and their owners.2 This occurs despite the generalconsensus among scholars that for the ancient Egyptians there existed a correlation betweenepigraphic text and image,3 and that inscriptions regularly correspond to the scenes with whichthey are juxtaposed (see, e.g., A ssmAnn 1987; b Aines 1989; b Aines 1990; e yre 1996: 417f., 431f .;Fischer 1986; TeFnin 1993).4

In addition, archaeology and the archaeological context of tombs also play a significant rolein interpreting the inscriptions and images found in them. This idea follows from Polz’s com-ments that all aspects of a tomb have an archaeological context, including the decoration, whichconsequently should be viewed as an archaeological object (Polz 1987; cf. h ArTwig 2004: 1–4.). Inthis vein, it is important to remember that although tombs are funerary monuments, many items

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illustrated on tomb walls are themselvesartifacts, if pictorially manipulated.These objects physically existed, werelikely chosen to be represented for spe-

cific reasons, and thus are themselvesconsiderable sources of information. Byconsidering scenes within the contextof the entire tomb, analyzing the arti-facts depicted in them, and incorporat-ing the textual information both fromindividual scenes and the tomb overall,one can draw new conclusions aboutthe life and career of the tomb owner.

The tomb of Nebamun, a mid-

18th Dynasty elite official who was aroyal scribe and physician of the king,presents an excellent example for dem-onstrating the valuable role archaeol-ogy can play in interpreting text andimage, and also reveals the kinds of

new data that can be gainedfrom examining thesetombs first-hand, even ifthey have been published.5 Nebamun’s tomb, Theban

Tomb 17 (henceforth TT17)is a T-shaped tomb locatedfairly high up the cliff-sideat the northern end of Dra Abu el-Naga (approx. 110m,see k  AmPP  1996: plan VI;PorTer and moss (PM) 1994:29–31, Map II; Fig. 1). Basedon TT17’s architecture andfaçade (k  AmPP  1996: 198–

9), as well as its decorativestyle and content, it canbe dated to the mid-18thDynasty, to the beginningof Amenhotep II’s reign orperhaps slightly earlier (cf.Dziobek  eT  Al. 1992: 60–65;

sheDiD  1988).6  The decora-tive program generally follows the pattern of other mid-18th Dynasty Theban tombs, includingthe offering of braziers by Nebamun and his wife on the front wall of the hall, and the funeraryprocession to the Western Goddess and mummy rituals on the walls of the passage (cf. h ArTwig 


11 12


10 9












Fig. 1: Plan of Theban Tomb 17. After Porter and Moss 1994: 30.

Fig. 2: TT17, north side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’sphoto)

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T h e L i f e a n d C a r e e r o f N e b a m u n , t h e P h y s i c i a n o f t h e K i n g i n T h e b e s

2004: 18–19; hoDel-hoenes 

2000: 12–22; m Anniche 

1988: 32–42).The two scenes that are

the focus for this discussionare placed on either side ofthe rear (west) wall of thehall (PM(4) and (7) respec-tively), loci of prominencebecause they are immedi-ately visible to an exter-nal viewer looking into orentering the tomb. As such,they are generally inter-

preted as containing infor-mation that most distin-guishes or represents howa particular tomb owner

wished to present himself, whether to family or theunknown visitor (guksch 1994: 13–16; h ArTwig 2004:

16–17, 51–3; engelmAnn- von  c ArnAP  1999: 411–417). While re-examining Nebamun and TT17 as part of alarger study on New Kingdom bureaucracy,7  I beganto reevaluate earlier conclusions about the focal scenesand to consider them in the context of what they

might contribute to our knowledge of Nebamun’s lifeand career.

Beginning on the north side of the rear (west) wallof the hall (PM(7); Fig. 2), we can see Nebamun seatedand receiving offerings from his brother Sheni with tworegisters of foreigners behind him, including a dignitaryand his wife, while in the bottom register there is a shipand additional foreigners leading hump-backed bulls.The foreigners are identifiable as Syrians by their facialfeatures, the items the bearers carry, the style of the

ship, and the type of bull, all of which are distinctlySyrian.8 Typically, however, offering scenes depict thetomb owner offered to by a family member, with sev-eral registers of family and guests or additional offer-ing scenes placed adjacent to or below this location,as seen on the northeast and south walls of Nebamun’s

transverse-hall (PM(5) and (3), see below with Fig. 3 and Fig. 8 respectively). The content on thiswall of TT17 is thus unique among tomb representations and has been mentioned by severalscholars, some in connection with the function of ancient Egyptian physicians (e.g., ghAlioungui 

1973: 71, pl.10; ghAlioungui 1983: 28 no. 85, 43, 97; nunn 1996: 131), others with the depiction offoreigners or ships in Egyptian tombs (e.g., D Avies and F Aulkner 1947: 43; müller 1904: 23ff., pl.


Fig. 3: TT17, north side of the front (east)wall, transverse-hall, PM(5), with detail.(Author’s photo)

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3; PriTchArD 1951; s äve-söDerbergh 1946: 54ff., fig. 10; w AchsmAnn 1987: 9, 50, 61; w AchsmAnn 1998: 45–47, 50ff.). Explanations of the scene are quite disparate, falling into the general catego-ries of either evidence for Egyptian doctors in foreign lands (h Abrich eT  Al. 1985: 17; reeves 1992:

30, fig. 20), or the opposite view that it depicts Syrian dignitaries in Egypt (k iTchen 1982: 91;

nunn 1996: 131; s äve-söDerbergh 1957: 25–7). These differing interpretations have essentiallybeen based on how the scene is read, that is, whether the ship is arriving or departing, whetherthe bulls and wagons are related to transporting items (and perhaps people) onto or off the ship,and whether the figure serving the Syrian is Nebamun or a servant.

The original theory posited is that this scene should be understood as a “one of the ever-cur-rent representations of the meal of the dead” in which are “strangely mingled” a Syrian dignitary,his wife and servants who “have nothing to do with the meal” (s äve-söDerbergh 1957: 25). Yetthe idea that the Syrian’s presence would have no bearing on the remainder of the scene con-tradicts ancient Egyptian artistic principles generally and the conventions of tomb depictionsin particular (e.g., FiTzenreiTer 1995). Indeed, I am unaware of any New Kingdom tomb where a

scene that is clearly the main component of a wall’s decoration would have elements completelyunrelated to each other.9 In examining the wall as an integrated whole the context of Nebamun’s figure and his jux-

taposition to the Syrians indicate that the scene is best understood as relating to Nebamun’sofficial duties. In the scene in question, Nebamun holds the staff and scepter of office, with ascribal case and palette beneath his chair. The seated pose with staff and scepter is also knownfrom other contemporary elite Egyptian officials’ tombs where the officials are all performingduty-related activities.10 Additionally, it is in marked contrast to the numerous other offeringscenes distributed throughout TT17 where Nebamun is seated but generally holds either a boltof cloth or a bolt of cloth and a lotus flower (PM(2)–(4), (13)–(14)). Only once does Nebamunhold both flowers and a scribal palette (PM(5); Fig. 3), thus combining funerary and duty-related

items. Yet here Nebamun is twice referred to as “scribe” and he bears military epithets that maybe connected to his duties, suggesting that he chose to pictorially reinforce this aspect of his rep-resentation by holding a scribal palette. Indeed, although seated in the Syrian scene, Nebamun’sfigure resembles that on the adjacent focal wall to the south, where he stands holding the samestaff and wearing the same costume while overseeing workers as part of his official responsibili-ties (PM(4), see below with Fig. 9).

The presence of a male figure offering a papyrus to Nebamun does not contradict the newinterpretation of this as a duty-related scene, but rather suggests an interesting parallel to thedepiction of the king in private tombs. Approximately twenty New Kingdom Theban tombsdepict the deceased offering a papyrus bouquet to an enthroned king, and in one-third of these

the scene directly adjacent relates to the deceased’s duties as an official.11

 In half of these, theadjacent scene depicts foreigners bearing tribute and is clearly part of the presentation before theenthroned king.12 When the elements of Nebamun’s north scene and parallels to it are consideredtogether it becomes clear that the composition of this wall’s decoration implies that this is nota banquet scene at all, but rather a depiction of Nebamun in his official capacity, and that theSyrians relate to one facet of Nebamun’s duties.

 A close examination of Nebamun’s figure and accoutrements has provided an answer to whatthe scene represents—Nebamun in his official capacity meeting with a Syrian dignitary. A secondissue is where and why this event happened, and what information the scene itself and the tombinscriptions contain that relate to these questions.

The two obvious possibilities for where Nebamun had this encounter are, of course, Syria

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or Egypt. The presence of Egyptian physicians, also referred to as “learned men” or “knower ofthings” (rx-xt ), in foreign countries is known from textual sources dating from the later 18thDynasty into the Late Period. They were often requested by foreign princes and kings, andsometimes sent to foreign countries by the Egyptian kings (see, e.g., ghAlioungui 1983: 76–86;

z AccAgnini 1983: 250–56). For example, the prince at Ugarit requested from Akhenaten severalpalace attendants, including one who was a physician, because there were none at Ugarit (morAn 

1992: eA49). From Akkadian records we learn that the practice of sending Egyptian doctors toHatti was a regular occurrence during the reign of Ramesses II. Indeed, the physician Paraemhattraveled one more than occasion to Hatti to aid both Hattušilis III at the Hittite court and his vassals (eDel 1948: 15–16; eDel 1976: 67–70; goeTze 1947; k iTchen 1982: 91–2). The Late PeriodBentresh stela, although fictitious, also reflects the historical reality of the physician exchangesbetween Ramesses II and Near Eastern kings. It details the prince of Bakhtan’s request for a“learned man” to aid his sister and the subsequent sending of Djhutyemhab from the “House ofLife” ( pr-anx) to Naharin (k iTchen 1996 (kri ii): 284–87; simPson 2003: 361–6). In addition, the

Late Period inscription of the chief physician Udjahorresnet, found on his naophorous statue,relates that he was “made” a physician by Cambyses, living with the king at the palace, andwas later sent back to Egypt by Darius to “restore the House of Life” (ghAlioungui 1983: 81–4;

lloyD  1982; v erner  1989; burkArD  1994).13 On the northern front wall of TT17 Nebamun iscalled scribe and physician of the king and bears two epithets that have often been interpretedas indicating military service (PM(5); Fig. 3).14 Neither of these epithets, however, imply thathe was involved in actual battles, and during the reign of Amenhotep II they become a meansof expressing loyalty to the king (bryAn  2005: 105–6; FrAnke  1989; guksch  1994: 56–73). IfNebamun did accompany the king abroad, then it is probable that like other men of this period,he was performing his civil functions in a military setting because his talents, as physician andscribe, were needed (shirley  2006). 

Based on textual parallels and TT17 inscriptions it becomes clear that Nebamun could havebeen at a Syrian court in his role as a physician. However, a close examination of the artifacts andinscription in the scene itself does not corroborate this hypothesis. Rather, a number of featuresindicate that the event depicted took place in Egypt. As already noted, the Syrians are carryingthe same type of non-Egyptian objects found in other depictions of Syrian bearers. In contrast,the jar stands are typically Egyptian, belonging to a style commonly illustrated and known fromarchaeological contexts since the Middle Kingdom (k illen 1980: 70, fig. 37, pl. 116–117); theyare depicted elsewhere in this tomb, as well as in other 18th Dynasty tombs (e.g., TT45, TT100,and TT131). In contemporary depictions of Syrians bearing native objects, jar stands are notincluded, nor are they among the many furniture items textually mentioned as parts of dowries

accompanying foreign princesses (e.g., morAn  1992: EA13, 22, 25). Presumably if Syrian jarstands had been included as tribute or gifts, they would have been depicted amongst the itemscarried, and not only shown when the context is clearly Egyptian, either in offering scenes orholding items that are being presented to the king, officials, or scribes to record. The focal pointof the scene itself, where an Egyptian figure serves the seated Syrian, also implies that the eventtook place in Egypt, as it seems unlikely that an Egyptian would be serving a Syrian in his owncourt. While Davies and Säve-Söderbergh (following  wreszinski  1923: 115; s äve-söDerbergh 

1957: 25) suggested that it is Nebamun himself who serves the Syrian, this is doubtful given thatother male servants in the tomb are depicted in exactly the same way. Additionally, we mightexpect that if this did represent Nebamun he would be wearing the hairstyle, collar and braceletshe sports elsewhere, including when he offers to his parents. Finally, the Syrian dignitary holds

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a bolt of cloth—a purely Egyptian marker of status (e.g., Fischer 1975)—and sits on an Egyptian

“round-legged” stool that developed during the 18th Dynasty out of an earlier Middle Kingdomstyle (k illen 1980: 48–50, pl. 79–84). In the banquet scene on the west wall of the transverse-hall guests sit on the same stool type, and it is also depicted in several tombs dating to the 18thDynasty and New Kingdom generally.15 Although different types of chairs are mentioned in the Amarna letters among the furniture items shipped from Egypt to Syria-Palestine and neighboringstates in the Near East, stools do not appear (e.g., morAn 1992: EA5, 14, 31, 34, 369). Likewise,while furniture is included in the dowry lists of foreign princesses sent to Egypt, stools are notpart of the repertoire (e.g., morAn 1992: EA13, 22, 25).

Finally, considering the attention paid to the depiction of the Syrians we might expect thatif this interaction took place in Syria some indication of this foreign location would be reflectedin the scene. Although not common in the private sphere, depictions of foreign countries are not

unknown during the 18th Dynasty and in these cases the locale of the scene is made clear by thesurrounding environment. Indeed, in two roughly contemporary tombs (TT42 and TT199) officialsare clearly shown in Syria carrying out their official duties, as evidenced by the depiction offorested lands and Syrians within their fortified towns (D Avies 1933: pl. XXXVI; sTruDwick  2001:

fig. 1, pl. 47.1; sTruDwick  2006). If Nebamun’s meeting took place in Syria, there was certainly aprecedent for such a depiction.

The texts found throughout the tomb also provide information that corroborates the sug-gestion that Nebamun was in Egypt when he met with the Syrians. Scholars generally referto Nebamun as royal scribe and (chief) physician of the king, interpreting these as the highestpositions he attained (e.g., ghAlioungui  1983: 28 no. 85, 43; Jonckheere  1958: no. 43; nunn 

1996: 116-118, App. B no. 100).16

 However, in at least three inscriptions he is clearly called thephysician of the king in Thebes,17 and once chief physician and royal scribe in Thebes.18 Thelocations where Nebamun is referred to as a physician in Thebes occur on the southern half ofthe transverse-hall’s rear wall and the outer lintel of the passage doorway, areas already noted asimmediately visible from the tomb’s entrance. On the south wall Nebamun is shown prominentlyin the context of his official duties (PM(4)), see discussion below with Fig. 9), and the addition ofThebes to Nebamun’s titles thus implies that his duties were centered there, attending to the kingwhen he was in residence in Thebes.19 

The lintel carries the common representation of an antithetical offering before both Anubisand Osiris, gods who are inextricably tied to the burial setting in Thebes (Fig. 4). Choosing the titlephysician of the king in Thebes for placement in such a central area indicates that for Nebamun

Fig. 4: TT17, outer lintel, transverse-hall entrance to the passage, PM(8). (Author’s photo).

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Thebes was a place of importance,and his connection to this specificcity was how he wished to be remem-bered. It is also significant that in the

offering scenes related to the festivalsin Thebes, found on the southernfront wall (PM(2)), a fourth inscrip-tion can be newly reconstructed asbearing the title physician of theking in Thebes, further cementing therelationship of this title to a Thebancontext (Fig. 5a).20

In Nebamun’s Syrian scene theinscriptions are extremely faded, and

may have been left unfinished, aswere other elements such as thebouquet, offerings and eyes of thefigures. Säve-Söderbergh  publishedwhat Davies was able to discern ofthe text (s äve-söDerbergh  1957: pl.XXIII), which I was able to epigraphi-cally confirm and make significantadditions to in 2001, based in parton first-hand comparison with otherinscriptions in the tomb. From this re-

examination it is possible to recon-struct the columns above Nebamunto read “scribe, chief physician ofthe king in Thebes, Nebamun,” (Fig.5b)21  abbreviated in a way simi-lar to another inscription in thetomb (PM(2).2; Fig. 5a). Followingthe argument detailed above, we canconclude that because Thebes is men-tioned in the title used in this specific

scene it indicates that the event depicted more likely took place in Thebes. Another factor in determining where this event took place involves the Syrians and their shipdepicted in the bottom register of the scene. Despite the fact that there are only two Theban tombsthat portray Syrian ships (ours and TT162), there exists a misconception that this is a “stock sceneportraying Syrian ships arriving at an Egyptian port” ( w AchsmAnn 1987: 9). Based on Porter andMoss there are only four or perhaps five tombs that depict foreign ships in addition to the twoalready mentioned (PM 1994: 465 no.10(a)). Two of these (TT67 and TT143) depict Puntite ships,and three (TT40, TT57, and TT130) involve Nubians and Nubian goods, although it is not alwaysentirely clear whether the ships are of Nubian origin. The extremely low number of foreign shipsdepicted in Egyptian tombs indicates that these are highly unusual scenes that must have beenchosen by the tomb owners for very particular reasons. In addition, in all but one of these tombs

Fig. 5a: TT17, detail of the inscription above the offerer, southside of the front (east) wall, transverse-hall, PM(2).2. (Author’sphoto).

Fig. 5b: TT17, detail of the inscription above Nebamun, northside of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’sphoto).

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the scenes are found on the focal and front walls of the transverse-hall. 22 From this evidence itbecomes possible to conclude that the reason these scenes were chosen was because they relateto each tomb owner’s official duties and responsibilities.23 

For example, TT130 belongs to the overseer of the harbor in the southern city (i.e., Thebes)May,24 who likely served under Thutmose IV and Amenhotep III . A badly damaged scene at therear of the tomb depicts Nubians arriving by boat before an Egyptian official (PM(8); scheil 1894;Fig. 6).25 Although the inscriptions above the Egyptian were not included, the figure can likelybe identified as May by his costume, stance, and location under a pavilion. As the overseer of

the harbor in Thebes May certainly would have had duties that entailed receiving and checkingthe arrival of persons and their goods in port, and it is reasonable to conclude that this is what isdepicted here. A similar scene is found in TT162, whose owner was the mayor of the southern city(i.e., Thebes) and overseer of the granary Qenamun,26 probably during the reigns of ThutmoseIV and Amenhotep III (murnAne 1998: 194; shirley  2005: 258). On the front wall of the trans- verse-hall (PM(1)) is a scene that depicts the arrival and off-loading of Syrians and their goodsat a port in Egypt (D Aressy  1895; D Avies  AnD F Aulkner 1947; D Avies 1963: 14–18, pl. XV–XX; v inson 1994: 40–1, fig. 28; w AchsmAnn, 1998: 42-45, 47ff.; see below and Fig. 7a).27 Althoughthere is apparently no inscriptional evidence from this scene, as the mayor of Thebes, Qenamuncertainly would have been involved in the arrival of foreign ships bringing goods to that city,

and it reasonable to conclude a Theban setting for the port. In a similar vein, Khaemhat Mehu(TT57), who was in charge of granaries under Amenhotep III, depicts scenes of grain transportand would thus have been involved with the arrival of grain in port (PM(9); wreszinski 1923: pl.199-200; loreT 1889: 113–32).28 Hapuseneb (TT67), the high priest of Amun under Hatshepsut,depicts boats connected to the retrieval of myrrh trees from Punt, an activity whose end resultwould have been the erection of these trees before temples that Hapuseneb was in charge ofconstructing (PM(1); D Avies 1935: p. 47 n. 3).29 As the viceroy of Kush under Tutankhamun, it isnatural to find in Huy’s tomb (TT40) the depiction of goods and people, including Huy himself,traveling to and from Nubia (PM(3), (5); D Avies 1926: pl. XVIII, XXXII–III).30 The same might besaid for the unknown owner of TT143, where the wall devoted to Puntite travel and tribute seemsto suggest a similar type of involvement of the tomb owner with this land (PM(6);  w AchsmAnn 

Fig. 6: TT130, detail of the west wall, passage, PM(8).2. (Author’s photo).

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1998: 32; D Avies 1935: 46–9, figs. 1–3).31 Even this brief summary demonstrates that in all ofthe above examples the representation of ships in tomb scenes must be understood as relating tothe tomb owner’s duties.

The scene of Syrian goods being off-loaded in Egypt found in the tomb of Qenamun (TT162),already mentioned above, provides an important comparison to the Syrian ships in Nebamun’stomb. Examining the two tombs together demonstrates that the Syrian ships depicted in each arequite similar, although in Qenamun’s they are more elaborate, as is the scene in general (Fig. 7a,7b). It is also evident that in Qenamun’s tomb the ships are clearly docked with sails furled andoars at the rear, they are being unloaded using ladders, and Egyptians are checking the goods.

This is in marked contrast to Nebamun’s scene, where the Syrians are leading Syrian bulls andwagons towards a single ship, and the unfurled sails and placement of the oar signify that theship is facing (and sailing or preparing to sail) away from land. Taken together, these elementsindicate that Nebamun’s scene must be depicting the departure of the ship from Syria, and not itsarrival in Egypt. Although humped-back bulls are included among scenes of tribute and gift-giv-ing in contemporary tombs (e.g. TT42, TT119, TT162, and TT367), their exclusion from the registersimmediately above the ship in TT17, as well as the wagons they drag, clearly indicates that ratherthan being part of the tribute or payment destined for Egypt, the bulls and attached wagons wereused to transport the vases and ingots, and perhaps people, to the ship. This leads to the conclusionthat the ship can not be departing from Egypt because it is quite unlikely that the Syrians wouldhave brought their own bulls and wagons to Egypt, only to transport them home again.

Fig. 7a: TT162, north side of the front (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM (1).2. After Davies 1963: pl. XV.

Fig. 7b: TT17, detail of the Syrians leading hump-backed bulls to their ship, north side of the rear (west)wall, transverse-hall, PM(7). (Author’s photo).

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From these comparisonswe can read Nebamun’s sceneas representing the departureof Syrians from their home-

land, and their subsequentpresence in Egypt. Placingthe locale of Nebamun’sinteraction with the Syriansin Thebes in particular issuggested both by Nebamun’sown title of physician of theking in Thebes, and by paral-lels with other officials andtheir tombs. It is particularly

significant that in two of theexamples discussed above(May, TT130 and Qenamun,TT162) the port involved wasmost likely Thebes, basedin part on the titles of theofficials themselves. Thebesduring the mid-18th Dynastywas certainly a city of great

importance, both religiously and as one of the king’s residences, making it a likely place to findforeign emissaries as well as visitors. In addition, the conception of Thebes as a port of call during

the 18th Dynasty is further supported through cuneiform documents, indicating that foreignersalso recognized the status of Thebes during this period (bryAn 2000: 77–79; murnAne 1998: 194;murnAne 2000: 103ff.; P AnAgioToPoulos 2006).

Despite these assertions, two important questions remain unanswered. The first question iswhy these Syrians came to Egypt and why Nebamun was present, or perhaps hosted them at abanquet. It has been argued above that in this scene Nebamun is acting in his capacity as chiefphysician of the king in Thebes, and thus this could be part of a royal event at which Nebamun’spresence was requested. The scenario might also be separate from a royal event but still con-nected to Nebamun’s position, depicting a private visit by a Syrian dignitary to the royal physi-cian. However, there is also the possibility that Nebamun was related to these visitors, i.e. was

descended from Syrians, and he depicts here a family visit.32

 Establishing such familial ties isoften quite difficult, especially when there are no obvious signs to suggest a relationship betweenthe tomb owner and the foreigners. In order to determine whether family, and not career, broughtthe Syrians to Nebamun a thorough re-examination of the additional persons named or depictedin his tomb is required.

Nine or perhaps ten individuals besides Nebamun are named in his tomb, although thedamaged nature of much of the inscriptions creates problems for accurately discerning therelationships between these people. Many of them are shown on the wall at the southern end ofthe transverse-hall (PM(3); Fig. 8), which in the style of Rechmire (TT100, PM(9); D Avies 1944:

pl. iX–X) depicts multiple registers of family members in a banquet setting. According to theoriginal publication, Nebamun’s parents were the judge ( sAb) Nebseny and his wife the chantress

Fig. 8: TT17, south wall, transverse-hall, PM(3). (Author’s photo).

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of Amun Amenhotep (or perhaps simply Hotep); his siblings were Sheni, Senebefwer and Nofret;his maternal grandparents were Djhutynefer and Hapynofret; Nebamun’s wife was Taamunnofret(or perhaps Tamutnofret); and their daughter was Iymire (s äve-söDerbergh 1957, 24ff.). In thecourse of epigraphically re-recording this tomb I concluded that significant revisions must be

made to this genealogy, as well as minor changes to the readings of certain names.33 The resultof this re-working is that the family members named in the tomb are Nebamun’s father the judge( sAb) Nebseny and mother Hapynofret; his siblings Senebefwer, Nofret, ///-hotep and Sheni; hispaternal grandmother I/// and maternal grandfather Djhutnofer; and finally Nebamun’s wifeTa-//// (possibly restorable as Taamun) and their (probable) daughter ///-mire. Additional familymay have been included on the south wall, but their names and filiation are no longer extant. As these names are all distinctly Egyptian and there is nothing in their representation to suggesta non-Egyptian identity,34 the additional family members depicted in Nebamun’s tomb do notprovide any clear evidence for a familial link to the Syrians.35 Combining the epigraphic andpictorial evidence with the lack of familial ties, the most probable interpretation of the scene is

still that Nebamun is acting in his official capacity.The second question that arises concerns whether the Syrian scene depicts a particular event,or commemorates “business as usual” for Nebamun as the royal physician in Thebes.36 Whilethe answer is perhaps not certain, it seems likely that were this a special occasion the Syriandignitary would be identified, if not by name at least by general locale. This is certainly thecase in TT42, where Amenmose receives tribute from the chief of Naharin while in Syria (PM(4);D Avies 1933: 30f., pl. XXXVI); in TT85 where Amenmeheb-Mahu’s autobiography detailing hisexploits in the wars of Thutmose III is accompanied by a depiction of the submitting chiefs ofUpper and Lower Retenu (PM(17); D Avies 1934: pl. XXV); and in TT43 where the tomb owner,with two kneeling Puntite chiefs behind him, presents items retrieved from Punt before the king(PM(6); D Avies 1935: 46f., fig. 1). In Nebamun’s tomb however there is no indication that any text

associated with the Syrian dignitaries was ever intended, and despite the unfinished conditionof some elements of the scene this does appear to be the case. This lack of identification couldperhaps indicate that visits from Syrian dignitaries were a recurring part of Nebamun’s career asa royal physician in Thebes.

The fact that Nebamun chose to depict two particular aspects of the Syrians’ journey, namelythe original departure by ship from Syria and his subsequent interaction with them in Thebesat a banquet, suggests that these two episodes were of great personal significance to him. Takentogether, they lend support to the theory that the Syrian dignitary came to Thebes at least in partto consult the royal physician, and that the items carried by the Syrians were perhaps intendedas gifts for Nebamun in exchange for his professional services (cf. ghAlioungui 1983: 97).

 Additional information about Nebamun’s career can be gained by studying the adjacent focalscene on the south side of the rear wall of the hall (PM(4); Fig. 9). Here Nebamun stands hold-ing a staff and watching four registers of activities that include grain storage, baking, brewing,grinding, and possibly brick production. The inscription above Nebamun indicates that he isinspecting goods in Upper Egypt in his capacity as scribe and physician of the king in Thebes.37 The fact that the content appears somewhat mundane for such prominent placement suggeststhat a closer examination is warranted. Nebamun is clearly carrying out duties of some type,and precisely what work he is engaged in and its relationship to his position as physician canbe determined from investigating the various artifacts depicted in the registers of the scene inconjunction with the text.

Nebamun is accompanied by an unnamed attendant who is noteworthy because he does

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not carry the expectedscribal equipment (boardand square case), but rath-er a small pink bag or

sack with a white, round-topped, oval-shaped caseheld onto his back by abroad strap. This case isquite different from thatworn by scribes and theirassistants depicted in othercontemporary tombs, aswell as in the granary por-tion of this very scene.38 

Both of these items dohowever bear resemblanceto medical boxes and bagsknown from other sources,including a bag worn by aservant statuette found inan Old Kingdom tomb (CG241; h AwAss  eT   Al.  2001:57), a Middle Kingdom car-

rying case now in Berlin (Ägyptisches Museum no. 1176; reeves 1992: 61, fig. 61), a portablewooden box found in Tutankhamun’s tomb that contained medical implements and bandages (no.

12n+79+574; c ArTer 1923: pl. XVIII–XIX; eDwArDs 1972: no.17; k illen 1994: 77, fig. 77, pl. 62; murrAy  and nuTAll 1963: 5; reeves 1990: 188–93), and the relief on the inside of the outer wallof the temple at Kom Ombo that depicts medical paraphernalia (nunn 1996: 163–5, fig. 8.2).

 Although the jars and sacks carried by the men and women depicted in the lower two registersare not perhaps unusual, it is interesting to note that the jar carried by the foremost woman inthe third register is of the same type as that held by the servant offering to the Syrian dignitary.In addition, this jar and the sacks carried by several people in the scene, including the attendant,resemble those depicted in a scene from the Ramesside tomb of Ipwy at Deir el-Medina (TT217;D Avies 1927: pl. XXXVII–III; Fig. 10). Nunn (1996: 56–7 with fig. 3.6, 201) suggested that theentire scene displays a satire on workplace injuries, and Westendorf (1999: 472) views this as the

only tomb depiction of a physician at work. The portion to be compared with Nebamun’s tombscene occurs in the lower left corner where a man with boxes, a sack and a jar placed nearbyholds a long stick against a craftsman’s eye. Although some scholars have interpreted this asdepicting a man re-applying kohl paint to a craftsman’s eye (e.g., o’connor, pers. comm.), itseems more likely that it depicts a craftsman who has suffered an eye injury of some sort and isbeing treated for it by a physician. The physician uses a stick to apply a remedy that probablywas made by mixing a powder contained in the sack with a liquid in the jar, all of which werebrought in the box placed above him (cf. nunn 1996: 201). Indeed, the treatment of eye injuriesis discussed in a section of the Ebers papyrus (336–431), where many of the prescriptions andremedies involve applying to the eye a mixture of eye-paint, ground food, minerals and liquids(nunn 1996: 197-202; wesTenDorF 1999: 146-56, 609-624).

Fig. 9: TT17, south side of the rear (west) wall, transverse-hall, PM(4).(Author’s photo).

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Medical texts such as the Ebers and Edwin Smith papyri39 also provide details concerningthe preparation of medicines, which utilized a number of the same types of activities depicted inNebamun’s scene, namely, grinding, brewing, cooking, and sieving or “pressing through.” Indeed,many medicines were also given in liquid form, especially using beer and wine to mask theirtaste, or make them soluble (nunn 1996: 136-162, esp.138-43; wesTenDorF 1999:482-88). Thereis also the probability that most physicians made their own medicines, and the physician Iwtyduring the reign of Ramesses I seems to have had his own workshop or pharmacy for this purpose

(ghAlioungui 1983: 26 no. 73, 43; nunn 1996: 132, App. B no. 84; reeves 1992: 60; wesTenDorF 1999:479ff., 489-90, 515-20). Perhaps then Nebamun’s scene depicts just such a physician’sworkshop, with the granaries connected to it depicted in the upper registers, and the staff, activi-ties, and presentation of results for inspection in the lower registers. The fact that Nebamun choseto refer to himself in this scene as the physician of the king in Thebes also suggests that thisworkshop existed somewhere in Thebes or the nearby vicinity.

This single case-study demonstrates how important it is to view tombs as archaeologicalobjects. By integrating image, text, archaeology and artifact in the examination of these twohighlighted scenes we have been able to gain a better understanding of what Nebamun’s careeras a royal physician in Thebes entailed. Although at first glance the scenes Nebamun chose asfocal points of his tomb were somewhat mysterious in nature, the preceding re-examination

Fig. 10: TT217, detail of the north wall, transverse-hall, PM(6).3. After Davies 1927: pl. xxxviii.

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demonstrates that they each represent important aspects of his career. The north side evokes the visits of Syrian dignitaries and their entourage who traveled to Egypt and Thebes and Nebamun’sinteraction with them in his role as chief physician in Thebes. And on the south side Nebamundepicts the more mundane, but equally significant, making of medicines and inspection of his

physician’s workshop, again as the physician of the king in Thebes. As the only New Kingdomtomb of a physician whose scenes actually depict aspects of his career, Nebamun’s TT17 becomesan important source of information about the role and duties of New Kingdom physicians.40  A more holistic approach to analyzing tombs, therefore, presents us with new possibilities forinterpreting data already considered familiar. At the same time, such an approach offers excitingnew insights into the lives and careers of those ancient Egyptians who played important roles intheir community.


1 This article began as a conference paper delivered at the 55th Annual Meeting of ARCE, April 2004. I

would like to thank David O’Connor (little did he know!) for encouraging me to revise it for publication.

In addition, I am grateful to Raphael Cunniff, Deanna Kiser, and Andrew Bednarski for their editing and

reference assistance, and to Kasia Szpakowska, Thomas Schneider, and David Gill for reading earlier ver-

sions and providing their thoughtful comments and suggestions. Any remaining mistakes are solely the

responsibility of the author.

2 It is most noticeable in recent publications of the Archäologische Veröffentlichungen and Theben series.

There are of course exceptions to this, but in the 40-odd recent publications and articles that I have ex-

amined, only a handful discuss the correlation between the scenes and their corresponding inscriptions,

e.g., bryAn 1990; JoAchim-seyFrieD 1995; Polz 1997; sTruDwick  1996.3 Here I refer not to narrative art as it is understood in the classical, i.e., Greek, tradition (gombrich 1989:

99–125), but to the ancient Egyptian use of text placed alongside the images depicted as a means of fur-

ther identifying, explaining, or complementing the image.

4 Although it is true that in the case of royal monumental art there can be a disjunction, and that often the

text and image convey different versions of the same subject; see, e.g.bryAn 1996; TeFnin 1981.

5 The tomb was copied and prepared for publication by Davies, but published posthumously by Säve-Söder-

bergh, see s äve-söDerbergh 1957: 22–32, pl. XXI–XXIX. Nebamun’s family is discussed in whAle 1989:

164–7 (case 66).

6 The decoration of the tomb was not quite completed, and names with the theophoric element of Amun

as well as priest-gures suffered from Amarna-period defacement; there is also some post-Amarna res-toration. While sheDiD (1988) places TT17 in the Thutmose III-Amenhotep II range, Dziobek  eT  Al. (1992)

believe it to belong more rmly in Amenhotep II’s reign.

7 This larger study was for my Ph.D. dissertation, “The Culture of Ofcialdom: An examination of the ac-

quisition of ofces during the mid-18th Dynasty,” the degree for which was conferred in 2005 (shirley  

2005); a revised version will be published by Brill.

8 The men bearing gifts may belong to the so-called “hybrid style” seen in several mid-18th Dynasty

tombs combining Aegean costume with Syrian facial features; see, e.g., D Avies  1933: pl. IV–V, VII;

 w AchsmAnn 1987: 6–9, 43–8, pl. III. However, gures depicted in exactly the same way are also found

among the foreigners depicted in TT42 of Amenmose, where they are shown both in Lebanon be-

fore Amenmose, and in Egypt as part of a tribute scene. Perhaps then these are not hybrid gures,

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but darker-skinned and more simply dressed due to their lower social position; see D Avies, 1933: pl.

XXXIV–VI; cf. P AnAgioToPoulos 2006: 390-1. The costumes of the seated chief and his wife, as well as

the other women and children in the scene are typically Syrian and also have close parallels to Syrians

depicted in contemporary tombs; see, e.g. PriTchArD 1951; reDForD 1992:196, g. 7; D Avies 1933: pl.

IV–V, VII, XXXIV–VI; D Avies 1944: pl. XXII–III; Dziobek  1994: pl. 20–22, 24b; D Avies 1934: pl. XXV.The vessels and ingots, despite the lack of detail, are comparable in shape and style to others born by

Syrians in contemporary tombs, as are the hump-backed bulls; see, e.g.,b Ass 1967: 62–7; D Avies, 1933:

pl. XXXIV–XXXVI; wreszinski 1923: pl. 340. The ships are described as “Syrian ships” that conform to

the “menesh type,” a word that rst appears during the reign of Amenhotep III; see müller 1904: 23ff.;

s äve-söDerbergh 1946: 54ff.; v inson 1994: 40–1; w AchsmAnn 1998: 45–47, 50ff. See also the excellent

comparisons afforded by a scene in TT162 of Qenamun, discussed below with references, which depicts

Syrians ships being off-loaded in Egypt.

9 On the planning and execution of tomb decoration there are several useful contributions inD Avies 2001;

see also h ArTwig 2004: esp. 1–4, 15-19, 28–35, 51–2 for excellent discussion and references.

10 E.g., TT29 PM(4), TT88 PM(1), TT93 PM(12), TT96 PM(13), TT100 PM(13) and (14), TT131 PM(6).11 Based on the list found in PorTer and moss (PM) 1994: 463 no.1 (e) and checked against descriptions of the

tomb scenes; they all date to the 18th Dynasty. The tombs with duty-scenes adjacent to the deceased offer-

ing a bouquet to the king are TT56 PM(9), TT74 PM(6), TT85 PM(9), TT86 PM(8), TT88 PM(4), TT90 PM(9),

TT91 PM(3) and (5), and possibly TT162 PM(4). The veracity of the PM descriptions has been checked by

the author either in person or through publications of the scenes.

12 TT86 PM(8), TT90 PM(9), TT91 PM(3) and (5). With the exception of TT162, which depicts a ploughing

scene, the remaining tombs have adjacent scenes that relate to military duties.

13 On the “house of life” and its function see, g ArDiner 1938; ghAlioungui 1983: 91–2; nunn 1996: 129–31;

 weber 1980: 954–7;  wesTenDorF 1999: 476–78.

14  Sms nswt r nmtt.f Hr xAst rsy mHtt tmtS r nb tAwy m grH mi ra .

15 Note especially k illen 1980: pl. 84, which mirrors the type found in TT17. Other contemporary tombs inwhich this stool is depicted include TT93 of Qenamun (D Avies 1930: pl. XXXV) and TT100 of Rechmire

(D Avies 1935: pl. LIV); See k illen 1980: 48 for additional examples. On the construction of these types of

stools see, e.g. g Ale 2000: 355ff., esp. 358, 361 f.

16 Nebamun is called scribe ( sS ) and royal physician or physician of the king ( swnw (n) nswt) in nearly every

inscription. Royal scribe ( sS nswt ) is found in only one inscription in the transverse-hall (PM(3)), though

it may have originally occurred more frequently as there is often a break after the scribe title. The title of

physician ( swnw) occurs at least three times (PM(2), (8), and a ceiling text in the passage, and physician

of the king/royal physician at least six times (PM(5), (8), (12) and three ceiling texts), though here too the

breaks may indicate that this title was more common. Nebamun is called chief physician (of the king)wr

 swnw (n nswt) in two ceiling inscriptions in the transverse-hall. For the original, see s äve-söDerbergh 1957: pls. XXII, XXIV, XXVI–XXIX.

17 The title occurs twice at PM(4), where Nebamun is identied as [sS wr](sw)nw n nswt m WAst  and as sS

 swnw n nswt m [WAst ]; and at PM(6) on the outer lintel’s south side Nebamun is identied as sS swnw m

WAst . For the original, see s äve-söDerbergh 1957: 24–5, 27, pl. XXII.

18 On a ceiling inscription on the southeast side of the transverse-hall, above PM(2), Nebamun is identied

as wr swnw sS n nswt m WAst . For the original, see s äve-söDerbergh 1957: 29, pl. XXVII, 2.

19 An excellent comparison is afforded by the titles of the chief steward Qenamun (TT93) under Amenhotep

II, who was also called chief steward of the king in Perunefer (see D Avies 1930), and more generally by

other such specic denitions of titles, e.g. viziers and overseers of the seal who were divided between

north and south, and upper-level priests who were connected to particular temples.

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20 Unfortunately none of the titles in the brazier scene (PM(2).1), which was likely set in Thebes, are pre-

served, though in the adjacent offering scene where Nebamun is offered a bouquet of Amun (PM(2).2) it

is probable that the title should be reconstructed as sS swnw nswt (m) WAs(t). For the original see s äve-

söDerbergh 1957: 23, pl. XXVIII, 3–4.

21  sS wr swnw n nswt m WAst .22 The exception is TT130, in which the scene is found in the passage, PM(8).

23 So too, Davies and Faulkner with regard to the scene in TT162, seeD Avies  AnD F Aulkner 1947: 45–6.

24 imy-r mryt m niwt rsyt .

25 Although now poorly preserved but for the ships, which are laden with Nubian produce, when originally

copied the Nubians could be identied by their hairstyles, which are comparable to those seen in TT78 of

Horemheb (PM(8); see brAck  and brAck  1980 and TT57 (PM(9); see wreszinski 1923: pl. 199–200).

26 The titles, which are also found on a funerary cone (D Avies  AnD m AcADAm 1957: no.12), read: HAty-a m niwt

rsyt imy-r Snwty //[n Imn ?]// . 

27 Unfortunately the tomb has been covered since the mid 1940’s, and is still covered by the hillside and

completely inaccessible, so we have to rely on the early photos and copies of the scene.28 The ships carry a mix of Egyptians and Nubians, the latter with the same hairstyle as found in TT130

and TT78 (see above n. 25). For a discussion of this ofcial and the duties of the overseer of the double

granary, with references, see murnAne 1998: 183–85.

29 For a recent overview of Hapuseneb’s career, with references, seebryAn 2006: 107ff.

30 The transport ships with cattle coming from Nubia in TT40 closely resemble the ones found in TT130 of

May, although in Huy’s tomb they appear to be leaving Nubia manned by Egyptians.

31 On the possibility that this tomb belonged to Thutmose III’s treasurer Min see shirley  2005: 157–60.

32 I must thank Thomas Schneider for very interesting and productive discussions about this possibility.

33 The full discussion, which is rather involved, is the topic of an article in progress and will be published


34 Although not all of the names are included in Ranke, those that are have several New Kingdom parallels;r Anke 9 no. 9, 29 no. 14, 183 no. 10, 186 nos. 13–14, 201 no. 10, 357 no. 8, 408 no. 6. Likewise, none of

the names appear in schneiDer 1992.

35 Although, as Thomas Schneider suggested (pers. comm.), it might be argued that the naming and depicting

of only the paternal grandmother and maternal grandfather is signicant for Nebamun’s ethnicity, it could

as likely be due to preservation as choice and hence can not be used as conclusive evidence.

36 Here again I must thank Thomas Schneider for discussions about this issue.

37 wDA mAA bw nfr imy tA-Smaw in sS swnw n nswt m WAst //////// Nb-(Imn) mAa-xrw nb imAx xr nTr Aa. 

38 It is also possible that the carrying case was meant for papyrus rolls, and made of basketwork and leather

similar to those depicted on Middle Kingdom cofns, and in numerous tomb scenes from the Old through

New Kingdoms. If this is the case, then possibly rolls of medical papyri were carried inside it. See, e.g.,P Arkinson and Quirke 1995: 32–3, g.18, 36, g. 20.

39 On the papyri see, e.g., nunn 1996: 24–34; wesTenDorF 1999: 16–35; 547–748.

40 Despite a number of ofcials carrying this title during the New Kingdom (ghAlioungui 1983: 26–29, nos.

73–112, App. II; nunn 1996: App. B), I am aware of only two others who have tombs: Pentu at Amarna

(D Avies 1908: 1-6, pl. I-XII) and Nay the owner of TT271 at Qurnet Murai (h AbAchi  AnD ghAlioungui 1969–70:

15–23; ghAlioungui 1983: 28 no. 84; PorTer and moss (PM) 1994: 350); additionally, Tjutju may have had a

tomb at Saqqara as his stele was found re-used in the Serapeum at Memphis (berlAnDini-grenier 1976: 315;

ghAlioungui 1983: 29 no. 99, 58). All three bear military epithets and are also called royal scribe.

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