seri_marlett1981_s

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The Structure of SeriStephen A. Marlett

This is my 1981 doctoral thesis (University of California, San Diego) with only minor corrections.Some chapters contain postscript notes which refer the reader to later publications that draw on orexpand on the topic of those chapters.

My special thanks go to Linda Brock for volunteering to keyboard the original thesis.

This thesis is dedicated to the memory of two people on whose shoulders I have had the privilege tostand: Flora S. Marlett and Edward W. Moser.

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Table of Contents

The Structure of Seri............................................................................................................................. i

Table of Contents.................................................................................................................................. ii

List of Abbreviations........................................................................................................................... vi

Introduction ........................................................................................................................................ vii

Postscript to the Introduction............................................................................................................. ix

Introduction to the grammar................................................................................................................x

Abstract ................................................................................................................................................ xi

Chapter 1 Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes......................................................................1

1.1. Phonemes.....................................................................................................................................1

1.2. Low-level processes.....................................................................................................................3

1.2.1. Post-tonic lengthening ..............................................................................................................3

Postscript to Chapter 1 .......................................................................................................................18

Chapter 2 Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics ....................................................................19

2.1. Overview of prefix morphology ................................................................................................19

2.2. Mood prefixes............................................................................................................................19

2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes .........................................................................................26

2.4. Person prefixes ..........................................................................................................................31

2.5. Miscellaneous verb prefixes ......................................................................................................39

2.6. Nominalizers..............................................................................................................................55

2.7. Noun prefixes ............................................................................................................................64

2.8. Frozen and nonproductive prefixes............................................................................................70

2.9. Rule ordering summary .............................................................................................................73

Postscript to Chapter 2 .......................................................................................................................74

Chapter 3 Suffix morphology and morphophonemics .....................................................................75

3.1. General suffixes.........................................................................................................................75

3.2. Stress-bearing suffixes...............................................................................................................79

3.3. Switch reference markers ..........................................................................................................79

3.4. Suffixes occurring primarily on nominals .................................................................................80

3.5. Auxiliary verb particles and related items .................................................................................82

3.6. Conjunctive and subordinating suffixes and particles ...............................................................85

3.7. Suffix and particle order ............................................................................................................88

Chapter 4 Stem morphology and morphophonemics.......................................................................89

4.1. Subject number agreement.........................................................................................................89

4.2. Action number marking.............................................................................................................95

4.3. Morphophonemics of number suffixes ......................................................................................97

4.4. Stem suffixes ...........................................................................................................................104

4.5. Noun pluralization ...................................................................................................................106

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Chapter 5 Irregular verbs.................................................................................................................110

5.1. Stress-retracting verbs .............................................................................................................110

5.2. The verbs come and go............................................................................................................115

5.3. The verbs /-CC/ know and /-GG/ give.........................................................................................115

5.4. Pseudo-short low vowel roots..................................................................................................116

Postscript to Chapter 5 .....................................................................................................................116

Chapter 6 Topics in Seri phonology.................................................................................................117

6.1. The abstract consonant ............................................................................................................117

6.2. Interpretation of phonetic vowel length...................................................................................122


Chapter 7 The noun phrase ..............................................................................................................124

7.1. Definite articles........................................................................................................................124

7.2. Indefinite articles .....................................................................................................................126

7.3. Demonstratives ........................................................................................................................126

7.4. Relative clauses .......................................................................................................................127

7.5. Adjectives ................................................................................................................................128

7.6. Quantifiers ...............................................................................................................................128

7.7. Material....................................................................................................................................128

7.8. Coordinate noun phrases..........................................................................................................129

7.9. Compounds..............................................................................................................................129

7.10. Pronouns................................................................................................................................130

7.11. Relational nouns ....................................................................................................................131


Chapter 8 Word order and foregrounding......................................................................................136

8.1. Basic word order......................................................................................................................136

8.2. Foregrounding strategies .........................................................................................................136

8.3. Postposing rules.......................................................................................................................139

8.4. Interrogatives...........................................................................................................................140

Chapter 9 Nominalizations and complementation..........................................................................142

9.1. Nominalizations as main clauses .............................................................................................142

9.2. Nominalizations as oblique clauses .........................................................................................143

9.3. Nominalized object complements and Equi.............................................................................143

9.4. Pseudo-complements ...............................................................................................................145

Chapter 10 Transitivity.....................................................................................................................148

10.1. First person singular subject prefix........................................................................................148

10.2. Infinitive prefix......................................................................................................................148

10.3. Second person imperative......................................................................................................149

10.4. First person plural imperative ................................................................................................149

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10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer ...................................................................................149

10.6. First person restrictive ...........................................................................................................149

10.7. Coalescence ...........................................................................................................................149

10.8. Unspecified subject prefix .....................................................................................................149

10.9. The object marker..................................................................................................................150

Chapter 11 Subject raising ...............................................................................................................151

11.1. Arguments that a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject ..........................................152

11.2. Arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2............................................................154

11.3. Arguments for a raising analysis ...........................................................................................155

11.4. Raising of non-final subjects .................................................................................................158

11.5. Other uses of the prefix “X” ..................................................................................................158

Postscript to Chapter 11 ...................................................................................................................159

Chapter 12 Advancements................................................................................................................160

12.1. 3-2 Advancement in absence of notional 2............................................................................160

12.2. 3-2 advancement in ditransitive clauses.................................................................................162

12.3. The notion “3” .......................................................................................................................165

12.4. Personal passives ...................................................................................................................170

12.5. Impersonal passives ...............................................................................................................172

12.6. The object marker /K-/ ............................................................................................................180


Chapter 13 Clauses with unspecified direct objects .......................................................................184

Chapter 14 Augmented verbs...........................................................................................................188

14.1. Impersonal verb plus experiencer ..........................................................................................188

14.2. Stative verb plus experiencer.................................................................................................189

14.3. Sensory verb without experiencer..........................................................................................190

14.4. Causative construction...........................................................................................................191

14.5. “Help” construction ...............................................................................................................192

14.6. Other......................................................................................................................................193

Chapter 15 Switch reference ............................................................................................................195

15.1. The notion ‘first subject’ .......................................................................................................196

15.2. Switch reference and the Final 1 Law....................................................................................198

15.3. Switch reference and coreference ..........................................................................................199

15.4. Adjacent clauses ....................................................................................................................200

15.5. Finite “relative” clauses.........................................................................................................201

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Chapter 16 Text .................................................................................................................................202


Appendix 1 Verb paradigms.............................................................................................................220

Appendix 2 Irregular verb paradigms.............................................................................................225

List of References ..............................................................................................................................227

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List of Abbreviations

ABIL abilitative

ABS absolutive

AUG augment

AUX auxiliary particle

Cho chômeur

D detransitivizer

DECL declarative

DIST distal

EMPH emphatic

FOC focus

IMP imperative

INF infinitive

INTERR interrogative

IRR irrealis

M mora

MULT multiple action

NEG negative

NOM nominalizer

O object

Ob oblique

OM object marker

P possessive; predicate relation

PASS passive

pl / PL plural

PRO pronoun

PROX proximal

REST restrictive

RL realis

s / SG singular

S subject

SR switch reference

US unspecified subject

UT unspecified time

X times

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Introduction

The name Seri, of Spanish origin according to Gilg (di Peso and Matson 1965), is used today to referto the remnant of what was six or more large groups comprised of loosely organized units speakingperhaps three mutually intelligible dialects (Moser 1963, Spicer 1962, Griffen 1961, Bahre 1967).While these people’s nomadic way of life in an inhospitable area of Mexico shielded them forcenturies, devastating outside pressures eventually had their impact, reducing the Seri numerically aswell as linguistically (McGee 1898, Spicer 1962, Sheridan 1979). By the year 1920, fewer than twohundred speakers, consisting primarily of only one dialect group, remained (Moser 1963). Fortunately,however, just as they had adapted themselves to their harsh physical environment (see referencesunder Felger and Moser), the Comcaac [MQ0M#¸ÖM] people, as the Seri call themselves, have showntheir ability to control to a great degree the ever-encroaching technological world. Livelihoods basedon fishing and fine artistry (Ryerson 1976), as well as a strong ethnic pride, have enabled them tocontinue as a coherent cultural entity. Today virtually all Seri, whose population has more thandoubled in the past twenty-five years, live on the Seri ejido in the coastal area west of Hermosillo,Sonora, and speak Seri as their first, if not only, language.

The relationship of Seri to other languages is uncertain, although general consensus places itwithin the Hokan stock as an isolate with closest affiliation to the Yuman family (Kroeber 1915, 1931;Langdon 1974; Crawford 1976). Comparative studies so far have been cursory at best, and furtherinvestigation is necessary.

The first known work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Adamo Gilg, a Moravian-born Jesuit priest. Gilg attempted to learn the language, and apparently compiled a Seri vocabulary listand didactic grammar during the last decade of the seventeenth century (Di Peso and Matson 1965).Unfortunately, these valuable documents are not known to exist at present.

A few vocabulary lists were composed during the nineteenth century. The following informationregarding them is from McGee 1898. Diego Lavandera sent the Mexican government a very short listin 1850 to disprove belief that Seri was a dialect of Arabic. United States Boundary CommissionerJohn Bartlett made a second, longer list in 1852. A list obtained by D.A. Tenochio around 1860 wasused by Francisco Pimentel in his classification of the Seri language. Alphonse Pinart made yetanother list in 1879 which was used by Albert Gatschet (1883) in his comparison of Seri and theYuman languages. Joaquin Loustaunau made an extensive list in 1885 for the government of Mexico.In 1898 W. J. McGee published a vocabulary list (collected by himself in 1894) in his report for theSmithsonian. All of these vocabulary lists were written in Spanish with the exception of Bartlett’s andMcGee’s, which were in English.

The hunter and naturalist Charles Sheldon (1979) visited the Seris in the winter of 1921-22.Besides making careful and objective anthropological observations, Sheldon compiled a shortvocabulary list (unpublished). A. L. Kroeber spent six days with the Seri people in 1930, but hislinguistic interests were primarily comparative rather than descriptive (Kroeber 1931).

The first comprehensive linguistic work on the Seri language began with the arrival of Edward andMary (Becky) Moser in 1951. Under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and incooperation with Mexico’s Secretaría de Educación Pública, the Mosers completed the first phonemicanalysis (1965) and developed a practical orthography which has been used for the publication ofvarious books in the Seri language, including a small dictionary (1961). Other aspects of the languagewhich were described include noun pluralization (Moser and Moser 1976), and switch reference(Moser 1978b). In addition, the Seri language has been used extensively in procuring data for various

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ethnographic and ethnobotanical publications (see references under Moser, Bowen and Moser, andFelger and Moser), and in the publication of books of the New Testament.

By human standards this significant work was prematurely interrupted by the death of EdwardMoser in 1976. A wealth of carefully, even tediously, collected data, accumulated and organized overmore than twenty-five years, was left. As my soon-to-be mother-in-law inherited other newresponsibilities, it came about that I would compile this grammar. The grammar itself is based on data,often reanalyzed, collected by the Mosers. It will be noted that my analysis of the phonology of Seridiffers from that of Moser and Moser 1965 due to the different framework in which the work wasconducted. Much of the syntactic analysis is based on fieldwork which I did between 1976 and 1981 tosupplement and verify Mosers’ notes. This fieldwork was supported in part by grants from the Officeof Graduate Studies and Research, University of California at San Diego, and the National ScienceFoundation (grant no. BNS-8001985). I also gratefully acknowledge the receipt of a researchassistantship under David Perlmutter through a National Science Foundation grant to the University ofCalifornia at San Diego, and a dissertation fellowship from the University of California at San Diego.

I hope that I have indicated sufficiently the profound debt I owe to the work of Edward and BeckyMoser; I have also profited immensely from discussions with Becky Moser, whose intimateknowledge of the language has been invaluable. I thank her for her patience with me. Deepestgratitude is due to all those people who so willingly taught me their language, especially Roberto T.Herrera Marcos (born ca. 1917) who worked closely with Edward Moser for many years and has alsobeen my main teacher. I also appreciate having been able to work with his son Lorenzo HerreraCasanova and with Sergio Méndez Méndez.

I also wish to express my sincere appreciation to all those at the University of California, SanDiego, who contributed in different ways to my training in linguistics. Special thanks go to themembers of my committee, Margaret Langdon, David Perlmutter, and Sanford Schane.

Finally, I thank my family, especially my wife Cathy, for their unfailing support andencouragement.

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Postscript to the Introduction

In the past fifteen years the linguistic and anthropological work on Seri has continued. Since thelinguistic work will be referred to in the postscripts to later chapters, I mention here only theanthropological publications.

An impressive amount of information about the plants of the Sonoran desert and their uses by theSeri people appeared in the ethnobotany by Felger and Moser (1985). A presentation of the kinshipterms appeared in Moser and Marlett (1989).

Cuéllar, José Arturo. 1980. La comunidad primitiva y las políticas de desarrollo (El caso seri).Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

Felger, Richard, and Mary B. Moser. 1985. People of the desert and sea: ethnobotany of the SeriIndians. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1989 Terminología de parentesco seri. Anales deAntropología 26:367-88. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

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Introduction to the grammar

This thesis describes, in varying degrees of detail, the structure of the Seri language. In particular, itincludes the major aspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax of thelanguage. The attempt is made to present the facts as lucidly as possible while maintaining theexplicitness and precision that are provided by describing the facts within some theoretical framework.It will be seen that many times, however, the frameworks do not provide much help, due primarily tothe scope of the facts.

The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology.Basically, it is assumed that, where possible, morphemes have one underlying representation. Spell-out rules provide the segmental string, applying from the root outward. A linearly ordered set ofphonological rules, some with morphological conditioning, apply to this string to produce the phoneticrepresentation. Unless otherwise stated, the rules are word-level. This framework permits theextraction of what seem to me to be significant generalizations and helps to elucidate the complexmorphological structure. To be sure, however, many potentially interesting areas are not explored.

To a great degree the morphology and syntax is purely descriptive. Certain aspects are dealt withexplicitly within the framework of relational grammar, with which some familiarity is presumed. Thisframework, unlike others which were also examined, provides the notions which are necessary for thestatement of significant generalizations with respect to the distribution of morphemes. Comparisonwith other frameworks has not been a major goal of this thesis, however; such is left up to the readeror to be the topic of future studies.

The final chapter of the thesis consists of a Seri legend. The orthography used in this chapter andthe rest of the thesis might be characterized as partially phonemic and partially morphophonemic.

In this and the following paragraphs, some general characteristics of the Seri language are outlinedin traditional terms. Seri is an SOV language which is quite synthetic in structure. By means ofprefixes on the verb such things as subject person and number, object person and number, obliqueperson, negation, unspecified subject, unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood areindicated, among other things. By means of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well asa variety of other things which defy broad classification. (Root-internal changes also indicate subjectand action number.) Nominalized verbs of various types are formed through the use of nominalizingprefixes.

An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amount of allomorphy which exists.Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonological rules are eliminated, it is oftenthe case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain, with a variety of types ofconditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficial transitivity of the clause iscommon.

Seri nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles exist which are historically derivedfrom verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of the item.

Nominalized verbs are common since embedded clauses, both relative and complement, areobligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly in dependent and independent clauses. Personaland impersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. The impersonal passives occurunder either of two conditions: one, when the notional object is plural; two, when an oblique nominaloccurs in the clause. The switch reference system indicates a change in subject (usually notionalsubject, but see chapter 15) between clauses of certain types.

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Abstract

The structure of Seri, a Hokan language of north-western Mexico, is described. Included are the majoraspects of the segmental phonology, the morphology, and the syntax. An analyzed text is alsoincluded.

The phonology is described mainly within the framework of standard generative phonology.Chapter 1 presents the phonemes and low-level rules. Morphophonemic rules are presented in thechapters dealing with the affixes. This analysis differs in many important respects from an earlier,structural analysis of the phonology. It is argued that Seri has both long and short vowels in addition tovowel clusters, that it does not have geminate consonants, that nasalization is predictable, and thatglottal stop functions as a sonorant. Arguments are also presented (in chapter 6) in favor of an abstractunderlying consonant, the features of which cannot be determined synchronically.

Chapters 2, 3, and 4 present most of the prefixes and suffixes which occur in the language as wellas the rules accounting for their allomorphs. By means of prefixes on the verb such things as subjectperson and number, object person and number, oblique person, negation, unspecified subject,unspecified object, passive, causative, imperative, and mood are indicated, among other things. Bymeans of suffixes is indicated subject and action number as well as a variety of other things whichdefy broad classification. The essentials of the complicated root-internal changes which also indicatesubject and action number are also explained. Nominalized verbs of various types are formed throughthe use of nominalizing prefixes. An outstanding characteristic of Seri verb morphology is the amountof allomorphy which exists. Even after the allomorphs which can be accounted for by phonologicalrules are eliminated, it is often the case that two, three, four, or more suppletive allomorphs remain,with a variety of types of conditioning environments. Allomorphy dependent on the superficialtransitivity of the clause is common.

Chapter 5 discusses the characteristics of irregular verbs, primarily stress-retracting verbs.

Chapters 7, 8, and 9 discuss the make-up of the noun phrase, word order, foregrounding,nominalization, and complementation. Nouns are not marked for case. Numerous definite articles existwhich are historically derived from verbs and which indicate position or direction of movement of theitem. The dominant word order in the clause is SOV. Nominalized verbs are common since embeddedclauses, both relative and complement, are obligatorily nominalized. They also occur commonly independent and independent clauses.

Chapter 10 discusses the notion of transitivity which is necessary to account for numerous facts inSeri. It is shown that a definition of transitivity with respect to the clause is necessary. Since theframework chosen for the presentation of certain aspects of Seri syntax is relational grammar, it isshown that the notions of transitive/intransitive strata provided in that framework, together withcertain proposed universals and analyses, make correct and interesting predictions about the syntax ofSeri.

Chapter 11 discusses the subject raising construction in Seri which, together with the switchreference marking system (chapter 15), provides an argument for the unaccusative hypothesis and thenotion ‘first subject’.

Chapter 12 discusses clauses involving 3-2 advancement and passive clauses. Personal andimpersonal passive clauses (all based on transitive verbs) occur. Arguments are presented in favor of abistratal analysis of passive clauses in general and an advancement analysis of impersonal passives.

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Chapter 1Phonemes and Certain Low-level Processes

1.1. Phonemes

The following segments are the significant segmental units in Seri. The status of the parenthesizedconsonants will be discussed below.

Consonantsstops R V M��(M9)fricatives H�[�]

(W)��U�

U½ Z�� :��

(:9)nasals O Plateral resonant (N)glides [ !abstract (Q)

Vowels K��KÖ

G [3^] GÖ [3^Ö]

Q��QÖ

C��CÖ

Loanwords from Spanish also include the flap T. Recent loans also involve other Spanish consonants.Moser and Moser 1965 gives evidence for the contrasting sounds listed above except for the abstractconsonant, which will be discussed below. Other differences between this phonemic inventory andthat of Moser and Moser 1965 will also be noted below.

1.1.1. The plain stops

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the plain stops “contrast at labial, dental, velar, and glottalpoints of articulation” (p. 53). Glottal stop will be treated in this thesis as a glide, however, for reasonsthat will become apparent below. Usually unaspirated in utterance-final position, the stops “vary freelyto unreleased or nasal release,” except M which is “usually unreleased following a vowel” in thisposition, and slightly aspirated when following a consonant in this position. (See Moser and Moser1965 for discussion of the fronted and backed allophones of the consonants.) Contiguous identicalconsonants are pronounced as a long consonant. In the case of stops, this means that the articulatorsare simply held longer before release.

1.1.2. The fricatives

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the fricatives contrast at labial, alveolar, alveopalatalretroflex, velar, and back velar points of articulation. The lateral fricative has a voiced offglide beforea vowel. The back velar :, as well as :9, “feature marked trilling of the uvula” (p. 53). The fricativeW is slightly spirantized voiceless w.

1.1.3. The round consonants

The round consonants M9, :9, and W contrast taxonomically. In the majority of cases, however, theycan be shown to be derived from underlying sequences of /MQ/, /:Q/, and /QZ/ (or /QM/) respectively.The syncope rule is discussed in §4.1.2. Some occurrences of /:9/ are generated by a rule ofcoalescence by which /(:)Q + Q/ become (:9)C. This rule is discussed in §2.3.5. Nevertheless, a fewinstances of each of these segments cannot be derived synchronically by any rule and therefore these

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segments are included in the inventory of segments above.

According to Moser and Moser 1965, the offglide of M9 is “voiced before vowels and /[/,voiceless otherwise,” although it is noted that “in utterance final position the labialization of /M9/ isbarely released, if at all” (53). The offglide is not always noticeable before strident consonants, assome faulty transcriptions in Moser and Moser 1965 testify. They also note that for some speakers M9is optionally pronounced as [M9] utterance finally. I take this to be the aspirated release noted for plainstops above. It is also noted that “/:9/ has a slight voiced off-glide before vowels; before consonantsor silence it is voiceless throughout. The labialization may be actualized as simultaneous lip roundingrather than off-glide” (pp. 54-55). W may also have a voiced offglide before a vowel.

Moser and Moser 1965 posits a contrast between the unit M9 and the sequence MW. I claim,however, that this contrast is spurious. What was claimed to be /�MW/ I demonstrate should actually beanalyzed as /M9Z/. See §1.2.13.

1.1.4. The nasals

The nasals contrast at labial and dental points of articulation. Moser and Moser 1965 also posited avelar nasal phoneme, but it is shown below that virtually all occurrences of velar nasals are derivablefrom O. See §§1.2.7-9.

1.1.5. The voiced lateral

The contrast between the voiced and voiceless laterals is virtually lost in modern Seri. Words with thevoiced lateral are rarely found and are typically place names or words in which voiced and voiceless lalternate, the variant with being the more common. Two words in which a voiced lateral occurswithout any alternation are :RCNG"OG M, a species of cone shell, and NCO5, a species of fish. While itappears that the contrast between N and is marginal today, the historical development of this situationis unclear.

1.1.6. The abstract consonant

A case is presented in §6.1 for positing an abstract underlying consonant, the features of which cannotbe determined synchronically. The symbol Q has been arbitrarily chosen to represent this segment.

1.1.7. The vowels

I have posited long as well as short vowels, whereas Moser and Moser 1965 analyzed the long vowelsas geminates. The evidence against the latter interpretation will be summarized in §6.2. I positunderlying long vowels only in the following three positions: root[C0___, root[C0V___. and in certainprefixes (for reasons discussed in chapter 2). These positions are directly correlated with the placementof primary and secondary stress. Underlyingly long vowels are shortened in direct relation to thedegree of stress that occurs on them phonetically.

The vowels G, GÖ, C, and CÖ function phonologically as low vowels and the others as nonlow, aswill be seen repeatedly in chapter 2. The vowels also divide into front and back vowels with respect toall phonological rules. As described in Moser and Moser 1965, K is a high close front vowel whichtends to vary freely with [Kv] in unstressed single vowel position. It is sometimes backed to [G"] before:. What is represented as G(Ö) is a mid open front vowel which has a phonetic quality varying between['] and [3]. Although in some circumstances a higher variant occurs, Q(Ö) is typically a mid close backvowel. An Q has a definite tendency to glide when it occurs before a low vowel, and sometimes before

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a high vowel, under conditions that have not yet been investigated. C(Ö) is a “low open central vowel”(p. 55). There is no glottal or aspirate onset before utterance initial vowels. There is also notransitional phenomenon separating vowels which occur in clusters. Sequences of identical vowels arearticulated as one long vowel.

1.1.8. Features

The following features will be used to refer to the segments of Seri.

R V M M9 H W U U

½

Z : :

9

N O P ! [ Q

syllabic – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – –sonorant – – – – – – – – – – – – + + + + + ?consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + – – ?labial + – – – + – – – – – – – – + – – – ?coronal – + – – – – + + + – – – + – + – – ?high – – + + – + – – + + – – – – – – + ?back – – + + – + – – – + + + – – – – – ?nasal – – – – – – – – – – – – – + + – – ?round – – – + – + – – – – + – – – – – – ?continuant – – – – + + + + + + + + +– – – + ?lateral – – – – – – – + – – – – + – – – – ?voiced – – – – – – – – – – – – + + + – + ?

C CÖ G GÖ K KÖ Q QÖ

syllabic + + + + + + + +low + + + + – – – –(high) – – – – + + – –back + + – – – – + +long – + – + – + – +

The feature [high] is redundant but is used in at least one low-level rule.

1.2. Low-level processes

Several low-level processes will be discussed below, the effects of which will not be represented insurface forms in later chapters.

1.2.1. Post-tonic lengthening

Consonants and vowels are noticeable lengthened under certain conditions. Lengthened consonants areoften 150-230 msecs. long in normal speech, which is one and a half to two and a half times longerthan unlengthened consonants. Lengthened vowels are 250-350 msecs. in length, which is two to fourtimes longer than short stressed vowels and much longer than stressed long vowels. The length isdirectly correlated with the degree of stress which occurs on the stressed vowel.

A consonant is lengthened if it follows a stressed vowel nucleus of a certain type and precedes avowel. The stressed vowel nucleus referred to may be composed of a single vowel (long or short) or ashort vowel followed by another short vowel. Likewise, a vowel is lengthened if it follows the sametype of vowel nucleus and a single consonant and precedes a consonant. If a short vowel can becharacterized as being one mora (M), and two short vowels as one long vowel consisting of two

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morae, the rule can be more easily stated. The rule, given as (1), also correctly states that if a longvowel is lengthened, such as for indicating intensity (very), the post-tonic lengthening will not occur.There is one condition on these lengthening processes: The segment to be lengthened may not be partof a suffix. The final segment of the environment may occur in a following word, however.

(1) Post-tonic Lengthening: [αsyllabic] → [+long] / M (M) <C> ____ (##) [-αsyl] [+str] <+syl>Condition: The substituendum may not be part of a suffix.

This rule is intended to have the following expansionÖ

(2) a. [+syl] → [+long] / M (M) C ___ (##) C [+str]

b. [-syl] → [+long] / M (M) ___ (##) V [+str]

No lengthening occurs when the vowel or consonant is followed by any other environment. Thefollowing words illustrate the operation of this rule on both post-tonic consonants and vowels.

(3) !C":QZ → [!C":ÖQÖZ] shore

� ":QVC → [� ":ÖQÖVC] sea currents

:G"ÖPQZ → [:G"ÖPÖQÖZ] hummingbird (sp.)

MVC"O-K!C → [MVC"OÖK!C] It is a man.

The following examples illustrate that lengthening occurs when the stressed nucleus consists of twodistinct vowels.

(4) M-Q¸KRC -KO → [MQ¸KRÖCÖ KO] what is crossways

M-Q¸GMG -MCO → [MQ¸GMÖGÖ MCO] what hangs down

MVQ¸K:C → [MVQ¸K:ÖC] desert whiptail lizard

The following examples illustrate that stressed nuclei with more than two morae do not conditionPost-tonic Lengthening.

(5) M-Q-M-Q¸-KÖ:-K!C → [MQMQ¸KÖ:K!C] He is winning.

M-C"ÖQ -K!C → [MC"ÖQ K!C] It is fluted.

MC"ÖKZQZ → [MC"ÖKZQZ] manta ray

MCV�"ÖKZC → [MCV�"ÖKZC] duck (sp.)

[!C:�M!G"ÖÖ Q] somewhat reddish (intens.)

The following examples illustrate that a) the segments to be lengthened must be in the same word asthe stressed vowel, b) they need not belong to the stem or to the same morpheme as the stressedvowel—some prefixes occur post-tonically due to stress retraction (see chapter 5), c) they cannotbelong to a suffix, and d) the conditioning consonant or vowel may be in the next word.

5

(6) a. !C"K�MQR → [!C"K�MQR] the wind

U-C"Ö�MC-!C → [UC"Ö�MC!C] She will grind it.

b. OQ¸-M-CÖ-V → [OQ¸MÖCÖV] who come

M-C"O-CÖ → [MC"OÖCÖ ] Don’t accompany him!

c. M-C"Ö-VKO → [MC"ÖVKO] who grinds (mult.)

MQ¸Ö-VCZ → [MQ¸ÖVCZ] guitarfish (pl.)

d. � "-VQ MKZ → [� "VÖQÖ�MKZ] his eye

This lengthening rule provides supportive evidence for the componential analysis of words. Thefact that the form MC"K:CZ what is strong/difficult is phonetically [MC"K:CZ] supports the analysis thatthe stem -CK:CZ is composed of the bound root -CK plus the suffixes -:-C: (cf. §4.4). This process alsoprovides evidence for the analysis of stem allomorphs of both nouns and verbs to be developed inchapter 4. The following forms illustrate this matter.

(7) Singular PluralU½CMC"ÖO [U½CMC"ÖOÖCÖ M] female youth

U½� "ÖR [U½� "ÖRÖKÖ M] male youth

!C": [!C":ÖCÖZCO] water

:V�"ÖR [:V�"ÖRÖQÖ M] sea shell (sp.)

RQ¸ÖUZ [RQ¸ÖUÖKÖ MC] fishing line

MQ¸Ö [MQ¸Ö ÖQÖ QZ] carrying net

The lexical forms of these nouns should be analyzed as /U½CMCÖOC/, /UKÖRK/, and /:VKÖRQ/, etc., for tworeasons: first, the post-tonic vowel is not predictable; second, the post-tonic vowel cannot be analyzedas part of the suffix because suffix vowels do not lengthen.

Post-tonic Lengthening is not completely automatic since a large number of loanwords fromSpanish do not undergo it. Instead, the stressed vowel is usually lengthened.

(8) [VQ¸ÖTQ] bull

[RCU½C"ÖVQ] shoe

[VTQ¸ÖMK] automobile

It may be easily shown that Post-tonic Lengthening is productive in spite of the data in (8). One way toindicate disbelief in Seri is by using the appropriate intonation and adding the suffix /-a/ to a word.1

The interrogative suffix /-ya/ also often follows and is included in the following examples.

(9) UVC"M UVC"M-C-[C pumice

1 Other superficial exceptions to Post-tonic lengthening also exist for which a similar explanation is

possible but for which the case is less clear.

(i) M-QKVQO which are five

M-CKVQO who speaks

M-CÖVQ who fights

Such exceptions, as well as the nonphonetic restrictions on Post-tonic lengthening, are probablywhat led Moser and Moser (1965Ö62) to posit geminate clusters in phonemic contrast with singleconsonants in medial position.

6

The effect of this morpheme is to change a word such as stak into something equivalent to the EnglishPumice? Ha! or Pumice, my eye!. The phonetic realization of UVCM-C-[C is as expected: [UVC"MÖC[C]. Ifa consonant cluster immediately follows the stressed vowel nucleus (which has the same restrictions asfor Post-tonic Lengthening), however an a is infixed following the first consonant of that cluster, asshown below. (This rule also provides one piece of evidence that /M9/ and /:9/ are units at the level atwhich it applies.)

(10) !C"UV [!C"UÖCVC[C] stone

RVMC"OP [RVMC"OÖCPC[C] lobster

[G"MVU½ [[G"MÖCVU½C[C] Yaqui

!C":9 [!C":9ÖC C[C] clam (sp.)

MVQ¸KM MC [MVQ¸KMÖC MC[C] lizards (sp.)

M-� "M9V [M�"M9ÖCVC[C] they who kill

Therefore the morpheme also triggers the following infixation rule. 2

(11) a-Infixation (morphologically-triggered)Ö

∅ → C / M (M) C ___ C [+str]Condition: The first C may not be suffixal

This rule feeds Post-tonic Lengthening, but the a itself does not lengthen; I assume this is because asan infix it is treated like a suffix. And just as suffix consonants cannot undergo Post-tonicLengthening, so this functionally-related infixation rules does not insert a vowel after a suffixconsonant, as illustrated by the following forms.

(12) U½C "Ö- MC [U½C"Ö MC[C] caves

1.2.2. Glottalization and Nasal-Glottal metathesis

A sequence of a consonant followed by glottal stop is realized phonetically as a glottalized version ofthe consonant. This process is observed in the phonetic realization of sequences of M9 plus !:M9-!-CÖ-U Give him/her (something) to drink! [M9CÖU]. The labialization is what leads into thearticulation of the vowel.

A nasal consonant and a following glottal stop metathesize.3 (That metathesis and not coalescenceis involved is established in §2.4.1.). This metathesis applies with some variability across the strongerboundaries.

(13) K-O-!GÖ -K!# → [K!OG"Ö ÖK!C] It is not red.

KO-!GÖ → [K!OG"Ö ] It is red.

K!-U-CÖ-R:9 -KO !C-!K → [K!UC"ÖR:9NKO�!C"!K] ~ [K!UC"ÖR:9NK!OC"!K] I will break it.

MVCO !KO-MQR → [MVC"O�!�"0MQR] that man

The relative ordering of the glottalization rule and the metathesis rule is probably a moot point since aglottalized nasal and a glottal-nasal sequence are indistinguishable. In §2.4.1 this fact takes on moresignificance.

2 This suffix is most likely a reduced form of the auxiliary particle !C (cf. $3.5.1).

3 The examples in (13) all involve m. Since P is not used as a prefix in Seri, metathesis involving nwould necessarily involve a stronger intervening boundary. It is attested, however.

7

1.2.3. Rounding and Velarization

Back consonants become round when they follow a round consonant. This phrase-level, iterativeprocess is illustrated by the forms in (14).

(14) M-U½Q:9M� → [MU½Q:9M9] which are four

U-:CRWZ MC-!C → [U:C"RW M9C!C] He will tremble.4

M9-:Q-RCPU½: → [M9:9QRC"PU½:] He ran like him!

CP:9�M-CÖ-VKMRCP → [CP:9�M9CV�"MRCP] who works a lot

U½KOWZM :GRG�KVK�M-QÖO-[C → [U½� "O9M9�:9G¸RÖG�KVK�MQ¸ÖP[C] When was it launched?

Forms such as [M9VQÖVQZ] Was it dried up? show that other consonants do not become round.

(15) Rounding (phrase-level, iterative): C → [+round] / C ___[+bac] [+round]

What might be considered the same process as Rounding applies when a R follows M9. The Rbecomes M9, the resulting geminate cluster being realized as a long segment. This velarization of the Roccurs much less across word boundaries, however, unlike Rounding. The examples in (16) illustratethese facts.

(16) a. M9-RQ-RCPU½:� → [M9M9QRCPU½:]when he runs like him...

b. KO-UKÖ-M9�RC�VC-: → [KPU�"ÖM9�RC�VC:]if you are going to kill him

The rule is formalized as (17).

(17) Velarization: C → [+rd ] / C ___[-son] [+bac] [+rd ][+lab] [-cnt]

1.2.4. Diphthongization

As described in Moser and Moser 1965, a vowel immediately preceding a round consonant in thesame word becomes a diphthong; a nonlow round offglide agreeing in the feature [high] with thatvowel is inserted. Some examples are given in (18) and the rule is formalized in (19). 5

(18) !C:9 → [!C"Q:9 ] cherry stone clam

M-K-M9-V → [M�"WM9V] they who kill it

!C-MGWZM → [!CMG"Q9M9] firewood

!CÖ�M9-KÖ-HR → [!CÖ�M9�"ÖHR] his arrival there

4 The Z of U:CRWZ�MC!C deletes by a rule which is discussed in §1.2.13.

5 I assume that the diphthongization is not noticeable following a round vowelÖ !QM9 [!QM9]wood. The offglide does not figure into the mora count with respect to Post-tonic lengthening.

8

(19) Diphthongization:∅ → [-syl ] / V ___ C [+son] [αhi] [+rd ] [-cns ] [-rd ] [αhi ] [-lo ] [+bac] [+rd ]

1.2.5. Nasalization

Nasalization is noncontrastive in Seri. Nasalized vowels are derived by the interaction of two rules.Nasal lenition (20) feeds a rule that subsequently nasalizes nonconsonantal continuants which followthe nasal glide resulting from that rule. The formulation of the lenition rule as given in (20)presupposes rules of syllabification which will not be developed here.

(20) Nasal lenition: m becomes α following a tautosyllabic back stop.

(21) Nasalization:[–cns] → [+nas] / [–cns ] ___ [+nas]

(22) M9-OKÖ-HR → [M9Y�� ÖHR] He is coming to him.

MOKMG → [MY�� MÖG] person; Seri

K!-U-MO-CÖK !C-!C → [K!UMY�CÖKC!C] I won’t do it.

K-V-CMOQ MC → [KVC"MOQ MC] Did they put it?

Moser and Moser observed the lenition rule as it was spreading through the lexicon and the speechcommunity, and they contrasted forms to which the rules had applied with forms to which the ruleshad not yet applied. Therefore they considered nasalization phonemic, although considerablealternation was noted (1965:55). Since then, the rules have generalized to the entire lexicon foryounger speakers.

1.2.6. m-Assimilation

• A word-initial m or an m following an unstressed vowel assimilates to the general point ofarticulation of a consonant that follows it.6 This process and others to be described below generatevirtually all occurrences of [0] in the language. It appears to apply less obligatorily to word-finalO’s.

(23) m-Assimilation (phrase-level):O → [αpoint] / ## (!) ___ C V [αpoint] [-str]

The effect of this rule is illustrated by the following forms. The optional glottal stop is necessary forforms such as (24f).7

6 It is not clear what is the actual point of articulation of a nasal before [.

7 This complication would be avoided if, as François Dell has suggested (p.c.), the glottal and nasalhad coalesced into one unit before (23) applied. This possibility is discussed further in §2.3.4. As thephonetic transcription of (24f) shows, I perceive the nasal as being syllabic in this position.

9

(24) a. K-O-CÖ → [KOC"Ö] who is not grinding

b. K-O-RKÖ → [KOR�"Ö] who is not tasting it

c. K-O-UKÖ → [KPU�"Ö] who is not smelling it

d. K-O-[CÖ → [KP[C"Ö] who does not own it

e. K-O-MCÖ → [K0MC"Ö] who does not look for it

f. OC-!-O-U½C:9 → [OC!PBU½U ½C ":9] I am talking to you.

g. M-KÖ:CO-V� → [M�¸Ö:ÖCÖPV] who fear it

h. MQÖVRCO�MK! → [MQ¸ÖVRC0MK!] the sardine (sp.)

i. :CÖ�O-U-KÖP�!C-!C� → [:C"Ö�PU�"ÖPÖC!C] He will return soon.

The m in the root /-OUKU�"ÖP/ pitiable never assimilates, however.

(25) [OQOUKU�"ÖP] He is pitiable.

[MCOUKU�"ÖP] he who loves

Other morpheme-internal O’s assimilate. The exceptional nature of /-msis�"Ön/ is therefore especiallyanomalous.

(26) MQOMC"ÖM → [MQ0MC"ÖM] people; Seris

!COMCPQ�"ÖP → [!C0MCPQ�"ÖP] pan

An underlying n does not assimilate to labial or velar points of articulation.

(27) U-QÖ-OGP�MC-!C → [UQ¸ÖOGP�MC!C] He will winnow

UK-KÖUMCP�MC-!C → [U�"KÖUMCP�MC!C] It will be hard.

An m which is preceded by a stressed vowel (in the same word) does not assimilate.

(28) U-KÖO�MC-!C → [U�"ÖO�MC!C] He will sleep.

U-CÖ-U½KÖO�MC-!C → [UCU½� "ÖO�MC!C] It will be nice.

Old word lists indicate that in the 19th century this assimilation rule did not exist. Pinart (1879) andBartlett (1852) both give komkak for MQOMC"ÖM [MQ0MC"ÖM] people; Seris. McGee (1898), however,gives kun-kak. For VQOMQZ�M9-M-KÖ! [VQPMQZ�M9M9�"Ö!] which are seven, Pinart gives tomkaXkue,and Tenochio (1860) gives tomkuikcui. For MQOMCKÖ [MQ0MC"KÖ] old woman, however, McGee giveskunkaié and Tenochio konkabre.8

1.2.7. The verb /-oÖm/ lie

The m of the commonly used verb /-QÖO/ lie, be prone assimilates even when the preceding vowel isstressed. Compare the following forms.

(29) lie swallow (unspec.)-QÖO -Q-CO

[MQ¸ÖOÖK!C] [MQ¸ÖOÖK!C] He is ...

[MQ¸ÖP[C] [MQ¸ÖO[C] Is he ...?

[UQ¸Ö0MC!C] [UQ¸ÖO�MC!C] He will ...

8 See the preface for information regarding these word lists which are reprinted in Hernández 1902.

10

These facts might be accounted for by a minor rule which would apply only to the verb /-QÖO/ lie, orthis verb could be marked as a positive exception to m-Assimilation.

1.2.8. Other occurrences of [0]

There are two (other) interesting positive exceptions to the m-Assimilation rule. Phrases serving asdemonstratives are composed of a locative plus an article. The underlying form of there is seen in theform !KO�K-V-C"MCV: leaving it there... (there OM-RL-leave). In a demonstrative expression the stressoccurs on the locative morpheme.

(30) !�"O-KPVKMC�VQM��MQ-PV-� " "O-CÖ → [!�"OKPVKMC�VQM�MQPV�"OÖC]that=one there he=wentThere he went.

MVC"O�!�¸O-MQR → [MVC"O�!�"0MQR]that man

Obviously the problem is that the m has assimilated to the velar point of articulation even though thepreceding vowel is strongly stressed. These demonstratives are also unusual in that they are exceptionsto Post-tonic Lengthening. The a-Infixation rule is able to apply to these forms, separating the [P] fromthe conditioning consonant.

(31) [MVC�O�!�"0ÖCMQRC[C] That man, my eye!

It is not clear how these facts should be accounted for.

The second positive exception is the name of a certain species of duck [MVQ¸Ö0M], which isobviously onomatopoetic.9

1.2.9. Backing

Another rule generating [0] is characteristic of younger speakers especially. By this rule an mfollowing an unstressed vowel becomes [0] when it occurs before pause. This rule could be stated asin (32). It does not apply to n.

(32) Backing:O → 0 / V ___ || [-str]

Thus words like MQÖVRCO sardine (sp.) are usually pronounced [MQ¸ÖVRC0] utterance finally. Wordssuch as !GUGP ironwood do not have such alternates.

1.2.10. Influence of secondary stress on rules affecting m

The assimilation and backing rules are blocked by secondary stress which is assigned by three rules.The first rule assigns secondary stress to a vowel immediately following a vowel with primary stress.(I will discuss primary stress placement in chapter 2.)

(33) V → [2 stress] / V ___ [l stress]

9 One other occurrence of a velar nasal that is not derived by any regular rule is in the (almost

onomatopoetic) verb meaning to speak wrong. In this case it is a labialized velar nasalÖ[UC!�"W09�M9C!C] He will say it wrong. This lexical item refers to Nasal lenition (20).

11

Therefore U-C"ÖQO�MC-!C he will beg becomes [UC"ÖQ�O�MC!C] :GRG M9[C"KO-VQZ they threw him in thesea becomes [:G"RÖGÖ�M9[C��OVQZ]. m-Assimilation (23) does not apply.

Secondary stress is also generated during compound word formation, including the formation ofsome idioms. In compound words the stress on the first member is reduced, resulting in a loss ofvowel length.

(34) :Q¸ÖR Bursera microphylla

� "-P its hands

[:Q�R�"P ] Bursera hindsiana

PC"ÖR:C buzzard (sp.)

M-Q� "O he who throws at it

[PC�R:C�MM�"O] who has poor luck begging

There are many other obviously compound words although they may have undergone furtherphonological change, most commonly the loss of a consonant or vowel in a cluster.

(35) :G"RG sea, tide

CPQ in

MC"Ö[ horse

:G�RGPQMC"Ö[ mythological sea creature

M-C"ÖM9 which are big

:Q�RMC"ÖM9 Bursera laxiflora

:RCPC"ÖOU seaweed

[:RCPC�OUC"ÖM9 ] sargassum

!C-MC"ÖO husband

M-MC"Ö who looks for it

[!CMC�OMMC"Ö] bird (sp.)

It should be noted that in words such as :RCPCOUC"ÖM9 above, the m follows a vowel with secondarystress and thus does not assimilate to the following consonant. It is expected that as the internalstructure of compound words becomes more opaque, the m-Assimilation rule will apply. A possibleexample pointed out to me by M. Moser is the initial unanalyzable sequence in the words in (36).

(36) :QOMC!�"ÖHV [:Q0MC!�"ÖHV] oregano bush

:QOMC!Q¸KZ [:Q0MC!Q¸KZ] Opuntia reflexispina

:QO:G"U ½KU ½10 [:Q0:G"U½ÖKÖU ½] ocotillo

More obvious are the examples in (37), all of which have the sequence (morpheme (?)) !CO- whichhas to do with fire (cf. !COC"M campfire).

(37) !COMCPQ�"ÖP [!C0MCPQ�"ÖP] pan

!COMG"Ö [!C0MG"Ö] skewer

!COMC"Ö:CV [!C0MC"Ö:ÖCÖV] smoke

Higher level rules do not regard vowels with secondary stress as stressed vowels; therefore insubsequent chapters [-stress] means the absence of primary stress.

10 According to M. Moser (p.c.), this word has an idiolectal variantÖ OQ:G"U½KU ½.

12

1.2.11. i-Lowering

A high front vowel is lowered when it is followed by a low vowel (only a will occur in this position—cf. §1.3.3).

(38) i-Lowering:K → [+lo] / ___ V [+lo]

(39) K-OK-CÖO → [KOG"CÖO] They said to him.

K-UK-CÖ → [KUG"CÖ ] He will order him.

K-CÖZ → [G"CÖZ] its vertebra

!K-CU½ → [!G"CU½] my mother’s father

M-QP�"CÖ: → [MQPG"CÖ:]11 whoi washes hisi hands

Words such as M-� "VC what is sharp/pointed show that this lowering rule does not apply if the vowelsare not contiguous.

1.2.12. e-Raising

The speech of younger Seri speakers can be partially characterized by a rule which applies lessfrequently in the speech of older speakers. A post-tonic G becomes K under the following conditions.

(40) e-Raising (optional):G → K / i C0 ___

As far as I know, in all cases there is only one consonant separating the vowels. An G does not occurimmediately following K nor with a consonant cluster separating it from the K.

(41) MOKMG [MY�� "MÖK] person; Seri

M-KÖRG [M�"ÖRÖK] what is good

O�"Ö-OG [O�"ÖOK] It is all gone.

1.2.13. x-Lenition and x-Deletion

A velar fricative lenites to [W] after M9. The only example of this lenition process which I know of isin the word !C-[C"M9Z [!C[C"QM9W]. This is the word on the basis of which Moser and Moser (1965)set up a contrast between /M9/ and /MW/ (cf. §1.1.3). The application of a-Infixation (11) !C[C"M9Z isthe evidence for underlying Z and not W: [!C[C"QM9ÖCZC[C] Anklebone, my eye!.

In §4.3.5 it is argued that some forms have a near surface representation ending in WZM. These arephonetically [WM9]. The Z is also absent in other forms which I write as ending in WZ (cf. (14)above). The rule which accounts for these facts is not the same as the lenition process described above,and is not a low-level rule. This is shown by the fact that, unlike the Z in !C[C"M9Z anklebone, the Z ofthe following types of words cannot be made to appear phonetically by means of the rule of a-Infixation (11): MKVG"WZM who is thin, MC"WZM what is dry, and M�"WZMKO which barks (repeatedly) atit.

11 I am positing underlying /KC/ for morpheme internal sequences of [GC] also since there is a rule

that changes the sequence GC to GG. (cf. §2.7.1). In §4.1.3.4 additional justification for this is foundwith respect to certain morphemes at least.

13

1.2.14. Degemination

Nonnasal geminate clusters as well as clusters such as MM9 tend to degeminate when the secondconsonant is not followed by a stressed vowel. (The effects of degemination have not been shown inthe phonetic representations above.) Degemination has applied in the examples in (42) but not in thosein (43).

(42) K!R-R-CÖ!-C"ÖR → [K!RC!C"ÖR ] when I am cold...

U-!C"OQM�MC-!C → [U!C"OÖQÖMC!C] It will be dark.

RQ-RCPU½:-: → [RQRC"PU½:] if he runs...

(43) K-O-OQMG"ÖRG-!C → [KOOQMG"ÖRÖGÖ!C] He is not sick.

U½KÖ:�M-MC"R → [U½� "Ö:�MMC"R] thing that flies (airplane)

U-!COQM�M-G"Ö-[C → [U!COQM�MG"Ö[C] Will it be night?

1.2.15. Sibilant assimilation

An U assimilates to a following U½. (As far as I know, the sequence U½U is not generated by any processesin the language.) Therefore when the U of the independent irrealis prefix is followed by a rootbeginning with U½, it also becomes U½: U-U½CV:�!C-!C [U½U ½CV:C!C] It will be thorny.

1.2.16. Phrase and clause stress

I have already mentioned that underlying as well as derived vowel length is in direct correlation withthe degree of stress which occurs. One process affecting stress is the way in which compound nounsare formed (cf. §1.2.10).

Another factor affecting the degree of phonetic stress is the rule which reduces primary stress onwords in a phrase except for the final primary stress. The phrase :�"MC�MQOMC"ÖM�M-O�"U�RCM�(thingsSeris NOM-resemble some) some Indians has the most noticeable stress on the word kmis. The degreeof post-tonic lengthening on :KMC and the contrastive vowel length on MQOMC"ÖM are reducedsignificantly. In noun phrases the tendency is to maintain the right-most primary stress while reducingthe others, as was the case in compounding.

The stress on the verb of a dependent clause is commonly reduced, apparently obligatorily so,when it is immediately preceded by a stressed particle with which it is associated semantically. (Manyof these are the relational nouns discussed in §7.11.) The stress in (44a) is on iti, in (44b) on !ant, in(44c) on ano. The stress in (44d) is retained on the verb since another morpheme occurs between theparticle and the stressed morpheme of the verb.

(44) a. � "VK�O��-R-QÖO if you lie on it...

b. !C"PV�O��R-QÖO if you lie down...

c. U½CÖ!�MKZ�C"PQ�RQ�Ö-U½MKO when the sun goes in (sets)...

d. KVK�O-U-MC"O-QÖO�!C-!C You shouldn’t lie on it!

1.2.17. Other

For other details of the phonetics of Seri, including basic intonation patterns, see Moser and Moser1965. Kroeber’s (1931) claim that Seri is a tonal language is incorrect.

14

1.3. Phonotactics

Discussion of the consonant and vowel clusters of Seri was the primary focus of Moser and Moser1965. In this section I will present some of the facts in a different way as well as present some newobservations. 12

1.3.1. Initial consonant clusters

As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-initial position (preceded bypause), as illustrated by the word M9-U-:VCOV there will be many.... To my knowledge, all of these(which are few) involve some verb form with the third person oblique prefix (cf. §2.4.3). They aretherefore a restricted type of variation based on the more common three-consonant clusters which willbe discussed below.

I will discuss clusters in terms of the following classes: stops (S), fricatives (F), nasals (N), andglides (G) (including glottal stop). I will ignore the voiced lateral. The attested utterance-initial two-consonant clusters are listed in (45).

(45) Attested UnattestedSS FS NS GSSF FF NF GFSN FN NN GNSG FG NG GG

The unattested clusters all involve an initial sonorant. The following observation holds true for allsurface forms.

(46) A sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel.13

Either of two epenthesis rules, discussed in §2.3.4 and §2.3.6, applies to potential violations of thisgeneralization.

Of the sixty-four possible initial three-consonant clusters, only a few actually occur. They areshown, with some examples in (47). While most arise through verb inflection, some are attested inmonomorphemic words.

12 Many of the results of Moser and Moser's study would have to be changed under the revised

phonological analysis presented in this thesis. For example, they counted [M9] as two consonantswhereas it is clearly only one, M9. They also have utterance-initial clusters beginning with glottal stop.As far as I can tell, however, these glottal stops are either preceded by an epenthetic i (cf. §2.3.4) ornot present at all phonetically.

13 The form [OC!P�U½U ½C ":9] I am talking to you is not accomodated by a strict interpretation of thisgeneralization. The nasal is syllabic, however, as was noted in §1.2.6.

15

(47) SSS : RVMCOP lobster

M-R-MQÖ-[Q they who taste it

SSF : M9-V-U½KOR:C Was it moldy...?

SSN : V-MOCÖOCV Is it a female?

SSG : M9-V-[GÖPQ Did he have a face like him?

M9-V-!GÖ Was it red...?

SFS : V-:VCOV Was it a lot?

M-U½-MQÖ-OV they who like it

SFF : M-U½:QM he who hacks at it

SFN : M-:PQKU what is cluttered

SFG : M9-U-[GÖPQ He will have a face like him.

M9-U-!GÖOV It will stink...

FSS : U-MVCOQV It will be a male.

:RMKO (nickname)

FSN : U-MOCÖOCV It will be a female.

FFS : U-:VCOV It will be a lot.

I assume that the remaining clusters which do not violate (46), namely FFF, FSF, FFG, FSG, and FFNare accidental gaps.

1.3.2. Final consonant clusters

As many as four consonants can be observed to occur together in word-final position (precedingpause). These will be discussed below. First I will discuss two-consonant clusters which occur in finalposition. The attested and unattested clusters are listed below. 14

(48) Attested UnattestedSS NS SN SGSF NF FN FGFS NN NGFF GS GN GG

GF

Of the unattested clusters, the three involving nasals are the most relevant since such clusters aregenerated as the result of Syncope (cf, §4.1.2). A rule inserting i (cf. §4.3.6) is the most common wayin which such clusters are prevented from surfacing. The following observation holds true for allsurface forms.

(49) The consonants of a coda agree in nasality.

Since it is not likely that the absence of glide-final clusters is accidental, the following generaliza-tion is stated.

(50) Glides occur only contiguous to a vowel.

14 The glide y does not occur in any coda clusters. In fact, it does not occur at all as a syllable coda

except in the loanword MCÖ[ horse. Therefore the glides referred to in (48) are all glottal stops.

16

Were it not for the fact that a syllable can end in a cluster consisting of two nasals, one could say thatsonorants occur only contiguous to a vowel. Such a generalization would make (46) and (50) bothunnecessary.

Of the possible three-consonant clusters, only the following are attested word-finally.

(51) SSF : [GMVU½ Yaquis

-CRVZ be wide

FS : VCM M porpoises

-CRZM wear around neck

FF : -MCR: be sour

MGÖRU sand crab

U GÖPC"RU½Z heron (sp.)

FF : -CHU½: be lightweight

-CÖU½ :15 cough

SS : -CUMV lung

SF : MQHVZ coral snake

-C:R: be mad at

FS : !C: M arrow points

-CUZM white lice

SF : -COVZ tendon

-CÖPR: return home

FS : -VCO M temple (of head)

-COZM bring

FF : -KP : be empty

FF : -RGÖ!U½: be shallow

-OK!U½: slip

FS : -CÖ-O�"! M make smooth (pl.)

GSF : K-V-C!V-: when they saw it...

The absence of the clusters SSS, NSS, and GSS is probably an accident. The observations noted aboveaccount for the remaining clusters which do not occur.

To any dependent verb with three final consonants could be added the suffix /-:/ (cf. §3.1.7),creating a four-consonant cluster: K-RQÖ-OZM-: if he brings it.... A nominalized verb (cf. §2.6.1) couldalso be followed by the definite article MK! (cf. §7.1) which has the allomorph [M] in utterance finalposition. This construction would add another consonant to any final cluster. An example is[MCÖPR:�M] (NOM-return the).16

15 Utterance-finally this cluster occurs as [U½: ] the Cluster P :, as in MKP : what is empty does not

exhibit this metathesis, however.

16 The four-consonant clusters occurring stem-internally that I know of all involve a W followed byxkÖ -QÖ!WZM be upright (pl.), -VKÖRWZM squeeze, -CÖ!�"OWZM overturn (pl.), and :VCOC"RWZM

17

1.3.3. Vowel clusters

A few observations will be made here with respect to unattested vowel clusters. Moser and Moser1965 notes that the cluster ae does not occur. A more general constraint is perhaps in force, however,since the cluster C"C0G does not occur either (cf. §2.3.5), while CC1G" does occur. (See also §6.1.1.)

Moser and Moser 1965 notes also that only one occurrence of the cluster ei was found:[!CVG"KMVK0] rag. However, this is a compound based on !-CÖ-VCK (loin)cloth and KÖ-∅-MVKO (3P-NOM-be=cut) piece of. Other than in this word, the sequence does not occur phonetically, although it doesoccur phonologically. See § 2.7.1.

I have personally observed that pretonic G does not occur and that where it is expected (cf. §2.3.5and §4.1.4) a occurs instead.17 Important exceptions to this generalization are the first and secondperson oblique prefixes (cf. §2.4.3). Except for these prefixes and the independent pronouns, the vowelG(Ö) appears to be restricted to either of the following positions:

___ C1 ___.[+str]

I have also observed that the sequence ia does not occur morpheme-internally underlyingly, withonly one exception, /-KCÖO/ be spacious. The sequence arises through the juxtaposition of morphemesand as a result of a minor ablaut rule, however. This sequence does not even occur phonetically word-internally.18 Word-internal sequences of KC surface as [GC] (cf. §1.2.11) or [K[C] (cf. §5.3). Also, thesequence KG does not occur on the surface. Finally, with the exception noted above, the sequence KVdoes not occur morpheme-internally in underlying representations where V is a vowel other than K(Ö).19

Derived sequences of the latter type do occur, however, as in !�"-QPCO my hat, from underlying/!K-CQPCO/.

rainbows. The x does not occur phonetically in this position, however, and so these are not goodexamples of four-consonant clusters (cf. §1.2.13).

17 One exception is the common pronunciation of !K-MG"MV my parent-in-law which is [!GMG"MV].

18 This sequence arises with certain suffixes and particles, however, such as those noted in Moserand Moser 1965Ö !CK-C"Ö-!C it is really windy, K-U-CÖK�!C-!C [KUC"ÖKC!C] he will do it.

19 Moser and Moser 1965 incorrectly analyzed root-initial sequences of yV as iV. They are mostdefinitely consonant-initial roots as prefixation patterns indicate.

18

Postscript to Chapter 1

A somewhat more conservative position about the place of the round consonants is taken inMarlett 1988. This article also presents a much more complete discussion of the syllable structure ofSeri. I also now am convinced that W should be understood phonologically as a labialized velarfricative, Z9, as suggested by an anonymous IJAL referee sometime in the past.

The abstract consonant is discussed in Marlett 1981 and Marlett and Stemberger 1983. The latterproposes that the abstract consonant facts should be analyzed as resulting from an empty consonantposition.

I have observed since writing this thesis that Velarization (17) is not obligatory for all speakers ofSeri.

The pronunciation of the word mentioned in note 17 actually has a lengthened e [æ] in the first,unstressed syllable, which is very odd since vowels are not contrastive in unstressed position, and arenot long in pre-stress position.

Finally, I have decided in more recent technical publications to use the symbol æ rather than e forthe low front vowel since it is too easy for readers to incorrectly interpret the short-handrepresentations that were used earlier. I also regret the choice that I made in the thesis of trying towrite words at an intermediate phonological representation which is probably likely to bemisinterpreted in various ways. For example, the representation of [PV] as mt in those places where weknow that the nasal comes from an underlying m is too likely to be misunderstood as beingphonetically [OV].

Marlett, Stephen A. 1981. The abstract consonant in Seri. Proceedings of the Berkeley LinguisticsSociety, pp. 154-165.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1988 The syllable structure of Seri. International Journal of American Linguistics54:245-78.

Marlett, Stephen A., and Joseph P. Stemberger. 1983. Empty consonants in Seri. Linguistic Inquiry14:617-639.

19

Chapter 2Prefix Morphology and Morphophonemics

2.1. Overview of prefix morphology

Finite verbs in Seri are minimally marked for person and number of the final subject and direct object(if any), for person of oblique nominals (with certain conditions), and for mood. (The agreement rulesare given more precisely in §2.4 and developed in later chapters.) Other verb markings which occur asprefixes on finite verbs include: directionals (cf. §2.5.14); object marker (OM) (cf. §2.5.1); unspecifiedsubject (US) (cf. §2.5.11); negative (cf. §2.5.2); first person restrictive (cf. §2.5.9); passive (cf. §2.5.5);detransitivizer (D) (cf. §2.5.4 and chapter 13); an augment prefix (cf. §2.5.6 and chapter 14) whichindicates a causative meaning, among other things; and a prefix meaning times (X) (cf. §2.5.10 andchapter 11). Imperative and infinitival forms, which involve special prefixes, have the same structureas finite verbs except that the following prefixes do not occur on them (cf. §§2.5.3,7-8): subject prefix,object marker, unspecified subject, and first person restrictive. The negative prefix also never occurson infinitival forms. The structures of nominalizations are slightly different and are discussed in §2.6.

The relative order of these prefixes is given in (1).20

(1) Obliq.-Direct.- Object - Subj.-Mood - Neg.- First - Pass. - Augment - root Marker Restr. Imperative Detr. X times Unspec. Object Infinitive Subject

The brackets in (1) indicate some of the restrictions on these morphemes.

The mood prefixes, which structurally and semantically form a class, are discussed in the nextsection.

2.2. Mood prefixes

The prefixes in (2), which indicate primarily mood, occur on finite verbs. (Discussion of theimperative mood is postponed until §2.5.7.) One of these prefixes occurs on every finite verb.

(2) Realis21

(Neutral) /V-/ (RL)

Emphatic /:Q-/ (EMPH)

Distal /[Q-/ (DIST)

Proximal /OK-/ (PROX)Irrealis

Abilitative /VO-/ (ABIL)

(Dependent) /RQ-/ (IRR)

(Independent) /UK-/ (IRR)

20 [New footnote: This diagram corrects an error in the dissertation, in which the unspecified

subject prefix was incorrectly placed preceding the negative prefix.]

21 I use the terms realis/irrealis basically in the same sense as actual/potential. Parameters which donot affect these moods in Seri are negation and interrogation. Both realis and irrealis clauses thereforeoccur negated and as questions. Were it not for certain uses of the mood prefixes, it would be possibleto view the distinction as nonfuture/future.

20

I use the term dependent clause to refer to a finite clause which cannot normally stand alonegrammatically as a complete sentence. Adverbial clauses in English would be considered dependentclauses by this definition. Complement clauses are excluded from classification as dependent orindependent since these are nominalized in Seri. The only mood prefixes which occur on finite verbsin dependent clauses are the neutral realis /V-/ and the dependent irrealis /RQ-/. The prefix /V-/ alsooccurs on verbs in independent clauses.

In the following sections I will illustrate briefly the usage of the mood prefixes. In §2.3 I willdiscuss the rules which account for their allomorphs.

2.2.1. Neutral realis

The realis prefix /V-/ is the most neutral of all the realis prefixes. It is the only mood prefix whichoccurs in both independent and dependent clauses. It is the only realis prefix used in questions. Itoccurs with the negative prefix, unlike the proximal realis. It is the only realis prefix used in dependentclauses. When it occurs before a non-interrogative verb in an independent clause, however, a suffixgenerally also occurs. The examples in (3) illustrate the use of this prefix in dependent clauses, thosein (4) its use in interrogative clauses, and those in (5) its use in non-interrogative independentclauses.22

(3) a. !CR��MK!��V-Q:K OC [Q-R-C!KVdeer the RL-die SR DIST-PASS-eatWhen a deer died (was killed), it was eaten.

b. /OK-OCVZ/

!CK MQR !CR: V-CR-: KO-OCVZair the outside RL-stand-UT PROX-hotWhen the air comes out, it is hot.

c. /OK-QÖO/

V-KÖO !CÖ O-QÖORL-sleep there PROX-lieHe’s lying there sleeping.

d. /O-V-KÖO /KMC-KÖO/ /OK-∅-COU½Q/

KO-V-KÖO :Q: KM-KÖO� OKÖ-OU½Q MK! 2sS-RL-sleep although INF-sleep 2P-NOM-want the

/OC-VO-CMCV:-!Q/

OC-V-MO-CMCV:-K!Q

2sO-RL-NEG-leave-!oAlthough you slept, your desire to sleep didn’t leave you.

e. /!R-[Q-KÖO/

V-CRMC OC !R-[-KÖORL-rain SR lsS-DIST-sleepWhile it rained I slept.

22 When the underlying form of a verb is different from the intermediate form given in an example,

it is given in slashes above the intermediate form. The underlying form of the verb stem will not begiven, however.

21

f. /OK-!GÖOV/

V-Q:K O-!GÖOVRL-die PROX-stinkWhen it died it stank.

g. /[Q-CU½MCO/

K:C"ÖR V-CR:C OC [QÖ-U½MCOdays RL-three SR DIST-arrive/PLThey arrived three days ago.

(4) a. MQK V-CÖ-VKMRCP-Qstill RL-AUG-work-oIs he still working?

b. U½Q ��V-R-CKhow RL-PASS sayWhat is it called?

c. /O-V-CÖ-RCUKTQZ/

OQ:�"OC MK! KO-V-CÖ-RCUKTQZyesterday the 2sS-RL-AUG-strollDid you take a stroll yesterday?

d. V-O-CHRRL-NEG-arriveDidn’t he arrive?

(5) a. /KMC-Q-C!KV/ /!-V-O-COU½Q-!Q/

KM-QÖ-!KV K!-V-MO-COU½Q-!Q

INF-D-eat lsS-RL-NEG-want-!oI don’t want to eat.

b. /!KO-V-O-CCZ-!Q/

!G ZGÖHG � "!K !KO-V-MO-CCZ-K!Q

lPRO chief K!K lsO-RL-NEG-know/PL-!QAlthough I was chief, they don’t know me.

c. /V-OK-GÖ/

V-O-CHR V-G"O-GÖ

RL-NEG-arrive V-PROX-sayHei didn’t arrive, hej said.

d. /V-RQMV-!K/

CP:9 V-RQMV-K!K

much RL-full-!KHow full it is!

e. /V-CRVZ-C-!C/

V-CRCVZ-C-!C

RL-wide-C-DECLIt is wide!

22

f. /K-V-O-QCMVKO-!Q/

VQÖVWZM MKZ U½CÖ:V M-KUKN MK! K-V-MQO-QCMVKO-K!Q

cholla the — NOM-small the OM-RL-NEG-touch-!QChildren don’t (shouldn’t) touch the cholla cactus!

2.2.2. Emphatic realis

The prefix /:Q-/ indicates a nonfuture action or state which the speaker is emphatically asserting (notquestioning).23 The clause is always independent.

(6) a. /OQ-:Q-O-CÖ/

KO-:Q¸-O-CÖ toward-EMPH-NEG-moveHe’s not coming!

b. U½KÖ: U½Q !-:Q-O-C!KVthing a lsS-EMPH-NEG-eatI haven’t eaten a thing!

c. /:Q-CÖR N/

:-CÖR- EMPH-coldIt’s cold!

d. /:Q-QKV/

CP:9 !KÖ-UC: !CPV :9CKVmuch lP-spirit down EMPH-descendI am very happy!

2.2.3. Distal realis

The prefix /[Q-/ signifies that the action took place in the past, generally a more distant action in termsof time or distance than one marked by the prefix /OK-/ described in §2.2.4. It is also used in clausesindicating habitual action. This prefix does not occur in interrogative or in dependent clauses.

(7) a. U½KÖ:��K-R:CUK��MC!��V-CU½QZ��OC-:��[Q-R-C!KVthing 3P-flesh the/FOC RL-alone SR-UT DIST-PASS-eatOnly meat was eaten.

b. /!KO-[Q-[QZ/

!CRKU��MK!��CP:9��!KO-� "[-[QZtobacco the much lsO-DIST-give/PLThey gave me lots of cigarettes.

c. /!R-V-KÖO/ /!K-[-QVZ/

�K!R-V-KÖO��K!-[-CVZ��MQÖ:��MC!-:��lsS-RL-sleep lP-NOM-arise all the/FOC-UT

23 Interestingly, there is a suffix of this same shape which adds emphasis to an assertion about a

future event (cf. §3.1.1).

23

/!-[Q-CUK/

MCHG"��MK!��!-[Q-ÖUKcoffee the lsS-DIST-drinkAfter sleeping, arising, I always drink coffee.

2.2.4. Proximal realis

The realis prefix /OK-/ indicates that the event described in the clause has already occurred or that it ispresently occurring. This prefix does not cooccur with negation. It occurs only in affirmative, non-interrogative independent clauses, as in (8). (This and the distal realis prefix do occur, however, in ahighly restricted type of adverbial clause, as described in §§3.6.3-4.)

(8) a. /!R-OK-GÖGZKO/

K!R-O-GÖGZKO !G MOCÖ:-C!C lsS-PROX-old lPRO now-?Now I am old.

b. /K-∅-CMVKO/ /!-OK-MCÖ/

UKÖOGV� MK! KÖ-∅-MVKO MK! �!-O-MCÖbread the 3P-NOM-be=cut the lsS-PROX-look=forI look for pieces of bread.

c. /!-OK-CM9/ /!K-Q-C:MKO/ /OK-KÖRG/

!CR MK! !-OKÖ-M9 !-QÖ-:MKO OK-KÖRGdeer the lsS-PROX-kill lP-NOM-throw PROX-goodI killed deer; I was a good shot.

2.2.5. Abilitative irrealis

The prefix /VO-/ signifies that the event related by the clause, which must be yet in the future, is ableto or is permitted to transpire. An imperative meaning is often implied. The clause is alwaysindependent, non-negative, and non-interrogative.

(9) a. !CPV RQ-HKÖ VC VO-CÖ!-:CRland IRR-? SR ABIL-PASS-dig=upTomorrow it can be dug up.

b. /!KO-O-VO-CÖ-RCVZM-KU/

!KO-O-VMO-CÖ-RCVZM-KU

lsO-2sS-ABIL-AUG-loose-KUOK, untie me!

c. /!C-VO-Q-MQÖU½:/ /OK-GÖ[Q/

!-VMO-Q-MQÖU½: :C! O-GÖ[Q1plS-ABIL-D-rob and PROX-say/PL“Let’s rob,” they said.

d. /!KU½K-OK-CK /MQ-OC-VO-QKÖ/

Q:-C! !KU½K-OK-K VQM M9-OC-VMO-QKÖthus-FOC 1plO-PROX-say there 3Ob-2plS-ABIL-be/PLThus he told us: “You all stay there!”

24

2.2.6. Dependent irrealis

The irrealis prefix /RQ-/ occurs on verbs in dependent clauses which relate unaccomplished events,future or past. The events in (10a-e) are future, and those in (10f-i) are past.

(10) a. /RQ-CR/

MQVQVCZ U½Q !CPV��U½��K-VK�� RQÖ-R�� VCboojum a land a 3P-on IRR-stand SRIf there is a boojum tree somewhere,

/O-RQ-C!Q/ /MQ-OK-∅-UKÖKZKO/

O-RQÖ-!Q !CPVC": M9-OK-∅-UKÖKZKO KUC: 2sS-IRR-see near 3Ob-2P-NOM-move concessiveif you see it, even though you move near it,

/O-RQ-O-CÖ-CMVKO/

K-VCM U½Q O-RQ-O-CÖ-MVKO3P-trunk a 2sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-be=cutyou shouldn’t cut its trunk,

/MQ-O-UK-O-ZKÖKV/

!CUV U½Q MQ-O-U-MQO-ZKÖKV !C-!Cstone a 3Ob-2sS-IRR-NEG-hit AUX-DECLyou shouldn’t hit it with a stone.

b. /O-RQ-C!KV-:/ /O-UK-OQMGÖRG/

KO-RQÖ-!KV-: KO-U-OQMGÖRG !C-!C2sS-IRR-eat-UT 2sS-IRR-sick AUX-DECLIf you eat it, you will get sick.

c. MOCÖ: RQ-!COQM VCnow IRR-night SRWhen it is night (i.e., tonight),

/UK-O-KÖZ/

RKGUV !CPV U-O-KÖZ M-G-[Cfiesta land IRR-NEG-sit NOM-say/D-INTERRwon’t there be a fiesta?

d. /RQ-CR:C/

K:C"ÖR��RQÖR:C��VCdays IRR-three SRWhen the days are three (i.e., in three days),

/MQ-UK-KVQ¸KZ/

OG��M9-U-KVQ¸KZ��M-G-[C2PRO 3Ob-IRR-leave/PL NOM-say/D-INTERRwill you (pl.) leave?

e. ��/!-RQ-QÖMVC/

K-RQ-MCKÖV��VC��K!-R-QÖMVC��:QMGOM-IRR-spear SR 1sS-IRR-look=at I=wishHow I would like to see him spear it!

25

f. /!KO-RQ-CÖ /

�!KO-� "R-CÖ ��K-O-CVC:-K!C 1sO-IRR-accompany NOM-NEG-go-DECLHe didn’t go with me.

g. /RQ-CÖ-U½KÖO-CÖ/

�R-CÖ-U½KÖO-CÖ��!C:��[Q¸-O-CÖ IRR-AUG-like-true just DIST-NEG-beIt wasn’t very pretty.

h. ��/!C-RQ-CONCZM/��/MQ-!C-UK-KVCN!CÖ9Z/��

RCM��!C-RQÖ-ONCZM��M9-!C-U-KVCN!C"Ö9Z��:C!��VCsome 1plS-IRR-bring/PL 3Ob-1plS-IRR-sell/PL and AUXIf we brought some (lobsters) back,

!C-V-CO9ZM1plS-RL-think/PLwe intended to sell them.

i. RVMCOP��U½Q��RQ-:VCOV��VC��!K-∅-O-CM9VQZ-K!Clobster a IRR-abundant SR 1P-NOM-NEG-kill/PL-DECLWe didn’t kill many lobsters.

2.2.7. Independent irrealis

The prefix /UK-/ signifies that the event related by the clause has not yet occurred. In an independentclause, a verb marked with this prefix must be followed by one of a variety of suffixes or particles (cf.§3.5), as shown in (11). Verbs with this prefix also occur in a very restricted type of complementclause, exemplified in (10h) and discussed in §9.4.

(11) a. /!R-UK-O-CR:VKO-:Q��/!R-UK-O-CVC:/

�K!R-U-MO-CR:VKO-:Q��K!R-U-MO-CVC:��!C!C 1sS-IRR-NEG-pack-EMPH 1sS-IRR-NEG-go AUX-DECLI’m not going to pack! I’m not going to go.

b. /UK-CÖ-VKMRCP-KU/

�U-CÖ-VKMRCP-KU

IRR-AUG-work-KUOf course he’ll work.

c. /UK-U½CV:-:Q/

OK-P MK! U-U½CV:-:Q2P-fingers the IRR-have=thorns-EMPHYour fingers will get thorns in them.

d. /!-UK-CO:Q/

OQU��K!-U�"Ö-O:Q��!C-[Cagain 1sS-IRR-say AUX-INTERRShall I say it again?

26

e. /K-UK-CM9/

�K-UKÖ-M9��RQ-!Q

OM-IRR-kill IRR-!oHe will kill it perhaps.

f. ��/!R-UK-KÖVCV-KÖ/

!C:��MOCÖ��!R-U-KÖVCV-KÖjust now 1sS-IRR-gather=torote-firstNow first I will gather torote.

g. MCÖ[��VKMQO��K-O-Q:K��RKMK:horse that NOM-NEG-die CTFIf that horse had not died (been killed).

/!C-RQ-K-CPNCZM-:/

!QÖ:Q��!C-R-K-PNCZM-:only 1plS-IRR-have-fingers-UTwe would have been emptyhanded,

��/!C-UK-CU½MCO/

!GOG��!C-UKÖ-U½MCO��!C-!C��MQOMCÖM��MQK��RQ-MQÖ-:�camp 1plS-IRR-arrive/PL AUX-DECL people the IRR-all-UTwe would have returned to camp, all of the people.

2.3. Morphophonemics of mood prefixes

A considerable amount of allomorphy exists with respect to the mood prefixes. In this section I willdiscuss the allomorphy that is not already handled by the rules in chapter 1 (such as m-Assimilationand Nasalization). Some rules, which will be noted, are presented here in a simple form and will berevised in succeeding sections.24 None of the rules, while not restricted to these particular prefixes,applies to suffixes. In later sections, repeated reference is made to rules presented here since theserules account for allomorphy of numerous other prefixes as well. The discussion of primary wordstress is included here since this is important with regard to prefix morphology. A paradigm ofrepresentative verbs is given in (12) with representative mood prefixes. The object marker /K-/ occurson the transitive verbs since they are cited in third person (cf. §2.5.1).

Underlying forms are posited for both roots and prefixes which will allow for the simplestphonological and morphological rules. Since, as will be seen in later sections, the grammar of Seripays strict attention to the phonological shape of the roots, the motivation for these underlying formsis considerable. With respect to what the underlying representations are, therefore, there is no questionwhatsoever.

(12) Realis Abilitat. Emphatic Irrealis root glossa. Short low vowel

VG"OG VOG"OG� :Q¸ÖOG�� U�"ÖOG�� -GOG used up

VC"K:CZ�� VOC"K:CZ�� :Q¸K:CZ�� U�"Ö:CZ�� -CK:CZ� hard

KVC"R�� KVMOC"R�� K:Q¸ÖR�� KU�"ÖR�� -CR�� sew basket

24 The order of presentation has nothing to do with the order in which the rules apply. Rule

ordering is summarized in §2.9.

27

b. ConsonantKVRKÖ�� KVMQOR�"Ö�� K:QR�"Ö�� KUR�"Ö�� -RKÖ�� taste

VOG"MG�� VQOOG"MG�� :QOG"MG�� UOG"MG�� -OGMG� lukewarmKVO�"U�� KVMQOO�"U� K:QO�"U�� KUO�"U�� -OKU�� resemble

c. Nonlow back vowel, intransitiveVQ¸VZ�� VOQ¸VZ�� :9C"VZ�� UQ¸VZ�� -QVZ�� arise

VQ¸ZQU½�� VOQ¸ZQU½�� :9C"ZQU½�� UQ¸ZQU½�� -QZQU½�� flee

VQ¸ÖUGVC�� VOQ¸ÖUGVC�� :9G"UGVC�� UQ¸ÖUGVC�� -QÖUGVC�� jiggle

d. Other vowelKVQ¸ÖP�� KVMOQ¸ÖP�� K:Q¸ÖP�� KUQ¸ÖP�� -QÖP�� carry

KV� "Ö�� KVMO�"Ö�� K:�"Ö�� KU�"Ö�� -KÖ�� hear

V� "U�� VO�"U�� :�"U�� U�"U�� -KU�� raw

KVC"ÖHM�� KVMOC"ÖHM�� K:C"ÖHM�� KUC"ÖHM�� -CÖHM�� pound

VG"ÖOKZ�� VOG"ÖOKZ�� :G"ÖOKZ��UG"ÖOKZ�� -GÖOKZ move slowly

2.3.1. Primary word stress

The primary stress of a word in Seri generally occurs on the first vowel of the root. This rule pertainsto both nouns and verbs, as well as other multisyllabic forms.

(13) Primary stress: V → [+stress] / root[C0___

Of course, as a result of compounding and fossilization of forms, there are numerous lexical itemswhich must be marked to receive stress idiosyncratically.

2.3.2. Short Low Vowel Deletion

If a verb root begins with a short low vowel (a or e) and is preceded by a vowel-final prefix, the rootvowel deletes, the stress being carried by the vowel which remains.25

(14) Short Low Vowel Deletion: V + V ⇒ [+str] ∅ 1 [+str] 1 2 [+lo ] [-lng] 2

Some derivations are given in (15).

(15) IRR-warm IRR-strong IRR-goUR RQ-OGMG�� RQ-CK:CZ�� UK-CVC:

Stress RQ-OG"MG�� RQ-C"K:CZ�� UK-C"VC:

SLV Del ______ RQ¸-K:CZ�� U�"Ö-VC:

SR RQOG"MG�� RQ¸K:CZ�� U�"ÖVC:

25 While the perseverance of the stress is reflected in the formalization of this rule, it is assumed

that this should follow automatically and therefore should not have to be written into the rule.

28

When Short Low Vowel Deletion results in a nonlow stressed vowel followed by a consonant, thestressed vowel lengthens considerably, as in U�"ÖVC:.26 I assume this lengthening is a result of thedeletion of the short low vowel. Lengthening does not occur, however, when the prefix vowel is theobject marker (cf. §2.5.1). When the short low vowel is the first vowel of a noun root (cf. §2.7),lengthening occurs only on a few forms. Due to the complicated conditions governing thiscompensatory lengthening, I will not attempt to formalize the rule.

2.3.3. Vowel Deletion

Whenever a prefix vowel is followed by a vowel that is not a short low vowel, the prefix voweldeletes. (See also, however, §2.5.1 and §2.5.3.)

(16) Vowel Deletion: V → ∅ / ___ + V

(17) IRR-sleep OM-DIST-stir IRR-raw DIST-yawnUR RQ-KÖO�� K-[Q-QÖP �� UK-KU�� [Q-CÖZM

SR RKÖO�� K[QÖP �� UKU�� [CÖZM

The form RQK:CZ in (15) shows that Vowel Deletion (16) must be disjunctively ordered with ShortLow Vowel Deletion (14).

The operation of these rules provides the first two pieces of evidence for the interpretation of mostphonetically long root-initial vowels as long underlying vowels and not geminate vowel clusters. ShortLow Vowel Deletion (14) would have to be complicated considerably under the latter analysis. To bespecific, the rule would have to be reformulated as below.

(18) Short Low Vowel Deletion': V Vi C ⇒ [+str} ∅ 1 [+str] Vj 1 2 3 [+lo ] 3 [-lng] 2

The derivations of [CÖZM he yawned (cf. (17) and RQK:CZ (if) he is strong (cf. (15)) under thisanalysis would be as follows.

(19) UR [Q-CCZM�� RQ-CK:CZ

Stress [Q-C"CZM�� RQ-C"K:CZ

SLV Del ______ RQ¸-K:CZ

VD (17) [-C"CZM ______

SR [C"CZM RQ¸K:CZ

Not only does this analysis require an ad hoc complication to SLV Deletion (14), it alsoincorrectly predicts that geminate vowel sequences cannot be distinguished from long vowels. It canbe argued, however, that a few geminate vowel clusters occur. The verb /-CCÖ / order and /-CC/ know,for example, have vowel sequences which contrast phonologically (but not necessarily phonetically)with long low vowels. Thus /K-RQ-CCÖ / yields KRQ¸CÖ and /K-:Q-CC/ yields K:Q¸C, etc. In addition, oneof the morphological changes performed on verb stems to make them plural is to replace an K by CÖ.The plural forms of /-CK/ tell and /-CKÖ:/ leave are /-CCÖO/ and /-CCÖ:/ respectively. Again the languageis able to distinguish geminate vowels from long vowels: /K-[Q-CCÖO/ they told him gives K[Q¸CÖO and/K-[Q-CCÖ:/ they left it gives K[Q¸CÖ:. The evidence for long vowels is summarized in §6.2.

26 A low vowel does not lengthenÖ /KMC-CVC:/ (INF-go) → KMC"-VC:.

29

2.3.4. i-Deletion and i-Epenthesis

The i’s of the prefixes /UK-/ and /OK-/ delete when they precede a consonant.27

(20) /UK-OGMG/ → UOGMG (IRR-lukewarm)

/OK-OGMG/ → �KOOGMG (PROX-lukewarm)

The K of the object marker /K-/, discussed in §2.5.1, also deletes before a consonant if it is precededby a consonant (but cf. §2.4.3). Since the verbalizing prefix /K-/ (cf. §2.5.12) and the K’s of thepossessive prefixes /!K-/ and /OK-/ do not delete under the same phonological conditions, therestriction is stated in the following rule that the second consonant must be part of a formsubcategorized as a verb.

(21) i-Deletion: K → ∅ / C ___V[C

The subcategorization prevents the K from deleting in nominalized forms such as the followingÖ

(22) N[!K N[∅ V[RKÖ]]] my tasting it

An K is inserted in the realis form in (20). This insertion takes place when a nasal consonant isfollowed by a consonant and preceded by either a pause boundary or a consonant. If the nasal ispreceded by a word ending in a vowel, the insertion does not take place. The rule is tentatively givenas (23) and will be revised slightly in §2.4.1. It is fed by i-Deletion (21).28

(23) i-Epenthesis (phrase-level)Ö

∅ → K / C ___ C C [+nas]

Derivation (24) illustrates the application of i-Epenthesis when the first consonant is in the same wordas the nasal consonant. Two K’s are inserted by (23) in this example.

(24) 1sS-PROX-runUR !R-OK-RCPU½:

i-DEL !RORCPU½:

i-Epen K!RKORCPU½:

SR K!RKORCPU½:

2.3.5. Coalescence and Fronting

When the morphemes /:Q-/, /[Q-/, and /RQ-/ are followed by an Q (long or short), the vowels coalesceto form a short a if and only if the clause in which the verb occurs is superficially intransitive. (Whenthe clause is transitive Vowel Deletion (16) applies (cf. (12) and (17)). The coalescence of the twovowels also has a side effect on the : of the prefix /:Q-/: it becomes [+round]. The allomorph /:9/arises only as a result of this rule.

(25) DIST-cry IRR-arise EMPH-ariseUR [Q-QÖ!C RQ-QVZ :Q-QVZ

SR [C!C RCVZ :9CVZ

The rule is given as (26).

27 The underlying vowels show up in the forms in (12a).

28 As noted in §1.3.1, a sonorant-consonant sequence is always preceded by a vowel on the surface.

30

(26) Coalescence: C V + V ⇒ <+rd> ∅ [+lo ] <+bac> [+rd] [+rd] 1 2 [-lng] 1 2 3 3Condition: the clause must be superficially intransitive.

(Transitive verbs prefixed by the “detransitivizer” /Q-/ (cf. §2.5.4 and chapter 13) occur in superficiallyintransitive clauses and provide the proper environment for this rule. Additional facts relating toCoalescence (26) are discussed in §2.5.4.)

Coalescence (26) feeds a fronting rule that changes stressed C’s to G’s. Note especially example(28c).

(27) Fronting: C → G / ___ C0 G [+stress]

(28) a. [G"UGVC�� it jiggled < /[Q-QÖUGVC/

b. [G"GR:�� it flapped < /[Q-QGR:/

c. [CMG"ÖG: he cut hair < /[Q-Q-MGÖG:/

2.3.6. o-Epenthesis

When the prefix /VO-/ is followed by a consonant, an Q is inserted before the O, bleeding i-Epenthesis(23).

(29) ABIL-flyUR VO-MCR

SR VQOMCR

o-Epenthesis also applies in the following form, being fed by i-Deletion (21).

(30) OQOUKU�"ÖP he is pitiable < /OK-OUKU�"ÖP/

The application of this rule is also illustrated by verbs prefixed with the negative morpheme /O-/ (cf.§2.5.2). The rule is tentatively given as (31). This rule and i-Epenthesis (23) will be discussed andrevised in §2.4.1.

(31) o-Epenthesis: ∅ → Q / C ___ C C [+nas]

2.3.7. k-Epenthesis

When the prefix /VO-/ is preceded by any other prefix (except the oblique prefixes—cf. §2.4.3), a k isinserted following the V.

(32) 1pS-ABIL-go/PL 1sS-ABIL-flyUR !C-VO-CN:�� !R-VO-MCR

SR !CVMOCN:�� K!RVMQOMCR

The application of this rule is also illustrated by other prefixes and the negative morpheme (cf.§2.5.2).The rule, formulated in such a way that it must be ordered before o-Epenthesis since it is not bled bythat rule (cf. (32)), is given as (33).

(33) k-Epenthesis: ∅ → M / [+seg] C ___ C + [+cor] [+nas]

The nasal consonant must be part of a prefix. As (34) shows, k-Epenthesis does not apply if the nasalis root-initial.

31

(34) OM-RL-resembleUR K-V-OKU

SR KVOKU

2.3.8. Other rules

There are a few more rules that create allomorphs of the mood prefixes, but these are more properlydealt with in chapter 5 since they apply only to irregular verbs.

2.4. Person prefixes

In this section I will present the three sets of person markers that occur on finite verb forms. (Thepossessive prefixes occur on nominalized verb forms and are discussed in §2.7.2). The relative orderof these prefixes is: Oblique-Object-Subject.

2.4.1. Subject person prefixes

A verb agrees in person with the (final) subject of the clause. The subject person markers are asfollowsÖ

(35) 1 singular !- ~ !R-

2 singular O-

1 plural !C-

2 plural OC-

Third person is unmarked. The allomorphy of the first person singular subject prefix is suppletive andis conditioned by the superficial transitivity or intransitivity of the clause (cf. chapter 10). Theallomorph /!R-/ occurs on simple intransitive verbs, detransitivized verbs (cf. §2.5.4 and chapter 13),and in passive clauses. The allomorph /!-/ occurs elsewhere. i-Epenthesis (23) applies when this prefixis not preceded by a vowel and therefore must be revised. It must also be revised such that the i not beinserted following the glottal stop in (36i-j) and o-Epenthesis (31) must be revised so that it does notapply in the derivation of forms such as (36k-m).

(36) a. K!-:Q-VKU I pointed at it!1sS-EMPH-point

b. K!R-:9C-VKU I pointed!1sS-EMPH/D-point

c. K!R-[Q-R-CU½V I was tattooed.1sS-DIST-PASS-tattoo

d. KO-V-KÖ Did you hear it?2sS-RL-hear

e. V-CHR Did he arrive?RL-arrive

f. !C-VMO-C : We can go1plS-ABIL-go/PL

g. OC-V-QÖMVCO Did you look at it?2plS-RL-look=at/PL

32

h. V-CU½MCO Did they arrive?RL-arrive/PL

i. K!-O-RKÖ I tasted it.1sS-PROX-taste

j. K!-O-MCÖ I am looking for it.1sS-PROX-look=for

k. K!R-KO-RCPU½: I am running.1sS-PROX-run

l. K!R-KO-!CM I am blind.1sS-PROX-blind

m. O-KO-!CM You are blind.2sS-PROX-blind

The epenthesis rules can be revised as shown below.

(37) o-Epenthesis: ∅ → Q / Ci ___ C C [+nas]

Condition: Ci is not part of a person prefix.

The condition is necessary to prevent this rule from applying in (36k). Furthermore, theapplication of this rule must be iterative right to left since the UR /!R-UK-O-OUKU�"ÖP/ I will not bepitiable yields K!RUMOQOUKU�"ÖP and not *K!RUMQOQOUKU�"ÖP. o-Epenthesis applies beforei-Epenthesis.

(38) i-Epenthesis (phrase-level)Ö ∅ → i / C ___ (!) C C [+son]

The fact that this rule applies in the derivation of forms such as /OK-!GÖ / (PROX-red) KO!GÖ [K!OGÖ ] it is red is evidence that ! is a distinct segment at this level.29

29 Therefore, it is not possible to have a context-free rule coalescing !O or O!. Such a rule would

make the metathesis rule of §1.2.2 unnecessary as well as eliminate the need to write optional glottalstop in i-Epenthesis (38) and m-Assimilation (23) (§1.2.6). (The low-level glottalization rule of §1.2.2would apply after i-Epenthesis.)

As pointed out in §7.1, the UR of the definite article MK! (as it is consistently represented inexamples in this thesis) is actually M!. The i is inserted by rule (38). The examples below illustrate theapplication of (38) on the phrase-level. Note that two glottal stops degeminate before i-Epenthesis (38)applies.

(i) /!CUV��M!��!-OK-MCÖ/ → [!C"UV��M��K!P �MC"Ö] stone the 1sS-PROX-seekI am looking for the stone.

/VTQÖMK��M!��OK-OKRC C/ → [VTQ¸ÖMK��MK!��OO�"RÖC C] car the PROX-brokenThe car is broken.

33

2.4.2. Object person prefixes

The verb agrees with the (final) direct object of the clause. (A more precise formulation of theagreement rule is given in §12.3.) The object person prefixes are given below.

(39) 1 singular !KO- ~ !RQ-

2 singular OC-

1 plural !KU½K-

2 plural OCU½K-

(Some people use /!CU½K-/ rather than /!KU½K-/.) Third person is unmarked. The first person singularobject prefix is /!RQ-/ in imperatives, and is /!KO-/ elsewhere. The examples below show that theobject marker /K-/ (cf. §2.5.1) (not to be confused with epenthetic K’s) shows up when the subject anddirect object are both third person.

(40) a. !KO-KO-MCU½PK It bit me.1sO-PROX-bite

b. K!RQ-∅-UCPZ Carry me on your back!1sO-IMP-carry

c. OC-V-C!Q Did he see you?2sO-RL-see

d. K-V-COZM Did he bring it?OM-RL-bring

e. !KU½K-[QÖ-!Q He saw us.1plO-DIST-see

f. OCU½K-[QÖ-!Q He saw you (pl.).2plO-DIST-see

g. OC-U-QÖMVCO-:Q You (pl.) should look at it/them.2plS-IRR-look=at-EMPH

h. K-V-QÖPGM Did they take them?OM-RL-carry/PL

There are a few idiosyncrasies with respect to the object prefixes (see the chart in (46) for surfaceforms). The first is that the O’s of the sequences /!KO + O +/ (1sO + 2sS), /!KO + OC +/ (1sO +2plS), and /!KO + OK +/ (1sO + 2POSS) (cf. §2.7.2) degeminate whereas geminate nasals do notgenerally degeminate (cf. §1.2.16). The O’s of the first person singular object prefix followed by themood prefix /OK-/ do not degeminate, for example. Therefore the morphemes in question must bereferred to explicitly in the degemination rule, given as (41).

(41) !KO + O K�� ⇒ 1 2 3 ∅ 5123 4 C 5OBJECT SUBJECT

/...�MQÖ:��MC!��!-OK-CC/ → [MQ¸Ö:��MC��!O�"[ÖC] all the/FOC 1sS-PROX-know I know all...

34

Rule (41) bleeds i-Epenthesis (38). The effects of rule (41) will not be represented in forms citedhereafter, however.

Another idiosyncrasy is that the a of the second person plural subject prefix /OC-/ deletes whenthat morpheme is preceded by the person prefix /!KO-/, as in (42a). In addition, the second personsingular object prefix which is normally /OC-/ occurs as /OCU½K-/ when the subject of the verb is firstperson plural, as in (42b).

(42) a. !KO-O-V-GÖ[QZ Did you (pl.) give (to) me?

*!KO-OC-V-GÖ[QZ

b. OCU½K-!C-O-KÖ:COV We fear you (sg. or pl.).

*OC-!C-O-KÖ:COV

The following generalization holds true: If the (final) object person is singular and the (final) subjectperson is plural, the singular/plural marking of both of these prefixes which occur will agree innumber with whichever is first person. The following rule, in which [+SG] means singular, [-SG]means plural, [+1st] means first person, and [-1st] means second person, summarizes these facts.

(43) OBJECT SUBJECT ⇒ [αSG] [αSG][α1st] [-α1st] 1 2[+SG ] [-SG ] 1 2

This rule affects only the shape of the prefixes which occur. It does not affect number agreement onthe verb. Rule (43) applies, however, irrespective of whether the subject or object person prefixactually occurs. In (44a) the subject person prefix does not appear because the verb occurs in thesubject nominalized form. In (44b) the subject person is represented by a possessive prefix since theverb of the complement clause is nominalized. In (44c) the subject person is represented by thepossessive prefix on an object nominalized form. In (44d) the subject person prefix does not appearbecause an infinitival form is required. Nevertheless, in all four types of sentences, rule (43) applies,changing the object prefix /OC-/ to /OCU½K-/. Likewise in (45) the subject prefix /OC-/ is changed to/O-/ even though the direct object prefix is replaced by an oblique prefix (because of the obliquenominal penisiliÖna (cf. §2.4.4). 30

(44) a. !G �OCU½K-M-PQRVQNMC-!C1PRO NOM-hit/PL-DECLWe are hitting you (sg. or pl.).

b. OCU½K-!KÖ-∅-U½VQ ��K-OKÖOMCZM 1P-NOM-tattoo/PL OM-PROX-want/PLThey want us to tattoo you (sg. or pl.).

c. OCU½K-!�"-[-GÖVKO-K!C 1P-NOM-give/MULT-DECLThey are our gifts to you (sg. or pl.).

30 Rule (43) also applies in stress-retracting verbs (cf. chapter 5) in which plural subject prefixes

are always replaced by singular prefixes.

(ii) OCU½K-!-� "V-[QZDid we give it to you (sg.)?

35

d. OCU½K-K!C-U½VQ��!C-OKÖ-OMCZM INF-tattoo/PL 1plS-PROX-want/PLWe want to tattoo you (sg. or pl.).

(45) RGPKUKNKÖPC��MK!�CPQ��!G-O-UK-K!VQZ��!C-[Cpenicillin the in 1sO-2plS-IRR-put/PL AUX-INTERRAre you (pl.) going to inject me with penicillin?

The following chart gives the combinations of subject and object prefixes as they actually appear. 31

(46) S U B J E C T1s 2s 3s 1pl 2pl 3pl

O 1s — !KO- !KO- �� !KO- �!KO-

B 2s OC-!- — OC- OCU½K-!C- ��OC-

J 3s ��!- O- �� !C- ��OC-

E 1pl — !KU½K-O- !KU½K- �� !KU½K-OC- !KU½K-

C 2pl OCU½K-!- — OCU½K- OCU½K-!C- — OCU½K-

T 3pl !- ��O- �� !C- ��OC-

2.4.3. Oblique person prefixes

The verb also agrees with (final) oblique nominals. The forms given in (47) are used for singularnominals and some plural nominals. Other forms are discussed in §7.11. (These involve the use of arelational noun and the suspension of oblique agreement in most cases.)

(47) 1 !G=

2 OG=

3 MQ=

The = boundary is discussed below. Examples are given in (48).

(48) Final 3a. VQÖV9ZM��RCM��!G=M-COZM

cholla some 1Ob-IMP-bringBring some cholla to me!

b. !G=U-CÖM-QÖ-!QVKO �MC-!C1Ob-IRR-AUG-D-see/MULT AUX-DECLHe will show it to us.

Mannerc. !Q!TC��MQÖ=∅-�VCZ

donkey 3Ob-IMP-goGo like a donkey.

Locatived. OG=V-CHR

2Ob-RL-arriveDid he come to you?

31 Boxes marked with a dash require reflexive forms (cf. §7.10), as with third person when

coreference is to be indicated.

36

e. K-!-KÖZ��CM��M9=V-KÖP3P-NOM-sit the 3Ob-RL-returnHe returned to the place where he was...

f. !COC"M��OQU��U½Q��MQ=!R-U-MO-KÖZ��!C-!Cfire also a 3Ob-1sS-IRR-NEG-sit AUX-DECLI'm not going to sit by a fire.

Instrumentalg. MQ=!R-U-CÖM9VKO��!C-!C

3Ob-1sS-IRR-cover=oneself AUX-DECLI will cover up with it.

Comitative12

h. MQ=!R-[-CÖ-!KV3Ob-1sS-DIST-AUG-eatI was fishing with him.

Otheri. CU½��M9=U-QQ ��M-GÖ-[C

what 3Ob-IRR-argue NOM-say-INTERRWhat is she going to argue about?

j. OG=!R-[-CÖMQ2Ob-1sS-DIST-have/houseI have a house like yours.

k. U½KÖ:��U½Q��MQ=O-V-MO-CK:CZ-K!Q

thing a 3Ob-2sS-RL-NEG-strong-!oYou aren't strong with respect to anything.

l. K-!-CÖRN��MK!��MQ=!R-U-Q:K��!C-!C3P-NOM-cold the 3Ob-1sS-IRR-die AUX-DECLI'm going to die from the cold weather.

m. MCOKU½��U½Q��M9=K-V-K: shirt a 3Ob-OM-RL-takeDid he trade it for a shirt?

The third person oblique prefix also commonly occurs on nominalized adverbial clauses such asM9=KÖ-∅-!V CM (3Ob-3p-NOM-see/PL the) (upon) their seeing them (cf. §9.2). It is with suchnominalizations that two prefixes sometimes occur, as in MQ=PV=M9=K-U-MO-C"M-CÖ CM (3Ob-away-3Ob-3P-IRR-NEG-US-move the) one's going away. To my knowledge, such double occurrences alsoalways involve verbs taking the directional prefix /PV-/ (§2.5.14).

Two oblique nominals which the verb does not agree with are the types of nominals representedby the noun !C: water in (49a), and the noun U½K:MC"O fish in (49b)

(49) a. !C:��MK!��M-RQMV-K!Cwater the NOM-full-DECLIt is full of water.

b. U½K:MC"O��:-CÖ-UKÖfish EMPH-AUG-smellIt smells like fish.

37

There are three pieces of phonological evidence for claiming that the oblique prefixes are attachedby a boundary stronger than the formative boundary. First, these prefixes do not provide theenvironment for k-Epenthesis (cf. §2.3.7), as illustrated by (50).

(50) M9=VO-CÖM9VKO He can cover up with it.3Ob-ABIL-cover=oneself

The stronger boundary would remove these prefixes from the structural description of that rule. Thedirectional morphemes (cf. §2.5.14) must be attached with this boundary also since they likewise donot trigger k-Epenthesis.32

(51) MQ=PV=O-C"M-CÖ one went...; literally, one moved away toward it3Ob-away-PROX-US-move

A second piece of evidence for the stronger boundary is the fact that the form /MQ=/, whichshortens to M9 by a rule described below (54), does not condition i-Deletion (21) (cf. §2.3.4). 33

(52) M9=K-V-COZM Did he bring it to him?3Ob-OM-RL-bring

Finally, the prefix /!G=/ does not condition the deletion of glottal stop in the form !G=!-RCPU½:(1Ob-IMP-run) Run like me!. See rule (84) in §2.5.5.

One reason for claiming that these forms are not separate words is that the o of /MQ=/ can take theprimary stress of the verb as a result of SLV Deletion (14).34

(53) VQO��MK!� MQ¸Ö=∅-OZM < /MQ=∅-COZM/money the 3Ob-IMP-bringTake the money to him

A second reason is that a special boundary after /MQ=/ is needed for rule (54), providing additionalevidence that these prefixes are not attached with a formative boundary. The following rule, which ineffect applies only to this morpheme, feeds a context-free rule that coalesces back consonants and afollowing W, yielding a round consonant (cf. §4.1.2). The sequence nominalizer /M-/ (cf. 2.6.1) plusdetransitivizer /Q-/ (cf.§2.5.4) does not undergo this rule (cf. M-Q-MQÖ:C who babysits) because thespecial boundary is not present.

1(54) o-Spirantization: Q� → W / M��__ = ( . . . . C <C1> if ) V [-str] +cns –bac –nas then

32 Margaret Langdon has pointed out to me that it may not be necessary to posit the = boundary

after both the oblique prefix and the directional prefixes, but rather one = boundary before the objectprefix slot in the verb complex.

33 Since /MQ=/ ends in a vowel lexically, it could alternatively be claimed that rule (54) followsi-Deletion.

34 Accordingly, that rule should be restated with an optional stronger boundary before the short lowvowel.

Also see §2.5.14 for examples where the sequence MQ=PV does in fact turn up as a separate word.

38

This rule devoices and spirantizes an unstressed o when it follows k and precedes the special boundaryfollowed by a vowel, a single consonant followed by a vowel, or a consonant cluster whose firstmember is an oral, nonback consonantal segment. The following forms illustrate the operation of thisrule.

(55) a. M9=U-RCPU½: he will run like him.

b. M9=V-RCPU½: did he run like him?

c. M9=[Q-RCPU½: he ran like him

d. M9=!-CÖ-U Give it to him to drink! IMP-AUG-drinke. M9=M-CÖ-U he who gives it to him to drink

NOM-AUG-drinkf. CP� M9=CKU½MV Come in (pl.)!

in IMP/go/PLg. MQÖ=∅-OZM Take it to him!

h. MQ=O-U-CÖM9VKO you will cover up with it

i. MQ=!R-UCÖM9VKO I will cover up with it

j. MQ=M-QO-RCPU½: Don't run like him! IMP-NEG-run

This rule precedes o-Epenthesis since it is not bled by that rule (cf. (55j)).

There are two other reasons for claiming these forms to be prefixes and not separate words. Theyhave a fixed position with respect to the verb; they never occur elsewhere. And finally, the thirdperson form conditions a special suppletive allomorph of the imperative prefix (cf. §2.5.7).

2.4.4. Oblique nee object prefixes

The generalization given above for the object and oblique prefixes do not account for the (b) sentencesin (56-58) because an oblique prefix occurs when an object prefix is expected and the expected thirdperson oblique clitic does not appear.

(56) a. OC-!-U-PKR !C-!C2sO-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECLI will hit you (with a closed fist).

b. !G!G��VKMQO��OG-!-U-PKR��!C-!Cstick that 2Ob-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECLI will jab you with that stick.

(57) a. CPQ��!KO-UKÖ-!��!C-!Cin 1sO-IRR-put AUX-DECLHe will inject me.

b. RGPKUKNKÖPC��MK!��CPQ��!G-UKÖ-!��!C-!Cpenicillin the in 1Ob-IRR-put AUX-DECLHe will inject me with penicillin.

(58) a. :GRG��MQO��MQ=PV=K-U-QÖU½K��!C-!Csea the 3Ob-away-OM-I1RR-take AUX-DECLHe will take him into the sea.

39

b. :GRG��MQO��KPV=OG-U-QÖU½K��!C-!Csea the away-2Ob-IRR-take AUX-DECLHe will take you into the sea.

The sentence that might be expected for (56b), given the generalizations of the previous sections, isungrammatical.

(59) *!G!G��VKMQO� M9=OC-!-U-PKR��!C-!C stick that 3Ob-2sO-1sS-IRR-hit AUX-DECLI will jab you with that stick.

Note also that the oblique prefix /MQ=/ in (58a) precedes the directional prefix, but the prefix /OG-/ in(58b) follows it. Given this fact and the fact that the sequence oblique prefix followed by object prefixnever occurs on the surface, I propose that a morphological rule such as the following is part of thegrammar of Seri. It will convert the expected sequence */MQ=!KO-/ to /!G-/, and */MQ=OC-/ to /OG-/.To account for (58b) it must also change sequences such as */MQ=PV=OC-/ to /PV=OG-/. Hence thevariable X is included.35

(60) [+OBLIQUE] = X [αPerson ] ⇒ ∅ 2 3 [αPerson ] 1 2 3 [+OBJECT] 1 [+OBLIQUE] 4 4

This rule eliminates an unacceptable morpheme sequence while preserving an overt marking of anoblique nominal through the change in form of the marking for the object nominal. Since the output ofrule (60) does not affect the boundary following the object prefix, it predicts that the oblique prefixnee object prefix will condition k-Epenthesis (cf. §2.3.7). Example (61) shows that this prediction isborne out.

(61) VCN��MC!��OG-U-MO-CU½V��!C-!Cember the/FOC 2Ob-IRR-NEG-tattoo AUX-DECLHe will not tattoo you with charcoal.

This characteristic distinguishes “derived” oblique prefixes from “basic” oblique prefixes.

2.5. Miscellaneous verb prefixes

In this section I will discuss other prefixes that occur on the verb, except nominalizing prefixes (whichare discussed in §2.6) and some frozen prefixes (cf. §2.8). Since the distinction between derivationaland inflectional prefixes is not very clear in Seri, if the distinction exists at all, no attempt is made tocategorize these prefixes.

2.5.1. Object marker

The prefix /K-/ (not to be confused with epenthetic K’s) occurs on finite verbs when there is both a thirdperson (final) subject and a third person (final) direct object. (This generalization will be revised in§12.6.) It directly precedes the mood prefix in finite forms. Accordingly, the object marker occurs in(62c) and (62f).

35 As would be expected by the way the rules are formulated, rule (60) bleeds rule (41).

(iii) KVC"M -KRK��!G-OC-U-MO-C!V��!C-!C 3Ob/1sO-2plS-IRR-NEG-see/PL AUX-DECLYou (pl.) will never see me again.

40

(62) a. !CRVMQ��!-[QÖ-!Q I already saw it.

b. !CRVMQ��O-[QÖ-!Q You already saw it.

c. !CRVMQ��K-[QÖ-!Q He/She/It already saw it.

d. !CRVMQ��!C-[QÖ-!V We already saw it.

e. !CRVMQ��OC-[QÖ-!V You (pl.) already saw it.

f. !CRVMQ��K-[QÖ-!V They already saw it.

g. !CRVMQ��OC-!-[QÖ-!Q I already saw you.

h. !CRVMQ��!KO-O-[QÖ-!Q You already saw me.

i. !CRVMQ��OC-[QÖ-!Q He/She/It already saw you.

This prefix also occurs on (subject) nominalized forms (cf. §2.6.1) when the final stratum istransitive, regardless of the person of the direct object.

(63) /!KO-M-K-CU½V/

�!KO-M-� "-U½V he who tattoos me1sO-NOM-OM-tattoo

In such forms it usually deletes by i-Deletion (21) or Vowel Deletion (16), however, and thus appearssuperficially primarily only when followed by a root beginning with a short low vowel, as in (63)above.

(64) a. /M-K-VKU/

M-VKU he who points at itNOM/OM-point=at

b. /M-K-CÖHM/

M-CÖHM he who pounds itNOM/OM-pound

One other place in which this morpheme surfaces in subject nominalized forms is before roots withshort high front vowels, such as /-KU½K/ defeat: M-K-KU½K�he who defeats him. This morpheme is anexception to Vowel Deletion (16) in just those cases.

The object marker does not undergo the lengthening that generally is associated with Short LowVowel Deletion (cf. §2.3.2); note that the stressed vowel is short in (63).

2.5.2. Negative

The negative prefix is /O-/. The numerous allomorphs are derived by rules already discussed:k-Epenthesis (33) and o-Epenthesis (37) (and in chapter 1, m-Assimilation, Glottal-nasal metathesis,and Nasal lenition). It directly follows the mood prefix.

(65) a. RQ-O-CVC: if he doesn't go....IRR-NEG-go

b. /V-O-RCPU½:/

V-QO-RCPU½: Didn't he run?RL-NEG-run

c. /O-V-O-CC/

KO-V-MO-CC Don't you know it?2sS-RL-NEG-know

41

d. /K-V-O-RKÖ/

�K-V-MQO-RKÖ Didn't he taste it?OM-RL-NEG-taste

Complex sentences which involve negation, such as those in (66), involve dependent irrealis clausesfollowed by an independent, negative clause.

(66) a. U½KÖ:��M-KÖ-UC:��U½Q��!CMK:��R-KÖ!thing NOM-have-spirit a somewhere IRR-be

!KU½K-RQ-U½C:9��!C-U-CÖV� "MRCP��VC��!KU½K-K-O-C!-K!C1plO-IRR-talk=to 1plS-IRR-work AUX 1plO-NOM-NEG-say-DECL

Nobody told us to work.

b. KÖU��KVK��R-KÖ!��VC��K-V-MO-C!Q-!Q

3P/fruit on IRR-be SR OM-RL-NEG-see-!QHe didn't see any fruit on it.

2.5.3. Infinitive

The infinitive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /KMC-/ occurs in superficially intransitive clauses,and /K!C-/ (plus an ablauting of an immediately following vowel) in superficially transitive clauses.The ablaut rule is given below, as well as examples. (The final C of these prefixes often deletes, ofcourse, by Vowel Deletion (16).)

(67) Ablaut (minor rule)Ö V → [+lo ] / + ___ [-lo] [-lng]

(68) a. KMC-OGMG to be lukewarm

b. KM-Q-VKU to point (detrans.).

c. KMC-R-CU½V to be tattooed PASS-tattoo

d. K!C-RK to taste

e. /K!C-QÖMVC/

K!-CMVC to look at

f. /K!C-KÖR/ to carry on head

K!-GR

g. /K!C-QÖP/ to carry

K!-GP

Ablaut (67) feeds Fronting (27), as in (68g); the root of this verb is /-QÖPGM/, and the G conditions thefronting of the ablauted QÖ before it deletes by Syncope (cf. §4.1.2). Ablaut (67) feeds the backing rulediscussed in §4.4.4. Thus an ablauted pretonic K surfaces as C rather than as G: /K!C-K-VCOV/ K!-C-VCOV�(INF-have-sandal) to have sandals, /K!C-KVCN!C"Ö/ K!CVCN!C"Ö to buy. It is also important to notethat the vowel of an object or oblique prefix does not delete by (16) before an infinitive or possessiveprefix.

(69) OC-K!C-U½V (2sO-INF-tattoo) to tattoo you

OC-K!C-VKU� (2sO-INF-point=at) to point at you

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2.5.4. Detransitivizer

Most transitive verbs are marked by the prefix /Q-/ (plus Ablaut) if the notional object is unspecified.(The syntax of these verbs is the topic of chapter 13.) The verb is superficially intransitive.

(70) a. V-Q-VKU Is he pointing?

b. V-Q-UCPZ Is he carrying (someone) on his back?

c. /V-Q-CR/

V-QÖ-R Is she basket-sewing?

d. /OK-Q-C!KVKO/

O-QÖ-!KVKO He is eating.

This morpheme also causes a root-initial high vowel to lower and shorten; it will therefore be marked[+Ablaut (67)]. The Q itself will delete by Vowel Deletion (16) in the following cases.

(71) a. /V-Q-KÖR/

V-GR Did she carry on head?

b. /V-Q-KPZ/

V-GPZ Did he yell?

c. /V-Q-KU½K/

V-GU½K Did he defeat?

This o also feeds Coalescence (26), as seen by the following examples.

(72) a. /:Q-Q-CUPK/

�:9C-UPK She roasted!

b. /:Q-Q-VKU/

:9C-VKU He pointed!

Coalescence does not apply in the derivation of detransitivized verbs with roots beginning with highfront vowels, however, as seen by the following examples.

(73) a. /:Q-Q-KÖR/

:-GR She carried on head!

b. /:Q-Q-KPZ/

:-GPZ He yelled!

c. /:Q-Q-KU½K/

:-GU½K He defeated!

It is not possible to prevent Coalescence from applying by ordering it after Vowel Deletion (16) sincethat would bleed it in all derivations. It is not clear how this would be best handled, but I propose(following a suggestion by G.H. Matthews) that the following ad hoc rule applies before Coalescence,bleeding it in the crucial cases.

(74) Q → ∅ / + ___ + V [-lo ] [-bac]

This rule also predicts that any prefix having the shape /Q-/ will pattern similarly. This prediction willbe shown to be true in §2.6.2. An argument will be given in §2.5.7 that this vowel is present in theunderlying form.

43

I have found only one verb beginning with Q with which this prefix can be used: /-QK/ delouse.

(75) a. /V-Q-QK/

V-Q-CK Did he delouse?

b. /:Q-Q-QK/

:9C-CK He deloused.

In the derivation of toai Ablaut bleeds Coalescence, indicating the order in which these rules mustapply. In neither form does the Q delete by Vowel Deletion (16), however. Since another morpheme,the object nominalizer (cf. §2.6.2), has an allomorph /Q-/ with an ablaut trigger which likewise doesnot delete by Vowel Deletion (16), I propose that the following rule be added to the grammar.

(76) A morpheme with the shape /Q-/ that is marked [+Ablaut (67)] is also marked [-VowelDeletion (16)].

A few simple verbs are detransitivized without using this morpheme.

(77) Transitive Detransitivized/M-K-CKZ/

�M-K-KZ M-CKZ he who brings water

/M-K-CO9Z/

�M-K-O9Z M-CO9Z he who hunts

/M-i-CVCZM/

�M-K-VCZM M-CVCZM he who vomits

The root /-CQO/ beg for is detransitivized by replacing the short a with a long C: M-CÖQO�he whobegs. The root /-C/ grind, a stress-retracting verb (cf. §5.1), is detransitivized by removing the stress-retraction feature: /M-K-CÖ/ � "MC he who grinds it, /M-CÖ/ MCÖ he who grinds.

Finally, there is no evidence that verbs whose stems begin with long low vowels use themorpheme /Q-/ when used intransitively.36 If Q were present in the string at the time Coalescenceapplied, it would feed that rule; the form :CÖHM�He pounded! (*:9CÖHM) shows that it does not.Assuming the Q is present underlyingly, however, rule (74) might be revised to delete this morphemeprior to the application of Coalescence in this case also.

(78) Q� → ∅ / + ___ + V [–lo ] [–bac] [+lo ] [+lng ]

2.5.5. Passive

The passive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /R-/ (plus Ablaut (67)) before vowel-initial roots,and /CÖ!-/ elsewhere, including before prefixes (but see (80) below). (Passive constructions are dis-

36 Accordingly, augmented verbs (cf. §2.5.6) typically do not show evidence of having beenprefixed with o. But the o does occur before the allomorph /M-/, as in M-Q-M-CÖKZ�he who causes(unspecified) to sway.

44

cussed in §§12.2-3.)

(79) a. V-R-CR Was it sewn (basket)?

b. V-R-CÖQ Was it passed (place)?

c. /V-R-KU½K/

V-R-GU½K Was he defeated?

d. /V-R-QÖP /

V-R-CP Was it stirred?

e. V-CÖ!-MCU½PK Was he bitten?

f. V-CÖ!-CÖ!-KVCZ Was it made to burn?RL-PASS-AUG-burn

I am aware of two vowel-initial roots which take the allomorph /CÖ!-/; Ablaut (67) also applies.They are: /-QÖU½K/ take and /-KVC !C"Ö/ buy/sell. 37

(80) /MQ=PV=[Q-CÖ!-QÖU½K/ he was taken to the sea

:GRG��MQO��MQ=PV=[-CÖ!-CU½Ksea the 3Ob-away-DIST-PASS-take

Many, but not all, verbs whose roots begin with a long low vowel undergo a shortening rule whenthe passive morpheme precedes. The verbs in (81a) have underlying long vowels which shorten, whilethose in (81b) have underlying long vowels which do not shorten. The verbs are cited in the subjectnominalized form (cf. §2.6.1).

(81) a. !C-R-CVZ what was pounded

!C-R-CMC what was entrusted

!C-R-CHM what was pounded

!C-R-CK38 what was made

!C-R-CV what was cooked (in the ashes)

b. !C-R-CÖKU: what was cleaned

!C-R-CÖKV what was followed

!C-R-CÖQ which (place) was passed

(Also see §2.5.6 for some cases involving augmented verbs.) Apparently every verb root beginningwith a long low vowel will have to be marked for whether or not it undergoes the following minorrule.

(82) Passive shortening: V → [–lng] / PASS + ___

I am claiming that the second allomorph of the passive prefix has a long vowel in its underlyingform even though it is short phonetically. The same claim will be made for the various allomorphs of

37 For examples of the latter: !G=[-CÖ!-CVC !C"Ö (3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-sell) I was sold it. (animpersonal passive form of the verb /-KVC !C"Ö/. see §12.3.1 and §12.5); and !-CÖ-VC !C"Ö (NOM-PASS-buy) what was bought. It is not clear why the surfacer form of the latter is as it is rather than*!CÖ!CVC !C"Ö since rule (91) does not apply.

38 The root for do/make in passive forms is actually quite clearly with a long iÖ [!CRC"KÖ]. This ispresently unaccounted for.

45

the augment prefix discussed in §2.5.6. The reasoning is the following: these vowels behave like longvowels in all cases and never like short low vowels. Positing long underlying vowels therefore resultsin the simplification of several rules and enables us to express a generalization. The fact that thesevowels are short phonetically follows automatically since, as stated in chapter 1, vowel length isdirectly related to stress. It is automatically predicted, therefore, that unstressed prefix vowels will beshort phonetically. At this point I will give only one reason why long underlying vowels should beposited for these prefixes. Other arguments will be presented in later sections when the pertinent dataare introduced. Each of these arguments is, in addition, an argument for positing long vowels in Serirather than geminate vowel clusters.

The first argument is that the vowel of the passive prefix does not delete by Short Low VowelDeletion (14). Compare:

(83) a. Short low vowel /[Q-CHR/

[QÖ-HR he arrived

b. Long low vowel /K-[Q-CÖHM/

K-[-CÖHM he pounded it

c. Passive prefix /[Q-CÖ!-MCU½PK/

[[C!MCU½PK] he was bitten

Unless the passive prefix has an underlying long vowel, the operation of Short Low Vowel Deletionwill have to be restricted to root-initial short low vowels. While this modification is not unreasonablein itself, the fact that a number of not identical modifications similar to this would have to be made toother rules as well argues in favor of the abstract analysis.

The glottal stop of the passive prefix deletes under the following conditions:39

(84) !-Deletion: ! → ∅ / !� V ___ + C

(85) a. /!C-CÖ!-UCPZ/

!-CÖ-UCPZ who was carried NOM-PASS-carry=on=back

b. /!K-!-CÖ!-MCU½PK/

!K-!-CÖ-MCU½PK my being bitten 1P-NOM-PASS-bite

2.5.6. Augment

The augment prefix occurs in various constructions which are discussed in more detail in chapter 14. Itis most commonly used in “causative” and “benefactive” constructions, from which are drawn theexamples cited below. This prefix has several allomorphs which are basically suppletive. (There are afew verb roots on which different derived verbs are formed by affixing different allomorphs of theaugment. These do not provide convincing evidence that different morphemes are involved, however.)The spell-out rule for the most common allomorphs of this morpheme is given in (86).

39 Although the rule is given as a general phonological rule, I do not know of any other morphemes

to which it applies. It does not apply, for example, to the form M-CÖ!-C"Ö!PKZ he who makes it quiver.

46

(86) AUGMENT ⇒ CÖ / ___ C

CÖ / ___ [a class]

M [+Ablaut (68)] / ___ [M class]

CÖM / ___ V [+lo ] [–lng]CÖM / ___ [CÖM class]

CÖ! / ___ V

The only allomorph which occurs before consonant-initial roots is /CÖ-/ (cf. (87a-b)). Before a numberof roots, all of which begin with a short low vowel, the allomorph /CÖ-/ also occurs (cf. 87c-d). Beforea small number of vowel-initial roots the allomorph /M-/ occurs (cf. 87e-f); this allomorph also triggersAblaut (67). Before the majority of short low vowel-initial roots, however, the allomorph /CÖM-/ occurs(cf. 87g-i). When the root is that of a lexically transitive verb, an o occurs as a link morphemeimmediately following it.40 The allomorph /CÖM-/ also occurs before a few o-initial roots (cf. 87j-k).41

Elsewhere the allomorph /CÖ!-/ occurs (cf. 87l-m).

(87) a. -CÖ-RQMV fill full

b. -CÖ-PGÖRPK make stooped stooped

c. /-CÖ-CMU:/

-CÖ-MU: awaken (tr.)

d. /-CÖ-C!KV/

-CÖ-!KV feed; fish eat

e. -M-CU½: tear torn

f. /-M-KÖVM/

-M-GVM drip drip

g. -CÖM-CPQZ burn burn

h. -CÖM-CKUMCP make hard hard

40 I assume that the insertion of this link morpheme occurs after the spelling out of the augment

prefix. The rule would look as below.

(iv) ∅ → Q / +(CÖ)M + ___ + Vtr[

Thus /M-CÖM-CV KO/ (NOM-AUG-stoke) → MCÖMQ¸ÖV KO he who helps to stoke it, and /MQ=!R-U-Q-M-COZM/ (3Ob-1sS-IRR-D-AUG-bring) → MQ!RUQMQ¸ÖOZM I will betray him.

41 The allomorph /CÖM-/ also occurs unexpectedly before the root /-CÖ KO/Ö M-CÖM-CÖ KO he whoplays with it.

47

i. /-CÖM-Q-CO:/

-CÖM-QÖ-O: accuse say

j. -CÖM-QÖP-:-QV help carry carry-X-ot

k. -CÖM-QÖMVC show look=at

l. -CÖ!-CÖU dissolve dissolve

m. -CÖ!-QK make blue blue/green

Even this complicated distributional statement is incomplete, however. The augmented form of aderived verb root such as /-K-VCÖUK/ have name is formed by replacing the initial K with /CÖ-/: /-CÖ-VCÖUK/name (tr.). This process also extends to morphologically opaque verb roots with stress on the secondsyllable: /-KVC"Ö!C/ be ready, /-CÖVC"Ö!Q/ make ready; /-K:Q¸PZ/ be loose, /-CÖ:Q¸PZ/ loosen. A few o-initial roots have augmented forms which appear to be formed by a special ablauting of the initialvowel.42

(88) a. -QÖURQZ be spotted -CÖURQZ write; draw

b. -QÖHKP pass by -CÖHKP move household

c. -QKRZ be crossways -CKRZ put crossways

d. -QÖRQV be paid -CKRQV pay

The “benefactive” form of /-CÖURQZ/ write; draw, which is itself an augmented form (cf. 88a), isformed by adding the allomorph /CÖ!-/ to the root /-QÖURQZ/; /-CÖ!-QÖURQZ/ help write (*make spotted).No form is “augmented” twice.

Augmented forms are problematic morphologically in at least two more respects. A fewaugmented forms, all of which have stress on the first syllable superficially, take the allomorph /R-/ ofthe passive, in violation of the generalization given in §2.5.5 according to which the allomorph of thepassive is /CÖ!-/ before prefixes.

(89) Base Augmented Passivea. -CMU: -CÖ-MU: -R-C-MU: be awake

b. -CMVKO -CÖ-MVKO -R-C-MVKO be cut

c. -CUQV -CÖ-UQV -R-C-UQV borrow

d. -CR:9 KO -CÖ-R:9 KO -R-C-R:9 KO broken

It is not clear how these facts should be handled. One possibility would be to alter the analysis of theaugment in these verbs; rather than a prefix, it could involve a lengthening or ablaut of the root-initialvowel. Another possibility would be to claim that the augmented forms are lexicalized without theprefix boundary. Note that the passive forms all involve the shortening of the low vowel by Passiveshortening (82). If the augmented forms are not entered as units in the lexicon, the roots of these verbswill have to carry a marker indicating that when augmented they undergo Passive shortening.

42 In all cases the derived low vowel acts like a long vowel, but in (88c-d) it is phonetically short.

The i in the augmented form of /-QÖRQV/ is also anomalous.

48

Augmented forms are problematic morphologically in that they form their stems and pluraldifferently from the base verbs quite often. These facts are discussed in chapter 14.

It is claimed that the vowels of these prefixes are underlyingly long for the same reasons as for thepassive prefix. It is not a very abstract analysis in this case, however, because when the augment prefix/CÖ-/ precedes a short low vowel-initial root, as in (87c-d), it will receive the primary stress of the wordand remain phonetically long. The allomorph /CÖ!-/ also remains long in forms such as -C"Ö!-CÖ (-AUG-accompany) since the root /-CÖ / is a root that retracts the primary stress to the preceding syllable(cf. chapter 5).

Spell-out rule (86) provides another argument for not interpreting phonetically long vowels asgeminate vowel clusters. The clause specifying the environment for /CÖM-/ would have to becomplicated in the same way as shown in (18) above if geminate vowel clusters are posited rather thanlong vowels.

The vowel of the augment prefix deletes in the example in (90a), but no vowel deletes in (90b-d).The rule is given as (91).43

(90) a. /V-CÖ!-CÖM-Q-CU½K:-QV/

�V-CÖ!-M-QÖ-U½K:-QV Was he caused to cut it? RL-PASS-AUG-D-cut-ot

b. V-CÖ!-CÖ!-KVC: Was it made to burn?RL-PASS-AUG-burn

c. /!K-!-CÖ!-MCU½PK

�!K-!-CÖ-MCU½PK my being bitten 1P-NOM-PASS-bite

d. U-CÖ!-CVC !C"Ö it will be boughtIRR-PASS-buy

(91) V → ∅ / V C ___ C +[–str] [+lo] [+cns]

!-Deletion (84) is fed by rule (91) when the latter deletes the vowel of the augment prefix in formssuch as the following.

(92) /!C-CÖ!-CÖM-CVC:/

�!-CÖ-M-CVC: who was caused to go NOM-PASS-AUG-go

2.5.7. Second person imperative

The second person imperative has several suppletive allomorphs. The following spell-out rule, withordered clauses, specifies the various shapes of this prefix. 44

43 Given the formulation of the rule as in (91), it is not clear why the a deletes in the passive of

/-CKRQV/ (-AUG/paid)Ö V-CÖ!-KRQV Was it paid?

44 Rule (60) must apply before (93) since the allomorph of the imperative morpheme which occurswhen a third person oblique and the first person singular object cooccur is /!-/. An example is!G-!-CÖUKVKO (3Ob/1sO-IMP-fool) Fool me!

49

(93) Second Person Imperative ⇒

∅ / First Person Singular Object ___M / ___ Negative∅ / Third Person Oblique ___ V

[+lo ] [-lng]

M / ___ V [+lo ] [-lng]∅ [+Ablaut (68)] / ___ V and the clause is superficially intransitive [+lo ] [+bac]! / ___

The imperative prefix is /∅-/ when it is preceded by the first person singular object prefix /!RQ-/.

(94) a. K!RQ-∅-UCPZ Carry me on your back.

b. K!R-∅-QÖMVC Look at me!

c. K!R-∅-KÖRZM Wrestle me!

d. K!RQÖ-∅-U½V Tattoo me!

e. K!RQ-∅-O-QÖMVC Don't look at me!

When the imperative prefix is followed by the negative morpheme (and not preceded by /!RQ-/, theallomorph /M-/ occurs.

(95) a. M-O-CVC: Don't go!

b. M-O-Q-VKU Don't point!

c. M-QO-VKU Don't point at it!

d. MQ-M-QO-RCPU½: Don't run like him!

The allomorph /∅-/ occurs also when the imperative morpheme is preceded by the third personoblique prefix and directly followed by a short low vowel.

(96) a. /MQ=∅-COZM/

MQÖ=∅-OZM Take it to him!

b. /MQ=∅-CVC:/

!Q!TC�MQÖ=∅-VCZ Go like a donkey!

Before such vowels when not preceded by the third person oblique prefix, the imperative morphemehas the shape /k-/.

(97) a. M-CVC: Go!

b. M-GOGP Winnow it!

c. !G=M-CU½MCO Come (pl.) to me!

Except for the cases already mentioned above, when the vowel following the imperative morpheme isnot a high front vowel and the clause is superficially intransitive, the allomorph /∅-/ plus Ablaut (68)occurs.

(98) a. /∅-QKV/

CKV Dance!

50

b. /∅-QÖU/

CU Sing!

c. /∅-Q-KPZ/

GPZ Shout!

d. /∅-Q-UCPZ/

C-UCPZ Carry on your back!

e. /∅-CÖPR:

CÖPR: Go home!

f. /∅-QVGZC/

GVGZC Stagger! (cf. Fronting (27))

The imperative prefix is /!-/ elsewhere.

(99) a. !-KÖO Sleep!

b. !-QÖMVC Look at it!

c. !-CÖHM Pound it!

d. /!-OCK/

K!-OCK Be quiet!

e. /!-MCÖ/

K!-MCÖ Look for it!

f. /!-!GÖVKO/

K!-!GÖVKO Lope!

These facts provide evidence for the claim that the vowels of the augment prefix are underlyinglylong, although they are short phonetically. This analysis predicts that the allomorph /M-/ will not occurwith augmented verbs, and the allomorph /∅-/ will not occur when augmented verbs are preceded bythe third person oblique prefix. Rather, the allomorphs /∅-/ and /!-/ respectively are predicted tooccur. The following data bear out these predictions.

(100) a. !-CÖ!-QK Make it blue!

b. /∅-CÖ-C!KV/

∅-CÖ-!KV Fish! IMP-AUG-eat

c. /MQ=!-CÖM-Q-CU½K:-QV/

M9=!-CÖM-QÖ-U½K:-QV Make him cut it! 3Ob-IMP-AUG-D-cut-ot

Unless underlying long vowels are posited, the pertinent clauses of spell-out rule (93) will have to becomplicated to refer to root-initial short low vowels only.

This spell-out rule also provides an argument for positing the underlying form /V-Q-KPZ/ for VGPZ(RL-D-shout) even though the Q must be deleted by an ad hoc rule (cf. (78)). The underlyingrepresentation predicts that the corresponding imperative will take the zero allomorph and not the /!-/allomorph since the vowel immediately following is a back vowel. If the Q were not present in theunderlying representation, the spell-out rule would have to contain an extra clause that would looksomething like (100).

51

(100) ∅ / the verb is detransitivized

This clause would have to be ordered to follow the clause that gives the allomorph /∅-/ [+Ablaut].Clearly, a generalization is being missed.

2.5.8. First person plural imperative

The first person imperative prefix has two suppletive allomorphs: /UC-/ [+Ablaut] when the clause issuperficially transitive, and /UMC-/ when the clause is superficially intransitive.

(101) a. UC-RMQÖ[Q Let's taste it!

b. /UC-CÖKU½K/

U-CÖKU½K Let's make it!

c. /UC-CO:QZ/

�UC-O:QZ Let's say it!

d. /UC-QÖMVCO/

�U-CMVCO Let's look at it!

e. /UC-QÖPGM/

�U-GPGM Let's carry them!

f. /UC-KOQUCO/

�U-GOQUCO Let's beg for it!

g. UMC-OCK: Let's be quiet!

h. /UMC-CÖPKR:CV

�UM-CÖPKR:CV Let's go home!

i. /UMC-QÖU½C/

�UM-QÖU½C Let's talk!

j. /UMC-Q-CKVQ MC/

�UM-Q-KVQ MC Let's eat!

When the negative morpheme follows this prefix, the negative morpheme is moved to follow the sof the imperative prefix. The rule, given as (102), precedes all phonological rules, and is illustrated bythe forms in (103). It feeds o-Epenthesis (37).

(102) U (M) C + O + ⇒ 1 4 2 31 2 3 4

(103) a. /UC-O-CU½KCZM/

�UOCU½KCZM Let's not cut it!

b. /UMC-O-Q-CU½KCZM/

UQOMQÖU½KCZM Let's not cut!

c. /UMC-O-CÖ-VKMRCP/

UQOMCÖVKMRCP Let's not work!

52

2.5.9. First person restrictive

The typical first person singular subject prefix /!(R)-/ is omitted when the first person restrictive prefixoccurs. (For the position of the latter, see (1).) This prefix typically occurs in conjunction with the firstperson restrictive pronoun !CV3¸Ö. It has two suppletive allomorphs: /MCÖ-/ when the final stratum isintransitive, and /CÖ-/ (plus Ablaut (67)) when the final stratum is transitive. 45

(104) a. /UK-O-MCÖ-CVC:/

!CVGÖ��U-QO-MCÖ-VC:��!C-!C1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-go AUX-DECLAs for me, I won't go.

b. /UK-MCÖ-HKV/

!CVGÖ��U-MCÖ-HKV��!C-!C1REST IRR-1REST-stand AUX-DECLAs for me, I will stand up.

c. /UK-MCÖ-R-CU½V/

!CVGÖ��U-MCÖ-R-CU½V��!C-!C1REST IRR-1REST-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECLAs for me, I will be tattooed.

d. /UK-O-CÖ-C!KV/

!CVGÖ��U-O-CÖ-!KV��!C-!C1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-eat AUX-DECLAs for me, I won't eat it.

e. �/UK-O-MCÖ-Q-C!KVKO/

!CVGÖ��U-QO-M-QÖ-!KVKO��!C-!C1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-D-eat/MULT AUX-DECLAs for me, I won't eat.

f. /UK-CÖ-RKÖ/

!CVGÖ��U-CÖ-RKÖ��!C-!C1REST IRR-1REST-taste AUX-DECLAs for me, I will taste it.

g. ��/OK-CÖ-QÖMVC/

!C:��O-CMVCjust PROX-1REST/look=at......I think; lit., ...I look at it

h. ��/UK-CÖ-KPZ/

!CVGÖ��U-GPZ��!C-!C1REST IRR-1REST/yell AUX-DECLAs for me, I will yell at him.

45 Margaret Langdon has made the interesting observation that the segment M turns up with

significant frequency in the intransitive allomorphs of morphemes in Seri. While this segment is not aseparate morpheme synchronically, it may be assumed that it was at some earlier stage of thelanguage.

53

2.5.10. Times

In chapter 11 I argue for a raising analysis of the “times” construction. The prefix which occurs in thisconstruction when raising is involved and also in age and “doubling” constructions (also discussed inchapter 11), has two suppletive allomorphs: /CÖ!-/ before the roots /-CV:Q/ many and /-KR:C/ few, and/CÖ-/ plus Ablaut (67) elsewhere.46

(105) a. -CÖ!-CV:Q many times

b. /-CÖ-CU½Q/

�-CÖ-U½Q once

c. /-CÖ-QÖMZ/

�-CMZ twice

d. -CÖ-U½Q:9M four times

The age construction and the “times” construction differ, however, when certain numbers areinvolved. These numbers all involve the verb /-KÖ!/ be in simple constructions. In the age construction,either this verb or the verb /-C!/ do may be used, as in (106a-b). In the “times” construction, only theverb /-C!/ prefixed by /CÖ-/ may be used, as in (106c).

(106) a. !CPV�VQOMQZ�M9=V-KÖ! Is he seven years old?year

b. !CPV�VQOMQZ�M9=K-V-C! Is he seven years old?

c. Q:��KÖ-∅-!��VQOMQZ�M9=V-CÖ-! Did he do thus seven times? 3P-NOM-do

2.5.11. Unspecified subject

When the (final) subject of a verb is not overtly specified in the clause, the prefix /MC-/, which Iwill call the Unspecified subject prefix, occurs. See (1) for its position.

(107) a. /UK-O-MC-OKÖ!/

!CM:��U-QO-MC-OKÖ!��!C-!Csomewhere IRR-NEG-US-not=exist AUX-DECLOne won't die.

b. /[Q-MC-MKÖ!/

KVK��[Q-M-KÖ!on DIST-US-beOne, (speaker included) used to live on it (the island).

c. /MQ=V-MC-CÖ-C!KV/

�M9=V-M-CÖ-!KV3Ob-RL-US-AUG-eatIf one fishes with it...

46 I am not perfectly content with this analysis, however, since the derived vowel of (105c) seems

phonetically long to me, just as it is in (105b).

54

d. /RQ-MC-C :/��/UC-QÖMVCO/

RQ-MC- :��U-CMVCOIRR-US-go/PL 1plIMP-look=at/PLLet's go look at it.

It is not necessarily the case that the final subject of the clause is unspecified semantically; the personswho go in the first clause of (107d) are the same as those in the second clause. Both verbs are markedfor plural subject agreement. This prefix does not occur in finally transitive clauses. In such cases apassive structure occurs instead. 47

This prefix is also used with the third person possessive prefix. See §2.6.3 and §2.7.2.

2.5.12. Verbalizer /K-/

A transitive verb meaning have X, where X is a noun, can be made out of certain noun stems (bothnative and borrowed) by prefixing the noun stem with /K-/. As noted in §2.3.4, this K does not delete bye-Deletion (21). The derived verb may also occur detransitivized.48

(108) a. /!-UK-K-MCRQV/

�K!-U-K-MCRQV��!C-!C I will have/put on a jacket. 1sS-IRR-have-jacket AUX-DECL

b. !-K-VCOVIMP-have-sandal Put on your sandals.

c. /M-K-CUC:/

�M-KÖ-UC: one who is aliveNOM-have-life

d. /M-K-COV/

M-K-OV one who has breastsNOM-have-breast

e. M-K-!G!G one who has stick; chiefNOM-have-stick

2.5.13. Verbalizer

A stative verb can be formed from certain nouns by simply affixing verb morphology.

(109) a. -!CKV be bloodyblood

b. -!QÖRCVZ be wavy (sea)waves

47 In a sentence such as If one is bitten..., a noun such as MOKMG person is used as the final subject.

(v) MOKMG��R-CÖ!-MCU½PK��VC-:person IRR-PASS-bite SR-UT

48 Thus VKVCOV Is he wearing sandals? and KVKVCOV Is he wearing them (as sandals)? are bothpossible.

55

c. /-!C-C:U½/

�-!C-:U½�� be irritableABS-pet

d. -!GUGP be rigidironwood

Before a derived noun the prefix /K-/ must be used to form the derived verb.

(110) -K-M-QÖRQ be dark NOM-black

2.5.14. Directionals

Two directional prefixes occur before a few verbs. They are /OQ=/ toward and /PV=/ away. Theseprefixes, like the oblique prefixes, are attached with a stronger boundary (cf. (51)). The roots withwhich they occur include: /-CÖ/ move, /-KÖP/ return, /-QÖU½K/ take, and /-QKV/ descend. The o of /OQ-/deletes by Vowel Deletion (16) as well as by a rule that is discussed in §5.2 where other idiosyncrasiesof these verbs are discussed. It remains in (111a-b) only because the primary stress is retracted fromthe root to the prefix.

(111) a. OQ¸=M-CÖ he who comes

b. OQ¸=!-CÖ Come!

c. KPV=� "M-CÖ he who goes

d. /OQ=KMC-KÖP/

�O=KM-KÖP to return

e. /OQ=M-QKV/

�KO-M-QKV that which descends

f. /OQ=!-QÖU½K/

�KO=!-QÖU½K Bring it! (i.e., Give it to me!)

g. MQ=PV=M-QÖU½K he who takes it away

h. OQ=M-MGÖV: he who brings it

Since the Q of /OQ=/ can delete by Vowel Deletion (16), as in (111d), that rule must bereformulated to allow the stronger boundary to be present. The O of this prefix also obligatorilymetathesizes with a following glottal stop (cf.§1.2.2).

2.6. Nominalizers

Nominalized verbs are ubiquitous in Seri sentences. Most embedded clauses are nominalized, as wellas many dependent and independent clauses. Some of the basic facts will be discussed below. Otheraspects of nominalizations will be discussed more fully in chapter 9.

2.6.1. Subject (nonfuture) nominalizer

When the (final) subject of a nonfuture relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, anominalized form of the following structure occurs.

(112) Oblique-Dir.-Object-NOM-OM-NEG- PASS - AUG - root D X

This is the only nominalized form in which the object marker (OM) occurs.

56

The nominalizing prefix, which I call the subject nominalizer, has three suppletive allomorphs.The allomorph /K-/ occurs when followed by the negative morpheme, as in (113); /!C-/ occurs whenfollowed by the passive morpheme, as in (114); /M-/ occurs elsewhere, as in (115).

(113) a. /K-K-O-C!KV/

�K-O-C!KV who doesn't/didn't eat itNOM/OM-NEG-eat

b. /K-O-Q-CR/

�K-O-QÖ-R who is/was not basket-sewingNOM-NEG-D-sew=basket

c. K-O-CVC: who doesn't/didn't goNOM-NEG-go

d. K-O-R-C!KV what is/was not eatenNOM-NEG-PASS-eat

e. K-O-CÖ!-UCPZ who is/was not carried on backNOM-NEG-PASS-carry=on=back

(114) a. !C-R-C!KV what is/was eatenNOM-PASS-eat

b. /!C-R-KU½K/

�!C-R-GU½K who is/was defeatedNOM-PASS-defeat

c. /!C-R-QÖP /

�!C-R-CP what is/was stirredNOM-PASS-stir

d. /!C-CÖ!-UCPZ/

�!-CÖ-UCPZ who is/was carried on backNOM-PASS-carry=on=back

e. /!C-CÖ!-CÖM-CVC:/

!-CÖ-M-CVC: who is/was caused to goNOM-PASS-AUG-go

f. /!C-CÖ!-CÖ!-KVC:/

�!-CÖ!-CÖ!-KVC: what is/was made to burnNOM-PASS-AUG-burn

(115) a. M-CVC: who is/was goingNOM-go

b. /M-K-CR/

M-K-R who is/was sewing itNOM-OM-sew=basket

c. /M-K-CÖHM/

�M-CÖHM who is/was pounding itNOM/OM-pound

xii

Chapter 13 briefly discusses the syntax of clauses with unspecified direct objects. Chapter 14discusses the syntax of clauses with verbs preceded by the “augment” prefix. No one syntactic orsemantic generalization is found to describe all of the occurrences of this prefix.

Chapter 15 discusses the switch reference (change of subject) marking system. It is shown that it isneither a change of surface or deep subject which is marked. A notion of ‘first subject’ is proposed.

Chapter 16 is a morpheme by morpheme analysis of a text consisting of one hundred multiclausesentences.

Two appendices of verb paradigms are included.

57

d. /M-Q-CR/

�M-QÖ-R who is/was basket-sewingNOM-D-sew=basket

e. /M-K-CÖM-CVC:/

�M-CÖM-CVC: who is/was making him goNOM/OM-AUG-go

2.6.2. Object (nonfuture) nominalizer

When the (final) direct object of a nonfuture relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, theobject nominalized form occurs. The structure is the same as that given in (112) except that apossessive prefix precedes the nominalizer. The possessive prefix indicates the final subject of therelative clause. The object nominalizer has the following suppletive allomorphsÖ

(116) Object Nominalizer ⇒∅ / ___ NegativeQMQ / ___ [class QMQ]

! / ___ K +∅ / ___ V [–lo ] [–bac][ / ___ V [+lo ] [+lng]Q [+Ablaut (68)] / ___

Before the negative morpheme a zero allomorph occurs. (The object nominalized form with thirdperson subject is therefore identical superficially with the negative subject nominalized form discussedin §2.6.1, and may in fact be the historical source for that form. The forms are synchronically distinctsyntactically.)

(117) a. OK-∅-O-GOGP what you don't/ didn't winnow2P-NOM-NEG-winnow

b. K-∅-O-COU½Q what he doesn't/didn't want3P-NOM-NEG-want

c. !K-∅-O-QÖMVC what I don't/didn't look at1P-NOM-NEG-look=at

Before two verbs the allomorph /oko-/ occurs.

(118) a. /!K-QMQ-C!Q/

!-QMQÖ-!Q what I see/saw 1P-NOM-see

b. /OK-QMQ-CC/

O-QMQ-C what you know/knew2P-NOM-know

Before the prefix /K-/ (cf.§2.5.12) the allomorph /!-/ occurs.

58

(119) a. OK-!-K-!C:9 what you have/had as a spoon2P-NOM-have-clam

b. OK-!-K-MCOKU½ what you have/had as a shirt2P-NOM-have-shirt

This allomorph is expected to occur before any prefixal K. It in fact also occurs before the morpho-logically aberrant stem /-KVC !C"Ö/ buy/sell which has primary stress on the last syllable: !K-!-KVC !C"Öwhat I sell/sold.

Before high front root vowels a zero allomorph occurs.

(120) a. /!K-∅-KR/

!-∅-KR what I straighten/straightened

b. /!K-∅-KÖ/

!-∅-KÖ what I hear/heard

c. /OK-∅-KÖM/

O-∅-KÖM what you plant/planted

Before long low vowels the allomorph /[-/ occurs. This allomorphy provides another argumentthat the allomorphs of the augment prefix begin with underlyingly long vowels.

(121) a. /!K-[-CÖU½K/

K!-[-CÖU½K what I carry/carried

b. /OK-[-CÖM-Q-CU½K:-QV/

�KO-[-CÖM-QÖ-U½K:-QV whom you help/helped to cut2P-NOM-AUG-D-cut-ot

Elsewhere the allomorph /o-/ plus Ablaut (68) occurs.

(122) a. /!K-Q-MGUGZM/

�!-Q-MGUGZM what I gnaw/gnawed

b. /!K-Q-CHOQZ/

�!-QÖ-HOQZ what I gather/gathered (firewood)

c. /K-Q-RKÖ/

�Q-RKÖ what he tastes/tasted

d. /OK-Q-QÖMVC/

�O-Q-CMVC what you look/looked at

e. /OK-Q-QK/

�O-Q-CK whom you delouse/deloused

One exception to the latter is the singular stem of own/have (cf. §2.7.2 for discussion).

2.6.3. (Nonfuture) Action/oblique nominalizer

The nonfuture action/oblique nominalized form has numerous uses, which are discussed below. Thestructure of this nominalized form is the same as that given in (112) except that a possessive prefix,indicating the final subject, precedes the nominalizer. The rule deleting the K of the possessive prefixbefore the nominalizer /[-/ is discussed in §2.7.2. The allomorphs of this nominalizer are as shown in

59

(123).

(123) Action/oblique Nominalizer ⇒

!K / ___ Stand

∅ / ___ V [+lo ] [–lng]

C

! / ___ Passive

[ [+Ablaut (67)] / ___ V and the clause is superficially intransitive 49

[+lo ] [+bac]! / ___

This nominalizer has the shape /!K-/ before the verb /-CR/ stand.

(124) ��/K-!K-CR/

:KMC��!K-MQV��K-!KÖ-R��MQKthings 1P-with 3P-NOM-stand thethe people who were with me

This morpheme has a zero allomorph before other verbs which begin with short low vowels andwhen followed by a consonant.

(125) a. /!K-∅-CU½K:/

!KÖ-∅-U½K: my cutting it

b. /!K-∅-GOGP/

�!KÖ-∅-OGP my winnowing it

c. !K-∅-MQÖ:C my babysitting him

d. !K-∅-O-CU½KZ my not cutting it

e. /!K-∅-R-KV C/

!K-∅-R-GV C my being poked

The allomorph /!-/ occurs before the vowel-initial allomorph of the passive morpheme.

(126) /!K-!-CÖ!-MCU½PK/

�!K-!-CÖ-MCU½PK my being bitten

The allomorph /[-/ with an ablaut trigger occurs when the following morpheme begins with a(long) low vowel or a back vowel and the clause is superficially intransitive.

(126) a. /!K-[-QVZ/

�K!-[-CVZ my arising

49 A notable exception is the verb /-CÖR / be cold which takes the allomorph /!-/.

60

b. /OK-[-Q-CU½K:/

�KO-[-C-U½K: your cutting 2P-NOM-D-cut

c. /K-[-CÖ!U½:/

[-CÖ!U½: his sneezing

The action nominalizer is /!-/ elsewhere.

(127) a. !K-!-KR my straightening it

b. !K-!-KÖR my carrying it on my head

c. !K-!-QÖMVC my looking at it

d. !K-!-CÖHM my pounding it

This nominalization is the one which occurs a) in complement clauses, b) in relative clauses whenneither the (final) subject or direct object of the relative clause is coreferential with the head noun, c)as a nominal meaning the way in which ... and d) as a nominal referring to the fact of the action orstate. The following examples illustrate these uses. The nonfuture mood of this nominalization is notrelevant in its use in complement clauses.

(128) a. UCÖTC�MK!�U½KÖ:��U½Q�M9-OK-!-CÖ-!KV��K!-OKÖ-OU½Q the thing a 3Ob-2P-NOM-AUG-eat 1sS-PROX-wantI want you to feed Sarah something.

b. jWCP�MK!��!CM:��K-∅-OKÖ!��MK!��!CPV��O-QÖMZ the somewhere 3P-NOM-not=exist the year PROX-twoJuan died two years ago.

c. !CPV��KVK��!C:QZ��!KÖ-∅-U½MCO��VC!CM��MQO�"ÖU��!C-R-C!land on shore 1P-NOM-arrive/PL that NOM-PASS-sayThe place where we beached—called Komi:s...

d. MCPQ¸C�CP��!KÖ-∅-!MC boat in 1P-NOM-be

the boat that we were in

e. MCPQ¸C�MQO�OKU½Z�!CPV��M9-K-∅-R-C:MKO��CMboat the well land 3Ob-3P-NOM-PASS-put thewith respect to the boat's being piloted

This nominalization is also used to refer to more abstract notions.

(129) a. K-∅-MCO his life alive

b. /K-∅-CK:CZ/

K-∅-K:CZ his strength strong

c. K-!-KUK his youth small

d. !CM:��M9-K-∅-OKÖ! his deathsomewhere not=exist

61

e. /MQ-K-!K-CR/

!CR:��M9-K-!KÖ-R his birthoutside stand

f. OK-∅-OQMGRG your sickness sick

g. K-∅-MQU½KO the heat hot

h. K-!-CÖR the cold cold

i. K-∅-!COQM the night night

If the person involved is not specified, the prefix /MC-/ (cf. §2.5.11) occurs before the root.

(130) a. K-∅-MC-OCVZ fever hot

b. K-∅-MC-OQMGRG sickness sick

c. /K-∅-MC-CKVQO/

K-∅-MC-KVQO speech; word talk

d. /K-∅-MC-CK:CZ/

K-∅-MC-K:CZ strength strong

e. K-∅-MC-RKVQ indigestion bloated

This nominalization is also used in relative clauses to explicate the purpose for which the headnoun is used. If the verb is intransitive, the unspecified subject prefix occurs, as in (131). If the verb istransitive, the relative clause must passivize, as in (132).

(131) a. /K-∅-MC-CÖM9VKO/

U½KÖ: K-∅-M-CÖM9VKO blanketthing 3P-NOM-US-cover=oneself

b. /K-∅-MC-Q-C!KV/

U½KÖ:��KVK��K-∅-M-QÖ-!KV platething on 3P-NOM-US-D-eat

c. /K-∅-MC-Q-CR/

U½KÖ:��K-∅-M-QÖ-R awlthing 3P-NOM-US-D-sew=basket

d. K-∅-MC-OQVGV sinker heavy

62

e. /K-∅-MC-Q-MQ:C/

K-∅-M-Q-MQ:C lullaby babysit

f. /K-∅-MC-QÖU/

K-∅-M-QÖU song sing

(132) a. /K-∅-R-KOV/

GÖPKO��K-∅-R-GOV whetstoneknife rub

b. !G-!G��K-∅-R-CMQVKO axewood chop

c. /K-!-CÖ!-MCRVC:/

!G-!G��K-!-CÖ-MCRVC: drillwood pierce

d. /K-!-CÖ!-HCKP/

U½KÖ:��CP��K-!-CÖ-HCKP wrapperthing in tie=up

2.6.4. Future nominalized forms

The irrealis prefix /UK-/ occurs in all future nominalizations in the position where the nonfuturenominalizers occur in other nominalized forms. The auxiliary particle MC (cf. §3.5) follows these formswhen they occur in relative clauses. The object marker /K-/ does not occur with these nominalizations.

(133) a. /UK-CVC:/

�UKÖ-VC:��MC who will go

b. /UK-O-CVC:/

�U-O-CVC:��MC who will not go

c. /UK-CUK/

�UKÖ-UK��MC who will drink it

d. /UK-O-CUK/

�U-O-CUK��MC who will not drink it

e. /UK-Q-C!KVKO/

�U-QÖ-!KVKO��MC who will eat

f. /UK-R-C!KV/

�U-R-C!KV��MC which will be eaten

g. /UK-O-R-C!KV/

�U-QO-R-C!KV��MC which will not be eaten

The future forms in (134) are what correspond to the nonfuture object nominalized forms. Thesediffer from other nominalizations, however, in that they are identical to finite irrealis forms. Subjectperson prefixes occur instead of possessive prefixes. These are therefore not nominalized formsstructurally. The auxiliary particle !C follows these forms.

63

(134) a. /!-UK-O-CUK/

�K!-U-MO-CUK��!C which I will not drink

b. /!C-UK-CUKQZ/

�!C-UKÖ-UKQZ��!C which we will drink

c. /K-UK-MCV: C/

�K-U-MCV: C��!C whom he will bite

d. /OC-UK-QÖPGM/

�OC-U-QÖPGM��!C which you (pl.) will carry

The forms in (135) are future action/oblique nominalized forms.

(135) a. /!K-UK-CÖM9VKO/

�!K-U-CÖM9VKO��!C what I will cover up with cover=oneself

b. /OK-UK-CU½MCO/

�OK-UKÖ-U½MCO��!C that you (pl.) will be coming arrive/PL

c. /!K-UK-C!MC/

CP��!K-UKÖ-!MC��!C that we will be inin exist

d. /K-UK-R-CMQVKO/��

!G-!G��K-U-R-CMQVKO��!C what wood will be chopped withwood 3P-IRR-PASS-chop AUX

e. /K-UK-CÖ!-CÖ!-QÖRQ /��

!CÖV��MQK��CP��K-U-CÖ!-CÖ!-QÖRQ ��!C� what torote will be made black intorote the in 3P-IRR-PASS-AUG-black AUX

f. /K-UK-MC-CÖ-OQKÖZ/��

U½KÖ:��K-U-M-CÖ-OQKÖZ��!C thing that one will mend withthing 3P-IRR-US-AUG-encircled AUX

g. /K-UK-CÖ-OQKÖZ/

U½KÖ:��K-U-CÖ-OQKÖZ��!C thing that he will mend withthing 3P-IRR-AUG-encircled AUX

2.6.5. Hybrid forms

A type of hybrid form—one which has characteristics of both finite and nominalized forms—occursbefore the phrase !C:�V-C!-QKÖ�!C:�O-CÖ (just RL-PASS-feel just PROX-be) as if .... (This is the onlycontext in which these hybrid forms occur, so far as I know.) While the verb of a negative clauseoccurs in a simple nominalized form, as in (136),

(136) OK-∅-O-C!KV��!C:�V-C!-QKÖ�!C:�OC2P-NOM-NEG-eatit is as if you were not eating

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the verb of a non-negative clause occurs in the subject nominalized form with a subject person prefixbefore it. The object marker occurs in two places—before the nominalizer, as if the form were finite,and after the nominalizer, as if the forms were nominalized. The forms in (137) are the hybrid forms.

(137) a. /!-M-K-C!KV/

�K!-M-K-!KV I ate it. 1sS-NOM-OM-eat

b. /K-M-K-C!KV/

�K-M-K-!KV he ate it Om-NOM-OM-eat

c. /OC-M-K-CKVQZ/

�OC-M-K-KVQZ you (pl.) ate it 2plS-NOM-OM-eat/PL

d. /!R-M-Q-CR/

�K!R-M-QÖ-R I am basket-sewing 1sS-NOM-D-sew=basket

This form is even more bizarre in that the “active” allomorph /M-/ of the subject nominalizer occursbefore the passive morpheme in personal passives (cf. §12.2). The expected “passive” allomorph /!C-/occurs before the passive morpheme in impersonal passives, however. (138a) is an example of apersonal passive and (138b) is an impersonal passive.

(138) a. /O-M-R-CU½V/

�KO-M-R-CU½V you were tattooed 2sS-NOM-PASS-tattoo

b. OCU½K-!C-R-CU½KVKO you (pl.) were tattooed2plO-NOM-PASS-tattoo/MULT

2.7. Noun prefixes

There exists little inflection on nouns in Seri compared to that occurring on verbs. The only prefixeswhich occur are discussed below.

2.7.1. Absolutive prefix

Inalienably possessed nouns always occur with either a possessive prefix or the absolutive prefixwhich is /!C-/ with most nouns, as in (139a-b), but /!CR-/ with some kinship terms, as in (139c). Thesenouns consist almost entirely of two types: they either have consonant-initial stems, as in (139a), orputatively short low vowel-initial stems, as in (139b). (In the latter case, the root-initial vowel willnever show up. The stress will occur on the prefix vowel as a result of Short Low Vowel Deletion(14).)

The allomorph /!CR-/ occurs with kinship roots beginning with the short low front vowel G (withperhaps one exception). The allomorph /!C-/ occurs with all other roots.

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(139) a. !C- KV head

!C-PCK skin

!C-PGÖOZ nose ornament

!C-R:CUK flesh

!C-VCUV tooth

!C-VCÖK loin cloth

!C-[C: belly

!C-U½OKÖ-V mother's brother

b. /!C-CPQ /

�!C-PQ hand and arm

/!C-CR /

�!C-R tongue

/!C-COQU½/

�!C-OQU½ heart

/!C-C:/

�!C-: liquid; sap

/!C-CQPCO/

�!C-QPCO hat

/!C-GOG/

!G-OG camp; home

c. /!CR-GOCU½/

!C-R-GOGU½ father's mother

/!CR-GK/

!CR-GG father

/!CR-GCU½/

!CR-GGU½ mother's father

/!CR-GVC/

!CR-GVG mother

but seeÖ

!CR-CMQO wife

Two additional rules are needed. Rule (140) will front the C of roots such as /-GOCU½/ father'smother when an G precedes (in a counterbleeding order with i-Lowering, cf. §1.2.13). The a of theseroots surfaces when the G deletes by Short Low Vowel Deletion (14) following a prefix vowel.

(140) Fronting: C�→ G / G C10 ___

The i of !CRGG father (m.s.) lowers by the following ruleÖ

(141) i-Lowering: K → G / G ___

This rule also applies in the derivation of the form [UG"ÖG] Let's hear it!. The imperative prefix /UC-/causes the ablaut of the first vowel of the root /-KÖK/, and (141) lowers the second vowel. The K�of a

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prefix also lowers following the e of an oblique prefix: /!G=K!C-GU:9/ !G=K!-GU:9 [!G!G"U:9] to hideit from me.

2.7.2. Possessive prefixes

The following possessive prefixes occur on both noun stems and nominalized verbs.

(142) Set A Set B1st !K- ~ !C- ~ !CVK- !K-

2nd OK- ~ OC- OC-

3rd K- C-

Set B possessive prefixes occur on all kinship roots, as in (143b), and Set A possessive prefixes occurelsewhere, as in (143a).

(143) a. !K- KV my head

/!K-CVC/

�!K-VQ my eye

OK-PCK your skin

/OK-COCU/

�OK-OCU your body hair

K-R:CUK his/its flesh

/K-[C:/

�[C: his/its belly

b. !K-OCÖM my older brother (f.s.)

/!K-CRCU½/ my father's father

OC-P[CÖM your older brother

/OC-GOCU½/

�OC-OCU½ your father's mother (m.s.)

/OC-GK/

�OC-K your father

C-OCÖM her older brother

/C-GVC/

�C-VC his/her mother

It is important to discuss the rule by which the K of a possessive prefix deletes before [, as in/K-[C:/ [C: its belly, and /!K-[CPQ¸ÖRZ/ K![CPQ¸ÖRZ my fist. First of all, only the K of the possessiveprefixes and the verbalizing prefix /K-/ have, as in /M-K-[GÖP/ (NOM-have-face) M[GÖP who has a face,delete before [. The examples in (144) show that the object marker /K-/ and the i of the plural objectprefixes do not delete before [.

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(144) a. /K-[Q-C!C/

�K-[QÖ-!Q He saw him. OM-DIST-see

b. /!KU½K-[Q-C!Q/

�!KU½K-[QÖ-!Q He saw us. 1plO-DIST-see

The K’s of the possessive prefixes do not delete before any [, however. As noted above, they deletebefore the [ of a noun stem. They also delete (when unstressed) before both the action/oblique and theobject nominalizers /[-/, as in /!K-[-QVZ/ i!yatx my arising, except when an oblique prefix precedesthe K (of the third person possessive prefix) as in (145). (145d) shows that the deletion takes placewhen a directional prefix precedes the K.

(145) a. VQM �M9=K-[-CKÖ��CMthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL thetheir being there

b. M9=K-[-CVZ��CM3Ob-3P-NOM-arise thehis arising

c. /MQ=!K-[-QVZ/

MQ-!-[-CVZ��CM3Ob-1P-NOM-arise themy arising

d. /OQ=K-[-QKV/

KO=[-CKV��CMtoward-3P/NOM-descend theits descending

They also do not delete before the initial [ of a verb root, as in /!K-∅-[CÖK/ !K[CÖK my traveling, and/K-∅-[C:C/ K[C:C its being pregnant. 50 The rule deleting K can be formalized as in (146).

(146) i → ∅ / Z ___ X[ Y[-str]Conditions: X J V, Z J Oblique prefix

The distinction between kinship and nonkinship forms is illustrated even more strikingly by thevarious forms of the verb /-CÖ / accompany (cf. chapter 5). The subject nominalized passive form is!C-R-C"!CÖ who is/was accompanied, spouse. The form !K-[-CÖ (1P-NOM-accompany) means the onewhom he/she accompanies respectively. The kinship relation for second and third person is expressedby the forms OCÖ �and CÖ . If the latter are to be derived from the verb /-CÖ /, however, an objectnominalizer other than the expected /[-/ must be posited for the kinship forms in the second and thirdpersons.

50 The i deletes in the morphologically aberrant object nominalized forms of /-[CÖ/ own which are

discussed in §2.7.4. The i does not delete before this verb root in the action nominalized form!K-∅-[CÖ my owning it.

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The allomorphs /!C-/ and /OC-/ for the first and second person possessive in set A occur onlywhen the possessor is plural and it is following by [, regardless of whether the [ is part of the root or anominalizer.

(147) a. /OC-[-Q-CKVQZ/

�OC-[-C-KVQZ your (pl.) eating 2plP-NOM-D-eat/PL

b. !C-[CPQ¸ÖR our fists

c. OC-[CPQ¸ÖR your (pl.) fists

The morpheme /!CVK-/ for first person singular possessive occurs when exclusive possession isindicated (cf. !CVG"Ö, the first person restrictive pronoun, and §2.5.9).

(148) a. !CVK-VCUV��K-:CÖK the root of my tooth tooth 3P-root

b. !CVG"Ö��!CV-[CÖ-!C It's mine.1REST NOM/own-DECL

The possessive prefixes do not otherwise indicate number since plural inalienable nouns generallyindicate plural possessor as well.

(149) a. !K- KV my head

b. !K- KVMQZ out heads

Where plurality of possessor and plurality of noun do not coincide, additional forms generally exist, asshown in (150).

(150) a. /!K-CVQ/

�!K-VQ my eye

b. /!K-CVQZ/

�!K-VQZ my eyes

c. /!K-CVQ MQZ/

�!K-VQ MQZ our eyes

An unspecified possessor may be indicated by the unspecified subject prefix /MC-/ (which willalways appear on the surface as k) before the third person possessive prefix.

(151) a. /MC-K- KV/

�M-K- KV one's head

b. /MC-K-VQZ/

�M-K-VQZ one's eyes

c. /MC-K-CR /

�M-K-R one's tongue

2.7.3. Root types

Almost half of the primary kinship stems begin with M.

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(152) a. -MCÖM daughter's child (f.s.)

b. -MGOGU½ husband's mother (f.s.)

c. -MCOCU½ son's wife

It is possible that explanation for this fact is to be found in the reanalysis of nominalized verbs. Somekinship relations are still expressed through verbs.

(153) a. /OK-Q-[CMZ/

�O-Q-[CMZ the one you call sibling

b. /OK-∅-KÖMGV/

�O-∅-KÖMGV the one you carried in your womb

c. /!KO-M-K-CÖU½K/

�!KO-M-CÖU½K the one who carried me—my father 1sO-NOM/OM-carry

d. /!KO-M-K-K-CRCU½/

�!KO-M-K-RCU½ 1sO-NOM/OM-have grandfatherthe one who has me as grandfather—my grandchild

the relationship expressed by (153d) has an alternate, !K-MKRCU½ (1P-grandson), which provides a clearclue to the probable origin of other M kinship stems.

More than half of the body part stems begin with y following by a low vowel.

(154) a. -[C: belly d. -[GU½Z scales

b. -[CÖR neck e. -[GÖUM rattles

c. -[CPQ¸ÖRZ fist f. -[CVQ¸ÖV:9 kidney

The fact that in a number of these roots the stress occurs on the second syllable indicates that thesequence [C is segmentable historically.

As I have already mentioned, nearly all vowel-initial roots begin with a short low vowel. 51

2.7.4. Possession of alienable nouns

Possession of alienable nouns is indicated by a relative clause meaning which X owns. A nominalpossessor, if any, precedes the noun.

(155) a. UKOCNQ¸P��MK!��VTQÖMK��[CÖ��MK!�!CMK��V-KÖ! the car 3P/NOM/own the where RL-beWhere is Cimalon's car?

b. ��/!K-[CÖ/��/!-[Q-CÖU½K/

U½CÖ!��!KRK��!-[CÖ��MK!��!-[-CÖU½Kwatch EMPH 1P-NOM/own the 1sS-DIST-carry

:9CÖP��MK!�[CÖ��MK!��OQU��/!-OK-CÖU½K/ the 3P/NOM/own the also 1sS-PROX-carry

51 The only root that I know of which begins with a vowel other than a short low vowel and which

also occurs with the absolutive prefix is the root /-GÖM/ daughter (m.s.).

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I took my own watch; I also took Juan's watch.

c. /!K-Q-[CÖV/

MCPQ¸CVCZ��!-Q-[CÖV��MQK��!CM:��:Q-OKÖ!VQZboats 1P-NOM-own/PL the somewhere EMPH-not=exist/PLOur boats are lost!

The forms of the relative clauses with plural subjects given in (157) are regularly derivednominalized forms of the verb /-[CÖ/ own. This verb is a typical verb in that it may occur as the mainverb of a clause, as in (156).

(156) �/O-V-O-[CÖ/

!C-R-CRZM��U½Q��O-V-MQO-[CÖNOM-PASS-string=beads a 2sS-RL-NEG ownDon't you have any beads?

(157) /!K-Q-[CÖV/

�!-Q-[CÖV which we own 1P-NOM-own/PL

/OK-Q-[CÖV/

�O-Q-[CÖV which you (pl.) own 2P-NOM-own/PL

/K-Q-[CÖV/

�Q-[CÖV which they own 3P/NOM-own/PL

The forms of the relative clauses with singular subjects, given in (158), are irregular in that thenominalizer does not appear and the K of the prefix deletes (cf.. (146)).

(158) /!K-[CÖ/

�K!-[CÖ what I own 1P-NOM/own

/OK-[CÖ/

�KO-[CÖ what you own 2P-NOM/own

/K-[CÖ/

�[CÖ what he/she owns 3P/NOM/own

A few alienable nouns, generally personal items, may be prefixed by the possessive prefixes. Theyinclude: MCPQ¸C boat, GÖPKO�knife, VCÖUC cup, !CO�"ÖIQ friend, RCU½C"ÖVQ shoe, UC!OG"ÖU orange,�RGÖPshoulder yoke, VQO money, !CKV blood, and MCOKU½ shirt. Apparently almost any noun could be soprefixed under special conditions; some plant names are compounds of the form X its-Y where Y is nota typically possessed noun.

2.8. Frozen and nonproductive prefixes

2.8.1. Stative /m-/

A very high percentage of verb stems beginning with m in present-day Seri are stative verbs. A few

71

examples are given below.

(159) a. -OCO cooked; ripe

b. -OCVZ hot

c. -OCUQ yellow

It is possible that the m of these roots was at one time a segmentable prefix. A few pairs of words lendfurther support to this hypothesis (see Sapir 1925).

(160) a. -QKÖZ tubular

b. -OQKÖZ encircled

c. -CÖ-VQOP� inflict damage

d. -OQVQ¸OP weak

e. -GÖUQOCO shy

f. -OGÖUQO undefiled; virgin

One piece of evidence that these O’s are not synchronically segmentable in the normal sense is thefact that they do not condition k-Epenthesis (cf. §2.3.7) which requires a formative boundaryfollowing the m.

(161) /!R-UK-OCUQ /

�K!R-U-OCUQ ��!C-[C Should I be yellow? 1sS-IRR-yellow AUX-INTERR

2.8.2. Nominalizer /!-/

A few noun/verb pairs exist whose relationship is not explainable by any productive word formationprocess. The nouns of these pairs begin with a glottal stop.

(162) Verb Root Nouna. -CÖMCV�52 swim !CMCV shark

b. -CÖMQ build house !CÖMQ house

c. -CÖMPK bowed !CÖMPK bow

2.8.3. /K!K-/

In the following forms a prefix /K!K-/ is prefixed to a verb stem, deriving another verb.

(163) a. /-K!K-CRC/ be left standing

-K!KÖ-RC (cf. /-CR/ stand)

b. /-K!K-KPGZ/

-K!-KPGZ be naked; be exposed empty

c. /-K!K-KÖZ/

-K!-KÖZ be left seated sit

The following verbs may also involve this prefix.

52 This verb has a long vowel phonologically but a short vowel phonetically. See §5.4.

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(164) a. -K!�"ÖOGV be married

(cf. !GOG camp)

b. -K!�"VCM be stripped to waist

(cf. -CVCM bone)

2.8.4. Negative

A few verbs have obviously incorporated the negative prefix as part of the stem. Since the O issynchronically part of the stem, these O’s do not condition k-Epenthesis (cf. §2.3.7) and the verbs maybe prefixed by the negative morpheme.

(165) a. !CM:��-OKÖ! die

somewhere not=exist (cf. -iÖ! be)

b. -OKÖ!�� scarcenot=exist

c. -OQMG"RG sick

(cf. -QMG"RG comfortable)

d. !CÖ��-OCMQ� be difficult

there (cf. !CÖ�-CMQ�easy)

2.8.5. Passive

A few verbs have incorporated the passive morpheme as part of the stem. Since the R in the forms in(166) is synchronically part of the stem, it does not condition the allomorph /!C-/ of the subjectnominalizer.

(166) a. M-RCÖKU: what is clean

(cf. M-CÖKU: he who cleans it; !C-R-CÖKU:�what was cleaned)

b. M-RCVZ what is crushed

(cf. M-CÖVZ who pounds)

c. M-RCVZM what is spread apart

(cf. M-CÖVZM who spreads apart)

Unlike “true” passives, the roots can be preceded by the augment prefix: M-CÖ-RCVZ who crushes,M-CÖ-RCVZM�who spreads apart. The verb -RCMVC be, as in the phrase Q:�V-RCMVC�OC (thus RL-be SR)it was thus...; then... is obviously derived historically from /-R-QÖMVC/ (-Pass-look=at). This etymologyis still reflected by the fact that the allomorph of the subject nominalizer used with this verb is still/!C-/ which otherwise occurs only before the “productive” passive prefix. The form is no longersyntactically passive since it does not act like a passive form with respect to impersonal passives (cf.§12.3) and switch reference marking (cf. chapter 15) and since it can be preceded by the augmentprefix, unlike true passive forms: -CÖ-RCMVC do.

Finally, the following stems occur with and without the passive prefix. With respect to the subjectnominalizer morphology the prefix is not synchronically the true passive prefix since the allomorph/M-/ occurs. With respect to the action/oblique nominalizer, however, the prefix does act like the truepassive prefix in that the allomorph /!-/ occurs, and that !-Deletion (84) applies.

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(167) a. M-CÖ!-MCK that which remains lack

b. !CPV�M-CÖ!-ZKKV who fallsdown drop

c. /OK-!-CÖ!-ZKKV/

OK-!-CÖ-ZKKV your falling

2.8.6. Augment

A prefix which has the same shape as the augment prefix appears on a number of stems whose rootsdo not occur independently. A few examples are listed below.

(168) a. -CÖ-VQ GM request help for

b. -CÖ-UCOKMV jealous

c. -CÖM-GRGM hunt (deer)

d. -CÖ-9CU½R crush; be crushed

2.9. Rule ordering summary

In this section I will briefly discuss the ordering of the rules discussed in chapter 2.

Spell-out rules are preceded only by rules (43) and (60) since the latter affect the spelling of themorpheme. After the spell-out rules, readjustment rules (41) and (102) apply. Rule (41) bleedsi-Epenthesis (38) and rule (102) feeds o-Epenthesis (37).

The correct surface representation is achieved if the remaining rules apply in the following order.The crucial orderings are noted. Short Low Vowel Deletion (14) and Vowel Deletion (16) applydisjunctively.

(169) 1. Ablaut (67) — bleeds 6, feeds 10 2. i-Deletion (146) — bleeds 3 3. Stress (13) 4. o-Deletion (78) — bleeds 6 5. Coalescence (26) — bleeds 8, feeds 10 6. SLV Deletion (14) — bleeds 15 7. Vowel Deletion (16) 8. o-Spirantization (54) — counterbleeds 12 9. i-Deletion (21) — feeds 12, 1710. Fronting (27)11. k-Epenthesis (33) — counterbleeds 1212. o-Epentheses (37) — bleeds 1713. Vowel Deletion (91) — feeds 1414. !-Deletion (84)15. Fronting (140)16. Lowering (141)17. i-Epenthesis (38)

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I now believe that there is, perhaps, a better analysis of the so-called “abilitative” prefix discussedin §2.2.5. This seems to be simply the negative realis interrogative (V- plus O-) spoken with specialintonation and rhetorical effect.

The analysis of the first person plural imperative given in §2.5.8 has been superseded by that ofMarlett 1994a. We now know that the morphology is simply a concatenation of the Irrealis prefix /UK-/followed by the first person restrictive prefix. This accounts for the rather bizarre “metathesis”presented in §2.5.8.

I no longer use the label first person restrictive since it can be misleading. Rather, I use firstperson emphatic (see Marlett 1990).

In Marlett 1990 I present the inflectional system of Seri in some detail. In that article, I suggestsomewhat tentatively (and have adopted since then) the alternative analysis whereby the so-calledoblique agreement is really indirect object agreement. The range of semantic roles associated with thisagreement morphology is still interesting, however.

Kinship terminology is discussed in detail in Moser and Marlett 1989 (in Spanish) and Moser andMarlett 1993 (in English).

The full set of facts with respect to possessive prefix morphophonemics is not presented in §2.7.2,as is made clear in Marlett 1994b. It is simply the case that some noun roots display long vowels andsome display short vowels, but they do not conjugate the way verbs conjugate (where long vowelsinduce deletion of the prefix vowel). These facts await an adequate analysis.

The topic of §§2.8.4 and 2.8.5 (reanalysis of the negative and passive prefixes) is taken up again inMarlett 1996, in more detail and with more argumentation.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1990. Person and number inflection in Seri. International Journal of AmericanLinguistics 56:503-541.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1994a. One less crazy rule. Workpapers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics,University of North Dakota Session 38:57-58.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1994b. Vowel length in Seri possessed nouns. Workpapers of the Summer Instituteof Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session 38:115-116.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1996. Recycled morphology: expanding the Seri lexicon. Paper presented to theSociety for the Study of Indigenous Languages of the Americas, San Diego, California,January 7.

Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1989. Terminología de parentesco seri. Anales deAntropología 26:367-88. Mexico: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.

Moser, Mary B. and Stephen A. Marlett. 1993. Seri kinship terms. Workpapers of the Summer Instituteof Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session 37:21-36.

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Chapter 3Suffix morphology and morphophonemics

In this chapter I will discuss the major suffixes and postclitics which occur in Seri. Suffixes whichmark number and other suffixes which are better treated as part of the verb stem are discussed inchapter 4.

3.1. General suffixes

In this section suffixes of a general nature will be discussed. Any restrictions on order will be noted inthe appropriate section.

3.1.1. Emphatic /-:Q/

The emphatic suffix /-:Q/ occurs following verbs prefixed by the irrealis mood prefix /si-/.

(1) a. OK-P ��MK!�U-U½CV:-:Q2P-fingers the IRR-thorny-EMPHYour fingers will get tiny thorns in them!

b. K!R-U-MO-CR:VKO-:Q1sS-IRR-NEG-pack-EMPHI’m not going to move away!

3.1.2. /-KU/

The suffix /-KU/ indicates mild agreement by the speaker. The K deletes following a vowel that isnot part of the verb stem.1

(2) a. U-CÖVQ-KUIRR-fight-Sure he’ll fight.

b. O-QVGZC-U�PROX-stagger-Of course he staggers!

c. !KO-O-VMO-CÖ-RCVZM-KU1sO-2sS-ABIL-AUG-be=spread=out-Okay, untie me!

d. K!-UKÖ-!KV-:Q-U1sS-IRR-eat-EMPH-Of course I will eat it!

This suffix, which follows the emphatic suffix (cf. (2d)), occurs only on the verbs of independentclauses.

1 Suffixes discussed in chapter 4 behave differently from suffixes discussed in this chapter in this

respect as the former constitute, with the root, the stem of the verb.

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3.1.3. /-Q/

The suffix (or particle) /-Q/ occurs when a nonnegative clause contains the word MQK still, as in (3a-b),and commonly when the clause contains the word mos also; again or !C: just, as in (3c-f).

(3) a. MQK��M-RCPU½:-Q-!Cstill NOM-run-o-DECLHe is still running.

b. MQK��VQÖ:-Q��V-C!MCstill far- RL-existIs it still far away?

c. OQU��M-CO:-Qagain IMP-say-Say it again!

d. !C:��!-KÖO-Qjust IMP-sleep-Just sleep!

e. RGÖFTQ��MK!�!C:��!C-O-QÖMVCO-Q the just 1plS-PROX-look=at-We just looked at Pedro again.

In the above usages, the Q is generally suffixed to the verb of the clause (note that (3b) is an exceptionto this generalization). This suffix also commonly follows a nominal or other word to which specialattention is being drawn. The exact conditions for its usage are not clear.

(4) a. VKMKZ-Q��!CÖ-[Cthat- be-INTERRIs it that one?

b. U½CÖ!��MK!��M-KR:C-Q��KVK��V-QÖHKP��OCday the NOM-few on RL-pass SRJust a few days later...

c. !CUV-Q��M-K-!stone- NOM-OM-dohe who goes for stone

d. !CPV-Q��V-CHRland- RL-arriveDid he arrive by land?

e. !CPV��MQO-Q��KVK��OQ¸-M-CÖ-!Cland the- on toward-NOM-move-DECLIt comes from the earth.

f. !CÖ-Q��[-KÖZthere- DIST-sitHe’s over there.

g. !G-Q��OC-!-OKÖ-!1PRO- 2sO-1sS-RL-doI did it to you.

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3.1.4. /-KRK/

The suffix /-KRK/ occurs in a negative clause containing the word MQK still. While it generally followsthe verb, note that in (5d) it follows another word. (In that particular example it also occurs eventhough the word MQK does not occur.)

(5) a. MQK��M9-V-O-KVC !C"Ö-KRKstill 3Ob-RL-NEG-sell-Hasn’t he sold it yet?

b. MQK��V-QO-OCO-KRK-!Q

still RL-NEG-cooked-ipi-!oIt’s still not cooked.

c. K!-V-MO-KÖO-KRK��OC��OKÖU½MCO1sS-RL-NEG-sleep- SR PROX-arrive/PLBefore I had slept, they arrived.

d. KÖU½C:��!CR:-KRK��V-O-CR��OC��OKÖ- :moon outside- RL-NEG-stand SR PROX-go/PLBefore the moon came up, they went.

e. !G��MQK��U-O-CÖ-!KV-KRK��MC-!C1PRO still IRR-NEG-AUG-eat- AUX-DECLI’m not going fishing yet.

3.1.5. /-!Q/

The suffix /-!Q/ occurs following the verb of a negative independent clause prefixed by the neutralrealis prefix /V-/, as shown in §2.2.1. An epenthetic K precedes the glottal stop when the precedingsegment is a consonant. This epenthesis rule applies only before glottal-initial suffixes.

(6) ∅ → K / C ___ suffix[ !

This suffix also occurs following verbs prefixed by the dependent irrealis marker /RQ-/ to indicate thepossible realization of a past event.

(7) a. :9CÖP��MK!��R-CÖ-!KV-K!Q-V:��RQ-O-CÖ-!KV-K!Q

the IRR-AUG-eat-!o-V:�� IRR-NEG-AUG-eat-!QMaybe Juan went fishing, maybe he didn’t go fishing.

b. RQÖ-RMC-!Q-V:��RQ-O-CRMC-!Q

IRR-rain-!Q-V: IRR-NEG-rain-!QMaybe it rained, maybe it didn’t rain.

The following example illustrates the form of this construction if the event has not yet taken place.

(8) !CÖMCVCZ��CP:9��K-UKÖM9VQZ��RQ-!Q-U

sharks many OM-IRR-kill PL IRR-!Q-KUPerhaps they will kill many sharks.

3.1.6. Declarative /-!K/

The declarative suffix /-!K/ follows a verb prefixed by the realis /V-/. This construction is often usedwhen the speaker is mildly surprised.

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(9) a. V-O-CKUMCP-K!KRL-NEG-hard-DECLIt’s not hard.

b. V-KUZ-K!KRL-cowardly-DECLHe’s cowardly.

c. KM-QÖ-!KV��K!-V-COU½Q-!K�INF-D-eat 1sS-RL-want-DECLI want to eat.

3.1.7. Unspecified time

The suffix /-:/, which occurs mainly on the verbs of dependent clauses, seems to indicate that thespecificity of the time at which the event has taken or will take place is either not relevant or notknown. Compare (10a), which contains the suffix, and (10b), which does not. This suffix follows aswitch reference marker (cf. §3.3) if one is present.

(10) a. V-:VCOV��OC-:��RCM��K!-[QÖ-OZMRL-many SR-UT some 1sS-DIST-bringWhen there are many, I bring some.

b. V-:VCOV��OC��RCM��K!-[QÖ-OZMRL-many SR some 1sS-DIST-bringBecause there were so many, I brought some.

c. OK-P ��MK!��RQ-U½CV:��VC-:��KO-U-QÖ!C��!C-!C2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT 2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECLIf your fingers get thorns in them, you will cry.

d. :KMC��MK!��M-KÖ-UVQZ��MK!��K!OCÖ��MQOthings the NOM-have-spirits the other the

K-V-QÖMVCO-:��K-V-KÖK-:OM-RL-look=at/PL-UT OM-RL-hear/PL-UT

The other people observed him, they heard him....

This suffix may also occur following the relational noun /-CVK/ (cf. §7.14) or the particle MC! (cf.§8.2.5) when a clause is nominalized.

(11) a. !K-!-KÖO��K-VK-:��K!R-RCVZ��VC-:1P-NOM-sleep 3P-on-UT 1sS-IRR/arise SR-UT

!C-UKÖ- :��!C-!C1plS-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECL

When I have slept, when I get up, we’ll go.

b. Q:��K-∅-RCMVC��Q:��K-∅-RCMVC��MC!-:thus 3P-NOM-be thus 3P-NOM-be the/FOC-UTIt was like that, it was like that....; i.e., It was like that for a long time, ...

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3.2. Stress-bearing suffixes

3.2.1. First /-� "Ö/

The stress-bearing suffix /-� "Ö/ indicates some notion of precedence. When this suffix occurs, theprimary stress on the root is reduced.

(12) a. !G��U-KÖO-� "Ö��MC-!C1PRO IRR-sleep-first AUX-DECLI’m going to be the first to sleep.

b. :GRG��PV-V-KÖP-� "Ö��OCsea away-RL-return-first SRWhen the tide first started to rise....

c. K!-[-CÖU½K-� "Ö1P-NOM-carry-firstmy first son

d. U½K:MC"O��K!OC"Ö��!-Q-KM9VQZ-� "Ö��MCÖP MC��VCMQKfish other 1P-NOM-kill-first bass thosethe fish that we killed first, the bass....

3.2.2. True

The stress-bearing suffix /-C"Ö/ indicates some notion of reality.

(13) a. U½KÖ:��M-!CÖ-C"Ö��U½Q��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

thing NOM-be-true a 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!QI don’t know what/who it really is.

b. U-CÖ-VKMRCP-C"Ö-:QIRR-AUG-work-true-EMPHHe’s really going to work!

c. !C:��VQÖ:��V-QÖO-C"Öjust far RL-lie-trueIt was very far away.....

d. UKÖ-HR��VC��V-G"R-GÖ-C"Ö��UKÖHR��!C-!C

IRR-arrive AUX �V-IRR-say-true IRR-arrive AUX-DECLIf he really said he was coming, he will come.

3.3. Switch reference markers

Two markers are used to indicate that the (first) subject of one clause is not coreferent with the (first)subject of the next clause. The system is discussed in detail in chapter 15. Same subject is not marked.The switch reference markers, which occur only on dependent clauses, are VC, on irrealis clauses, andOC, on realis clauses. These markers occur last in the clause-final verb complex except for theunspecified time suffix (cf. §3.1.7) which follows these suffixes. For examples see chapter 15.

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3.4. Suffixes occurring primarily on nominals

3.4.1. Declarative /-!C/

The declarative suffix /-!C/ follows a nominal or a nominalized verb.

(14) a. !CUQ-!Cnet-DECLIt is a net.

b. VCÖUC�MK!��M-!GÖ -K!Ccup the NOM-red-DECLThe cup is red.

c. K-∅-RCPU½:��!-QÖ-OU½Q-!C3P-NOM-run 1P-NOM-want-DECLI want him to run.

d. MOCÖO��!KRMKZ��OQU��!KU½CM-Q��KVK��!CR:��M-CR-K!C

woman this also here-Q�� on outside NOM-stand-DECLThis woman was also born here.

3.4.2. Interrogative

The interrogative suffix /-[C/ follows a nominal or a nominalized verb.

(15) a. U½K:MC"O��M-!GÖ ��!GÖMG-[Cfish NOM-red small-INTERRIs it a small red fish?

b. M-QK -[CNOM-blue-INTERRIs it blue?

c. OG��!CPV��RQ-HKÖ��VC��U-O-CÖ-KVQZ��M-GÖ-[C

1PRO land IRR-! AUX IRR-NEG-AUG-eat/PL NOM-say-INTERRAren’t you going to go fishing tomorrow?

In interrogative sentences with a nominal being questioned (cf. §8.4), this suffix must occur on thequestioned nominal if it does not occur on the predicate. Compare (15a) and (16b).

(16) a. CU½-[C��!CMK:��KPV-KV-CÖ��V-CVC:what-INTERR somewhere away-RL-move RL-goWho went?

b. CU½��M-CÖ-UKÖKZKO-[Cwhat NOM/OM-AUG-move-INTERRWhat is he doing?

3.4.3. Declarative /-!K/

The suffix /-!K/ is used much like the declarative suffix /-!C/ (cf. §3.4.1).

(17) !C:9 �� "-!-QÖO��CM��M9-OK-!-QU½� "ÖV��CMclam 3P-NOM-lie the 3Ob-2P-NOM-go=to the

81

VKÖ:��[GÖP-Q��M-CR-K!K��KMK

3PRO face-Q NOM-stand-DECL toward

OG��K-!-KKP��CM��// ��VCÖ:��CPQ��R-KÖZ��VC-:2PRO 3P-NOM-go the 3PRO in IRR-sit SR-UT

OC-UKÖ-!V��!C-!K2plS-IRR-see/PL AUX-DECL

He will be in Desemboque before you (pl.) arrive there. You will see him there.

3.4.4. /� "!K/

The stressed particle /� "!K/ indicates past time.

(18) a. NCQTQ��MK!��OQU��!KU½CM-Q��KVK��!CR:��M-CR�� "!K

the also here-Q on outside NOM-standLauro also was born here.

b. !G��ZGÖHG�� "!K��!KO-V-MO-CCZ-K!Q

1PRO chief 1sO-RL-NEG-know/PL-!QAlthough I was chief, they don’t know me.

c. !CPV:��OQ¸-O-CÖ��VC:��!G��U½KÖ:��!CR

base toward-PROX-move VC: 1PRO thing deer

M-� "-M9�� "!K // �KM-CO9Z��M-� "[-C�� "!K�NOM-OM-kill INF-hunt/D NOM-OM-know

In the old days I killed deer. I was a hunter.

d. U-QÖU��MC�� "!KIRR-sing AUXHe was going to sing.

e. !G��K-O-QÖ-!KVKO�� "!K1PRO NOM-NEG-D-eat/MULTI haven’t eaten.

3.4.5. /� "Ö/

The stressed particle /� "Ö/, which follows the verb of an independent irrealis clause, replacing anyauxiliary particles (cf. §3.5) that would otherwise occur, emphasizes the certainty of the event.2

(19) a. K!R-U-KÖO�� "Ö1sS-IRR-sleepI’m going to sleep.

b. K-O-CÖ-!KV-K!C��[C:��VQO��U½��K-U-MQO-[CÖ�� "ÖNOM-NEG-AUG-eat-DECL since money a OM-IRR-NEG-ownSince he doesn’t fish he just won’t have money.

The suffix /-KU/ (cf. §3.1.2.) commonly occurs following this particle.

2 It occurs only on independent irrealis forms, so far as I know.

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(20) K!-UKÖ-!KV�� "Ö-U

1sS-IRR-eat -KUI’ll just have to eat it.

3.5. Auxiliary verb particles and related items

3.5.1. Auxiliary verb particles53

The particles MC, !C, RC, and VC occur in various verbal constructions. As the consonants of theseforms all occur in various mood prefixes and nominalizers, these particles are undoubtedlygrammaticized forms of some verb.54

The particle MC follows a future subject nominalized form, as in the examples in (21). Itsrelationship to the nominalizer /M-/ is confirmed by the fact that it must be followed by the declarativesuffix /-!C/ if it is sentence-final, as in (21b).

(21) a. VTQÖMK��MK!��UKÖ-HR��MC��!CMK:��O-KÖ!truck the IRR-arrive AUX somewhere PROX-beThe truck that was going to come is there.

b. !G��U½K:MC"O��MK!��UKÖ-!KV��MC-!C1PRO fish the IRR-eat AUX-DECLI will eat the fish.

c. UKÖ-HR��MC��V-GO-GÖ

IRR-arrive AUX �V-PROX-sayHe said that it’s coming.

The particle !C occurs after other future nominalized forms. As stated in §2.2.7, a verb with theirrealis prefix /UK-/ must be followed by some particle or suffix. In a simple finite clause the irrealisform is often followed by the particle !C which is followed by the declarative suffix /-!C/, as in (22a-b), the declarative suffix /-!K/, as in (22c), or the interrogative suffix /-[C/, as in (22d).

(22) a. OK-P ��MK!��RQ-U½CV:��VC-:��KO-U-QÖ!C��!C-!C2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT 2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECLIf your fingers get thorns in them, you will cry.

b. KO-U-MO-K: ��!C-!C2sS-IRR-NEG-take AUX-DECLYou shouldn’t grab it!

c. K!R-U-RCPKO��!C-!K1sS-IRR-wash=one’s=hair AUX-DECLI will wash my hair.

53 One reason why I consider them to be postverbal particles rather than suffixes is because they do

not act like bound forms phonologically. The rule inserting i given as (6) does not apply before theparticle /!C/. Glottal-nasal metathesis is also less likely to apply with the particle /!C/ (cf. (13) inchapter 1).

54 To be specific, the k of /MC/ corresponds phonologically and syntactically to the subjectnominalizer /M-/, the R of /RC/ to the R of the dependent irrealis form /RQ-/, and the V of /VC/ to thedependent realis form /V-/. The glottal stop of /!C/ has no clear counterpart.

83

d. KO-R-CÖMCV��VQÖ:��KO-UKÖ-U½MKO��!C-[C2sS-IRR-swim far 2sS-IRR-enter AUX-INTERRAre you going to swim out far?

e. RQ-[CÖO��VC��K-U-K: ��!C��V-G"O-GÖ

IRR-later SR OM-IRR-take AUX V-PROX-sayHe will buy them later, he said.

(The glottal stop of the particle !C is extremely lenis, if present at all phonetically, except when theparticle receives a greater degree of stress, as it does when followed by /-!K/ or /-[C/.)

The following examples with the particles RC and VC are taken from Moser 1978.55 Note that theparticles function as dependent verbs in their choice of switch reference marker. In fact, in (23b) and(24b) these particles function as predicates.

(23) a. U½KÖ:��MK!��KO-UKÖ-!KV��RC��VC-:thing the 2sS-IRR-eat AUX SR-UT

OC-!-UK-KÖ:��!C=!C2sO-1sS-IRR-leave AUX-DECL

If you are going to eat something, I’ll leave.

b. OKU½Z��RC��VC��!G-UKÖ-O:��!C-!Cwell AUX SR 3Ob/1sO-IRR-tell AUX-DECLHe will tell it to me correctly.

(24) a. U-QÖ-!KVKO��VC��OC��MVCO��K!OCÖ��MK!��[QÖ-HRIRR-D-eat/MULT AUX SR man other the DIST-arriveWhen he was going to eat, the other man arrived.

b. OKU½Z��VC��OC��!G-[Q-O-CO:well AUX SR 3Ob/1sO-DIST-NEG-tellhe didn’t tell it to me correctly.

The auxiliary particle ta and the interjection :C! occur in fairly fixed form in constructions such asthe following (cf. §3.5.3).

(25� !C-U-Q-MQÖU½:��:C!��VC��!-G"V-[Q1plS-IRR-D-rob/PL AUX 1plS-RL-say/PLWe said that we would rob....

55 Purpose clauses are similar in structure but they typically follow the main clause, as in (i).

(i) [QÖ-HR U-QÖ-!KVKO VCDIST-arrive IRR-D-eat AUXHe arrived to eat.

(ii) !C-R-CRZM��U½Q��!-U-K: ��RCNOM-PASS-hang a 1sS-IRR-take AUX

!KU½��MQ=O=!�"-∅-O-CÖ-!Chere 3Ob-toward-1P-NOM-NEG-move-DECL

I didn't come here to buy beads.

84

3.5.2. The auxiliary use of say

The verb stem /-GÖ/, presumably related to the intransitive verb /-GÖ/ say, is used with futurenominalized forms. It is preceded by the nominalizer /M-/ and followed by either the declarative suffix/-!K/ or the interrogative suffix /-[C/.

(26) a. [C:��M-CÖMQZ��MK!��U½KO9ZM��UKÖ-HR��M-GÖ-[C3P/belly NOM-large the when IRR-arrive NOM-say/D-INTERRWhen is “Big Belly” coming?

b. MOCÖ:��OG��OQÖUPK��MK!-Q��U-O-CÖK��M-GÖ-[C

now 2PRO turtle the-Q IRR-NEG-do NOM-say/D-INTERRAre you going turtle hunting now?

c. !G��U-CÖPR:��M-GÖ-!K1PRO IRR-return=home NOM-say/D-DECLI’m going home.

Future nominalized forms with M-GÖ-[C are used when broaching a new subject. Finite futureforms with !C-[C (cf. (22d)) are used when seeking further information on a topic already introduced.A response to a question with M-GÖ-[C may be a nominalized form followed by MC-!C. A response to aquestion with !C-[C may be a nominalized form with !C-!C or !C-!K. A non-interrogative futureclause that begins a new topic will be a nominalized form followed by MC-!C, MC-!K, or M-KÖ-!K.

3.5.3. The quotative use of say

The intransitive verb /-GÖ/ (cf. §5.1) is used to indicate direct (cf. (27e) as well as indirect quotes. Whenthis verb follows an irrealis clause, no suffix follows the auxiliary particle. Switch reference markingalso does not occur between the main clause and the verb say (cf. (27f)). It is precisely because of thishighly restricted syntactic behavior that discussion of this verb is included here. Some examples aregiven in (27).

(27) a. RQ-[CÖO��VC��K-U-K: ��!C��V-G"O-GÖ�

IRR-later SR OM-IRR-take AUX V-PROX-sayHei said that hei will buy them later

b. RCM��UKÖ-HR��MC��V-G"O-GÖ�

some IRR-arrive AUX V-PROX-sayHe said that some are coming.

c. Q:��U-QO-M-GÖ��!C��V-G"O-GÖ

thus IRR-NEG-US-say/D AUX V-PROX-sayHe said that one should not talk like that.

d. !CPV��RQ-HKÖ��VC��!C-VMO-C :��:C!��!G"-O-[Qland IRR-? SR 1plS-ABIL-go/PL — 1plS-PROX-say/PLWe said that tomorrow we could go.

e. MOCÖ��UM-CVC:��!C:��:C!��V-G"O-[Q

now 1plIMP-go/SG just — V-PROX-sayThey said, “Let’s go right away!”

f. K-PCK ��MK!��K-VCM ��VKPVKMC��K-MK3P-skin the 3P-surface the 3P-side

85

V-ZKU½K��V-G"O-GÖRL-hurt t-PROX-say

He said that his skin hurt.

The verb /-GÖ/ with the unspecified subject prefix /MC-/ in the distal mood is also commonly usedas the last clause of a sentence to indicate that the information is passed-down information. Old storiesare therefore sprinkled liberally with the word [Q¸-M-GÖ, as in (28). Switch reference marking does notoccur before [Q¸MGÖ.

(28) a. VC ��MC!��K-V-CKVQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖember the/FOC OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-sayThey ate embers, it is said.

b. !CPV��:PKV��VCÖ:��MQ-PV-KV-CÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖland 3PRO 3Ob-away-RL-move DIST-US-sayHe went to Xnit, it is said.

The stress on the [Q¸MGÖ is also quite reduced, indicative of its special characteristics.

The form O-G"M-[Q (PROX-US-say/PL) occurs under similar conditions.

(29) K-VQ��MKZ��GÖPO��!-CÖ=:CÖU½C��MK!��CP��!CPV V-QKV��O-G"M-[Q3P-eye the metal NOM-AUG=ooze the in down RL-descend PROX-US-say/PLA bullet lands in his eye, it is said.

3.6. Conjunctive and subordinating suffixes and particles

3.6.1. /-V:/

The suffix /-V:/ conjoins two irrealis clauses between which an alternative is indicated.

(30) a. K!R-UKÖ-VC:��RQ-!Q-V:��K!R-U-MO-CVC:��RQ-!Q

1sS-IRR-go IRR-!o- 1sS-IRR-NEG-go IRR-!QI will go perhaps—or perhaps I won’t go.

b. OG��O-UKÖ-VC:��!C-[C-V:��:9CÖP��MK!��UKÖ-VC:��!C-[C2PRO 2sS-IRR-go AUX-INTERR- the IRR-go AUX-INTERRAre you going to go or is John going to go?

c. !KRMQO��!CÖ-[C-V:��!KOMQO��!CÖ-[Cthis be-INTERR- that be-INTERRIs it this one or is it that one.

3.6.2. /VC:/

The subordinating particle VC: follows an independent clause containing a verb in a realis mood andindicates that the action of that clause and that of the main clause are simultaneous.

(31) a. !C-O-CÖ-VKMRCP��VC: VQO��MQK��!G��M-K-KU½KVQZ-K!C1plS-PROX-AUG-work money the 1PRO NOM-OM-earn-PL-DECLWe worked for money.; more literally, We worked, we earned money.

b. !C-[-CÖ-VKMRCP��VC:��VQO��MQK��!C-[-KU½KVQZ1plS-DIST-AUG-work money the 1plS-DIST-earn/PLWe work for money.

86

c. MQÖ:-Q��KVK��!R-[-KÖ!VKO��!CPV:��OQ¸-O-CÖ��VC:

all-Q�� on 1sS-DIST-be/MULT base come-PROX-moveI walked over all of it (the island) in the old days.

3.6.3. /[C:/

An independent clause followed by the subordinating particle [C: indicates an action or conditionfrom which another action or condition has resulted or will result.

(32) a. !G!G��!C:QZ��M-QKV��MQO��KO-:VCOV��[C:plant beach NOM-descend the PROX-abundantSince driftwood was abundant.....

b. O-CÖ!-CÖR ��[C:PROX-AUG-coldSince he was cold...

c. M-OKÖR C-!C��[C:��!KOQ��!-OKÖ-MCV:NOM-bad-DECL away 1sS-PROX-throwSince it was ruined, I threw it away.

d. TQDGTVQ��MC!��UKÖ-HR��MC-!C��[C: the/FOC IRR-arrive AUX-DECL

U½KÖ:��K!-U-CÖVKO��!C-!Cthing 1sS-IRR-cook/MULT AUX-DECL

Since Roberto will come, I will cook something.

3.6.4. Concessive /KUC:/

An irrealis concessive clause generally occurs in a nonfuture nominalized form and followed by theparticle KUC:.

(33) a. RQÖUZ�MK!�:GRG�CP�!CPV��KO-U-MO-CMCV:��!C-!C��KO-[-CÖ-!KV��KUC:line the sea in down 2sS-IRR-NEG-leave AUX-DECL 2P-NOM-AUG-eatYou shouldn’t leave the net in the sea, even if you are fishing.

b. !CPVC": ��M9-OK-∅-UKÖKZKO��KUC:��K-VCM��U½Q��O-RQ-O-CÖ-MVKOnear 3Ob-2P-NOM-move 3P-bone a 2sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-be=cutEven if you are near, you shouldn’t cut its limb...

An alternative construction which apparently means the same is with the verb prefixed by the irrealisprefix /RQ-/ and suffixed by /-!/.

(34) a. KO-RQ-O-QÖU-K!��KUC:

2sS-IRR-NEG-sing-!Even if you don’t sing....

b. :9CÖP��MK!��MCPQ¸C��U½��K-RQÖ-:K-!��KUC:

the boat a OM-IRR-finish-!

!G��!R-U-MO-CÖ-!KV��!C-!C1PRO 1sS-IRR-NEG-AUG-eat AUX-DECL

Even if Juan makes a boat, I won’t go fishing.

87

3.6.5. Concessive /:Q:/

A realis concessive clause occurs as a finite dependent realis clause followed by the particle :Q:.56

Switch reference marking does not occur on a clause followed by :Q:.

(35) a. CP:9��V-QÖ-!KV��:Q:��O-KVG"9ZMmuch RL-D-eat PROX-thinAlthough he eats a lot, he is thin.

b. !C-V-CÖUZQZ��:Q:��!C-V-MO-CÖUZQZ��!CM:��O-KÖ!1plS-RL-paddle/PL 1plS-RL-NEG-paddle/PL somewhere PROX-beAlthough we were paddling (sometimes), (sometimes) we didn’t paddle.

c. M-K-!Q��MQR��K-V-MO-GMG��:Q:NOM-OM-see the OM-RL-NEG-give

!KRK��M-CKVQO-� "Ö��MK!��!CÖ��PV-KV-CÖ-:EMPH NOM-speak-first the there away-RL-move-UT

VKÖ:-Q��[CÖ-!C

3PRO-Q� 3P/NOM/own-DECL

Although the finder doesn’t give it to him, the first to speak—it is his.

3.6.6. Contrary to fact /RKMK:/

A contrary to fact clause occurs in a nominalized form followed by the particle RKMK:.

(36) a. MCÖ[��VKMQO��K-O-Q:K��RKMK:horse that NOM-NEG-dieIf that horse had not died...

b. OK-∅-O-OQMGRG��RKMK:��!C-UKÖ- :��!C-!C2P-NOM-NEG-sick 1plS-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECLIf you had not been sick, we would have come.

c. !K-!-K-RCU½CÖVQZ��RKMK:��K!R-UKÖ-HR��!C-!C1P-NOM-have-shoes 1sS-IRR-arrive AUX-DECLIf I had had shoes, I would have come. or, If I had shoes, I would come.

3.6.7. /:Q/

The particle :Q conjoins independent clauses the meaning but.

(37) a. M-CÖM-CVQ -K!C��:QNOM-AUG-timid-DECL but

U½KÖ:��K-U-CÖ!-QKÖ��!C��U½��K-O-CÖZ-K!Cthing 3P-IRR-PASS-feel AUX a NOM-NEG-know/PL-DECL

It was dangerous but they weren’t thinking.

56 :Q: also occurs following a dependent irrealis clause. Compare (iii) with (35b).

(iii) !C-R-CÖUZQZ��:Q:��!C-RQ-O-CÖUZQZ��!CM:��U-KÖ!��!C-!C1plS-IRR-paddle 1plS-IRR-NEG-paddle somewhere IRR-be AUX-DECLWe will paddle some, we will not paddle some.

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b. K-U-OKÖR C��!C��MK!��OQU��K-OK[-C��:Q3P-IRR-bad AUX the also OM-PROX-know but

VK��M-[CÖ-!C��:Q3PRO NOM/OM-own-DECL but

Q:��O-GÖ��[C:��VCÖ:-Q��MQ-O-RCMVC

thus PROX-say/D since 3PRO-Q 3Ob-PROX-be

He knew that it would be ruined, but he was the owner, and since he said thus,that’s the way it was.

3.7. Suffix and particle order

The relative order of the suffixes and certain particles is shown in (38).

(38) -C"Ö�-� "Ö��-Q��-:Q Auxiliary !Q�

-KRK� particles !C - KU�

�� "Ö��!K��- V:��

�� "!K��[C�

Switch reference - : markers

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Chapter 4Stem morphology and morphophonemics

The extent, variety, and idiosyncrasy of stem alternations is one of the most complicated aspects of theSeri language. Moser 1961 was an attempt to describe stem alternations in verbs, and Moser andMoser 1970 an attempt to do the same for nouns. In this chapter I will not present a complete analysisof these facts, but try to 1) show the direction a complete analysis must take and 2) extract some of thebasic patterns which exist to use as a key for later work. I am using the term stem to include the rootand also 1) those suffixes occurring with it obligatorily and/or 2) the number agreement suffixes. Sincea root with the augment prefix (cf. §2.5.6) often behaves differently than the same root without theaugment prefix, the two forms will be treated as separate stems.

All of the verbs cited in this chapter are listed paradigmatically in Appendix 1.

4.1. Subject number agreement

The verb agrees in number with the (final) subject of the clause.57 This agreement may be signaled bya) suffixation, b) deletion, c) replacement, d) infixation, e) suppletion, or f) a combination of these. Afew examples of each of these are discussed in the following sections.

4.1.1. Suffixation

A variety of suffixes are used to indicate plurality on a verb and every verb of the language must beidiosyncratically marked as to what suffix it will take. There does not appear to be anyoverwhelmingly dominant pattern. Some examples are given in (1). (The forms are given in thesingular action for (cf. §4.2). The examples have been chosen to illustrate the underlying forms of thesuffixes and when they do not, the underlying form is given; some root shapes are not underlying.)

(1) Singular Plurala. -QKO -QKO-VQZ throw at

b. -U½C:9 -U½C:9-V talk about

c. -VKPU -VKPU-Q scrape

d. -CÖ-!CÖ -CÖ-!CÖ-VCZ appoint-AUG-be

e. -CÖU -CÖU-:CO deflate

f. -OKU -OKU-VCZ resemble

A verb may also have a suffix which always occurs when it is singular but which is replaced byanother suffix when the verb is plural.58

57 Occasionally, however, one finds a singular verb stem with plural subject prefix agreement.

Alongside UMC- : (lplIMP-go/PL) Let's go! exists UMC�VC: (lplIMP-go/SG). The latter occurred in astory in which a number of people were travelling as a group.

58 Morpheme breaks are not totally obvious from these few examples, but justification for thisanalysis will be made apparent below.

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(2) Singular Plurala. -RCUZ-KO -RCUZ-QZ fall underwater

b. -QÖM-VC -QÖM-VCO look at

c. /-CÖUC M-VC/ /-CÖUC M-VQZ/

�-CÖUC M-C �-CÖUC M-QZ spread legs

In addition, there is a class of verbs which take the suffix /-Z/, of unknown significance, in allforms. One subset of these verbs requires the suffix /VC-/ in plurals, in addition to other suffixes.

(3) Singular Plurala. /-CRQ-VC-:-V/

-CRQ-: �-CR-VC-Z-M pull out

b. /-QKÖOK-VC-:-V/

-QKÖOK-: �-QKÖO-VC-Z-M be very much

c. /-KOQ-VC-:-V/

-KOQ-: �-KOQ-VC-Z-M butcher

d. /-KÖRC-VC-:-V/

-KÖRC-: �-KÖR-VC-Z-M climb

A more complete inventory of suffixes, as well as the phonological rules affecting them, is givenin §4.2.1 and §4.4.1.

4.1.2. Deletion

Along with suffixation, number agreement is often marked on verb roots by the deletion of the post-tonic vowel. It is complete unpredictable, however, in which form the deletion will occur, if at all. Anaugmented verb (cf. §2.5.6) may differ from the corresponding simple verb. It is certain that a deletionrule rather than an epenthesis rule is needed because 1) the vowels affected lengthen by Post-toniclengthening when they remain (cf. §1.2.1) which does not apply to suffixal vowels or infixed vowels,and 2) the quality of the vowel would not be predictable in a solution using epenthesis.

(4) Singular Plurala. -CVR -CVQR-QZ spit out

b. -CMVU½ -CMCVU½-QZ screen

c. -OGMG -OGM-VQZ lukewarm

d. -RKVQ -RKV -QZ bloated

e. -KOQ¸ÖPK -KOQ¸ÖP-VCZ dance victory dance

f. -C!Q -C!-V see

g. -C:K -C: finish

h. -QMG"!V -QMG"!G -CO flexible; bounce

If the vowel to be deleted is Q and if it is contiguous to a back consonant, the vowel is instead replacedby W, which will coalesce with the preceding back consonant if one exists, and under certainconditions with a following k (cf. §4.3.5 for the latter rule).

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(5) Singular Plurala. -MGM9 -MGMQ -QZ listen

b. -CÖ!9ZM -CÖ!9Z-QZ squat

c. -CÖMQ -CÖM9-V build house

d. -K-!C:9 -K-!C:Q -QZ have eating utensil (clam)

I will call this morphologically-triggered rule affecting post-tonic vowels Syncope. A possibleformulation is given as (6). (See §1.2.1 for discussion of M (mora).)

(6) Syncope: V → <–> –segment / C / M (M) C1 ___ +bac –son [+bac] if [+str] –lo if –syl then

This rule is intended to be expanded as followsÖ

(7) a. (Q) (W) V → [-son] / M (M) C1 ___ C[+bac] [-syl ] [+str] [+bac][–lo ] M (M) C ___ [+str] [+bac]

b. V → ∅ / M (M) C1 ___ [+str]

Syncope feeds the following unconditioned rule which coalesces W and a preceding backconsonant.3

(8) W-Coalescence I: C W ⇒ [+rd] ∅ [+bac] 1 2 1 2

4.1.3. Replacement

It is extremely common for number agreement to be reflected by the replacement of one or moresegments by others. I will discuss the major replacement rules below.

4.1.3.1. The x-Rule

Numerous verb stems end in Z in the singular subject, singular action form. In all other forms the Z isreplaced by for most verbs. (These verbs contrast with verbs whose roots end in in all forms.) Ihave not found any clear evidence that this Z is synchronically a suffix (but see §4.5.1). This is not asuffix distinct from the Z synchronically; it occurs with a suffixal (cf. §4.3.4).

3 Syncope does not bleed Fronting (cf. §2.5.3). Therefore it follows Ablaut (67) and Coalescence

(26), which are discussed in chapter 2.

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(9) Singular Plurala. -CÖKZ -CK -MQZ sway

b. -CÖPZ -CÖP -MQZ poison projectile points

c. -QVGZ-C -QVG -MQZ stagger

d. -CU½VQZ -CU½VQ make atole

e. -COCZ -COC -MQZ test

f. -[CMZ -[CMC -MCO call sibling

There are also numerous verbs whose roots end in M in the singular subject/singular action form,but ZM in the other forms. (The M happens to delete by a phonological rule in some of the plural formsgiven below.)

(10) Singular Plurala. -KÖUM -KÖUZ-QZ whistle; hiss

b. -MQOM-C -MQOZ-QZ noisy

c. -KÖVM -KÖVZ-QZ drip

d. -PQUM -PQUZM rough

This process could be described as either deletion or epenthesis, and I do not know of any evidenceindicating that one solution is preferable to the other. I will assume a deletion analysis which willallow the two processes to be stated as one rule affecting an underlying Z. This is a major rule towhich there are very few exceptions.

(11) x-Rule: Z → ∅ / _________ M + [+SINGULAR] / _________ + [–SINGULAR]

This rule will be revised in §4.2.3.

The x-Rule precedes Syncope (6) because the change from Z to sometimes prevents W frombeing generated.

(12) Singular Plural/-CÖ-QK!QZ/ /-CÖ-QK!QZ-VQZ/

-CÖ-QK!9Z -CÖ-QK! -MQZ make red

4.1.3.2. The ko-Rule

In several verbs in K is replaced by MQÖ when the verb agrees with a plural subject. (It is not clearwhether the length on the Q is predictable.) This minor rule is formalized as (13).

(13) ko-Rule: V → MQÖ� / root [C0 ____________ [–lo ] [-SINGULAR SUBJ]

[–bac]

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(14) Singular Plurala. -UKM -UMQÖM-:CO grind

b. -U½KR -U½MQÖR-:CO kiss

c. -HKU½ -HMQÖU½-:CO tie knot

d. -U½KÖO -U½MQÖO-V enjoy

e. -HKMZ -HMQÖM wrap oneself with

f. -RKÖ -RMQÖ-[Q taste

g. -UKÖ -UMQÖ-[Q smell

4.1.3.3. Plural lateralization

In a number of verbs a root-final n or t becomes when the verb agrees with a plural subject.

(15) Plural lateralization: C → [+lat ] / _______________ ]root

[+cor] [–nas] [–SINGULAR SUBJ] [–cnt ]

(16) Singular Plurala. -QKV -QK -C dance

b. -UCÖKV-: -UCK -C-Z-M gather together with stick

c. /-QGÖVKP/

-QGÖVPK -QGÖV -Q MC tap

d. /-CVKP/

�-CVPK -CV -Q MC touch

e. -QZC"UV -QZC"UK -CO hop

f. -QMG"!V -QMG"!G -CO flexible; bounce

It is not clear whether the following case should be included as due to the same process since the t isnot root-final.

(17) Singular Plural-CVC: -C : go

4.1.3.4. Ablaut

Vowel changes are sometimes used to indicate number. One common alternation is between i and aÖ,as in (18).

(18) Singular Plurala. -QK -QCÖ -Q wear tuft of hair

b. -CÖ!=MCK -CÖ!=MCCÖ -KO remain

c. -CKÖ: -CCÖ:-QZ leave

d. -QMC"K -QMCCÖ-:-QZ follow

e. -UKKÖZ-KO -UKCÖ -CO move

f. -RCZKO -RCZCO-QZ overcooked

g. -VC:KO -VC:CO-QZ scratch

h. -[CU½KO -[CU½CO-QZ finlike

i. -K:KO -K:CO-V fear

j. -QP�"CÖ-: -QPKK-VC-Z-M wash one’s hands

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The operation of this rule gives evidence for the interpretation of what is phonetically [KÖÖ] as a twovowel cluster (cf. (18e)) since that is how it behaves phonologically.

4.1.3.5. Other

Other replacement processes occur with some regularity. These include an alternation between n and U½,as in (19a), an alternation between P and Z, as in (19b), and an alternation between K and Q, as in (19c).

(19) Singular Plurala. /-CÖMP/ /-CÖMP-VC/

-CÖMPK -CÖMU½-C bowed

b. /MCU½KP/ /-MCU½KP-VC/

-MCU½PK -MCU½Z-C bite

c. -PKR -PQR-VQZ hit with hand

Of course, it is not always clear in these cases which consonant or vowel is underlying.

4.1.4. Infixation

A large number of verbs exhibit plural forms with the sequence /-VQ¸-/ infixed in them by the followingminor ruleÖ

(20) Infixation: ∅ → VQ¸�� / V _________________ [+str] [–SINGULAR SUBJ]

where the stressed vowel is [+lo, +lng] or [-lo, -bac]

The stress on the initial vowel is weakened and primary stress is retained on the infix. The initialvowel, which is always a long low vowel or a high front vowel, may be either a root vowel or thevowel of the augment prefix (cf. §2.5.6).

(21) Singular Plurala. -CÖU½ : -CÖ-VQ¸-U½C :-QZ cough

b. -CÖC -CÖ-VQ¸-C-V call

c. -CÖV -CÖ-VQ-V-QZ cook in ashes

d. -CÖ-KP-KO -CÖ-VQ¸-K -MCO cause be mixed

e. -KÖR -KÖ-VQ¸-RC9Z carry on head

f. -KKÖP -K-VQ¸-KÖZ go

g. -CÖ-V:KKP -CÖ-V:K-VQ¸-KU½-QZ make headring

h. -KM-VKO -K-VQ¸-M- cross

i. /-Q-KM-VKO/

�-GM-VKO -C-VQ¸-M- cross (D)

j. -GÖHG -KO -CÖ-VQ¸-HG -CO stumble on

k. /-CÖ-CU½KZM-VKO/ /-CÖ-CU½KZM-VQZ/

�-CÖ-U½M-KO �-CÖ-VQ¸-U½KZ-QZ make enter

l. /-CÖ-CU½K/ /-CÖ-CU½K/

�-CÖ-U½ �-CÖ-VQ¸-U½ make suckle

A pretonic G(Ö) becomes C(Ö), as illustrated by (21i-j). The rule is given as (22).

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(22) Backing: V → [+bac] / ___ C1 V [+lo ] [+str] [–bac]

The way in which the Infixation rule applies will affect the interpretation of superficially longvowels. In (21b) it supports an interpretation of [CÖÖ] as a two vowel cluster; in (21e) it gives evidencefor interpreting [KÖ] as�KÖ, but in (21f) as KK.

As rule (20) is presently formulated, it must follow the rule assigning primary stress at least. Itappears that it must also follow Short low vowel deletion (cf. §2.3.2) in order for the rule to apply tothe forms with an augment prefix, as illustrated by the following derivation.

(23) AUG-enter-PLUR -CÖ-CU½KZM-VQZ

Stress -CÖ-C"U ½KZM-VQZ

SLV Del -C"Ö-U½KZM-VQZ

Infix -CÖ-VQ¸-U½KZM-VQZ

Other -CÖ-VQ¸-U½KZ-QZ

SR -CÖ-VQ¸-U½KZ-QZ

Since the class of augmented verbs to which Infixation applies is not the same as that which“irregularly” takes the R allomorph of the passive prefix (see discussion in §2.5.6), these facts do notprovide evidence for the alternative analysis mentioned by which the augment is added via alengthening rule rather than a prefix.

It is unclear how the plural form of -CÖ!-CÖPR: return, which is -CÖ-VQ¸-PKR:-QZ, is to be derivedfrom the supposed underlying representation /-CÖ!-CÖPKR:-VQZ/. No rule yet formulated would deletethe glottal stop of the augment prefix in the derivation of this form.

4.1.5. Suppletion

It will have been noticed already that verbs may utilize more than one of the various means to indicatesubject number agreement. Some verbs have totally suppletive singular and plural roots to whichsuffixes may be attached.

(24) Singular Plurala. /-CHCR/ /-CU½KZM-VCO/

�-CHR �CU½M-CO arrive

b. -[CÖK -QU½� "ÖV go to

c. /-CU½KZM-VKO/ /-QKU½KZM-V/

�-CU½M-KO �-QKU½M-V enter

4.2. Action number marking

Number marking with respect to the action also occurs on the verb stem, indicating whether the actionoccurred once or more than once. (The latter has usually been glossed MULT (multiple).) Some verbsalso distinguish repetitive and sequential action. As will be shown in the following sections, the samemeans are used to indicate action number as are used to indicate subject number. In fact, while thesubject number and action number agreement are two separate and independent things, the system bywhich they are marked is integrated. It is not possible to isolate one morpheme or process and say thatit marks subject agreement and not action agreement. This will become more evident below. Inaddition, all of the idiosyncrasies of subject number marking apply equally to action number marking.

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4.2.1. Suffixation

A verb stem usually has four forms: 1) singular subject/singular action, 2) singular subject/pluralaction, 3) plural subject/singular action, and 4) plural subject/plural action. I will refer to these formsas Forms 1, 2, 3, and 4, respectively. The following table shows some of the more common sets ofsuffixes which occur.

(25) 1 2 3 4A -∅ -VKO -VQZ -VQ MC

B -∅ -VKO -VQZ -VCO

C -∅ -VKO -VQZ -VQZ

D -∅ -VKO -V -VQ MC

E -∅ -VKO -Q -VCO

F -VKO -VKO -VCO -VCO

G -VC -VC -VQZ -VQZ

H -∅ -∅ -VZ -ZCO

I -V -VKO -VZ -ZCO

J -∅ -VKO - - MC

K -∅ -VKO -:CO -:CO

Numerous variations on these sets as well as other sets also occur. It is also possible that suffixes like/-VQ MC/ are compounded from /-VQZ/ plus /- MC/.

One subset of the class of verbs taking the suffix /-:/ (of unknown significance) in all forms alsorequires the suffix /-VC/ (which surfaces as ka- in (26) in each form except Form 1.

(26) 1 2 3 4a. -VCRU½-: -VCR-MC-: -VCR-MC-Z-M -VCR-MC-:- MC signal

b. -OK!U½-: -OK!-MC-: -OK!-MC-Z-M -OK!-MC-:- MC slip

c. -CRU½-: -CR-MC-: -CR-MC-Z-M -CR-MC-:- MC torn out

4.2.2. Deletion

The application of Syncope is also used to indicate action number. The examples below show thatSyncope, if it applies at all, may apply in a) Form 1 only, b) Form 3 only, c) a combination of twoforms, d) a combination of three forms, or e) all four forms. (I know of no verbs to which Syncopeapplies to only Form 2 or to only Form 4.) Evidence that the vowel should be in the underlyingrepresentation even when it never appears in the surface representation is of two types: 1) thepresence of a round consonant, assuming that all round consonant are derived, and 2) the presence ofthe vowel in a related verb or noun.

(27) a. -CVR -CVQR-KO -CVQR-QZ -CVQR-Q MC spit out

b. -RKVQ -RKVQ -KO -RKV -QZ -RKVQ -CO bloated

c. -KÖMGV -KÖMV-Q -KÖMV-QZ -KÖMV-Q MC carry in womb

d. -C!Q -C!Q-VKO -C!-V -C!-VQ MC see

e. -HKMZ -HKMC -KO -HMQÖM -HMQÖMC -CO wrap oneself

f. -PGU½Z -PGU½K -KO -PGU½ -MQZ -PGU½ -MQZ crush

g. /-U½C:Q/

�-U½C:9 -U½C:9-VKO -U½C:9-V -U½C:9-VQ MC talk about

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4.2.3. Replacement

4.2.3.1. The x-Rule

The x-Rule, originally formulated as (11), is revised below. An x deletes as shown only in form 1. Thechange to takes place in Forms 2, 3, and 4.

(28) x-Rule: x → ∅ / _________________ k + [+SINGULAR SUBJ] [+SINGULAR ACT ]

/ _____________ + [-SINGULAR]

(29) 1 2 3 4a. -CÖPZ -CÖPC -KO -CÖP -MQZ -CÖPC -CO /-CÖPCZ/

poison pointsb. -QVGZ-C -QVG -MC -QVG -MQZ -QVG -CO /QVGZ/

staggerc. -KÖUM -KÖUKZM-KO -KÖUZ-QZ -KÖUKZM-CO /-KÖUKZM/

whistle; hissd. -MQOM-C -MQOCZM-C -MQOZ-QZ -MQOCZM-CO /-MQOCZM/

noisye. -KÖVM -KÖVZM -KÖVZ-QZ -KÖVKZM-CO /-KÖVKZM/

drip

4.2.3.2. Ablaut

The alternation K ~ CÖ (cf. §4.1.3.4) indicates action number as well as subject number.

(30) 1 2 3 4a. -MQK -MQCÖ-VKO -MQK-V -MQCÖ-VCO bring

b. -QK -QCÖ -KO -QCÖ -Q -QCÖ -CO wear tuft of hair

4.3. Morphophonemics of number suffixes

The major morphophonemic rules pertaining to suffixes are discussed in the following sections.

4.3.1. t-Deletion

The V of a suffix deletes when it follows an unstressed vowel (i.e., a vowel without primary stress) andat least one consonant.

98

(31) a. Root + VKO Form

/-QC:CU½-VKO/

-QC:CU½-KO 2 hit with stick

/-MCK -VKO/

�-MCCÖ -KO 2 lack

/-MCRCR:-VKO/

�-MCRCR:-KO 2 crack with teeth

/-CQ -VKO/

�-CQ -KO 2 grooved

/-QMG"ÖGP-VKO/

�-QMG"ÖGP-KO 2 turn around

b. Root + VQZ

/-CVQR-VQZ/

�-CVQR-QZ 3 spit out

/-CQO-VQZ/

�-CQO-QZ 3 beg

/-MCÖMQR-VQZ/

�-MCÖMQR-QZ 3 pound

The t of a suffix also deletes when it follows two or more consonants.

(32) a. Root + VCO Form

/-CMCU-VCO/

�-CMU-CO 3 chew to pulp

/-CÖVKZM-VCO/

�-CÖ-VQ¸-VKZM-CO 4 spread around

b. Root + tox

/-KÖPC -VQZ/

�-KÖP -QZ 3 ring

/-MQOCZM-VQZ/

�-MQOZ-QZ 3 noisy

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c. Root + VC

/-MQOCZM-VC/

�-MQOM-C 1 noisy

The rule deleting V is given as (33).

(33) t-Deletion: t → ∅ / V C1 C then + ___ < [+str] >if

It appears that some degemination rule may have to apply before t-Deletion, bleeding the latter.

(34) /-QCRCR-VKO/ Form 2 whinny

�-QCR-VKO

Rule (33) is formulated such that it will delete a word-final V since in the majority of cases the suffix -Vdoes not appear in the environment shown. A couple of exceptions exist, however.

(35) -K:CO-V Form 3 fear

-KMQ¸UKO-V Form 3 smile

/-QKU½KZM-V/

�-QKU½M-V Form 3 enter

4.3.2. k-Deletion

A root-final M deletes by the following rule which is fed by t-Deletion (33).

(36) k-Deletion: M → ∅ / Z ___ + Q

(37) Form 2 Form 3 Form 4-MGUGZM-KO -MGUGZ-QZ -MGUGZM-CO chew /-MGUGZM/

-KÖZKZM-KO -KÖZ-QZ -KÖZKZ-QZ explode /-KÖZKZM/

-KÖUKZM-KO -KÖUZ-QZ -KÖUKZM-CO whistle; hiss /-KÖUKZM/

-CÖVKZM-KO -CÖVQ¸VKZ-QZ -CÖVQ¸VKZM-CO spread around /-CÖVKZM/

4.3.3. Velarization

A V becomes M in a certain environment, bleeding t-Deletion (33). The M always follows a surface that is derived from Z (cf. (28)), as in (39a). Underlying does not condition this change, as illustratedby (39b). The rule can be formulated in such a way that the conditioning environment is Z, and applybefore the x-Rule. The forms in (39c) show that this process does not apply following a back velarfricative. The rule is given tentatively as (38).

(38) V → M / Z + ___ Q

(39) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3a. -CÖKZ -CÖK -KO -CÖK -MQZ sway /-CÖKZ/

-CÖPZ -CÖPC -KO -CÖP -MQZ poison projectile points/-CÖPCZ/

-QÖUZ -QÖUC -KO -QÖU -MQZ spray /-QÖUCZ/

b. -CÖQ -CÖQ -KO -CÖQ -QZ grooved /-CÖQ /

-MGM9 -MGMQ -KO -MGMQ -QZ listen /-MGMQ /

-RKVQ -RKVQ -KO -RKVQ -QZ bloated /-RKVQ /

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Form 4c. -CKÖ: -CCÖ:-KO -CCÖ:-QZ leave /-CKÖ:/

-CVC: -CVC:-KO -C C:-Q MC go /-CVC:/

-MCR: -MCRCR:-KO -MCRCR:-Q MC crack with teeth /-MCRCR:/

-CÖPR: -CÖPKR:-KO -CÖPKR:-Q MC return home /-CÖPKR:/

A word-final t also becomes k when it follows a back fricative—Z or :, assuming that the processapplies before the x-Rule (28). This process also bleeds t-Deletion (33). The change does not occurfollowing :9, however. While the feature [-round] could be added to the environment, the solutionadopted here is that of having this process apply before Syncope (6), in a counterfeeding order.

(40) Form 1 Form 3-PCHKZ -PCHK -M spiraled /-PCHKZ/

-K-:C -K-Z-M have water /-K-C:C/

-CÖ-OCÖ: -CÖ-OCÖZ-M brew liquor /-CÖ-OCÖ:C/

/-COCZ-:-V/ /-COCZ-VC-:-V/

�-CO-Z-M �-CO -C-Z-M bring /-COCZ-:/

/-CÖUC-:/ /-CÖUC-VC-:-V/

�-CÖUC-: �-CÖ-VQ¸-U-VC-Z-M open up /-CÖUC-:/

/-VKRKV-:/ /-VKRKV-VC-:-V/

�-VKRV-: �-VKRV-C-Z-M touch /-VKRKV-:/

/-CRCV-:/ /-CRCV-VC-:-V/

�-CRV-: �-CRV-C-Z-M gather /-CRCV-:/

These two processes changing t to k are formulated as (41).

(41) Velarization: V → M / C + ___ ##

[+bac] <Q> if [+cnt] <+hi> then

4.3.4. Dissimilation and i-Epenthesis

A number of verbs take suffixes beginning with . (Interestingly, almost all of these verbs have x-finalroots or have the obligatory suffix /-:/.) A derived sequence + �surfaces as U½�+ K . The forms in(42a) justify the underlying form of the suffix and those in (42b) illustrate changes.

(42) Form 1 Form 3 Form 4a. —— -QÖU½C -QÖU½C- MC talk

-CRV-: -CRV-C-Z-M -CRV-C-:- MC gather

-MGÖG-Z -MGÖG-VC-: -MGÖG-VC-:- MC cut hair of

b. -CÖRZ -CÖRU½-K -CÖRU½-K MC choke

-UCMZ -UCMU½-K -UCMU½-K MC carry child

-PCÖMZ -PCÖMU½-K -PCÖMU½-K MC bowed

-PQRKZ -PQRU½-K -PQRU½-K MC sink

The following rules are fed by the x-Rule (28).

(43) Dissimilation: → U½� / ___ +

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(44) i-Epenthesis: ∅ → K / C + ___ [+cor]

[+cnt] [–vd ]

4.3.5. W-Coalescence II and X-Deletion

A W and a following M coalesce to become M9.

(45) W-Coalescence II: W M ⇒ ∅ [+rd] 1 2 1 2

Compare the derivations of the following forms

(46) verticalForm 1 Form 2 Form 3

UR -QÖ!QZM -QÖ!QZM-VKO -QÖ!QZM

Stress -Q¸Ö!QZM -Q¸Ö!QZM-VKO -Q¸Ö!QZM

Syncope -Q¸Ö!WZM —— -Q¸Ö!WZM

x-Rule -Q¸Ö!WM —— ——

t-Del —— -Q¸Ö!QZM-KO ——

W-Coal II -Q¸Ö!M9 —— ——

SR -Q¸Ö!M9 -Q¸Ö!QZM-KO -Q¸Ö!WZM

Form 3 becomes [-Q¸Ö!WM9? by the rules discussed in §1.2.13 and §1.2.3. Some other forms to whichrule (45) applies are given in (47).

(47) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3-OCRM9 -OCRQZM-KO -OCRWZ-QZ burst /-OCRQZM/

-PQÖ!M9 -PQÖ!QZM-KO -PQÖ!WZ concave /-PQÖ!QZM/

When the sequence [WM9] occurs phonetically, therefore, I claim that it is phonologically /WZM/.A monomorphemic example is [VQÖVWM9] /VQÖVWZM/ cholla. I do not know of any independentevidence that would argue for this analysis in this case. In other instances, however, independentevidence exists for the presence of an Z. Consider, for example, the following formsÖ

(48) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3a. [-VKÖRWM9] -VKÖR:9 -KO -VKÖR:9U½-K squeeze

b. [-KVG"oWM9] -i VG":Q -KO -KVG":Q -MQZ thin

The fact that there is an ∅- -(U½) alternation in these roots is explained by the rules already discussed(namely, the x-Rule (28) and Dissimilation (43)) if an underlying root-final Z is posited. The presenceof M in Forms 1 and 3 of thin, from underlying /-V/, is also explained if there is an underlying Zpreceding it (cf. (41)). If Form 1 is phonologically ...Wx-k (< /...ox-t/), rule (45) cannot apply.Derivations for Form 1 of squeeze and thin are given in (50). The following rule is also needed toderive Form 1 of thin.

(49) X-Deletion: : → ∅ / ___ W Z

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(50) UR -VKÖR:QZ-V -KVG":QZ-V

Vel (41) -VKÖR:QZ-M -KVG":QZ-Mx-Rule ——— ———Syncope -VKÖR:9Z-M -KVG":9Z-M

X-Del(49) -VKÖRWZ-M -KVG"WZ-M

SR -VKÖRWZ-M -KVG"WZ-M

Again, the late rules discussed in chapter 1 will apply to give the phonetic forms shown in (48).

The following forms illustrate the application of :-Deletion (49). This rule must be ordered afterDissimilation since it is bled by that rule. It also obviously bleeds W-Coalescence I (8).

(51) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3-KRWZ-M -KR:9 -KO -KR:9U½-K have gonorrhea /-KR:QZ/

-CWZ-M ——— -C:9U½-K continue /-C:QZ/

The following verbs must be marked as exception to the x-Rule to prevent W-Coalescence II fromapplying to Form 1.

(52) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3-CÖ!WZM -CÖ!QZM-KO -CÖ!WZ-QZ squat /-CÖ!QZM/

-CWZM ——— -CWZ-QZ dry /-C:QZM/

4.3.6. Final i-Epenthesis

When Syncope (6) applies to a form and generates a stem-final sequence of obstruent followed bynasal or the sequence obstruent-nasal-consonant, an i is inserted following the nasal.

(53) Final i-Epenthesis: ∅ → K / C C ___ U½� (C) # [–son] [+nas]

(54) Form 1 Form 2-PGÖRPK -PGÖRGP-KO stooped /-PGÖRGP/

-CÖ-OQVPK -CÖ-OQVQP-KO make cracklings /-CÖ-OQVQP/

-PG:9PK -PG:QP-C hold in lap /-PG:QP/

-CÖ!PKZ -CÖ!CP quiver /-CÖ!CPZ/

-CM9PKZ -CMQP shake (liquid) /-CMQPZ/

The following forms illustrate the fact that this insertion takes place regardless of whether the stem isfollowed by a vowel-initial suffix.

(55) MQK��M-PGÖRPK-Q-!C He is still stooped.

MQK��M-PG:9PK-Q-!C He is still holding it in his lap.

This insertion does not take place when two nasals occur stem-finally.

(56) Form 1 Form 2-OQVQ¸OP -OQVQ¸OCP-KO weak /-OQVQ¸OCP/

4.3.7. :-Fronting I

A back velar fricative becomes a velar fricative when it precedes a suffix beginning with a velar stop.This is illustrated by the forms in (40). This process is fed by Velarization (41).

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(57) X-Fronting I: : → Z / ___ + M

4.3.8. Z-Deletion I and II

A velar fricative deletes when it precedes a back velar fricative.

(58) x-Deletion I: Z → ∅ / __ :

This is illustrated by the following forms and derivations.

(59) UR -COCZ-:-V -CKZ-:-VCZ

Vel (41) -COCZ-:-M ———x-Rule ——— ———Syncope -COZ-:-M ———

t-Del (33) ——— -CKZ-:-CZ

x-Del (58) -CO-:-M -CK-:-CZ

X-Front (67) -CO-Z-M ———

SR -CO-Z-M -CK-:-CZForm 1, bring Form 1, strong

An Z also deletes when it follows : and precedes a consonant or word boundary, as in (60).

(60) a. /-CÖ-OCÖ:CZ/

-CÖ-OCÖ: Form 1, brew liquor

b. /-CÖ-!C:CZ-V/

�-CÖ-!CZ-M Form 1, ask for water

This rule, formalized as (61), is fed by Syncope.

(61) x-Deletion II: Z → ∅ / : ___ C ##

Finally, a velar fricative also deletes when it follows U½ and precedes a consonant cluster. This rule,formalized as (62), is illustrated by the forms in (63).

(62) x-Deletion III: Z → ∅ / U½� ___ C C

(63) a. /-CU½KZM-VCO/

-CU½M-CO Form 3, arrive

b. /-QKU½KZM-V/

-QKU½M-V Form 3, enter

c. /-CU½Z-:-V/

-CU½-Z-M Form 1, leave piled up

d. /-QÖU½QZM/

-QÖU½ZM Form 1, yip

This rule is also fed by Syncope; it must apply before t-Deletion (33) since it is not bled by that rule.

4.3.9. :-Fronting II

The : of the suffix /-:CO/ becomes a velar fricative when it follows a high front vowel. The backvelar fricatives of other morphemes, such as the emphatic suffix /-:Q/ (cf. §3.1.1), do not undergo the

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change. Therefore the rule is written as (64).

(64) X-Fronting II: : → Z / K + ___ CO

(65) Form 3 Form 4a. -RQÖU½-:CO -RQÖU½K-ZCO pear-shaped

b. -KOQ¸ÖP-VCZ -KOQ¸ÖPK-ZCO hop

c. -CÖOC-:CO -CÖOC-:CO seep

This rule is bled by Syncope.

4.3.10. U½-Coalescence

A root-final U½ and the V of the suffixes /-VC/ and /-VQ/ coalesce to become M. This rule does not apply tosuffixes such as /-VCZ/, as shown in (68). (67d-g) show that this rule does not feed X-Fronting I (57).

(66) U½-Coalescence: U½ + V V + ⇒ ∅ k [+bac] 1 2 3 1 2 3

(67) Form 1 Form 2a. /-CRCU½-:/ /-CRCU½-VC-:/

�-CRU½-: �-CR-MC-: torn

b. -OK!U½-: -OK!-MC-: slip

c. -VCRU½-: -VCR-MC-: signal

d. -PC:U½� -PC:-MC rub

Form 1 Form 3e. -RC:U½� -RC:-MC scratchy

f. -RGÖ!U½-: -RGÖ!-MC-: concave

g. -PC:U½� -PC:-MQZ rub

h. /-CPQU½-:/ /-CPQU½-VQ-:-V/ spin thread

�-CPU½-: �-CP-MQ-Z-M

i. /-RCPQU½-:/ /-RCPQU½-VQ-:-V/ run

�-RCPU½-: �-RCP-MQ-Z-M

(68) Form 1 Form 3a. -ZKU½K -ZKU½-VCZ spicy

The forms in (69) show that U½-Coalescence bleeds t-Deletion (33).

(69) Form 1 Form 3 -KRQ¸VKU½-: -KRQ¸VK-MC-Z-M put clothes on wrong

4.4. Stem suffixes

4.4.1. Number suffixes

In §4.2.1 an incomplete paradigm of number suffixes was presented. Since a complete listing viaparadigm would be very complicated, and perhaps impossible, a list of the more common suffixes ispresented below. Some internal structure to these suffixes may be noticed.

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(70) Primary use-V

-VC

-VKO singular subject/plural action

-VCO plural subject

-VCZ plural subject

-VQZ plural subject

-VZ

-VQ MC plural subject/plural action

-CV

-Q plural subject/singular action

- plural subject/singular action

- Q

- CO

- MC plural subject/plural action

-Z

-ZCO plural subject

-: plural subject

-:CO plural subject

Mention has been made above of the suffix /-VC/ which occurs only on verbs with the suffix /-:/(cf.§4.4.2.1). In fact, verbs taking the suffix /-:/ also require this suffix, or the suffix /-VQ/ discussedbelow, to occur under certain conditions. The suffix /-VC/ occurs primarily when agreement is with aplural subject. It also occurs on a Form 2 if no other suffix occurs to indicate plural action. Thefollowing examples illustrate the occurrences of this suffix.

(71) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4-CO-Z-M -COC -:-KO -CO -C-Z-M -CO -C-:- MC

bring /-COCZ-:/

-CU½-Z-M -CU½ -C-: -CU½ -C-Z-M -CU½ -C-:- MC

throw /-CU½Z-:/

-CVKU½-: -CVK-MC-: -CVK-MC-Z-M -CVK-MC-:- MC

peel back foreskin /-CVKU½-:/

-CRU½-: -CR-MC-: -CR-MC-Z-M -CR-MC-:- MC

torn /-CRCU½-:/

-CÖUC-: -CÖUC-:-KO -CÖVQ¸U-VC-Z-M -CÖVQ¸U-VC-:- MC

open up /-CÖUC-:/

-KOQ-: -KOQ-:-KO -KO-VC-Z-M -KO-VC-:- MC

butcher /-KOQ-:/

A suffix that is similar syntactically is /-VQ/, but it is less common.

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(72) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4-CPU½-: -CPQU½-:-KO -CP-MQ-Z-M -CP-MQ-:- MC

spin thread /-CPQU½-:/

-RCPU½-: -RCPQU½-:-KO -RCP-MQ-Z-M -RCP-MQ-:- MC

run /-RCPQU½-:/

4.4.2. Other stem suffixes

4.4.2.1. /-:/

A large number of verbs, such as those in (71) and (72), take the suffix /-:/ in all forms. It is not clearwhat the significance of this suffix is synchronically or was historically.

4.4.2.2. /-QV/

The suffix /-QV/ occurs following the root of many verbs when they are preceded by the augmentprefix (cf. §2.5.6). (The allomorph /-V/ occurs following a vowel.)

(73) Root Augmented-GOGP winnow -CÖM-QÖ-OGP-QV make winnow

-KÖRG good -CÖ!-KÖRG-V fix

-CÖMQ make house -CÖ!-CÖMQ-V help make house

-CÖU½ : cough -CÖ!-CÖU½C :-QV make cough

-OGMG lukewarm -CÖ-OGMG-V barbecue

The augmented form of /-OGMG/ lukewarm without this suffix means heat.

4.5. Noun pluralization

As with number marking in verbs, there exists a great deal of idiosyncrasy in noun pluralization.Nouns must be lexically marked with respect to 1) the set of suffixes with which they occur, and 2)whether or not, and in which form, Syncope (6) will apply.

4.5.1. Suffixation

Some of the more common suffix sets which occur on nouns are given below.

(74) Singular PluralA -(((Z)C)O) - M((C)O)

B -∅ -(Q)Z

C -∅ -MQZ

D -∅ -MQ

E -∅ -ZQZ

F - (C) - QZ

G -∅ -VCZ

The parentheses are only a means to indicate that there are suffixes with or without the parenthesizedsegment. Class A, or example, could theoretically include the following sets. The relative number ofexamples that I have found in each of these classes is indicated.

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(75) A1 -∅ - M many

A2 -Z - M many

A3 -ZC - M few

A4 -ZCO - M none

A5 -∅ - MC few

A6 -Z - MC many

A7 -ZC - MC several

A8 -ZCO - MC none

A9 -∅ - MCO few

A10 -Z - MCO few

A11 -ZC - MCO none

A12 -ZCO - MCO few

One reason for analyzing the Z as a suffix and not as part of the root is that it does not lengthen byPost-tonic lengthening (cf. §1.2.1).

(76) [U½CÖ-Z-K!C] It is a sea cliff.

[RCK-Z-K!C] It is driftwood.

A second reason for analyzing Z as a suffix is discussed in §4.5.3.1.

Class B, in which plurals are formed by adding /-(Q)Z/, seems to be the productive class sinceloanwords generally fall into this class (cf. Moser and Moser 1976).

(77) Singular PluralOQÖPC OQÖPC-Z monkey

RKÖRC RKÖRC-Z tobacco pipe

MCUMCTG"ÖTC MCUMCTG"ÖTC-Z ladder

!Q!TC !Q!TC-Z donkey

UQCÖPQ UQCÖPQ-Z sheet

RCU½C"ÖVQ RCU½C"ÖVQ-Z shoe

UCPVC"ÖT UCPVC"ÖT-QZ soldier

VQÖVCT VQÖVCT-QZ chicken

CTKUVQ¸ÖP CTKUVQ¸ÖP-QZ ribbon

Some exceptions to these generalizations are given in (78).

(78) MCPQ¸C MCPQ¸C-VCZ boat

UCTC"ÖRK UCTC"ÖRK-VCZ blanket

OGTQ¸ÖP OGTQ¸ÖP-VCZ cantaloupe

[QÖU½ [QÖU½-:CO god

4.5.2. Deletion and replacement

4.5.2.1. Syncope

Syncope (6) is used in nouns as well as in the verbs. In some nouns it applies in plural forms, as in(79a), and in others it applies in singular forms, as in (79b).

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(79) a. Singular Plural[CÖOQ- [CÖO- QZ its stomach

UGÖRQ- UGÖR- QZ bush (sp.)

VGÖRQ- VGÖR- QZ black jackrabbit

OQZG"RG OQZG"R-VQZ saguaro cactus

:GMQ-Z :GM9- wolf

U GÖMQ-Z U GÖM9- heron

b. U½QÖU½-Z U½QÖU½C- MC burlap bag

QÖV QÖVQ- MC coyote

U½KÖM U½KÖMC- M bird

:VKÖR :VKÖRQ- M sea shell (sp.)

MQGRV MQGRKV-QZ quail (sp.)

!C-R !C-RC -QZ tongue

!CUV !CUCV-QZ stone

!C-UMV !C-UCMV-QZ lung

:RKUV :RKUCV-Z squirrel (sp.)

4.5.2.2. The x-Rule

A few nouns might be analyzed analogously to verbs in that the singular form is identical to the pluralform minus Z (cf.§4.1.3.1).

(80) Singular Plural!C-UM !C-UZM body louse

MCÖVM MCÖVZM grasshopper

:RGVM :RGVZM seaweed (sp.)

Underlying forms with a final sequence ZM would be posited.

Moser and Moser 1976 (p. 286) suggests that “stem final and stem medial Z ... of singular nouns isreplaced by in the plural form” for forms such as :GMQZ / :GM9 �wolf. Since I have proposed a rule(the x-Rule, §4.1.3.1) that effects such a change in verbs, one might think that it would beadvantageous to do the same for the nouns in Class A. I have not done so for two reasons. First, theevidence in (76) suggests that x is not part of the root. Second, the data below is evidence that the isnot part of the root either since it cannot be separated from the M by a-Infixation (cf. §1.2.1 and§3.1.8).

(81) U½CÖ-Z sea cliff

U½CÖ- MC sea cliffs

U½CÖ- MC-C-[C Sea cliffs, my eye! *U½CÖ -C-MC-C-[C

RCK-Z driftwood

RCK- M driftwood (pl.)

RCK- M-C-[C Driftwood, my eye! *RCK -C-M-C-[C

Nevertheless, if the plural suffix of the following nouns is underlyingly /-VQZ/, equatable with thatwhich occurs on verbs, underlying root-final x might be proposed and the x-Rule changing Z to involved (cf. §4.3.3).

109

(82) Singular Plural:GÖPQZ :GÖPQ -MQZ hummingbird

MQU½� ":QZ MQU½� ":Q -MQZ banded gecko

U GÖPC"RU½Z U GÖPC"RU½ -MQZ heron (sp.)

4.5.2.3. Other

As with some verbs (cf. §4.1.3.5), there appears to be a process changing P to U½ in some nouns. (Thefinal K of the first five forms in (83) is epenthetic (cf. §4.3.6).)

(83) Singular Plural!CÖMPK !CÖMU½-QZ bow

!C-RPK !C-RU½-QZ forehead

MCPQ¸ÖMPK MCPQ¸ÖMU½-QZ red bill seagull

!C-:9PK !C-:9U½-CZ chest area

!C-VGÖRPK !C-VGÖRU½-C central incisor

OQÖ:QP OQÖ:QU½-C fish (sp.)

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Chapter 5Irregular verbs

5.1. Stress-retracting verbs

There is a class of verbs which share the characteristic of generally not having the stress on the firstvowel of the root. Rather, the stress generally occurs on the syllable preceding the root. A vowel isoften inserted, if necessary and possible, so that stress may not occur on the root-initial vowel. Thisclass of verbs includes: /-QÖO/ lie; /-CÖ / accompany; /-GÖ/ give; /-GÖ/ say; /-CÖ/ grind; /-CÖ/ be; /-GÖ/ do;and the root of /OQ= -CÖ/ come and /PV= -CÖ/ go.

In a form such as M-Q¸ÖO he who lies down, the stress occurs on the root vowel. When the thirdperson oblique prefix /MQ=/ is affixed, however, the stress occurs on the first vowel: MQ¸=M-QÖO. Theunderlying form of the negative imperative is /M-O-QÖO/. but a vowel is inserted to carry the stress,giving the surface form MC"OQÖO. Under other conditions an K may be inserted to carry the stress:O�"RQÖO (< /O-RQ-QÖO/) if you lie down. In this section I will discuss the nature and application of thevarious rules which account for these surface forms.

5.1.1. The stress-retracting rule

Assuming that stress is initially placed on the root-initial vowel of these verbs by the primary stressrule (cf. 2.3.1), the minor rule retracting stress can be written as followsÖ59

(1) Stress retraction: V (C) V ⇒ [+str] [-str] [+str] 1 2 3

1 2 3

The following derivations illustrate its application.

(2) OM-RL-accompany OM-EMPH-accompanyUR K-V-CÖ �� K-:Q-CÖ

Stress K-V-C"Ö �� K-:Q-C"Ö

Retraction � "-V-CÖ �� K-:Q¸-CÖ

SR � "-V-CÖ �� K-:Q¸-CÖ

(The interaction of this rule with Vowel deletion (§2.3.3) is discussed in §5.1.3 below.)

5.1.2. i-Epenthesis and a-Epenthesis

If a consonant cluster (whether underlying or derived by the application of i-Deletion (§2.3.4)) directlyprecedes a stress-retracting root, a vowel is inserted to carry the stress. The vowel which is inserted iseither K or C, one factor determining which it will be. This factor is whether or not the first of the last

59 I reject a solution which avoids the false step of placing stress on the root vowel. Such ananalysis would posit a minor stress rule for these roots which might be formulated as followsÖ

(i) V → [+stress] / ___ (C) + ROOT [+Stress Retr. ]

This rule would have to apply before the major stress rule. In §§5.1.2-3 it is seen, however, that itwould also have to apply after Vowel deletion (16) of chapter 2. This is an ordering problem for thisanalysis since Short low vowel deletion and Vowel deletion are intrinsically ordered after the majorstress rule.

111

two consonants is an obstruent or a sonorant (namely, a nasal or glottal stop). For an i to be inserted, itmust be a sonorant. In the examples in (3), an a is inserted; in (4), and i is inserted.

(3) a. /M-O-CÖ /

�MC"OCÖ Don’t accompany him!

b. /M-O-QÖO/

MC"OQÖO Don’t lie down!

c. /UK-O-QÖO/

UC"OQÖO he will not lie down

d. /!R-V-QÖO/

�!C"VQÖO I lay down...

e. /!R-V-O-QÖO/

�K!RVMC"OQÖO I did not lie down...

f. /!-UK-O-CÖ /

�K!UMC"OCÖ I will not accompany...

(4) a. /!-V-CÖ /

�!�"VCÖ I accompanied him...

b. /O-OK-CÖ /

�O�"OCÖ you accompanied him

c. /O-UK-QÖO/

�O�"UQÖO you will lie down

The forms above show that the insertion rules are fed by Vowel deletion (§2.3.3) and that they do notbleed k-Epenthesis (§2.3.7). Forms such as (3d) are especially interesting since the p of the intransitiveallomorph /!R-/ of the first person singular subject prefix does not appear superficially if an epenthetica follows it, although it conditions the application of the rule inserting a.

(5) p-Deletion: R → ∅ / ___ V C + ROOT [+Stress retraction]

An K is also inserted when a stress-retracting root is preceded by a single word-initial consonant.

(6) a. /M-K-CÖ /

�� "MCÖ he who accompanies him

b. /M-K-CÖ/

�� "MCÖ he who grinds it

c. /M-K-GÖ/

�� "MGÖ he who gives it

This environment also gives another piece of evidence for the stronger boundary, represented as asingle word boundary in rule (8), following the directional prefixes since an K is inserted in the formsbelow.60

60 In footnote 27 of chapter 2 it is discussed how an unspecified final subject of a passive clause is

represented. The nominal which appears occurs following the directional prefix in the following

112

(7) a. /PV=M-CÖ/

KPV�"MCÖ he who goes

b. /PV=UK-CÖ/

KPV� "UCÖ he will go

c. /PV=[Q-CÖ/

KPV�"[CÖ he went

An i is not inserted following the direction prefix /OQ=/, however: OQ¸-M-CÖ he who comes. Theepenthesis rules can be formulated as follows, i-Epenthesis bleeding a-Epenthesis.

(8) i-Epenthesis: ∅ → K� C [+son] ___ C + ROOT [+Stress Retr.] C # #

(9) a-Epenthesis: ∅ → C / C ___ C + ROOT [+Stress Retr.]

The form in (10) shows that a-Epenthesis also feeds Fronting (§2.3.5).

(10) /M-O-GÖ/ Don’t give it!

�MG"OGÖ

The verb /-QÖO/ does not utilize the word-initial environment for the insertion of K: M-Q¸ÖO he wholies.

5.1.3. Other irregularities of stress-retracting verbs

Stress-retracting verbs also all share the characteristic of treating forms with the emphatic prefix /:Q-/differently than forms with the irrealis /RQ-/ or distal /[Q-/. The Q of the emphatic prefix fails to deleteby Vowel deletion (§2.3.3). The following forms are all with first person singular subjects.

(11) Emphatic DistalK!-:Q¸-CÖ !-� "-[-CÖ accompany

OQ-!R-:Q¸-CÖ KO-!-C"[-CÖ come

K!R-:Q¸-CÖ !-C[-CÖ be

K!-:Q¸-CÖ !-� "[-CÖ grind

K!R-:Q¸-QÖO !-C"[-QÖO lie

K!R-:Q¸-GÖ !-G"[-GÖ say

An emphatic realis form of a [+Stress retracting] root is therefore marked [-Vowel deletion].

example.

(ii) MQ=PV=MOKMG=M9=K-U-CÖ!-CCU½K��!CM3Ob-away-person-3Ob-3P-IRR-PASS-send thewith respect to a person's being sent away

This provides additional evidence for the stronger boundary following the directional prefixes.

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The verb /-QÖO/ lie is also exceptional in that it acts like a transitive verb in two respects. First,Coalescence (§2.3.5) never applies although it is expected to. Secondly, the allomorph /!-/ of thesecond person singular imperative (cf. §2.5.7) occurs rather than vowel ablaut.

(12) !CPV�[-Q¸ÖO He lay down.

!CPV�!-Q¸ÖO Lie down!

The transitive verbs /-CÖ / accompany, /-GÖ/ give, and /-CÖ/ grind also share an additionalirregularity. They undergo a minor rule inserting glottal stop. It is not clear under what conditions thisrule, which feeds a-Epenthesis, applies. The inserted glottal stop is underlined in the following forms.Additional forms in which no inserted glottal stop appears, are included for comparison. The secondperson singular imperative form of give, !�"!GÖ, is irregular in that i-Insertion rather than a-Insertionapplies.

(13) accompany give grind

Infinitive / K!C-CÖ / /K!C-GÖ/ /K!C-CÖ/

K!C"!CÖ �K!G"!GÖ �K!C"!CÖ

2 sg. Imp. /!-CÖ / /!-G"Ö/ /!-CÖ/

!C"!CÖ �!�"!GÖ �!C"!CÖ

1 pl. Imp� /UC-CÖ / /UC-GÖ-[QZ/ /UC-CÖ-[QZ/

� �UC"!CÖ �UG"![QZ �UC"![QZ

2 sg. Imp. /!RQ-∅-CÖ / —— ——

1 sg. Object K!RQ¸!CÖ

Subj. Nom., /!C-R-CÖ / /!C-R-GÖ/ /!C-R-CÖ/

Passive !CRC"!CÖ !CRG"!GÖ �!CRC"!CÖ

2 sg. Action —— /OK-∅-R-GÖ/ ——

Nom., Passive �OKRG"!GÖ

1 sg. Irrealis, —— /!R-UK-R-GÖ/ ——

Passive �K!RURG"!GÖ

Subj. Nom., /K-O-CÖ / /K-O-GÖ/ /K-O-CÖ/

Negative �� "OCÖ �� "OGÖ �� "OCÖ

Object prefixes do not receive a retracted stress. Rather, an K is inserted as if the object prefix werenot there. This insertion rule does not feed Vowel deletion (§2.3.3).

(14) a. OC-� "V-GÖ Did he give it to you?

b. OC-� "V-[QZ Did they give it to you?

c. OC-� "V-CÖ C Did they accompany you?

Plural subject agreement prefixes are replaced by singular subject agreement prefixes beforecertain stress-retracting verbs.

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(15) !-� "V-GÖ Did I give it to him?

!-� "V-[QZ Did we give it to him?

As these forms illustrate, the singular and plural forms are distinguished solely by the shape of thestem.

A number of the stress-retracting verbs have plural stems which lack the root-initial vowel insurface forms.

(16) singular pluralbe -CÖ -Z

give -GÖ -[QZ

grind -CÖ -[QZ

These verbs behave in every way as if the long vowel were present at certain levels of derivation,however, suggesting that a minor deletion rule is operating.

(17) Root vowel deletion (minor): V → ∅ / [ ___________ [+Stress Retr.] [+Plural ]

An analysis which posits underlying vowel-initial plural roots would account for 1) the fact thatsuppletive prefix allomorphy before singular and plural stems is the same; 2) the deletion of prefixvowels, as in (18); and 3) the fact that an inserted a becomes e in plural stems when the correspondingsingular stem has eÖ, even though no such conditioning vowel occurs in the surface forms of pluralroots, as in (19).

(18) /MQ-[Q-CÖZ/

�MQ¸-[-Z they were with it

/MQ-RQ-CÖZ/

�MQ¸-R-Z if they will be with it

(19) /OK-MC-GÖ[Q/ PROX-US-say O-G"M-[Q they (unspecified) say

/OK-GÖ[Q/

�V-G"O-[Q they say

The verb /-GÖ/ say is irregular in two ways. First, it never undergoes i-Epenthesis, but rathera-Epenthesis in all cases. Second, when only a single consonant precedes the root, a meaningless V isinserted, thus feeding a-Epenthesis. The rule inserting V is fed by Vowel deletion (§2.3.3).

(20) a. /M-GÖ/

VG"MGÖ he who says

b. /UK-GÖ/

VG"UGÖ he will say

c. /[Q-GÖ/

VG"[GÖ he said

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d. /K-O-GÖ/

�� "OGÖ he who doesn’t say

One final irregularity that is shared by all roots which retract stress is that the allomorph /!-/ of theaction/oblique nominalizer occurs rather than the allomorph /[-/ (plus Ablaut) that might be expectedin some case (cf. §2.6.3).

(21) a. /OQ-K-!-CÖ/

O�"!C his coming

b. /PV-K-!-CÖ/

�KPV�"!CÖ his going

c. /K-!-QÖO/

�� "!QÖO his lying

d. /K-!-GÖ/

�� "!GÖ his saying

e. /MQ-K-!-CÖ/

�M9�"!CÖ his being with

The verb /-CÖ/ be has a glottal stop instead of a M in the subject nominalized form: MQ¸-!-CÖ�who iswith.

5.2. The verbs come and go

The verbs come and go, which use the directional prefixes /OQ=/ and /PV=/ (cf. §2.5.14), are based onthe root /-CÖ/. The prefix /OQ=/ toward loses its o by Vowel Deletion (§2.3.3), as described in §2.5.14,as well as by the following rule which applies to this morpheme only.

(22) m V = C V ⇒ 1 ∅ 3 4 [-str]1 2 3 4

Accordingly, an underlying form such as /OQ=:Q-CÖ/ He came! surfaces as�KO:Q¸CÖ, and /OQ=V-O-CÖ/Didn’t he come? as imtC"ma. The latter shows that (22) is fed by a-Epenthesis (9). The o remainsbefore a consonant cluster: /OQ=!R-:Q-CÖ/ OQ!R:Q¸CÖ�I came!. If the o is stressed by StressRetraction (1), it does not delete: /OQ=[Q-CÖ/ OQ¸[CÖ He came. Exceptionally, however, the o doesnot delete in the second person negative forms of the verb go.

(23) /OQ=M-O-CÖ/

�OQMC"OCÖ Don’t come (sg.)!

/OQ=M-O-CÖ-V/

�OQMC"OCÖV Don’t come (pl.)!

Some ad hoc condition must therefore be added to rule (22).

5.3. The verbs /-CC/ know and /-GG/ give

The verbs /-CC/ know and /-GG/ give must be marked to undergo a minor rule of y-Epenthesis whichfollows Short low vowel deletion (§2.3.2).

(24) y-Epenthesis: ∅ → [ / K ___ +

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(25) a. /K-OK-CC/

�KO�"[C he knows it

b. /K-UK-GG/

�KU�"[G he will give him it

c. /K-[Q-CC/

�K[Q¸C he knew it

d. /K-V-CC/

�KVC"C Did he know it?

e. /M-GG/

�MG"G Give him it!

f. /M-K-GG/

�M�"[G he who gives him it

5.4. Pseudo-short low vowel roots

A few verbs have roots beginning with phonetically short low vowels but which behave with respectto all phonological rules and all spell-out rules as though they had long low vowels. If underlying shortvowels are posited these verbs must therefore carry many exception features. Such an analysis doesnot capture the generalization that these verbs behave as though they had long vowels with respect toall rules. An alternative analysis, which I will adopt, is to posit underlying long vowels and thefollowing late minor rule.

(26) Shortening: V → [-long] / root[ ___

Some verbs which must be marked [+Shortening] are /-CÖMCV/ swim (which contrasts phonologicallywith /-CMCV/ bitter), /-CÖKÖ/ awaken, /-CÖUMKO/ paddle (which contrasts phonetically with MCÖUMKOflounder), /-CÖ!C/ submit, /-CÖKVQZ/ creep, and /-CÖUCMKO/ comb one’s hair.


The analysis of the abstract consonant, presented in chapter 6, could be extended to handled the factsin §5.3. The roots would be /-CQC/ and /-GQG/, respectively, where Q represents the abstract consonant(or empty consonant position, according to later analyses). The spreading of the features of K to thisposition, generating [ would follow directly, as well as the fact that the features of o do not spread(since there is no semivowel w in the language).

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Chapter 6Topics in Seri phonology

6.1. The abstract consonant

In §1.1 it was mentioned that Seri has a consonant whose features cannot be determine synchronically.In this section I will present the case for the abstract consonant. First the facts will be presented, and aconcrete solution developed. Then the concrete solution will be compared with the abstract solutionwhich involves positing an abstract underlying consonant.

6.1.1. “Irregular” verbs and a concrete solution

There are twenty some verbs that do not pattern like the verbs discussed in chapters 2 or 5 with respectto prefix allomorphy. 61 Note the paradigm in (1).

61 The “irregular” verbs that I have found are listed below, with the symbol Q representing the

abstract consonant that will be ultimately proposed.

(i) Intransitive-QC! make (whistling) sound

-QCOQR:C be lost

-QCO9Z be brilliant

-QCR:9 be brittle

-QCU½CZQZ be latticed

-QCU½QZ be perforated

-QC: be hard

-QK!WZ be red

-QKÖOK: be very much

-QQ argue

-QQÖUZ sprinkle

Transitive-QCMVKO use, fix, touch

-QC:U½ hit with stick

-QKÖ feel

-QKU½Q lift (heavy item)

-QQVU½ suck

Transitive and detransitivized-QGPZ play stringed instrument

-QGÖVPK tap

-QKO throw at

-QKOQU½ think

-QKU½Z grind to pulp

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(1) Nominalized Neutral Irrealis Distalshiny MMCOWZ VVCOWZ UUCOWZ [QCOWZplay stringed instrument (T) MMGPZ KVVGPZ KUUGPZ K[QGPZ

(D) MQGPZ VQGPZ UQGPZ [GPZ

feel MMKÖ KVVKÖ� KUUKÖ K[QKÖ

argue MMQ �� VVQ �� UUQ �� [QQ

grind to MMKU½Z� KVVKU½Z� KUUKU½Z K[QKU½Z

soft pulp MQKU½Z� VQKU½Z�� UQKU½Z� [CKU½Z

The superficial irregularities are numerous. First, if the verbs are assumed to have vowel-initial roots,they appear to be exceptions to Vowel Deletion (cf. §2.3.3). CompareÖ

(2) RegularÖ /K-[Q-KÖ/ → �K[KÖ� he heard it

IrregularÖ /K-[Q-KÖ/� (?) → �K[QKÖ� he felt it

Second, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Short low vowel deletion (cf. 2.3.2). CompareÖ

(3) RegularÖ /K-[Q-CR/ → K[QÖR� she sewed it

IrregularÖ /[Q-COWZ/ (?) → [QCOWZ it was shiny

Third, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Coalescence (cf. §2.3.5). CompareÖ

(4) RegularÖ /[Q-QVZ/ → [CVZ he arose

IrregularÖ /[Q-Q / (?) → [QQ � he argued

Fourth, these verbs appear to be exceptions to Ablaut (cf. §2.5.3). Compare:

(5) Regular: /V-Q-KÖR/ → VGR did he carry (on head)?

Irregular: /V-Q-KU½Z/ → VQKU½Z did he grind?

Regular: /K!C-KÖ/ → K!G to hear

Irregular: /K!C-KÖ/ (?) → K!CKÖ� to feel

A rule feature analysis could mark these roots as [-Vowel deletion], [-Short low vowel deletion],[-Coalescence], and [-Ablaut]. Coalescence applies, nevertheless, when the environment is met withinthe prefixes themselves, as in [CKU½Z (</[Q-Q-KU½Z/). A rule deleting a is necessary for those caseswhere an impermissible sequence ae would otherwise be generated. The underlying form /[Q-Q-KPZ/yields a surface form [GPZ rather than [CGPZ. This rule is given as (6).

(6) C → ∅ / ___ + G

In addition, whereas these verbs appear to be exceptions to Vowel deletion, prefixal K’s do delete, asshown below.

(7) /K-[Q-GPZ/ (?) → K[QGPZ he played it

/K-UK-GPZ/ (?) → KUUGPZ he will play it

/M-K-GPZ/ (?) → MMGPZ he who plays it

Therefore a minor deletion rule would be needed to delete K’s before these roots which would still bemarked as exceptions to Vowel deletion.

The most salient feature of these irregular verbs, however, is that a prefix consonant geminates if itis contiguous to the root. CompareÖ

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(8) Regular: /K-V-KÖR/ → KVKÖR did he carry it?

Irregular: /K-V-KU½Z/ (?) → �KVVKU½Z did he grind it?

Regular: /[Q-O-KU/ → [QOKU it wasn’t raw

Irregular: /[Q-O-COWZ/ (?) → [QOOCOWZ it wasn’t shiny

These verbs must be marked to undergo a special gemination rule which does not apply to any otherforms in the language.

Another phonological rule to which these verbs are exceptions is the rule which accounts for thealternation MQ-~ M9- of the third person oblique prefix (cf. §2.4.3). CompareÖ

(9) Regular: /MQ-!-CÖ-CU/ → M9!CÖU Give it to him to drink!

Irregular: /MQ-!-C:U½/ (?) → MQ!C:U½ Hit him with it!

Irregular: /MQ-!-KU½Z/ (?) → MQ!KU½Z Pound it with it!

It is not clear how the rule feature necessary would be formulated, however, since the rule ofo-Spirantization fails to apply only when the o is followed by a single consonant and the root vowel.The rule applies in cases such as the following.

(10) /MQ-K-UK-KU½Z/ (?) → M9KUUKU½Z he will pound it with it

/MQ-V-Q / (?) → M9VVQ did he argue about it?

The superficial irregularities of these verbs are also very evident when the spell-out rules ofvarious prefixes are considered. First, the allomorph /CÖ-/ of the augment prefix (cf.2.5.6) is the onlyone which occurs, even though other allomorphs would be expected before these roots if they werevowel initial.

(11) -CÖ-K!WZ make red

-CÖ-QVQU½-QV make suck

-CÖ-C!K-V make whistle

These roots must therefore be marked as belonging to an ad hoc class which requires the allomorph/CÖ-/.

Second, the allomorph /CÖ!-/ of the passive prefix (cf. §2.5.5) occurs although the allomorph /R-/ isthe one expected before vowel-initial roots.

(12) M9-V-CÖ!-C:U½ was he hit?

V-CÖ!-KÖ was it felt?

These roots must therefore be marked as requiring the allomorph /CÖ!-/. In addition, the glottal stop ofthe passive prefix, which deletes in regular verbs by rule (84) of chapter 2, also deletes in these“irregular” verbs even though the environment for rule (84) is not found.

(13) !-CÖ-QVU½ what was sucked < /!C-CÖ!-QVU½/ (?)

!-GPZ�� what was played < /!C-CÖ!-GPZ/ (?)

!-CÖ-C:U½ what was hit < /!C-CÖ!-C:U½/ (?)

Therefore in the rule feature solution a minor rule of glottal deletion would be necessary.

Third, the only allomorph of the second person imperative prefix which occurs directly beforethese roots is /!-/, even though other allomorphs are expected in some cases (cf. §2.5.7). In addition, itappears that i-Epenthesis (38) of chapter 2 has applied even though the conditions for its applicationare not met.

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(14) K!-KU½Q Lift it! < /!-KU½Q/ (?)

K!-COWZ Be shiny! < /!-COWZ/ (?)

K!-QVU½ Suck it! < /!-QVU½/ (?)

K!-GPZ Play it! < /!-GPZ/ (?)

These verbs must therefore be marked to take the allomorph /!-/ of the imperative prefix and also toundergo a minor i-Epenthesis rule.

Fourth, the allomorph /∅-/ of the action/oblique nominalizer (cf. §2.6.3) occurs with these verbseven though in some cases the allomorphs /[-/ or /!-/ would be expected if they had vowel-initialroots.

(15) OK-∅-QVU½ your sucking it

OK-∅-KU½Q your lifting it

OK-∅-Q : your (pl.) arguing

Therefore these verbs must be marked to require the zero allomorph.

Fifth, the allomorph /Q-/ of the object nominalizer occurs before these roots although again insome cases a different allomorph would be expected (cf. §2.6.2).

(16) !-Q-KÖ what I felt

!-Q-KO whom I threw things at

!-Q-KU½Z what I ground

!-Q-GPZ what I played

!-Q-QVU½ what I sucked

A rule feature analysis must mark these roots to take this allomorph.

In summary, a rule feature analysis requires something in the order of six minus rule features, fourpositive rule features (for minor rules), and five special markings so that the correct suppletiveallomorph will occur. (It was also noted that the minus rule features are complicated.) In the nextsection an abstract solution will be presented that contrasts markedly with this analysis.

6.1.2. Abstract solution

The concrete, rule feature analysis developed above has assumed that the geminating verbs havevowel-initial roots. If that assumption is not granted and consonant-initial roots are posited instead, theanalysis would be quite different. First of all, the fact that the behavior of these verbs is not like that ofother vowel-initial verbs is immediately explained. Second, the geminate consonant clusters can behandled by a phonological rather than morphological rule. If we let the symbol Q represent the initialconsonant of these roots, the following assimilation rule derived VVCOWZ is it shiny from underlying/V-QCO9Z/.

(17) Q-Assimilation; Q → Ci / Ci ___ [+cns]

Q does not assimilate to a nonconsonantal segment, such as the glottal stop of the passive prefix.

(18) V-CÖ!-KÖ was it felt? /V-CÖ!-QK/

Third, the consonant-initial root also makes the minor i-Deletion rule unnecessary since i-Deletion(21) of chapter 2 deletes prefixal i’s before consonants. Thus underlying /UK-QCOWZ/ becomesUUCOWZ by i-Deletion (21) and Q-Assimilation. Fourth, no ad hoc markings are necessary for thesuppletive allomorphs. The geminating verbs simply take the allomorphs of the prefixes which are

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expected before consonant-initial roots. These roots act like consonant-initial roots with respect tophonological rules such as i-Epenthesis and o-Spirantization. The only extra rule necessary, a rule ofabsolute neutralization, deletes Q in all other contexts than those specified in (17).

(19) Q-Deletion: Q → ∅By ordering rules (17) and (19) after Vowel Deletion, Coalescence, Ablaut, i-Epenthesis, o-Spirantization, and, of course, all of the spell-out rules, all of the supposed exceptional behavior ofthese verbs disappears.

6.1.3. Comparison of analyses

I have shown in detail how two different analyses would handle these data. The abstract analysisposits an abstract consonant, a simple assimilation rule, and a rule of absolute neutralization. In therule feature solution developed, the geminating verbs must be marked by at least fifteen rule features.The number of rule features in the concrete analysis is significant, and increases proportionately to thenumber of prefixes considered.

If the abstract solution is rejected, not only must the lexicon be complicated by markinggeminating verbs for the numerous exception features, but the complexity of the spell-out rules mustbe greatly increased, and four minor, unnatural rules must be added to the phonology. Moreover, toreject the abstract solution is to reject a coherent and unified account of the facts in favor of a solutionwhich claims that the exceptionality of geminating verbs is due to an ad hoc collection of arbitraryexception features (of more than one type). I conclude that the abstract solution is to be preferred.

Brame (1972Ö51), following Kisseberth’s (1969) constraint, suggests that similar arguments for anabstract solution in Maltese Arabic would be convincing “only if the exact nature of X can bediscovered and if X can be shown to exhibit a distribution similar to other root segments.” AlthoughBrame could do both for Arabic, I have found no evidence for positing the abstract consonant of Seriin any position but root-initially. As for the identity of the abstract consonant, the problem in Seri isthat the phonetic evidence does not exist for claiming Q to be any particular consonant, unlike theArabic or Yawelmani case. The facts do not even point to what class of consonant it might belong,phonotactics being no help here either. There is no single glaring gap in the phonemic system whichmight point to the identity of the consonant. Therefore there seems to be no way to identify thisabstract consonant with chameleon-like properties. Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1977Ö57-58) point outthat cases of this type have been described elsewhere, but suggest that in those cases there is somedoubt that the abstract solution is to be clearly favored.

The usual procedures do not lead to a unique solution to the problem of the underlying forms ofQ-verbs. The following alternatives must therefore be considered. Alternative one: avoid the identityproblem by assigning Q certain phonetic features, either arbitrarily or by some principle. Thisalternative involves arbitrariness since no reason exists for claiming Q is underlying q, h, or w.Alternative two: leave the features of the abstract consonant unspecified in the lexical andphonological representation, except for [-syllabic], of course. Then no arbitrary or otherwiseunmotivated choices of underlying features would have to be made. If the features of Q are leftunspecified in the phonological representations, how will the rules affecting Q be written? Exploitingthe fact that the features are unspecified, the rules would appear as below, the assimilation rule beingvery similar to the type of rule specifying the features of an archisegment in the traditional sense.

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(20) Assimilation: Deletion:-syl +cns -syl0F1 → α1F1 / α1F1 ___ 0F1 → ∅0F2 α2F2 α2F2 · · · · · · · · 0Fm

0Fm αmFm αmFm

The advantage of this solution is that is avoids the arbitrariness of positing a fully-specified underlyingconsonant. It claims no more than the facts warrant. While it has been argued (Stanley 1967) that thematrices of phonological representations must be fully specified to avoid contrasting plus, minus, andunspecified, these arguments have been based on the assumption that the matrices could be fullyspecified. This assumption cannot be granted in the Seri case, however, since the feature values cannotbe determined. This alternative also seems to violate Postal’s (1968) Naturalness Condition,suggesting that this condition needs to be relaxed. In view of the weakness of the arguments againstthis solution, I consider the advantages sufficiently strong to favor its adoption.

6.2. Interpretation of phonetic vowel length

I have claimed (cf. §1.1) that the majority of phonetically long vowels in root-initial position should beinterpreted as underlyingly long vowels and not as sequences of two short vowels. In this section I willbriefly review the facts on which this claim is based. The first six pieces of evidence pertain only tolow vowels, but nonetheless provide evidence for underlying long vowels.

First, verbs with initial low vowels behave differently depending on whether the vowel is long orshort (cf. §§2.3.2-3). Compare the distal realis forms of /-CÖHU½:/ fast and /-CRU½:/ torn out; [-CÖHU½: hewas fast, [QÖ-RU½: it was torn out.

Second, verbs with initial low vowels take different allomorphs of the augment prefix, dependingon the length of the vowel (cf. §2.5.6). The allomorphs /CÖ-/ and /CÖM-/ occur before short low vowelsand /CÖ!-/ before long low vowels.

Third, the allomorphs of the second person imperative differ before low vowels of differinglengths (cf. §2.5.7). The allomorph /M-/ occurs before short low vowels. Before long low vowels otherallomorphs appear.

Fourth, the object (nonfuture) nominalizer has different allomorphs before low vowels of differinglengths (cf. §2.6.2). The allomorph /[-/ occurs before long low vowels, and /Q-/ [+Ablaut] before shortlow vowels (and also before consonants).

Fifth, the distribution of the allomorphs of the action/oblique nominalizer depends in part onvowel length (cf. §2.6.3). Before short low vowels a zero allomorph occurs, but before long lowvowels either /[-/ or /!-/ occurs.

Sixth, the infixation of /to-/ in stems (cf. § 4.1.4) occurs only when the stressed vowel is long if itis also low. The infixation also clearly distinguishes between the sequence KK and the unit KÖ, as shownin §4.1.4.

Seventh, one environment in which t-Deletion (cf. §4.3.1) applies is when an unstressed vowel anda consonant precede the V. A V therefore deletes following sequences such as C"K and C"QO. It does notdelete, however, following a long vowel and consonant such as CÖ: and KÖR.

These facts all provide evidence for the claim that Seri has long, as well as short, underlyingvowels. It is therefore irrelevant that phonetically long vowels are “structurally analogous to sequences

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of diverse vowels” (Moser and Moser 1965Ö65). It has also been shown (cf. §4.1.4 and §5.3) that thereis evidence for positing sequences of identical vowels in underlying forms.


The analysis of this chapter appeared in Marlett 1981. Marlett and Stemberger 1983 presents avariation on the analysis, where the abstract consonant is reanalyzed as an empty consonant position inthe CV tier. This is a much less abstract analysis, of course. It is not clear how these facts would behandled in the more current moraic theories that exclude the CV tier.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1981. The abstract consonant in Seri. Proceedings of the Berkeley LinguisticsSociety, pp. 154-165.

Marlett, Stephen A. and Joseph P. Stemberger. 1983. Empty consonants in Seri. Linguistic Inquiry14:617-639.

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Chapter 7The noun phrase

A noun phrase in Seri typically consists of a head noun followed by an optional number of relative(and hence nominalized) clauses and a demonstrative adjective or article. Less typical types of nounphrases will also be discussed below.

7.1. Definite articles

Moser 1978a discusses the definite articles and demonstratives of Seri and the facts will only bebriefly reviewed here. There are several “positional” articles, which Moser argues came historicallyfrom verbs (which continue to exist synchronically) denoting position or movement. The articles aregiven below.

(1) SingularMKZ seated

MCR/MQR standing

MQO lying

!KROQMC coming, close

!KRKPVKMC going, close

VKOQMC coming, distant

VKPVKMC going, distant

!KOKPVKMC going, distant

MK! unspecified position/movement

(!)CM area

PluralMQK stationary or unspecified position/movement

!KU½OQMCV coming, close

!KU½KPVKMCV going, close

VCOQMCV coming, distant

VCPVKMCV going, distant

!KOKPVKMCV going, distant

The article MK! is best analyzed as synchronically having an underlying form /M!/, the K being insertedby i-Epenthesis (§2.3.4), since it has the shape M! before vowels and MK! before consonants. (Theseallomorphs will not be represented phonetically in transcriptions in this thesis.) The glottal stop deletesutterance finally, bleeding i-Epenthesis and resulting in the allomorph M. The article denoting standingposition has two allomorphs: MCR, which is closer to the historical source; and MQR, the Q of which isprobably due to influence from MQO. The article used for areas has a glottal-initial allomorphfollowing vowels and a vowel-initial allomorph following consonants,

The plural set, which is much smaller than the singular set, might also contain some additionalrarely used forms that are more like the plural forms of the positional verbs. The “meanings” of thearticles given above belie their actual usage, however. The motion articles, for example, are also usedwith objects such as a beach which runs along a certain dimension.

The article is almost always the last element of a noun phrase, but sometimes other articles occurfollowing various elements in the noun phrase, as in (2j), for reasons that are not well understood. The

125

singular/plural distinction is also not always strictly maintained (cf. (2g)). Examples illustrating someof these articles are given below.

(2) a. VQÖV9ZM��MKZ��M-O-K: cholla IMP-NEG-takeDon’t grab the cholla cactus!

b. U½GOG��MQR��KO-U-MO-QÖMVC��!C-!C 2sS-IRR-NEG-look=at AUX-DECLYou shouldn’t look at the last light of the day!

c. U½CÖ!��MK!��K-VK��O-R-KÖ!-:��sun 3P-on 2sS-IRR-be-UT

MUCK��MQO��OK- KV��MK!��MQ-O-U-CÖK��!C-!Cbrush 2P-hair 3Ob-2sS-IRR-do AUX-DECL

You should brush your hair in the daytime.

d. M-K-!Q��VKPVKMC��VKÖ:��K-U-MQO-[CÖ��!C-!CNOM-OM-see 3PRO OM-IRR-NEG-own AUX-DECLThe finder—he won’t own it.

e. :GRG��VKOQMC��CPQ��!CPV��[CKVsea in down DIST/descendIt fell into the sea.

f. K!OCÖ��VCPVKMCV��U½Q��!CÖ��PV-� "V-CÖ-:others a there away-RL-move-UTone of the others going along...

g. MCÖP MC��MK!��:Q-K CZMbass EMPH-strong/PLBass are very strong (fish).

h. !G-OG��!CM��M9-!C-V-CU½MCOABS-camp 3Ob-1plS-RL-arrive/PLWe arrived at the camp...

i. OK-P ��MK!��U-U½CV:-:Q2P-fingers IRR-thorny-EMPHYour fingers will get thorns in them!

j. :KMC��MK!��M-KÖ-UVQZ��MK!��K!OCÖ��MQO��K-V-QÖMVCO-:�things NOM-have-spirits other OM-RL-look=at/PL-UTThe other people observed him...

In the following examples a nonspecific direct object, instrumental, or locative occurs without anarticle.

(3) a. VKÖ:��!CUQ��M-U½CR KO-K!K

3PRO net NOM-sew-!KHe’s mending net(s).

b. !C:QZ��V-CHRshore RL-arriveHe arrived at shore...

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c. !G-OG��OKÖ-U½MCOABS-camp PROX-arrive/PLThey arrived at camp....

d. GÖPO-!CÖMPK-Q��M9-K-V-C!��K-OKÖ-M9

metal-bow-Q 3Ob-OM-RL-do OM-PROX-killDoing it with a rifle, he killed it.

e. !G��U½KÖ:��!CR��M-K-M9�� "!K

1PRO thing deer NOM-OM-kill K!KI used to kill deer.

7.2. Indefinite articles

The indefinite articles are U½Q (singular), and RCM (plural). They also function as indefinite pronouns.The examples in (4) illustrate their usage as article and those in (5) as pronouns. U½Q occurs as U½�beforea vowel.

(4) a. MOKMG��MVCO��U½Q��VQM��M9-V-KÖ!��!C-:U½��U½��K-OKÖ-M9��person man there 3Ob-RL-be ABS-pet OM-PROX-killThere was a man, he killed a dog.

b. MQVQVCZ��U½Q��!CPV��U½��K-VK��RQÖ-Rboojum land 3P-on IRR-standIf there is a boojum tree in a place...

c. :KMC��RCM��VQM��M9-OQ-V-CÖVthings there 3Ob-toward-RL-move/PLSome people came...

(5) a. RCM��[QÖ-U½MCO DIST-arrive/PLSome arrived.

b. MOKMG��TQDGTVQ��MK!��U½��K-V-CM9person the OM-RL-killRoberto killed one.

7.3. Demonstratives

Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns are formed, as Moser 1977 describes, by placing a stressedlocative (from a limited set) before a positional article. In the case of the motion articles, the firstsyllable is simply stressed since it already contains a locative prefix. The locative prefixes are: !KR-(sg.) ~ !KU½- (pl.) close, !KO- distant, VK- (sg.) ~ VC- (pl.) distant.

The usage of these forms as adjectives is illustrated in (6), and as pronouns in (7).

(6) a. !CUQ��M-CÖM9 ��VC"MQOnets NOM-big/PLthose big nets

b. !CPV��!�"ROQMC��M9-V-CHRland 3Ob-RL-arriveHe arrived at this place...

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c. !CÖMQ��!�"RMQR��CPQ��OQ-V-CÖhouse from toward-RL-moveHe came out of this house...

d. MQOMCÖM��!�"U ½MQK��!C-UK-CÖ:QZ��!C-!Cpeople 1plS-IRR-leave/PL AUG-DECLWe must leave these people.

(7) a. V� "MQR��U½��K-V-CÖU½K one OM-RL-carryThat one took one...

b. VC"!CM��CPQ��!C-OKÖ-U½MCO to 1plS-PROX-arrive/PLWe arrived there.

c. !�"U ½MQK��MCPQ¸C��U½��K-[Q-[CÖV boat a OM-DIST-own/PLThese have a boat.

7.4. Relative clauses

A relative clause is formed by nominalizing the main verb. (For a discussion of the morphology, see§2.6.). The relative clause, which may occur headless, follows the head noun. Some examples aregiven below.

(8) Subject nominalizer

a. U½KÖ:��MK!��M-KÖ-UC:��MK!��Q:��K-UQZthing the NOM-have-spirit the thus 3P-being

K-∅-!��MK!��M-CÖ!-CV:Q��Q:��K-UQZ��K-V-C!3P-NOM-do the NOM-X-many thus 3P-being OM-RL-do

When the person who does thus many times does thus...

b. U½KÖ:��!C-R-C!KV��MK!��!KO-KV-[QZthing NOM-PASS-eat the 1sO-RL-give/PL

MOCÖ:��U½KÖ:��!-CÖ-[CÖV��MK!��!KO-KV-[QZthen thing NOM-PASS-own/PL the 1sO-RL-give/PL

They gave me food, they gave me valuable things...

Object nominalizer

c. :KMC��M-KR:C��!-Q-GPGM��VCMQK��!C-V-CKVQZ��!C-V-C:things NOM-few 1P-NOM-carry/PL those 1plS-RL-eat/PL 2plS-RL-finish/PL

We finished eating the few things that we had taken along...

d. O-Q-[CMC MCO��MVCOM9��MK!��M-QÖMZ-[C2P-NOM-call=sibling men the NOM-two-INTERRYou have two brothers, don’t you?

Oblique nominalizer

e. !G��MCPQ¸C��CPQ��!KÖ-∅-!MC��MQO1PRO boat in 1P-NOM-exist thethe boat that we had been in

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f. !CÖMQ��!KÖ-∅-HR��MQRhouse 1P-NOM-arrive thethe house to which I arrived

7.5. Adjectives

There are very few noun modifiers in Seri that are not verbal in morphology. Some forms, such as!GMG small and TQM9 crazy , are inflected like verbs except that there is no subject nominalized formwith /M-/; rather, the bare stem occurs under those conditions where /M-/ would be expected. The forms:C!:C"KÖ�imitation; kind of and K!OC"Ö�another are not inflected; they are evidently historically derivedfrom !C:�!-CÖ-QKÖ�(just NOM-PASS-feel) and K-O-!CÖ�(NOM-NEG-be).

7.6. Quantifiers

Most of the quantifiers in Seri are verbal, including the numerals, as illustrated by the followingexamples.

(9) a. KÖU½VQZ��V-QÖMZ��:Q:��KÖU½VQZ��V-CR:C��OC��[-CÖPKR:CV

moons RL-two :Q: moons RL-three SR DIST-return=home/PLAfter two or three months, they returned home.

b. VCÖ:��!C-RQ-MQÖ-:��M9-!C-U-OKÖR C��!C-!C3PRO 1plS-IRR-all-UT 3Ob-1plS-IRR-bad AUX-DECLThat would be bad for all of us; more literally, That, we will be all, we would bebad about it.

c. GÖPO-!CÖMU½QZ��MK!��V-MQÖ��OC��K-V-QÖP��V-CVC:��[Q-M-GÖmetal-bows the RL-all SR OM-RL-carry RL-go DIST-US-say/DHe took all of the rifles, he went, it is said.

The form CP:9 much is not verbal, however; it occurs with or without a nominal preceding it.

(10) a. MRQÖV��MK!��CP:9��RQ-R-GPmackerel the much IRR-PASS-carryIf lots of mackerel are taken...

b. CP:9��!CM:��KO-OKÖ!VQZ somewhere PROX-not=exist/PLMany have died.

The invariant form MQÖ: all is also used to quantify a noun phrase.

(11) U½KÖ:��MK!��K-VK��M9-K-∅-KVQO��MQÖ:��MC!��K-VK��M9-!-CÖKU½K�thing the 3P-on 3Ob-3P-NOM-talk the/FOC 3P-on 3Ob-IMP-do/PLDo (pl.) everything that he says.

7.7. Material

When the material of which an item consists is indicated, it occurs as a noun preceding the item.

(12) a. OQÖZ��RQÖUZ cotton linecotton line

b. !G!G��!C-UMCO shipwood ABS-balsa

c. !CUV��!C: stone arrowheadstone arrowhead

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If the head noun is verbalized with the prefix /K-/ (cf. §2.5.12), the material noun precedes the derivedverb.

(13) a. !QÖTQ��M-K-VCUV he who has a gold tooth

gold NOM-K-tooth

b. GÖPKO��M-K-VCOV he who has metal sandals

metal NOM-K-sandal

7.8. Coordinate noun phrases

The coordinator :C! (with a variant :C!C) expresses both conjunction, as in (14a-c), and disjunction,as in (14d). Xa! typically follows each coordinated element, but is sometimes omitted following thelast element. The precise position of this particle is before the final article of the noun phrase, if thereis one; note that in (14c) it splits up the demonstrative adjective (cf. §7.3).

(14) a. CPQ��UKÖ-U½MCO��!C-!C��U½K:MCO��M-CM9 C��:C!��MCÖP MC��:C!in IRR-arrive/PL AUX-DECL fish NOM-long/PL bassTotoaba (fish) and small baya (fish) will arrive among them.

b. !GMQV��!C-V-KÖ!ZQZ��VQM��MQ-PV-!C-O-CÖV��MOKMG�TQDG"TVQ�:C!C��desert 1plS-RL-be/PL there 3Ob-away-1plS-PROX-move/PL person

RGÖFTQ��:C!C��:9CÖP��:C!C�UGTZKQ

We were in the desert, we went there—Roberto, and Pedro, and Juan, and Sergio.

c. MOKMG��TQDG"TVQ��!KO��:C!��MKZ��MOKMG��OCTV�"P��:C!person LOC the person

MKZ��MQÖ:-Q��M9-K-M-CÖ-KVQZ��CM

the all-Q�� 3Ob-3P-US-AUG-eat/PL the

Both Roberto and Martin, with respect to the fishing...

d. !-CÖ-UCOK M��M-U½Q:9M��:C!��M-QKVQONOM-PASS/AUG-curled/PL NOM-four NOM-five

:C!��K-UPCÖR��M-CU½QZ��MK!��V-R-CU½KCZ 3P-chest NOM-one the RL-PASS-cut/MULT

When four, five, or six bundles have been cut...

Coordinate noun phrases sometimes occur without Xa!.

(15) U½K:MC"O��M-QÖURQZ��MK!��MCÖP MC��MK!fish NOM-spotted the the

U½K:MC"O��M-CÖM9 ��MK!��M9-V-KÖ!��K-VK��O-QKÖ��:CVZ��MKZfish NOM-big/PL the 3Ob-RL-be 3P-on PROX-be/PL fishing=spot the

Spotted bass, were in the fishing spot.

7.9. Compounds

The most salient stress in both phrases and compounds is the rightmost. Thus phrases and compoundsare not structurally distinguishable except that the latter sometimes involve the loss of a consonant orvowel, or some other mutation occurs. Some examples of compounds are given in §1.2.11.

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7.10. Pronouns

The personal pronouns, which distinguish person but not number, occur infrequently with finite verbs.They do not reflect grammatical relations. The forms are: !G (first person), and me (second person). Athird person pronoun e is used only in a slightly derogatory sense, as in (16d), and is rare.Demonstrative pronouns are generally used for third person; they include: VKÖ: (with a variant VK) thatone, VCÖ: (with a variant VC) those, that (abstract), !KR�"Ö: this one, and !KU½C"Ö:�these, this (abstract).Some examples are given below.

(16) Subject

a. !G��MOCÖ:��U½KÖ:��M-QMG"!V��U-CÖM-CÖC CO��MC-!C now thing NOM-bounce IRR-AUG-play/PL AUX-DECLNow we are going to play ball.

b. K!R-O-GÖGZKO��!G��MOCÖ:-C!C1sS-PROX-old now-?I am old now.

c. MVCO��MCKÖ�VKPVKMC��VKÖ:��V-CÖPR:��[Q-M-GÖman elder the 3PRO RL-return=home DIST-US-say/DThe older man, he returned home, it is said.

d. G��U½KÖ:��MK!��MQÖ:-C!��UG!G��M9-K-V-CC��M-COQU½-K!C thing the all-FOC — 3Ob-OM-RL-know NOM-think-DECLHe thinks that he can do anything.

Object

e. !G�VCÖ:��!KO-U-CÖ-VQ¸UKR QZ��!C-!K 3PRO 1sO-IRR-AUG-spottted/PL AUX-DECLThey will photograph me.

f. OG��!G��!KO-O-KU-CÖ ��MC-!C2PRO 1sO-2sS-IRR-accompany AUX-DECLYou will accompany me.

g. OG��OC-M-OKUVCZ 1sO-NOM-resemble/PLwho resembled you

h. VCÖ:��K!-[Q-OQÖU½K 1sS-DIST-dreamI dreamed that.

Possessor

i. OG��O-[CÖ-[C 2P-NOM/own-INTERRIs it yours?

j. !G��!KÖ-OG��!CM 1P-camp themy house

k. VCÖ:��OQU��MQOMC"ÖM��MGÖZ��MK!��!CPV:3PRO also people elders the base

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OQ¸-M-CÖV��MQK��VCÖ:��[CU½C-!Ctoward-NOM-move/PL the 3P/NOM/talk/PL-DECL

That is also what the old people said.

Reflexivity is expressed by a possessed form of the stem /-CUQZ/ being.

(17) !K-UQZ� myself !K-UQ MC� ourselves

OK-UQZ� yourself OK-UQ MC� yourselves

K-UQZ� himself K-UQ MC�� themselves

A singular form is sometimes used in lieu of a plural form.62

(18) !K-UQZ��!C-[QÖ-U½KVZ

!K-UQ MC 1plS-DIST-tattoo/PLWe tattooed ourselves.

Reciprocality is expressed with the form RVK (~ RVG) together. The verb stem indicates singularnumber agreement, however.

(19) a. RVK��K-[QÖ-U½KVKO OM-DIST-tattoo/SG/MULTThey tattooed each other.

b. !KU½C"Ö:��RVK��K-O-OKU��MK!��V-MQÖ��OCthese NOM-NEG-resemble the RL-all SRAll of these did not resemble each other...; i.e., All of these different kinds...

c. RVK��!C-[Q-O-CÖ!-KPGZ� 1plS-DIST-NEG-AUG-emptyWe did not cause each other to be gone; i.e., We stayed together.

d. K-∅-M-CÖKVKO��MK!��M-OKÖR C��VKPVKMC3P-NOM-US-do/MULT the NOM-bad the

VKÖ:��!KRK��OK-UQ MC��MQK��RVG��OC-U-MO-C!��!C-!C3PRO EMPH 2P-beings the 2plS-IRR-NEG-do AUX-DECL

You shouldn’t do bad things to each other.

7.11. Relational nouns

Many of the oblique grammatical relations are marked by separate, stress-bearing relational nouns towhich a possessive prefix is attached. When such a relational noun occurs, oblique agreement on theverb (cf. §2.4.3) is typically suspended.63

62 Note that reflexive morphology is used in the following type of sentenceÖ

(i) !KRK��!K-UQ MC�!KU½MQK�!-[QÖ-!QEMPH 1P-selves these 1sS-DIST-seeI saw us.

Reflexive clauses are finally transitive according the tests of transitivity presented in chapter 10.

63 Note the following exampleÖ

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7.11.1. Comitative; between

The singular comitative stem is /-C!C:/, and the plural is /-CMQV/. There are two third person forms ofeach: � "-!C: ~ M�"-!C:, and � "-MQV ~ M�"-MQV. It is not at all clear what is the difference in meaning orusage between the alternate forms.

(20) a. � "-!C:��[-CÖ-VKMRCP DIST-AUX-workHe worked with him.

b. K-!C:��RQ-R-CKÖ��VC-:��M�"-!C:��K-R-CÖK��VC-: IRR-PASS-do SR-UT OM-IRR-do SR-UTIf hei is helped, (and) hei helps himj...

c. M�"-MQV��K!R-V-CVC: 1sS-RL-goI went with them...

d. !�"-MQV��K-V-QÖPGM OM-RL-carry/PLThey carried it with us...; i.e., They helped us carry it.

e. VCÖ:�� "-MQV��V-CR3PRO RL-standHe was with them...

f. :KMC��M-KU½K ��MVCOM9��MQK��(M)K-MQV��!C-O-CÖC CO�things NOM-small/PL men the 1plS-PROX-play/PLWe played with the boys.

The stress on the relational noun is reduced when the noun phrase to which it is related precedes it, asin (20f).

This relational noun in its plural form also has the sense between. With this usage, however, thenoun has the characteristics of those discussed in §7.11.6—it retains its stress, it is followed by anarticle, and it is followed by another relational noun under certain conditions.

(21) !CÖM9V��MK!�� "-MQV��MQO��!GUGP��MK!��OKÖ-V:Qhouse the the ironwood the PROX-muchThere is a lot of ironwood between the houses.

7.11.2. Goal; Source

A singular goal triggers oblique agreement (cf. §2.4.3.). Plural goals, however, are marked by a formof /-CPQ/. A noun phrase is followed by CPQ, with reduced stress, as in (22c). The third person form isk�"-no or C"no otherwise.

(22) a. !�"-PQ��OKÖ-HR PROX-arriveHe arrived to us.

(ii) !KMK��MKZ��!CÖ-[C��CPQ��M9=V-CU½MKO

which the NOM/be-INTERR in 3Ob-RL-enterWhich one did he go into?

133

b. M�"-PQ��V-CU½MCO

C"no RL-arrive/PLThey arrived to them...

c. MCPQ¸CVCZ��MK!��CPQ��!C-[QÖU½MCOboats the 1plS-Dist-arriveWe arrived to the boats.

A source is also marked by a form of /-CPQ/.

(23) !G��M-QÖZQMCO��K-VK��[CKÖ��!CM��CPQ��M-CHR-K!C�1PRO NOM-flee/PL 3P-on 3P/NOM/be/PL the NOM-arrive-DECLI come from the place where the ones who fled are.

The relational noun /-CPQ/ has the sense of in in the following examples.

(24) a. !C-:U½��MQR��!C-OGP��CM��CPQ��M-CR-K!CABS-pet the ABS-inside the NOM-stand-DECLThe dog is inside the house.

b. MQÖRC�MKZ��CP��CM��CP��K-[QÖ-:MKOglass the inside the OM-DIST-putHe put it in the glass.

A temporal sense is indicated when this relational noun follows a nominalized verb.

(25) M9-!K-!-KÖO��C"PQ��!C-CÖM-CÖC KO3Ob-1P-NOM-sleep IMP-AUG-playPlay with it while I sleep!

This relational noun loses its final vowel when it precedes a vowel, as shown in (24b).

7.11.3. toward; with

The relational noun /-CMK/ has the sense toward in (26).

(26) a. !�"-MK��!-UKM9: IMP-shoveShove it towards me/us!

b. O�"-MK��V-CRMC RL-rainDid it rain on you (sg./pl.)?

The same form is used also to indicate the meaning with, in the sense of accompanied by as in(27). As (27a) shows, the stress on this form is reduced when it follows the noun phrase it is relating.

(27) a. !C-:��MK!��K-MK��V-R-COABS-liquid the RL-PASS-swallowIs it swallowed with water?

b. !C-VCÖK��KÖ-∅-MVKO��U½Q��!KO-O-� "R-GÖ��VC-:ABS-cloth 3P-NOM-be=cut a 1sO-2sS-IRR-give SR-UT

!KU½CM��K-VK��!-RQÖ-!�� "-MK��MQ-!-U-U½CR KO�� !C-!Chere 3P-on 1sS-IRR-do 3Ob-1sS-IRR-sew AUX-DECL

If you give me a piece of cloth, I will patch it with it.

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7.11.4. on

The relational noun /-CVK/ has the sense on. The third person form K-VK�is used in a temporal sense also,as shown by examples (28d-f). Oblique agreement also occurs when it has a temporal sense and thenoun phrase it relates is not a nominalized verb.

(28) a. � "-VK��O-U-MC"O-QÖO��!C-!C 2sS-IRR-NEG-lie AUX-DECLYou shouldn’t lie down on it.

b. !G��O�"-VK��!R-U-Q-U½CO��!C-!C1PRO 1sS-IRR-D-put AUX-DECLI’m going to step on you.

c. U½CÖ!��MKZ��!CO�"ÖOG��MQO��K-VK��M-KÖZ-K!Csun the sky the NOM-sit-DECLThe sun is in (on) the sky.

d. U½CÖ!��!KRMQR��K-VK��M9-K-UKÖ-HR��!C��V-GO-[Q

sun this 3Ob-IRR-arrive AUX V-PROX-say/D/PLThey say that he is coming today.

e. OKG"ÖTMQNGU��MQR��K-VK��M9-UK-Ö-HR�� !C-!CWednesday the 3Ob-IRR-arrive AUX-DECLHe will arrive on Wednesday.

f. !CÖ��PV-K-!-CÖV��K-VKthere away-3P-NOM-move/PLOn their going there...

7.11.5. above

The forms /-VCM / (sg.) and /-VCMCZ/ (pl.) indicate location above an item.

(29) !C-OCU½CZ��MKZ��OK-VC"M ��M-KÖZ-K!CABS-jug the NOM-sit-DECLThe jug is above you.

This noun has a literal meaning of surface, as in the phrase OK-PCK �K-VCM �the surface of your skin.

7.11.6. Other

The following relational nouns also occur. They differ from those discussed above in that 1) they allretain their stress when following the noun phrase they relate, 2) they are followed by an article, and 3)they are followed by another relational noun such as ano or i-ti.

(30) midst of behind (literally backside)/-COCM/ (sg.), /-COCZM/ (pl.) /-CRCM/ (sg.), /-CRCZM/ (pl.)

under (one or two things covering) under (several things covering)/-OQM / (sg.), /-OQMCZ/ (pl.) /-CRQV/

in front of beside; with respect to/-[CP�"ÖM/ (sg.), /-[CP�"ÖMZQZ/ (pl.) /-CMR/

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(31) a. U½KÖ:��M-QMG"!V��MKZ��O�"-OCM��CM��CPQ��:-KÖZthing NOM-bouncy the the in EMPH-sitThe ball is in the midst of you (pl.)

b. !C-:U½��MQR��!CÖMQ��MK!�� "-RCM��CM��CPQ��M-CR-K!CABS-pet the house the the in NOM-stand-DECLThe dog is behind the house.

c. !C-R-CURQZ��!-CÖPQ¸ÖMCZ��MK!NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted NOM-PASS/carry=in-arms the

OK-OQM ��CM��CPQ��:-KÖ! the in EMPH-be

The book is under you!

d. !C-R-CURQ MC��MQK��K-RQV��CM��CPQ��V-QÖONOM-PASS-AUG/spotted/PL the the in RL-lieIs it lying under the papers?

e. !C-:U½��MQR��!CÖMQ��MQR��[CP�"ÖM��CM��K-VK��M-CR-K!CABS-pet the house the the 3P-on NOM-stand-DECLThe dog is standing in front of the house.

f. OK- KV��MK!��K-MR��CM��U½��K-MK��O-RQÖ-:MKO2P-head the the one 3P-toward 2sS-IRR-throwIf you throw one towards the side of your head...


The definite articles are discussed in detail in Marlett and Moser 1994 where it is suggested that thelanguage is developing a noun class system. While the usage of the positional articles is quitetransparent semantically in most cases, there are certainly many cases, and many groups of cases,where the semantic origin has become opaque.

Stephen A. Marlett and Mary B. Moser. 1994. El desarrollo de clases nominales en seri. Estudios deLingüística y Sociolingü�tVWLFD, ed. Gerardo López Cruz and José Luis Moctezuma Zamarrón.Hermosillo: Universidad de Sonora and Instituto Nacional de Antropolog�tD�H�+LVWRULD�

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Chapter 8Word order and foregrounding

In this chapter I will discuss basic word order and various ways in which a nominal can beforegrounded without changing the grammatical relation that it bears to the clause.

8.1. Basic word order

Nominals are not marked for case in Seri. Word order, while not immutable, is quite important inindicating grammatical relations. The unmarked order, which is also the most frequent when fullnominals appear in a clause, is Final 1 - Obliques - Final 3 - Final 2 - Predicate. This order isillustrated by the following sentences.

(1) a. !CUV��MK!��!G!G��MQO��K-V-CVPKstone the stick the OM-RL-touchIs the stone touching the stick?

b. !CUV��MK!��!G!G��MQO��MQ=O-V-CÖ-VPKstone the stick the 3Ob-2sS-RL-AUG-touchDid you make the stone touch the stick?

c. MOCÖO��MK!��!CUV��MK!��!G!G��MQO��M9=K-O-CÖHCZMKOwoman the stone the stick the 3Ob-OM-pound/MULTThe woman is pounding the stick with the stone.

Some obliques occur in other positions also. The verb /-QaXU½/ in (2) implies hitting with a long object.

(2) !CUV��MKZ��!G!G��U½Q��MQ=!-[Q-QC:U½stone the stick a 3Ob-1sS-DIST-hitI hit the stone with a stick.

Although other orders of nominals also occur in appropriate contexts, a relational noun used witha verb must always appear immediately preverbally, as in (8d-e). Two exceptions to this generalizationexist, however. If a reflexive form is present, it occurs following the relational noun, as in (3).

(3) !G��RGPKUKN� "ÖPC��MK!��CPQ��!K-UQZ��MQ=!-UKÖ-!��!C-!C1PRO penicillin the in 1P-being 3Ob-1sS-IRR-put AUX-DECLI will inject myself with penicillin.

A modifier such as !ant down also follows the relational noun.

(4) !G!G��M-RQKP��!KOMQO��CP��!CPV��K!R-V-KÖZplant NOM-closed that in down 1sS-RL-sitI sat down in that forest...

8.2. Foregrounding strategies

A nominal may occur in a position other than that shown in the previous section without a change ingrammatical relation. As shown in the following sections, however, not all foregrounding isaccompanied by a change of position. (I use the term foregrounding in a nontechnical sense.)

8.2.1. Clefting

A definite nominal may be clefted with the verb /-!CÖ/ be, as in the following examples. (This verbdoes not use the prefix /M-/ in its nonnegative subject nominalized form.) Clefting is not used withindefinite nominals.

137

(5) a. NWKU��MK!��!CÖ-[C��V-QÖU the NOM/be-INTERR RL-singWas it Luis who sang?

b. OG��!CÖ-[C��O-V-CÖ!-MCU½PK2PRO NOM/be-INTERR 2sS-RL-PASS-biteWas it you who was bitten?

c. OG��!CÖ��OC-!-O-U½C:92PRO NOM/be 2sO-1sS-PROX-talkIt’s you I’m talking to.

d. MCOKU½��MK!��!CÖ��!KO-O-� "[GÖshirt the NOM/be 1sO-2sS-DIST-giveIt’s the shirt that you gave me.

8.2.2. Foregrounding with /-!K/

An indefinite nominal can be foregrounded by omitting the indefinite article and attaching the suffix/-!K/.

(6) a. MCÖ[VCZ-K!K��[QÖ-U½MCOhorses-FOC DIST-arrive/PLIt was horses that arrived.

b. GÖPKO-K!K��M9UGV��MK!��K-[-K-VCOVmetal-FOC the OM-RL-have-sandalKwset wore metal sandals.

c. M-Q-MCU½PK-!K��!KO-[Q-MCU½PKNOM-D-bite-FOC 1sO-DIST-biteIt was a rattlesnake that bit me.

The nominal suffixed by /-!K/ need not be fronted; the two nominals in (6b) may also appear in thereverse order.

8.2.3. Foregrounding with /-C!/

A definite nominal may be foregrounded by occurring with the suffix /-C!/ following it. The articleMK! (which is also used with plural nouns in these cases) followed by /-C!/ results in the form MC!.

(7) a. :9CÖP��MC!��[QÖ-HR the/FOC DIST-arriveJuan arrived.

b. :9CÖP��MK!��!CR��MQR-C!��K-OKÖ-M9 the deer the-FOC OM-PROX-killJuan killed the deer.

c. MCÖ[VCZ��MC!��[QÖ-U½MCOhorses the/FOC DIST-arrive/PLThe horses arrived.

d. VKÖ:-C!��!CR��U½��K-OKÖ-M93PRO-FOC deer a OM-PROX-killHe killed a deer.

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e. !C:9 �� "-!-QÖO-C!��CPQ��OKÖ-U½MCOclam 3P-NOM-lie-FOC to PROX-arrive/PLIt was Desemboque where they arrived.

f. VCÖ:-C!-Q��M9=V-RCMVC��OC

3PRO-FOC-Q 3Ob-RL-be SRBecause it was like that....

8.2.4. Foregrounding by fronting

A nominal may be foregrounded by simply occurring in clause-initial position, sometimes followed bya resumptive demonstrative pronoun. When the object of a relational noun is fronted, as in (8d-e), therelational noun does not change position.

(8) Final 2a. VQÖV9ZM��MKZ��U½CÖ:V��M-KUK ��MK!��K-V-MQO-QCMVKO-K!Q

cholla the thing NOM-small the OM-RL-NEG-touch-!oA child does not touch the cholla cactus.

b. U½KÖ:��M-QMG"!V��!-CÖ-PKRCVKO��VKÖ:-C!��!C-O-CÖM-CÖ COthing NOM-bounce NOM-PASS-hit/ITER 3PRO-FOC 1plS-PROX-AUG-play/PLWe played volleyball.

Locativec. !G!G��M-RQKP��U½Q�U½KÖ:��[-CÖMQ¸UQ

plant NOM-closed a thing 3P/NOM-carry=on=back

M-CK:CZ��MQR��M9=V-CHRNOM-strong the 3Ob-RL-arrive

The donkey arrived at a forest...

Object of relational nound. K-VGÖP��CM��!CKV��MK!�CPQ��OQ¸-O-CÖ

3P-mouth the blood the from toward-PROX-moveThe blood came from his mouth.

e. !CPV��KVK��!K-!-KÖ!��U½Q��U½KÖ:��!C-R-C!KV��U½��KVK�V-O-KÖ!land on 1P-NOM-be a thing NOM-PASS eat a on RL-NEG-beWhere I live there isn’t any food....

Obliquef. UGVGP��MK!��!G��M9=U-CÖV� "MRCP��:C!��VC��M-CO9ZM-K!C

sea=pen the 1PRO 3Ob-IRR-work — AUX NOM-think-DECL...(then) we intend to

8.2.5. Pronoun foregrounding

A pronoun may be foregrounded by the use of the independent pronoun.

(9) a. OG"��OC-M-OKUVCZ2PRO 2sO-NOM-resemble/PLwho were like you...

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b. !G"��!�"Ö-:U½-K!C1PRO 1P-pet-DECLIt’s my pet.

In addition, a pronoun can be emphasized by being followed with the form !KRK, which can also beused with a nominal or alone, as in (10b).

(10) a. !G��!KRK��!-QÖ-:K-!C1PRO EMPH 1P-NOM-finish-DEClI myself made it.

b. UCPVC"ÖT��MQK��!KRK�K-V-K[C C��MOCÖ:��!KRK��K-V-QÖPGMsoldiers the EMPH OM-RL-defend/PL then EMPH OM-RL-carry/PL

The soldiers themselves defended them, they took them...

8.3. Postposing rules

8.3.1. Postposing of nominals

A nominal sometimes occurs sentence-finally, as in (11), perhaps as an afterthought, to make theidentity of the nominals explicit.

(11) a. CU½��M-CÖ-UKÖKZKO-[C��MOKMG��TQDG"TVQwhat NOM-AUG-move-INTERR SeriWhat is Roberto doing?

b. M-CÖHU½:-K!C��MCPQ¸C��MQONOM-fast-DECL boat theThe boat is fast.

c. OQU��K!OCÖ��MK!��K-V-K-VCOV��[Q¸-M-GÖ��GÖPKO�MKZalso others the OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say metal theHe put on other sandals, it is said, metal ones.

d. !CRVMQ��OQU��M-CÖV� "MRCP-K!C��U½CÖ!��!KRMQRalready again NOM-work-DECL day thisThey are already working again today.

8.3.2. Postposing of clauses

A dependent clause is also occasionally postposed to follow the independent clause, as in (12).

(12) a. VQO��MK!��CP:9��K-[-KU½K��OGZKMQ��CM��CPQ��V-KÖ!money the much OM-DIST-defeat the in RL-beHe earned a lot of money when he was in Mexico City.

b. MQOMC"ÖM��MQK��M9=V-KÖKP��[Q¸-M-GÖ��!C-UMCO��U½��KVK��V-KÖZpeople the 3Ob-RL-return DIST-US-say ABS-balsa a on RL-sitHe returned to the people, it is said, in a balsa.

c. U½KO9ZM��!CÖ��M-CU½MCO-K!C��!CMK:��V-QÖO-:when there NOM-arrive/PL-DECL somewhere RL-lie-UTThey arrived there a long time ago.

Purpose clauses are typically postposed. See §3.5.1.

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8.4. Interrogatives

Question words generally occur in preverbal position. (Examples (13b-c), however, show an alternateattested order.) Question intonation then begins with the question word, dropping until the end of thesentence.

(13) a. U½CÖ!��MK!��!CMK��!CM��CPQ��V-KÖZsun the where the in RL-sitWhere is the sun?

b. !CMK��!CM��U½CÖ!��MK!��CPQ��V-KÖZwhere the sun the in RL-sitWhere is the sun?

c. OG��U½KO9ZM��UGVGP��MK!��M9=U-CÖV� "MRCP��M-GÖ-[C2PRO when sea=pen the 3Ob-IRR-work NOM-say-INTERRWhen will you go to get sea pens?

d. NWKU��MK!��OQÖUP�"RQ ��MK!�U½KOWZM��M-� "-M9-[C the leatherback the when NOM-OM-kill-INTERRWhen did Luis kill the leatherback turtle?

e. NWKU��MK!��CU½-[C��K-V-CM9

�� the what-INTERR OM-RL-killWhat did Luis kill?

f. RGÖFTQ��MK!��M�"!��K-UKÖ-U½V��!C-[C the who OM-IRR-tattoo AUX-INTERRWho will tattoo Pedro?

g. RGÖFTQ��MK!��M�"!��UKÖ-U½V��M-GÖ-[C the whom IRR-tattoo NOM-say-INTERRWhom will Peter tattoo?

h. RGÖFTQ��MK!��M�"!-[C��K-V-CU½V the whom-INTERR OM-RL-tattooWhom did Peter tattoo?

i. RGÖFTQ��MK!��M�"!��QÖ-U½V-[C the who 3P/NOM-tattoo-INTERRWho tattooed Peter?

j. MCPQ¸C��MQO��M�"!��[-CÖK-[Cboat the who 3P/NOM-make-INTERRWho made the boat?

k. CU½-[C��CP��M9=V-CU½MKOwhat-INTERR in 3Ob-RL-enterWhat did it enter into?

l. M�"!-[C��M9=K-V-CÖM-QÖ-!Q-V��U½K:MC"O��MK!

whom-INTERR 3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-Q-see-V fish theTo whom did he show the fish?

As (13f-i) show, the word M�"! functions as both subject and object interrogative. Word order does notserve to indicate whether it is subject or object that is being questioned (in independent clauses);rather, when both subject and object are third person, the distinction is made through the choice of

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either a finite or a nominalized form. In the irrealis mood, a finite irrealis verb is used whenquestioning the subject, as in (13f-g), but in the realis mood, a nominalized form is used whenquestioning the subject, as in (13h-i).

The following question words are simple nominals and may therefore be followed by theinterrogative suffix /-[C/ (cf. §3.4.2): M�"! who/whom; CU½ what; who; !�"MK which one. The expressionfor where, !CMK, is generally followed by the article CM except when directly followed by certain verbssuch as /-KÖ!/ be, as in (14).

(14) OC-VC��MK!��!CMK��V-KÖ!2P-mother the where RL-beWhere is your mother?

The equivalent of why is expressed by a clause meaning How is/was it...: U½Q V-RCMVC�OC (howRL-be SR).

The word for how, U½Q, is used alone in a very limited way, as in the examples in (15).

(15) a. U½Q��O-V-GÖhow 2sS-RL-say What did you say?

b. U½Q��O-V-KOQU½how 2sS-RL-think What do you think?

c. U½Q��V-R-CKhow RL-PASS-say What is it called?

d. U½Q��V-[CÖKhow RL-cost How much does it cost?

The usual equivalent of how, in the sense of in what way, is expressed by a clause meaning Howdid/will X cause it to be...: U½Q� -V/R-CÖ-RCMVC (how -RL/IRR-AUG-be).

The equivalent of the expression how much/many is expressed by the phrase U½Q�M-[C:K (howNOM-complete).

(16) MQOMC"ÖM��MK!��U½Q��M-[C:K��U-CÖ-KVQZ��M-GÖ-[Cpeople the how NOM-complete IRR-AUG-eat NOM-say-INTERRHow many people will go fishing?

The word U½Q can also modify a noun, with the meaning which, as in (17).

(17) a. U½Q�MVCO-[C man-INTERRWhich man?

b. OG��U½Q��!CPV��M-CÖ-[C:K-[C2PRO year NOM-X-complete-INTERRHow old are you?; more literally, What year are you completing?

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Chapter 9Nominalizations and complementation

Nominalized verbs occur in a variety of constructions: all relative clauses, most embedded clauses,oblique clauses of certain types, and many main clauses. Relative clauses are discussed in chapter 7.The other uses of nominalized verbs are discussed below, as well as complements that do not involvenominalization.

9.1. Nominalizations as main clauses

Nominalized forms, followed by some type of suffix or auxiliary particle, occur as main clauses.64

(1) Nonfuture subject nominalizera. !CPUQ��M-KUK -K!C

just NOM-small-DECLIt is just small.

b. !G��!-QÖ-:K��U½Q�VQM��M9-K-O-KÖ!-K!C1PRO 1P-NOM-finish a there 3Ob-NOM-NEG-be DECLOne I have made doesn’t exist.; i.e., I have never made one.

c. U½KOWZM��:GRG��K-VK��M-QÖO-[Cwhen sea 3P-on NOM-lie-INTERRWhen did it lie on the sea?; i.e., When was it launched?

d. !KU½CM��MK!��K-VK��!C-[-CKÖ��MK!��K:C"ÖR��RQÖ-R:C��VChere the 3P-on 1P-NOM-be/PL the days IRR-three SR

!G��M9-U-KVQ¸KZ��MC-!C1PRO 3Ob-IRR-go/PL AUX-DECL

After we have been here three days, we will leave.

e. U-CÖR ��M-GÖ-[CIRR-cold NOM-say-INTERRWill it be cold (weather)?

Nonfuture object nominalizerf. MQOMC"ÖM��MK!��QMQ-CZ-K!C

people the 3P/NOM-know/PL-DECLThe Seri know it.

g. QÖV��U½Q��VQM��M9-V-KÖ!��OC��!G��!KRK��!-V-CÖKcoyote a there 3Ob-RL-be SR 1PRO EMPH 1sS-RL-do

64 It seems that a wide range of factors may be involved in the choice of a nominalized verb or a

finite verb form. Note the difference in meaning in the following sentences.

(i) OKÖ-VC:PROX-goIt (the watch) is running.

(ii) M-CVC:-K!CNOM-go-DECLIt (the watch) works.

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!-Q-KM9�� "!K

1P-NOM-kill K!K

I myself killed a coyote.

h. VKÖ:��K-∅-R-CUK��QÖ-OU½Q-!C3PRO 3P-NOM-PASS-drink 3P/NOM-want-DECLHe wants it to be drunk.

i. M9-K-∅-U½C:9��CM��!CRVMQ��M9-K-[-CÖUKVKO-K!C3Ob-3P-NOM-tell the already 3Ob-3P-NOM-lie-DECLAlready he was lying to him with his words.

9.2. Nominalizations as oblique clauses

A clause whose verb is in the action nominalized form often occurs followed by the relational noun K-VK (3P-on) (cr. §7.11.4) and functions as an adverbial clause.

(2) a. VQM��M9-!K-!-KÖ!VQ MC��K-VKthere 3Ob-1P-NOM-be/MULT/PL 3P-onWhile we were there...

b. !CÖ��PV-!�"-!-CÖV��K-VKthere away-1P-NOM-move/PL 3P-onWe continued going....

A nominalized clause of this type may also occur without any formal link to the rest of the sentence, asin (3); it is often followed by the article (!)CM.

(3) a. MOCÖ:��!KU½CM��K-VK��M9-!K-!-KÖZ��CMnow here 3P-on 3Ob-1P-NOM-sit the

COGTKMC"ÖPCZ��U½KÖ:��U½Q��!KO-V-MG"O-GÖ-!Q

Americans thing a 1sO-RL-NEG-give-!Q

Now although I’m here, Americans don’t give me anything.

b. U½CÖ!��MKZ��M9-OK-[CÖ��!CM��!KÖ-UC:C��!CPV��:9CKVsun the 3Ob-2Pp-NOM/own the 1P-spirit down EMPH/descendI’m happy that you have a watch.

A nominalized clause, usually repeated and followed by MC! (the/FOC), indicates a longer period oftime over which the event occurred.

(4) a. !CÖ��PV-� "-!-CÖ��!CÖ��PV-� "-!-CÖ��MC!there away-3P-NOM-move the/FOCHe went, and went...

b. VQM��M9-K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9-K-[-CKÖ�there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PLThey were there, they were there...

9.3. Nominalized object complements and Equi

Two verbs control the omission of the final subject of a nonnegative complement clause, underidentity with the final subject of the upstairs clause, resulting in an infinitive in the downstairs clause:/-COU½Q/ want, and /-CC/, with the meaning know how, be able.

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(5) a. U½KÖ:��U½��K!C-!KV��KO-V-COU½Qthing a INF-eat 2sS-RL-wantDo you want to eat something?

b. KMC-R-CU½V��K!-:QÖ-OU½QINF-PASS-tattoo 1sS-EMPH-wantI want to be tattooed.

c. KM-QKV��M-�"[-C-!CINF-dance NOM-OM-know-DECLHe knows how to dance; i.e., He dances well.

d. V-MQÖ��KMC- :��K-V-MO-CCZRL-all INF-go/PL OM-RL-NEG-know/PLNone of them would walk...

If the conditions for Equi are not met, the downstairs clause must be nominalized using the actionnominalizer.

(6) a. KÖ-∅-HR��KO-RQÖ-OU½Q3P-NOM-arrive 2sS-IRR-wantIf you want it to arrive....

b. M9-K-∅-RCPU½:��CM��K-!-K!C��!-[QÖ-OU½Q3Ob-3P-NOM-run the 3P-NOM-fast 1sS-DIST-wantI wanted him to run fast.

Action nominalized forms occur as the object of other verbs, including the verb /-CC/ when itmeans know, if the downstairs clause is realis.

(7) a. K-!-KU½K ��K!-OKÖ-!Q3P-NOM-small/PL 1sS-PROX-seeI saw them when they were little.

b. � "Ö-∅-VC:��K!-[Q-Ö-!Q3Pp-NOM-go 1sS-DIST-seeI saw him go.

c. M9-OK-!-KÖO��CM��K!-[Q-C3Ob-2P-NOM-sleep the 1sS-DIST-knowI know that you were sleeping.

d. M9-K-∅-M-QÖ-RKU��K!-[Q-O-M-GÖRG3Ob-3P-NOM-US-D-suck=in 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-goodI don’t like to smoke; more literally, I don’t like one’s smoking.

e. U½KÖ:��K-R:CUK��M9-K-∅-R-C!KV��K!-[Q-O-M-GÖRGthing 3P-flesh 3Ob-3P-NOM-PASS-eat 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-goodI don’t like to eat meat; more literally, I don’t like meat’s being eaten.

f. !G��!KRK��M9-!K-∅-OQMGRG��!CM��!-QMQ-C-!C1PRO EMPH 3Ob-1Pp-NOM-sick the 1P-NOM-know-DECLI know that I am sick.

g. MQ-PV-KV-CÖ��OKÖ-∅-HR��U½Q��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

3Ob-away-RL-move 2P-NOM-arrive a 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!QI don’t know when you arrived.

145

h. RUCÖM��K-∅-M-Q:K��MQR��K!-V-MO-KÖ:KO-K!Q

hunger 3P-NOM-US-die the 1sS-RL-NEG-fear-!QI am not afraid of going hungry; more literally, I do not fear one’s being hungry.

An irrealis “complement” of a verb such as /-CC/ know occurs in the future action nominalized form ifit is certain, as in (8), and in the dependent irrealis form if it is uncertain, as in (9).

(8) a. MOKMG��U½��K-U-MO-C!Q��!CM��M-K[-C-!Cperson a 3P-IRR-NEG-see the NOM-OM-know-DECL

VC AUX

Hei knew that hei wouldn’t see anyone.

b. !CPV��RQ-HKÖ��VC��K-UKÖ-HR��!C��!-QMQ-C-!Cland IRR-? SR 3P-IRR-arrive AUX 1P-NOM-know-DECLI know that he will come tomorrow.

c. MOKMG��U½Q��OK-U-MO-C!Q��!CM��K!-OK[-Cperson a 2P-IRR-NEG-see the 1sS-PROX-knowI knew that you wouldn’t see anyone.

d. !C-R-KÖ-UVQ:��!CPV��CM��!K-UK-CÖ:QZ��!C1sS-IRR-have-spirits land the 1P-IRR-leave AUX

VCÖ:��!K-∅-O-CCZ-K!C3PRO 1P-NOM-NEG-know-DECL

We didn’t think (lit., know) that we would leave the place alive.

e. !K-!C:��K-U-CÖK��VCÖ:��KO-V-MO-CC1P-with 3P-IRR-do 3PRO 2sS-RL-NEG-knowDon’t you know that he will help me?

(9) a. VKÖ:��RQ-!CÖ��VC��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!QI don’t know if it’s him.

b. U½CÖ!��U½Q�!CMK:��R-KÖZ��VC��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

sun a somewhere IRR-sit SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!QI don’t know whether there is a sun.

9.4. Pseudo-complements

The expressions in Seri that correspond to the English X think that... and X try to.... contain twoclauses. The clause that corresponds to the embedded clause in English is not an embedded clause inSeri, however. An irrealis complement is expressed by an irrealis clause, and a realis complement by adependent or independent realis clause. (Note the function of the particle ta in this respect.) Inaddition, the verb /-COQU½/, rarer /-QKOQU½/ think and /-KOQU½/ think, is an intransitive verb. The rightsyntactic relationship between the complement clause and the main clause is reflected by the fact thatchange of subject marking (cf. §3.3) does not occur between them. The examples in (10) and (11)illustrate both uses of the verbs of thinking.

(10) a. K-U-[CÖ��:C!��VC��[QÖ-OQU½OM-IRR-own — AUX DIST-thinkHei thought that hei would own it.

146

b. KO-U-MO-CÖK��VC��Q:��KO-U-MO-KOQU½��!C-!C2sS-IRR-NEG-do AUX thus 2sS-IRR-NEG-think AUX-DECLDon’t think that you shouldn’t do it.

c. K!R-UKÖ-HR��:C!��VC��M-COQU½-K!C1sS-IRR-arrive — AUX NOM-think-DECLHe thought that I was going to arrive.

d. V-KÖO��!CÖ��V-QÖO��:C!��V-COQU½RL-sleep there RL-lie — RL-thinkShe thought that he was asleep...

(11) a. RVMCOP��MQO��!C-��[Q��-MCÖV��:C!lobster the 1plS- DIST -seek/PL —

V RL

O PROX

!C-��[QÖ��-OWZM1plS- DIST -think/PL

��OKÖ PROX

We tried to hunt for lobsters.

b. RVMCOP��MQO��!C-RQ-MCÖV��:C!��!C-UKÖ-OWZM��!C-!Clobster the 1plS-IRR-seek/PL — 1plS-IRR-think/PL AUX-DECLWe will try to hunt for lobsters.

c. RVMCOP��MQO��!G��U-MCÖV��:C!��VC��M-COWZM-K!C65

lobster the 1PRO IRR-seek/PL — AUX NOM-think/PL-DECLWe decided to try to hunt for lobsters.

d. K-UKÖ-RVCZM��:C!��VC��KO-QKOWZMOM-IRR-pull=out — AUX PROX-think/PLThey tried to pull it out.

e. OG��CU½��U-CÖK��VC��M-COQU½-[C2PRO what IRR-make AUX NOM-think-INTERRWhat are you planning to make?

The expressions in Seri that corrrespond to the English X feel that... and X finish... also containtwo clauses, the equivalent to the English complement clause being expressed by a dependent clause.These constructions are different syntactically from those discussed above, however. First of all, theverbs involved are transitive verbs. Second, switch reference marking occurs when appropriate.

(12) QÖV��U½Q�!CPVC": ��M9-V-KÖ!VKO��OC��K-V-QKÖ:coyote a near 3Ob-RL-be/MULT SR OM-RL-feel/PLThey felt that a coyote was nearby...

65 In a construction such as this, when a nominalized verb is used in the main clause, a nominalized

verb must also be used in the complement clause.

147

(13) VCÖ:��!C-R-CÖ-HKV CO��!C-RQÖ-:3PRO 1plS-IRR-AUG-stand/PL 1lplS-IRR-finish/PL

MOCÖ:��!G��!C-U-CÖ-KVQZ��!C-!Cthen 1PRO 1plS-IRR-AUG-eat/PL AUX-DECL

When we finish pulling them in, then we will go fishing.

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Chapter 10Transitivity

A theory of language must make available to the grammars of individual languages those conceptsnecessary for an adequate description of the facts. One significant notion in Seri grammar is that oftransitivity. Surprisingly, however, most syntactic frameworks do not offer a definition of transitivityat all and furthermore it is not at all clear how such a definition would be formulated in theseframeworks. Equally surprising, the notion of transitivity which is made explicitly in relationalgrammar (see the introduction for important references) also appears to be tailor-made for the Serilanguage, although it was formulated previous to the study of Seri syntax.

In Perlmutter and Postal 1977 and (to appear a), and Perlmutter 1978 the following definitionsappearÖ

(1) A stratum is transitive if and only if it contains a 1-arc and a 2-arc.A stratum is intransitive if and only if it is not transitive.

The definitions are stated in terms of stratum because, as has been argued repeatedly in works onrelational grammar, a clause may have more than one syntactic level. A personal passive clause can berepresented by the simplified stratal diagram in (2), according to the proposal made in Perlmutter andPostal 1977. The initial stratum is transitive by definition (1), but the final stratum is intransitive.

(2)

(2) therefore cannot be labelled a transitive clause, nor an intransitive clause. As Perlmutter and Postal(to appear a) remark, “Evidently, it makes no sense to speak of clauses but only of certain levels ofclauses, as transitive or intransitive” (emphasis theirs).

In the following sections I will make explicit the various rules that have been stated above in oneform or another in which the notion transitive stratum is pertinent. These facts will be referred torepeatedly in chapters 11-13 as the interaction of various syntactic transitions such as subject raisingand 3-2 advancement with proposed universals make important, testable claims about the syntax ofSeri.

10.1. First person singular subject prefix

As the examples in §2.4.1 show, the first person singular subject prefix has two allomorphs. Theallomorphy is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.

(3) 1 Sg Subj ⇒ !� / the final stratum is transitive

!R / the final stratum is intransitive

10.2. Infinitive prefix

As the examples in §2.5.3 show, the infinitival prefix has two allomorphs. Again, the allomorphy isconditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.

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(4) Infinitive ⇒ K!C [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

KMC / the final stratum is intransitive

10.3. Second person imperative

The second person imperative has several suppletive allomorphs, as described in §2.5.7. At this point Iwill consider only those allomorphs which appear before a morpheme beginning with either a longlow vowel or a back vowel. The distribution is again conditioned by the transitivity of the final stratumof the clause.

(5) 2 Sg Imp ⇒ ∅ [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is intransitive ! / the final stratum is transitive

10.4. First person plural imperative

As illustrated by the examples in §2.5.8, the first person plural imperative has two suppletiveallomorphs, the distribution of which is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of theclause.

(6) 1pl Imp ⇒ UC [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

UMC / the final stratum is intransitive

10.5. Nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer

As described in §2.6.3, the nonfuture action/oblique nominalizer has several suppletive allomorphs. Iwill consider here only those allomorphs which appear before a morpheme beginning with either along low vowel or a back vowel. The transitivity of the final stratum of the clause is again veryrelevant.

(7) Action/oblique Nominalizer ⇒! / the final stratum is passive

[ [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is intransitive

! / the final stratum is transitive

10.6. First person restrictive

The first person singular restrictive prefix has two suppletive allomorphs, as described in §2.5.9, thedistribution of which is conditioned solely by the transitivity of the final stratum of the clause.

(8) 1 Sg Rest ⇒ CÖ [+Ablaut (67)] / the final stratum is transitive

MCÖ� / the final stratum is intransitive

10.7. Coalescence

The phonological rule coalescing Q’s discussed in §2.3.5 applies only when the verb occurs in a clausewhose final stratum is intransitive.

10.8. Unspecified subject prefix

In §2.5.11 a morpheme called the unspecified (final) subject prefix is discussed. It is noted there thatthis prefix occurs only on verbs in finally intransitive clauses. (A clause with a transitive verbobligatorily passivizes if the initial subject is unspecified (cf. §12.2). Since such a passive clause will

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have a specified final subject, the unspecified subject prefix will not appear.) 66

10.9. The object marker

In §2.5.1 it is pointed out that the object marker /i-/ occurs in subject nominalized clauses only whenthe final stratum is transitive. (The generalization accounting for its occurrences in finite clauses isquite different. See §12.6.)

66 As pointed out in footnote 27 of chapter 2, if a passive clause has an unspecified final subject, a

nominal such as MOKMG person occurs as final subject. The unspecified subject prefix does not occurin such sentences.

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Chapter 11Subject raising

Seri sentences expressing the number of occurrences of an action are biclausal in structure and usuallyinvolve the raising of a copy of a downstairs subject into the upstairs clause. The upstairs verb, a verbof quantity, is also marked by a special prefix (glossed X—cf. §2.5.10) when raising has occurred.Examples (1a-b) are simple, monoclausal sentences. Examples (2a-b) differ in that a verb indicatingthe number of times the event occurred has been added, resulting in a biclausal sentence. The eventclause comes first and is nominalized. This nominalized clause is also followed by a definite article ifthe main verb is /-CV:Q/ much, many.

(1) a. U½GOG��MQR��K!-[-QÖMVC the 1sS-DIST-look=atI looked at the last light of the sun.

b. K!R-[Q-R-CU½V1sS-DIST-PASS-tattooI was tattooed.

(2) a. U½GOG��MQR��!K-!-QÖMVC��!R-O-CMZ the 1P-NOM-look=at 1sS-PROX-X/twoI looked at the last light of the sun twice.

b. !K-∅-R-CU½V��MK!��!R-O-CÖ!-CV:Q1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 1sS-PROX-X-muchI was tattooed many times.

This iteration construction contrasts with the extent construction which does not involve subjectraising or the prefix X, as illustrated by (3).

(3) K!-[-CÖURQZ��MK!��[QÖ-V:Q1sS-NOM-AUG/spotted the DIST-muchI wrote a great deal.

In the following sections I will argue that sentences such as (2a) have the following structure.

(4)

In §11.1 I argue that the raisee heads a final 1-arc upstairs. In §11.2 I argue that the downstairs clausedoes not head a final 2-arc. In §11.3 I argue that raising is involved in these clauses and that amonostratal analysis is not to be preferred. The argument that the downstairs clause does not head a1-arc upstairs is presented in chapter 15 and is based on switch reference marking facts.

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11.1. Arguments that a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject

Stratal diagram (4) claims that the subject of the downstairs clause is also the final subject of theupstairs clause. This diagram does not indicate that this situation is resolved by what has been called acopying process rather than by Equi. Similar copy raising phenomena have been reported forBlackfoot (Frantz 1978), Koine Greek (Marlett 1976), Modern Greek (Joseph 1976), and Mojave(Munro 1976). This diagram also does not indicate that raising occurs only when the number verbupstairs expresses the number of times that the action occurred. Five arguments that the nominalwhich is the downstairs subject is also the final subject upstairs are given below.

11.1.1. Subject person agreement

Verbs in Seri agree in person with their final subject. It can be seen from (3) that an upstairs verb doesnot agree with a downstairs subject. The fact that both verbs in (2a-b) agree with the same nominalfollows if the final 1 of the downstairs clause is also the final 1 of the upstairs clause of the iterationconstruction. The facts regarding person agreement in the iteration construction hold true regardless ofthe person or number of the downstairs subject, whether the downstairs clause is finally transitive orintransitive, whether the downstairs subject is semantically an agent or patient, or whether the subjectof the downstairs clause is referential or nonreferential, as the following examples illustrate.

(5) a. !CM:��OK-∅-OKÖ!��KO-V-CÖ-U½Q:9Msomewhere 2P-NOM-not=exist 2sS-RL-X-fourDid you faint (die) four times?

b. RUCÖM��!C-[-C:[CV��MK!��!C-O-CÖ!-CV:QZhunger 1P-NOM-die/PL the 1plS-PROX-X-much/PLWe were often hungry.

c. !CPV��!K-!-CÖZMQ¸K ��!C-O-CMC MCOdown 1P-NOM-fall/PL 1plS-PROX-X-two/PLWe fell down twice.

d. NWKUC��MK!��!CÖV��MK!��K-∅-MCU½PK��MK!��O-CÖ!-CV:Q the torote the 3P-NOM-bite the PROX-X-muchLuisa has bitten torote many times.

e. OQ:�"OC��MK!��KMK��KÖ-∅-RMC��O-CÖ-R:Cyesterday the on 3P-NOM-rain PROX-X-threeIt rained three times yesterday.

11.1.2. Number agreement

Seri verbs agree in number with their final subject. Thus both the upstairs and downstairs verbs in (5b-c) are marked for plural number. As the following extent construction shows, an upstairs verb does notagree in number with a downstairs subject.

(6) !C-[-CÖVQ¸UKR QZ��MK!��OKÖ-V:Q1P-NOM-AUG/spotted/PL the PROX-muchWe wrote a great deal.

The fact that the upstairs verbs in (5b-c) are marked for plural number follows if the downstairssubject is also the final upstairs subject.

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11.1.3. Upstairs subject as Equi victim

Equi victims in Seri are always final subjects (cf. §9.3). When an iteration construction, such as (7a) isembedded in an appropriate structure, the raised nominal can be an Equi victim, as in (7b).

(7) a. OC-!KÖ-∅-U½V��K!R-O-CMZ2sO-1P-NOM-tattoo 1sS-PROX-X/twoI tattooed you twice.

b. OC-!KÖ-∅-U½V��KM-CMZ��K!-OKÖ-OU½Q2sO-1P-NOM-tattoo INF-X/two 1sS-PROX-wantI want to tattoo you twice.

An extent construction similarly embedded does not result in an infinitive.

(8) !CPV��!KOMCM��KVK��OK-!-KÖ!��MK!��K:C"ÖR��K-∅-U½Q:9M��KO-V-COU½Qland that on 2P-NOM-be the days 3P-NOM-four 2sS-RL-wantDo you want to stay there for four days?

The fact that an infinitive appears in (7b) follows if the subject of the downstairs clause is also thesubject of the number verb.

11.1.4. Imperatives

Imperative forms of verbs are possible in Seri when the final subject is second person or first personplural. If the downstairs nominal of a raising construction is second person, a second personimperative can be formed on the upstairs verb, as in (9a). If the downstairs nominal of the raisingconstruction is first person plural, a first person plural imperative can be formed on the upstairs verb,as in (9b). This is an additional piece of evidence that the final subject of the higher verb is the samenominal which is the final subject of the downstairs clause.

(9) a. OK-!-K: ��CMZ2P-NOM-take IMP/X/twoGrab twice!

b. !K-!-K:CZ��UM-CMC MCO1P-NOM-take/PL IMP-X/two/PLLet’s grab twice!

Imperatives cannot be formed on the extent construction since the upstairs subject is not secondperson.

(10) *!C-[-CÖVQ¸UKR QZ��MK!��UMC-V:QZ 1P-NOM-AUG/spotted/PL the IMP-many/PLLet’s write a great deal!

Instead of the latter, an expression such as CP:9�UM-CÖVQ¸UKR QZ�(much IMP-AUG/spotted/PL) wouldbe used.

11.1.5. Relativization

As pointed out in §2.6.1, when the final subject of a relative clause is coreferential with the head noun,the subject nominalized form occurs. When the coreferent nominal in the embedded clause is not thefinal subject, a different nominalization is used. The fact that the subject nominalized form M-CÖ!-CV:Qappears in (11) is another piece of evidence that the subject of the downstairs clause is also the finalsubject of the verb /-CV:Q/.

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11.2. Arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2

If the Relational Succession Law (Perlmutter and Postal (to appear b)) is correct, the ascendee willbear the same relation upstairs as did the clause out of which it ascended. If the Chômeur Law(Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) is correct, the embedded clause is an initial 2, the above-mentionedlaws predict that the ascended will bear the 2 relation upstairs and that the downstairs clause will bearthe chômeur relation. The ascendee then presumably advances to subject by unaccusative advance-ment (Perlmutter 1978).67

The raising analysis and the above-mentioned proposed laws of universal grammar make a strongand not totally expected claim. Perlmutter and Postal (in press b) have defined a transitive stratum asone which contains a 1-arc and a 2-arc and an intransitive stratum as one which is not transitive. Theclaim made by the relational grammar analysis is that the final stratum of the upstairs clause of theiteration construction is intransitive since it does not contain a 2-arc. The analysis of a strikinglysimilar set of facts in Mojave (Munro 1976) in a transformational framework made the oppositeprediction. Arguments for the final intransitivity of these clauses (together with the final subjecthoodof the ascendee) are arguments that the downstairs clause is not a final 2. I will give eight argumentsthat support the claim that the final stratum of the upstairs clause is indeed intransitive.

First, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix (cf. §10.1) occurs in (2a-b). Second, the intransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix (cf. §10.2) occurs in (7b). Third, theintransitive allomorph of the second person imperative prefix (cf. §10.3) occurs in (9a). Fourth, theintransitive allomorph of the first person plural imperative prefix (cf. §10.4) occurs in (9b). Fifth, theintransitive allomorph of the action/oblique nominalizer (cf. 10.5) occurs in sentences involvingraising, as in (11).

(11) OK-!-K: ��KO-[-CMZ��K!-OKÖ-OU½Q2P-NOM-take 2P-NOM-X/two 1sS-PROX-wantI want you to grab twice!

Sixth, the intransitive allomorph of the first person singular restrictive prefix (cf. §10.6) occurs insentences involving raising, as in (12).

(12) OGZKMQ��!CM��CPQ��!CVKÖ-∅-HR��KO-M-CÖ!-CV:Q the in 1REST-NOM-arrive PROX-1REST-X-muchAs for me, I have been to Mexico City many times.

Seventh, the unspecified subject prefix may occur (cf. §10.8), as in (13).

(13) CP��K-∅-MC-HR��MK!��RQ-M-CÖ!-CV:Qto 3P-NOM-US-arrive the IRR-US-X-muchIf one arrives there often...

Eighth, the object marker (cf. §2.5.1) does not appear on the number verb in (5d-e).

67 I will briefly mention here two arguments against an analysis claiming that the downstairs clause

initially bears some relation other than 2 or 1 to the upstairs clause and in which raising is posited.First, the Relational Succession Law or the Oblique Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) wouldhave to be weakened under such an analysis. Second, most final obliques in Seri determine obliqueagreement on the verb. If the downstairs clause were a final oblique, oblique agreement would beexpected.

155

11.3. Arguments for a raising analysis

The analysis of the iteration construction which is partially represented by stratal diagram (4) is not theonly analysis which is consistent with the facts presented in §§11.1-2. In this section I will argue spe-cifically against one alternative, a monostratal analysis which is summarized by stratal diagram (14).

(14)

As argued above, a downstairs subject is the final upstairs subject, and the downstairs clause is not afinal 2. The two analyses are not equivalent, however. In §11.3.1 I will present some additional factswhich must be taken into consideration and in §11.3.2 I will make the two analyses explicit anddemonstrate the differences in complexity.

11.3.1. Restrictions on raising

One fact that has not yet been shown is that there are some restrictions on raising. The one bestunderstood by me is that raising is not preferred when the downstairs clause is passive.68 In fact, araising construction in this case is ungrammatical except when the upstairs verb is /-CV:Q/. Considerthe following sentences. Although a times meaning is involved in (15), a raising construction isungrammatical (cf. (2b).

(15) a. !K-∅-R-CU½V��O-QÖMZ1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo PROX-twoI was tattooed twice.

b. *!K-∅-R-CU½V��K!R-O-CMZ1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo 1sS-PROX-X/two(same gloss)

Notice that when raising does not occur, the prefix X does not occur.

68 Raising cannot occur in the following sentence.

(i) U½KÖ:��U½Q��M9=!K-∅-O-C!KV��VCÖ:��V-CV:Q-:��!CÖ��M-C!MC-!Cthing a 3Ob-1P-NOM-NEG-eat 3PRO RL-much-UT there NOM-exist-DECLThere were many times that I didn't eat anything.

Raising is not preferred in a sentence such as the following.

(ii) !G-K-∅-QCMCZCO��O-QKVQO3Ob/1sO-3P-NOM-beat PROX-fiveThey beat me five times.

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11.3.2. Comparison between the monostratal analysis and the raising analysis

In this section I will make the two analyses explicit and show that they differ in complexity.

The bistratal analysis for (15a) is represented by the partial stratal diagram in (16).

(16)

The monostratal analysis for (15a) is represented by (17).

(17)

The grammars which incorporate the bistratal and monostratal analyses will now be compared. Theraising grammar incorporates the raising analysis for sentences with downstairs active clauses and theanalysis represented by stratal diagram (16) for clauses with downstairs passives (and other placeswhere raising does not occur). The monostratal grammar incorporates the analyses represented bystratal diagrams (14) and (17). For the sake of convenience, the appropriate diagram numbers followthe name of the grammars.

With respect to the relation that the downstairs clause bears in the raising constructionÖ69

69 One argument against analyzing this so-called downstairs clause as an independent clause that is

not grammatically part of the main clause is the fact that such clauses do occur, but in a differentshape. They are typically followed by the article (!)CM, as in (iii).

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Raising grammar (4): Predicted by the unaccusative hypothesis and the Chômeur Law.

Monostratal grammar (14): Must be specified as being GRx.

Furthermore, in the monostratal grammar, it must be specified that GRx, presumably an obliquerelation of some kind, does not determine oblique agreement on the verb, unlike most other obliques.

With respect to the relation that the downstairs clause bears when the downstairs clause is passive andthe upstairs verb is not /-CV:Q/:

Raising grammar (16): Predicted by the unaccusative hypothesis and Unaccusativeadvancement.

Monostratal grammar (17): Must be specified as being 1.

While the raising grammar posits the same initial relations regardless of whether the downstairs clauseis passive or not, the monostratal grammar posits distinct initial relations, complicating the grammar.

With respect to the presence of a nonclausal subject in the upstairs clauseÖ

Raising grammar (4): Obligatory raising under certain conditions.

Monostratal grammar (14): Specify that a times expression must have a nonclausal subjectunder certain conditions.

With respect to the coreference restrictions on the subjects of the two clauses in the raisingconstructionÖ

Raising grammar (4): Predicted by the raising of the downstairs 1.

Monostratal grammar (14): Must be specified as being necessarily coreferential.

This comparison ignores some facts which are discussed below which complicate the pictureslightly. Also recall that the subject involved may be the dummy subject of a verb such as /-apka/ rain(cf. (5e)). A monostratal analysis would have to posit an initial dummy subject in the upstairs clause.

With respect to the restrictions imposed by downstairs passive clausesÖ

Raising grammar (16): Condition: Raising out of a passive clause is a) optional when theupstairs verb is /-CV:Q/; b) blocked otherwise.

Monostratal grammar (17): Condition: A times expression can have a nonclausal subjectwhen the downstairs clause is passive a) optionally if the upstairs verb is /-CV:Q/; b) nototherwise.

With respect to the occurrence of the prefix glossed X it could be claimed for both grammars thatthis prefix occurs in all clauses involving the meaning times but that the morpheme has a zeroallomorph when the final subject of the clause is clausal, as in (15a). Alternatively, it could be claimedin the raising grammar that this prefix occurs when raising is involved, and in the monostratalgrammar that it occurs when coreferential subjects are involved in the times construction. (The (iii) U½CÖ!��MKZ��M9=OK-∅-[CÖ��!CM��!KÖ-UC:��!CPV��O-QKV

watch the 3Ob-2P-NOM-own the 1P-spirit down PROX-descendI am happy that you have a watch.

Another argument against such an analysis is the fact that it would have to posit initial dummysubjects in the main clause.

158

occurrence of this prefix in other constructions which are discussed in §11.5 is not covered by thesegeneralizations, nor is it obvious that it should be.)

The preceding comparison shows that the monostratal grammar must include at least fourlanguage-specific statements to handle facts which are handled in the raising grammar by theascension and certain proposed universals. The monostratal grammar also runs into the problem ofhaving to posit initial dummy subjects. In at least five ways, therefore, the raising grammar ispreferable to the monostratal grammar.

11.4. Raising of non-final subjects

All of the preceding examples involve the raising of a final subject. It is not necessarily always thefinal subject which is raised, however. In the following sentence it is the initial unspecified subjectwhich is raised.

(18) UQÖFC��M-QÖRQ MK!��K-∅-R-CUK MK!��RQ-M-CÖ!-CV:Q-: NOM-black the 3P-NOM-PASS-drink the IRR-US-AUG-much-UT

!CM: U-MC-OKÖ! !C-!Csomewhere IRR-US-not=exist AUX-DECL

If Coke is drunk often, one will die.

11.5. Other uses of the prefix “X”

The prefix glossed X occurs in two other types of constructions. It is not likely that a raising analysisshould be posited for either of these constructions which differ markedly from the times construction.The first is the construction used to tell age, as in (19).

(19) a. !CPV��K!-O-CÖ�U ½Q:9Myear 1sS-PROX-X-fourI am four years old.

b. KÖU½VQ:��K-O-CKVQOmoons OM-PROX-X/fiveHe is five months old.

c. !CPV��R-CÖ!-CÖ-!CP KM-CÖ-!KV U-R-CC !C-!Cyear IRR-PASS-X-ten INF-AUG-eat IRR-PASS-know AUX-DECLWhen one is ten years old, one can go fishing.

By all of the pertinent tests, these clauses all contain a transitive stratum. (19a-b) have finally transi-tive strata; (19c) is a passive construction.

The other construction involving the morpheme glossed X is that of doubling up, tripling up, etc.

(20) RQÖUZ�MK!��K-RQV K!-U-CMZ !C-!Cline the 3P-calf 1sS-IRR-X/two AUX-DECLI will double up the fishing line.

In this case the prefix X is functioning more like a causative prefix since the expression KRQV M-QÖMZwhat is doubled up also occurs. (20) is finally transitive.

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The subject raising facts discussed in this chapter were published in Marlett 1984a. They also play arole in the argumentation presented in Marlett 1984b and Farrell, Marlett and Perlmutter 1991.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1984a. Switch-Reference and Subject Raising in Seri. Syntax and Semantics 16:The Syntax of Native American Languages, 247-68, eds. Eung-Do Cook and Donna Gerdts.New York: Academic Press.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1984b. Personal and impersonal passives in Seri. Studies in Relational Grammar2, 217-239, eds. David M. Perlmutter and Carol Rosen. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Farrell, Patrick, Stephen A. Marlett, and David M. Perlmutter. 1991 Notions of subjecthood andSwitch reference: evidence from Seri. Linguistic Inquiry 22:431-56.

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Chapter 12Advancements

In this chapter I will discuss advancements for which I have found evidence in Seri. They include 3-2advancement and passive. In addition, evidence bearing on the question of whether the notion 3(indirect object) as a grammatical relation is necessary is discussed in §12.3.

12.1. 3-2 Advancement in absence of notional 2

In §§2.4.2-3 two informal rules for the occurrences of the object person prefixes and the obliqueperson prefixes were presented. The object person prefixes indicate agreement with, among otherthings, final 2s. (For examples see those sections.) But compare the following sentences.

(1) a. U½KÖ: U½Q�OG-!-O-U½C:9thing a 2Ob-1sS-PROX-talk=aboutI am talking about something to you.

b. OC-!-O-U½C:92O-1sS-PROX-talk=aboutI am talking to you.

c. *U½KÖ:��U½Q�OC-!-O-U½C:9 thing a 2O-1sS-PROX-talk=aboutI am talking about something to you.

(2) a. U½KÖ:��U½Q�M9-K-[Q-U½C:9thing a 3Ob-OM-DIST-talk=aboutHe talked about something to him.

b. K-[Q-U½C:9OM-DIST-talk=aboutHe talked to him.

c. *U½KÖ:�U½��K-[Q-U½C:9thing a OM-DIST-talk=aboutHe talked about something to him.

(3) a. VCÖ: OG-!-O-U½C:93PRO 2Ob-1sS-PROX-talk=aboutI am talking to you (sg./pl.) about that.

b. OCU½K-!-O-U½C:92plO-1sS-PROX-talk=aboutI am talking to you (pl.).

c. *VCÖ:��OCU½K-!-O-U½C:9 3PRO 1plO-1sS-PROX-talk=about

I am talking to you (pl.) about that.

Ignoring for now the question of whether an unspecified notional 2 occurs (see chapter 13), there areat least three possible analyses for the (b) sentences above. One, the object prefix marks agreementwith a final 3. Two, the object prefix marks agreement with a final 2 which is also an initial 2. Three,the object prefix marks agreement with a final 2 which is an initial 3. These analyses are discussedbelow.

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12.1.1. Arguments against hypothesis one

The first hypothesis claims that the (b) sentences have the following structureÖ

(4)

Two rules are immediately complicated by assuming this structure, however. The first is the ruleaccounting for object prefixes, which would have to be extended to include 3s in just these clauses.The second is the rule accounting for the object marker /K-/ (cf. §2.5.1) which otherwise only registersthe presence of a final 2 in active clauses. Also, since the notional indirect object of (b)-type sentences,but not (a)-type sentences, can be the subject of a passive clause, as shown in (5), it follows that itheads a 2-arc at some level in the (b)-type sentences.

(5) a. K!R-[-CÖ!-U½C:91sS-DIST-PASS-talk=aboutI was talked to.

b. *U½KÖ:�U½Q�!R-[-CÖ!-U½C:9thing a 1sS-DIST-PASS-talk=aboutI was talked to about something.

The hypothesis illustrated by diagram (4) also claims that the final stratum of a clause such as (1b) isintransitive. Arguments based on the facts in chapter 10, however, can be presented for the transitivityof the final stratum of these clauses.

First, the transitive allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix occurs in (1b). Second, thetransitive allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs in (b)-type sentences, as in (6).

(6) OC-K!C-U½C:9��K!-:QÖ-OU½Q2sO-INF-talk=about 1sS-EMPH-wantI want to talk to you!

Third, the transitive allomorph of the first person imperative prefix occurs, as in (7).

(7) a. UC-U½C:9V1plIMP-talk=about/PLLet’s talk to him!

Fourth, the transitive allomorph of the first person restrictive prefix occurs, as in (8).

(8) !CVG"Ö��U-O-CÖ-U½C:9��!C-!C1REST IRR-NEG-1REST-talk=about AUX-DECLAs for me, I won’t talk to him.

Fifth, the condition on the occurrence of the unspecified subject prefix (cf. §10.8) correctly predictsthat (b)-type clauses cannot occur with an unspecified final subject.

(9) *K-RQ-MC-U½C:9 OM-IRR-US-talk=aboutIf one talks to him...

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The analysis illustrated by diagram (3) would therefore require the complication of at least sevengeneralizations in Seri.

12.1.2. Discussion of hypotheses two and three

The second hypothesis claims that the (b) sentences have the following monostratal structureÖ

(10)

The third hypothesis claims that these sentences have a bistratal structure, as in (11).

(11)

The facts presented in the previous section are adequately accounted for by either of these analysessince in each the notional indirect object heads a final 2-arc. The third hypothesis assigns the sameinitial grammatical relation to the notion indirect object in these clauses as in clauses with specifiednotional direct objects. There do not appear to be any strong arguments internal to Seri that favor oneof these analyses over the other.

12.2. 3-2 advancement in ditransitive clauses

With the verbs /-GÖ/ give and /-GG/ give (with generic notional 2) the recipient always determinesobject agreement (in active clauses), as shown in (12).

(12) a. VQO��MK!��OC -!-� "V-GÖmoney the 2sO 1sS-RL-give

*OG 2Ob

Did I give you the money?

b. U½K:MC"O� MK! OC -V-GGfish the 2sO RL-give

*OG 2Ob

Did he give you fish?

A bistratal analysis would claim that the initial 3 advances to 2, putting the initial 2 en chomage. Thisadvancement is required for the verbs /-GÖ/ and /-GG/.

163

Two possible monostratal analyses will be considered. They are represented by the diagrams in(13). Either of these analyses violates some proposed universal in relational grammar—(a) the StratalUniqueness Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) and (b) the Motivated Chomage Law (Perlmutterand Postal (in press a)).

(13) a.

b.

In the following sections I will present empirical evidence favoring the bistratal analysis of theseclauses.

12.2.1. 3-2-1 clauses

When the notional 3 of the clause is the final 1, the bistratal analysis would claim that the followingstructure exists, assuming the Chômeur Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)).

(14)

Under this analysis it is predicted that the final stratum of such clauses is intransitive.

What does a monostratal analysis predict? Four variations are shown below. The first two incor-porate a monostratal analysis of passive clauses (cf. §12.4.1) and the second two a bistratal analysis.

(15) a. b.

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c. d.

Arguments for a bistratal analysis of passive clauses will be presented in §12.4.1. Any such argumentalso counts against the analyses represented by (15a-b). In the following sections, however, I willpresent arguments against these analyses that do not depend on one analysis or another of passiveclauses.

12.2.1.1. Arguments against the final transitivity of 3-2-1 clauses

Structures (15a) and (15c) claim that the final stratum of 3-2-1 clauses is transitive since in each thereis a final 2. The facts indicate, however, that the final stratum of 3-2-1 clauses is intransitive. First, the“intransitive” allomorph of the first person subject prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.

(16) a. VQO��MK!�� !R-[Q-R-G"!GÖmoney the 1sS-DIST-PASS-give

*!-[Q-R-G"!GÖ

I was given the money.

b. U½K:MC"O�MK!��!R-V-R-GG 1sS-RL-PASS-give

*!-V-R-GG

Was I given fish?

Second, the “intransitive” allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.

(17) a. U½K:MC"O�MK!��KMC-R-G"!GÖ��!-OKÖ-OU½Q INF-PASS-give 1sS-PROX-want

*K!C-R-G!GÖ

I want to be given the fish.

b. U½K:MC"O��MK!��KMC-R-GG��!-OKÖ-OU½Qfish the INF-PASS-give 1sS-PROX-want

*K!C-R-GG

I want to be given fish.

Third, the “intransitive” allomorph of the first person singular exclusive prefix occurs in 3-2-1 clauses.

(18) !CVG"Ö��VQO��MK!��U-MCÖ-R-G"!GÖ��!C-!C1EXCL money the IRR-1EXCL-PASS-give AUX-DECLAs for me, I will be given the money.

These facts therefore argue strongly against both structure (15e) and structure (15c).

12.2.1.2. Arguments for the 2hood of the notional object

The bistratal analysis of 3-2-1 clauses summarized by structure (14) claims that the notional object

165

heads an initial 2-arc. Since it heads a chômeur arc in the second stratum, it is an acting 2 according tothe definition of acting 2 given in Perlmutter and Postal (to appear a) and repeated below.

(19) A nominal node is an acting term x if and only ifÖa) it heads an arc whose R-sign is term x in a given stratum and,b) it does not head an arc with a term R-sign other than term x in a later stratum.

While structures (15c) and (15d) claim that this nominal is a chômeur, they do not claim that it is a 2 atany level. Any argument for the 2hood of these nominals is therefore an argument against structures(15b) and (15d). An argument that they are acting 2s is an argument for their 2hood. One suchargument is presented below.

The object marker (cf. §2.5.1) occurs on finite verbs when the final nuclear terms are third personand there is a final 2. It also occurs in 3-2-1 clauses when the final subject is third person and thenotional 2 is third person.

(20) MCOKU½��MK! K-[Q-R-G"!GÖshirt the OM-DIST-PASS-giveHe was given the shirt.

Under an analysis in which the notional 2 heads an initial 2-arc the following generalization can bemadeÖ

(21) The object marker occurs wheni) the final nuclear terms are all third person andii) there is an acting 2.

Under an analysis such as (15b) or (15c) in which the notional 2 does not head a 2-arc, however, sucha generalization is not possible, which is an argument against these analyses.

A second argument is not exactly for the 2hood of the notional object, but rather an argumentagainst its obliquehood. As noted in §2.4.3, final 3s and most obliques determine oblique agreementon the verb. In the bistratal analysis it follows automatically that an oblique prefix will not occur in 3-2-1 clauses since the notional direct object is a chômeur. In a monostratal analysis which posits someother relation, it must be stated that the grammatical relation borne by this nominal does not determineoblique agreement.70

12.3. The notion “3”

In the previous sections I have discussed constructions in which a notional 3 determines objectagreement on the verb; in other words, the notional 3 behaves like a final 2. In other constructionsnotional 3s determine oblique agreement, in the same manner as instrumentals, locatives, etc. (cf.§2.4.3). Such facts might lead one to think that the notion “3” is unnecessary in Seri. As Faltz 1978says, “The syntactic alignment of indirect objects with direct objects and obliques... suggests that atleast languages with those types of indirect object marking lack a syntactic indirect object categoryaltogether” (85). The facts in §12.2 provide arguments against the claim that notional 3s which are

70 Sentences which would involve a passive transition and subsequent 3-2 advancement areungrammatical.

(i) * U½K:MC"O�U½Q�!KO-[Q-R-G"!GÖ fish a 1sO-DIST-PASS-giveA fish was given me.

A special statement is apparently needed to rule these out.

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final 2s are initial 2s. That the notional 3 is a final 2 therefore cannot be taken as evidence for initial2hood. An alternative not yet considered, however, is that in which the notional 3 is an initialoblique—Goal, for example. A rule of Goal to 2 advancement would be posited. In this section I willgive arguments for the grammatical relation 3 as distinct from obliques as well as from 2.

Certain verbs such as /-KVC !C"Ö/ buy/sell, /-COZM/ bring, /-CO:/ tell, and /-CÖ-CUQ-V/ lend share thepeculiar characteristic of not allowing a plural notional indirect object to bear a term relation. Thenominal is instead marked by the appropriate form of the relational noun for goals, /-CPQ/. Compare(22), in which the notional 3 determines oblique agreement, and (23), in which the notional 3 ismarked by !KPQ.

(22) OK-MCPQ¸C��MQO��!G-!-CÖM-QÖ-!QVKO2P-boat the 1Ob-IMP-AUG-D-see/MULTShow us your boat!

(23) VQO��MK!�!K-PQ��M-COZMmoney the 1P-to IMP-bringBring us the money!

The claim I will defend is that the nominal determining oblique agreement in (22) is an initial and final3 and that the nominal marked by !KPQ in (23) is an initial and final goal. These sentences thereforediffer syntactically. I will argue against an analysis which would claim that these nominals are finalgoals in both sentences. Under such an analysis verbs would divide into two classes, one class whoseplural goals determine oblique agreement, the other class whose plural goals determine /-CPQ/marking. An analysis will first be presented below assuming a 3 relation. In §12.3 the alternativeanalysis will be examined.

12.3.1. The verb /-KVC !C"Ö/

The verb /-KVC !C"Ö/ occurs in clauses having to do with buying and also in clauses having to do withselling. In clauses involving buying the initial stratum is transitive by all of the available tests (cf.chapter 10). The object bought is the initial 2. The person from whom the object is bought cannot bementioned. Some examples are given in (24). Note the object marker in (24a), the “transitive”allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (24b), and the passive construction in (24c).

(24) a. U½K:MC"O��MK!��M-CV:Q��RCM��K-U-KVC !C"Ö��!C-[Cfish the NOM-many some OM-IRR-buy AUX-INTERRWill he buy a lot of fish?

b. !CUCZ��MCR��K!-CVC !C"Ö��!-OKÖ-OU½Qbasket the INF-buy 1sS-PROX-wantI want to buy the basket.

c. VTQÖMK��!-CÖ-VC !C"Öcar NOM-PASS-buythe car which was bought

The verb /-KVC !C"Ö/ also means sell; however, in these clauses the object sold occurs as an obliquenominal and the recipient, if any, heads a 2-arc. I will assume for the present that the recipient headsan initial 3-arc and that it advances to head a 2-arc. With this meaning, therefore, /-KVC !C"Ö/ occurs inclauses which have the following structure.

167

(25) a. b.

Sentences in which the recipient does not occur are therefore finally intransitive (and cannotpassivize), whereas those in which the recipient occurs are finally transitive (unless passivized). Theexamples in (26) do not involve a recipient and are therefore finally intransitive as indicated by the“intransitive” allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (26a), the “intransitive” allomorph of the firstperson singular subject prefix in (26b), and the lack of the object marker in (26c). The examples in(27) involve a transitive stratum since a recipient is expressed in each; note the “transitive” allomorphof the infinitive prefix in (27a), the “transitive” allomorph of the first person singular subject prefix in(27b) and the passive construction in (27c). ((27c) is an impersonal passive—see §12.5.2.).

(26) a. !CUCZ��MCR��M9-KM-KVC !C"Ö��!-OKÖ-OU½Qbasket the 3Ob-INF-sell 1sS-PROX-wantI want to sell the basket.

b. U½K:MC"O��!KRMQO��MQ-!R-V-MO-KVC !C"Ö-!Q

fish this 3Ob-1sS-RL-NEG-sell-!QI didn’t sell this fish.

c. M9-V-O-KVC !C"Ö-!Q

3Ob-RL-NEG-sell-!QHe didn’t sell it.

(27) a. VKÖ:��OG-K!-CVC !C"Ö��K-O-CC-!C3PRO 3Ob/2sO-INF-sell NOM-NEG-know-DECLHe can’t sell it to you.

b. MQ-!-[-KVC !C"Ö3Ob-1sS-DIST-sellI sold it to him.

c. !CUCZ��MCR��!G-[-CÖ!-CVC !C"Öbasket the 3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-sellI was sold the basket.

A plural recipient of sell, however, is encoded as a Goal rather than as a 3 which advances to 2. Theinitial stratum appears as in (28).

(28)

168

Since the final stratum of such a clause does not contain a 2, it will be intransitive, contrasting in thisrespect with the sentences in (27). Note the “intransitive” allomorph of the infinitive prefix in (29a)and the lack of an object marker in (29b).

(29) a. OK-PQ��M9-KMKVC !C"Ö��!-OKÖ-OU½Q2P-to 3Ob-INF-sell 1sS-PROX-wantI want to sell it to you (pl.).

b. MK-PQ��M9-[-KVC !C"Ö3P-to 3Ob-DIST-sellHe sold it to them.

12.3.2. The verb /-OKÖKV/

The verb /-OKÖKV/ ask occurs with one or both of the following nominals: a 2, here assumed to be aninitial 3, which is the source of the information; and an oblique which is the topic of the inquiry. Thisverb has the peculiarity that if no 2 occurs, the morpheme /CÖ-/ is prefixed to the verb. In the examplesin (30) a 2, but no oblique nominal, occurs; in (31) both a 2 and an oblique occur; and in (32) only anoblique occurs.

(30) a. !KO-V-OKÖKV1sO-RL-askDid he ask me?

b. RGÖFTQ��MKZ��V-CKVQO� MOCÖO��MQR��K-V-OKÖKV the RL-speak woman the OM-RL-askPeter spoke, he asked the woman...

(31) a. U½KÖ:��U½Q�!G-V-OKÖKVthing a 3Ob/1sO-RL-askDid he ask me about something?

b. U½KÖ:��U½Q !G-[-CÖ!-OKÖKVthing a 3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-askWas I asked about something? (impersonal passive)

(32) a. !G-V-CÖ-OKÖKV b. M9-V-CÖ-OKÖKV1Obl-RL-AUG-ask 3Ob-RL-AUG-askDid he ask about me? Did he ask about him?

This verb also does not permit a plural notional 3 to be encoded as a term. Therefore in the examplesin (33) no 2 occurs. It follows automatically that the prefix /CÖ-/ will occur.

(33) a. U½KÖ:��U½Q� OK-PQ M9-V-CÖ-OKÖKV b. U½KÖ:��U½��CPQ��M9-V-CÖ-OKÖKVthing a 2P-to 3Ob-RL-AUG-ask thing a to 3Ob-RL-AUG-askDid he ask you (pl.) something? Did he ask them something?

12.3.3. The verb /-CO:/

The verb /-CO:/ say governs two nominals: an initial 2, which is the utterance spoken; and an optionalinitial 3, which is the person to whom the utterance is spoken. When an initial 3 occurs, however, theprefix /CÖ-/ occurs on the verb. The examples in (34) do not involve an initial 3 whereas those in (35)

169

do.71

(34) a. OQU M-CO:-Q c. K!-[QÖ-O:

again IMP-say-Q 1sS-DIST-saySay it again! I said it.

b. K-V-CO:OM-RL-sayDid he say it?

(35) a. !G-!-CÖ-O: c. U½KÖ:��U½Q OG-U-R-CÖ-O:1Ob-IMP-AUG-say thing a 2Ob-IRR-PASS-AUG-saySay it to me! Something will be said to you.

b. MQ-!-[-CÖ-O:3Ob-1sS-DIST-AUG-sayI said it to him.

When the notional 3 is plural, as in (36), it occurs as a Goal. Since it is not a 3, the prefix /CÖ-/ does notoccur.

(35) a. MK-PQ M-CO: b. OK-PQ !-[QÖ-O:3P-to IMP-say 2P-to 1sS-DIST-saySay it to them! I said it to you (pl.).

12.3.4. Comparison of analyses

In this section I will summarize the analysis assumed above for the facts in §§12.3.1-3 and contrast itwith two analyses which do not recognize the 3 relation.

In the sections above it was assumed that a notional indirect object usually bore an initial 3relation. It was then shown that certain verbs have certain idiosyncrasies associated with them. Theseidiosyncrasies are summarized in (37).

(37) Class Example IdiosyncrasyX /-KVC !C"Ö/ obligatory 3-2 advancement

Y /-OKÖKV/ obligatory 3-2 advancement

prefixed by /CÖ-/ if there is no initial 3

Z /-CO:/ prefixed by /CÖ-/ if there is an initial 3

It was also shown that when these verbs governed a plural notional indirect object, that nominal bearsan initial Goal relation rather than an initial 3 relation. The following consequences followautomatically from this analysis. First, there will be no 3-2 advancement in verbs of class X, and if no

71 A verb which is like /-CO:/ is the verb /-KU:9/ hide. This verb also governs two nominals otherthan the subjectÖ an initial 2, the object hidden and an optional initial 3, the person from whom the ob-ject is hidden. When the initial 3 is present, the root-initial vowel undergoes Ablaut (67) of chapter 2.

(ii) a. !-KU:9 b. !G=!-GU:9IMP-hide 1Ob-IMP-hideHide it! Hide it from me/us!

As (iib) illustrates, however, a plural nominal determines oblique agreement with this verb, unlikewith /-CO:/.

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other 2 occurs the final stratum of a clause with a verb of this class will be intransitive. Second, theprefix /CÖ-/ will occur on a verb of class Y since there is no initial 3. Third, the prefix /CÖ-/ will notoccur on a verb of class Z since there is no initial 3. Fourth, the oblique person prefix will not occursince there is no final 3 (and a plural goal is marked by /-CPQ/).

A monostratal alternative analysis would also say that plural notional indirect objects are initialgoals with these verbs. For verbs of classes X and Y it would claim that singular notional indirectobjects are initial 2s. No advancements would be posited. It would be claimed that class Y verbs areprefixed by /CÖ-/ if there is no singular goal and class Z verbs are prefixed by /CÖ-/ if there is a singulargoal.

A bistratal alternative analysis would say that all notional indirect objects are initial goals. Ratherthan 3-2 advancement, Goal-2 advancement would be posited except that with certain verbs pluralgoals cannot advance. It would be claimed that class Y verbs are prefixed by /aÖ-/ if there is no singulargoal and class Z verbs are prefixed by /CÖ-/ if there is a singular goal.

Both of the alternative analyses, however, must also stipulate that plural goals of some verbs aremarked by /-CPQ/ and that plural goals of other verbs determine oblique agreement, as in (22). It ispurely coincidental in these analyses that all of the verbs with idiosyncrasies involving plural “goals”also are verbs whose goals are marked by /-CPQ/. In the analysis utilizing the 3 relation, these facts areintegrated; the fact that the presence or absence of a plural notional 3 which does not determineoblique agreement has other ramifications is a consequence of the analysis rather than a coincidence.These facts therefore provide an argument for a 3 relation as distinct from both 2 and Goal in alanguage in which the distinction is not at all obvious superficially.

12.4. Personal passives

In this section I will discuss the syntax of the person passives in Seri. Passive clauses are claimed byPerlmutter and Postal 1977 to involve the advancement of the 2 of a transitive stratum to 1. Assumingthe Chômeur Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)), a typical passive clause could be represented as(38).

(38)

In Seri there exist clauses in which the notional subject (initial 1 in these cases) is not expressed in theclause (although it may be indicated by the context). The verbs of these clauses are marked by what Ihave called the passive prefix (cf. §2.5.5). Some simple passive sentences are given in (39).

(39) a. K!R-[Q-R-CU½V d. V-R-GV C1sS-DIST-PASS-tattoo RL-PASS-pokeI was tattooed. Was he poked?

b. K!R-V-CÖ!-MCU½PK e. MVCO MK!��V-CÖ!-MCU½PK1sS-RL-PASS-bite man the RL-PASS-biteWas I bitten? Was the man bitten?

c. KO-[Q-O-R-GU½K2sS-DIST-NEG-PASS-defeatWeren’t you defeated?

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Passive clauses do not occur with specified subjects. Nor do they occur when the notional subject ofan intransitive verb is left unspecified (cf. §2.5.11).

In Marlett (to appear a) it is argued that the clauses in (39) are passive rather than simply activeclauses with unspecified subjects. The main arguments for the 1hood of the specified nominal in theseclauses are based on the presence of the subject agreement prefixes, the lack of object agreementprefixes, number agreement with final subject, subject nominalizer allomorphy, and the presence ofthe object marker in subject nominalized forms. These arguments will not be repeated here.

In the following section I will examine two alternative analyses of these passive clauses.

12.4.1. Bistratal vs. monostratal

Various analyses of passive clauses have been proposed in recent years. In this section I will comparea bistratal analysis, as illustrated by (38), with a grammar which analyzes passive clauses as beingsyntactically monostratal. Perlmutter (to appear c) points out that several recent theories ofpassivization are essentially monostratal. An analysis of the type proposed by Fillmore 1968 wouldclaim that if the Object is chosen as the Subject, this fact is “registered” on the verb; in Seri thisregistration would be the passive prefix. The final 1 of a passive clause does not head a 2-arc at anylevel syntactically under such an analysis. Sentence (39a) might therefore be represented by thefollowing simplified stratal diagram in which the semantic roles have not been indicated.

(40)

A passive clause in this analysis might be defined in terms of the choice of a “nonnormal” subject(Fillmore 1968Ö37).

I will discuss the claims of these two analyses and present empirical evidence that will permit achoice between them.

12.4.1.1. 3-2-1 clauses

In §12.2 ditransitive clauses involving 3-2 advancement were discussed. It was shown that clauses inwhich the initial 3 is the final 1 are finally intransitive. This intransitivity is predicted by theadvancement of the 3 to 2, together with the Chômeur Law. The three arguments given in §12.2.1.1are arguments against a monostratal analysis of these clauses in which the notional 2 is a final 2because the monostratal analysis does not predict the final intransitivity of these clauses. In §12.2.1.2arguments are given against a different monostratal analysis based on the generalization accounting forthe object marker /K-/ and oblique agreement. These facts all favor a bistratal analysis of passiveclauses.

12.4.1.2. Switch reference marking

In chapter 15 I discuss the switch reference marking system in Seri (cf. §3.3). It is shown there that theswitch reference marking rule cannot be formulated in terms of final subject because of examples suchas (41a-b) in which different subject marking occurs between clauses whose final subjects are the

172

same, and examples such as (41c) in which no different subject marking occurs even though the finalsubjects are different. Each sentence involves a passive clause.

(41) a. !CR��MK!��V-Q:K��OC��[Q-R-C!KVdeer the RL-die SR DIST-PASS-eatWhenever a deer died, it was eaten.

b. M9UGV��!C-R-C!��!G!G��MCR�V-R-GU½K��OC��V-CVC:��[Q-M-GÖ NOM-PASS-say plant the RL-PASS-defeat SR RL-go DIST-US-say/DThe tree called Kwset was defeated, he (Kwset) went, it is said.

c. !CÖV��MK!��R-CÖ!-MCÖ-:torote the IRR-PASS-seek-UT

!GÖRQ ��MK!��OQU��U-CÖ!-MCÖ��!C-!Cwhite=ratany the also IRR-PASS-seek AUX-DECL

When torote is looked for, white ratany should also be looked for.

A monostratal theory of passives would have to complicate the switch reference marking rule byadding extra conditions in case one of the clauses is passive and yet other conditions in case bothclauses are passive. In a bistratal theory of passives, however, the rule can be formulated in terms ofsome other level. For the facts presented above the necessary generalization could refer to initialsubjects. These facts therefore provide another argument in favor of a bistratal analysis of passives.

12.4.1.3. Subject raising

A construction involving subject raising was discussed in chapter 11. It was shown that the raisednominal may be the initial “unspecified” subject, as in (42). Note the presence of the unspecifiedsubject prefix on the verb /-CV:Q/ many.

(42) UQÖFC��M-QÖRQ ��MK!��K-∅-R-CUK ��MK!��RQ-M-CÖ!-CV:Q-:soda NOM-black the 3P-NOM-PASS-drink the IRR-US-AUG-many-UT

!CM: U-MC-OKÖ!� !C-!Csomewhere IRR-US-net=exist AUX-DECL

If Coke is drunk often, one will die.

A monostratal analysis of passive clauses posits only one subject, the final one, and no unspecifiednominal; it would therefore be incapable of accounting for these facts.

12.5. Impersonal passives

At least two types of passive clauses have been discussed in the literature. The most well known is thepersonal passive in which one of the nominals bearing a grammatical relation in the initial stratum ofthe clause (or in some stratum of a complement clause) is the final 1. Another is the impersonalpassive in which none of these nominals is the final 1. I will argue below that Seri has impersonalpassives. First, however, I will point out the theoretical implications an analysis of these passiveclauses has. Perlmutter and Postal (to appear) have proposed the following analysis for impersonalpassives of transitive clauses.

(43)

173

Keenan (1975) and Comrie (1977) have proposed that impersonal passives should be analyzed asinvolving the “spontaneous demotion [chomage]” of the initial 1 with no advancement to 1. Thisproposal is illustrated by the following stratal diagram.

(44)

It should be noted that apart from any other consequences these proposals hold for proposed languageuniversals such as the Motivated Chomage Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)), they makedifferent empirical claims and can therefore be tested. The unmotivated chomage analysis claims thatthe initial 2 is a final chômeur. In the following sections I compare these two analyses for theimpersonal passives of Seri.

12.5.1. Impersonal passives with plural 2s

Passive sentences in Seri with plural subject prefixes are ungrammatical.

(45) *!C��-[-CÖ!-MCU½ZQZ 1plS -DIST-PASS-bite/PL

*OC 2plS

*∅We/You/They were bitten.

Either of the following constraints would be sufficient to block these sentences.

(46) a. Plural nominals cannot advance to 1.b. Plural nominals cannot advance by Passive.

However, both of these constraints must be wrong because plural nominals can advance to 1 byPassive and be Equi victims, as shown in (47a), or relativize, as shown in (47b-c).

(47) a. KM-CÖ!- MCU½ZC��!C-[QÖ-OMCZMINF-PASS- bite/SG 1plS-DIST-want ��MCU½ZQZ bite/PL

We wanted to be bitten.

b. MVCOM9��!-CÖ- MCU½ZC NOM-PASS- bite/SG ��MCU½ZQZ bite/PLthe men who were bitten

174

c. !CUCVQZ !C-R- GU:9stones NOM-PASS- hide/SG

*GU CZM hide/PLthe stones that were hidden

(Note also that the infinitive stem may be either singular or plural, and that in passive relative clausesthe facts are even more complex. I have not fully investigated these particulars.) The following modi-fied constraints would also be sufficient to block the sentences in (45).

(48) a. Plural nominals that advance to 1 must undergo Equi or Relativization.

b. Plural nominals that advance to 1 by Passive must undergo Equi or Relativization.

The fact that plural nominals can advance to 1 by unaccusative advancement (cf. chapter 11, example(11c)) suggests that (48a) is not correct. I conclude then that (48b) is the proper constraint.

In spite of condition (48b), however, utterances exist which correspond to the glosses given in(45).

(49) a. !KU½K- [-CÖ!- MCU½ZC 1plO bite/SG/MULT OCU½K *MCU½ZQZ 2plO bite/PLWe/You/They were bitten.

b. K-VQKV MQK V-CÖ!-HCK MKO3P-feet the RL-PASS-tie/SG/MULThis feet had been tied up...

Four facts about these sentences should be noted. First, there is passive morphology. Second, theinitial 2s are determining object agreement. Third, the verb agrees with a third person final subject(unmarked). Fourth, the verb number marking indicates singular subject and plural action. I proposethat these are impersonal passives. In the next section additional impersonal passive clauses are shownand in §12.5.3 alternative analyses are compared.

12.5.2. Impersonal passives when oblique nominal present

It is also the case that personal passives with an oblique nominal present, such as those in (50), areungrammatical.72

(50) a. *!G!G�!KOMQO��MQ-O-V-CÖ!-QC:U½ stick that 3Ob-2sS-RL-PASS-hitWere you hit with that stick?

72 The oblique nominal must be one that determines oblique agreement; otherwise, a personal

passive is used.

(iii) MCPQ¸C�MQO��CP��CM��CPQ��!R-[-CÖ!-MCÖK:boat the inside the in 1sS-DIST-AUG-putI was put into the boat.

It is not clear whether impersonal passives are required when a nonadvancing 3 is present. Sentencesneeded to establish this seem marginal.

175

b. *CU½-[C��MQ-!R-V-R-CU½V what-INTERR 3Ob-1sS-RL-PASS-tattooWhat was I tattooed with?

c. *VC ��MC!��MQ-O-V-R-CU½V ember the/FOC 3Ob-2sS-RL-PASS-tattooWere you tattooed with charcoal?

d. *:GRG��MQO��MQ-PV-K!R-[-CÖ!-CU½K sea the 3Ob-away-1sS-DIST-PASS-takeI was taken to the sea.

The grammatical sentences corresponding to these glosses are given in (51).

(51) a. !G!G��!KOMQO��OG-V-CÖ!-QC:U½stick that 3Ob/2sO-RL-PASS-hit

b. CU½-[C��!G-V-R-CU½Vwhat-INTERR 3Ob/1sO-RL-PASS-tattoo

c. VC ��MC!��OG-V-R-CU½Vember the/FOC 3Ob/2sO-RL-PASS-tattoo

d. :GRG��MQO��KPV-!G-[-CÖ!-CU½Ksea the away-3Ob/1sO-DIST-PASS-take

Note again the passive morphology, the agreement with third person singular subjects (unmarked), andthe object agreement determined by the initial 2. (This is obscured somewhat by the fact that anoblique nominal is present (cf.§2.4.4). I propose that these sentences are also impersonal passives.

12.5.3. Alternative analyses

In an advancement analysis these impersonal passives would be analyzed as shown in (43) (with anoblique nominal present for the examples discussed in §12.4.2). Dummy insertion would take placewhen a clause contains one of the following substructures.

(52) a. b.

As predicted by the conditions necessary for dummy insertion, impersonal passives with a singular 2and no oblique nominal present are ungrammatical.

(53) *!KO-[-CÖ!-MCU½PK 1sO-DIST-PASS-biteI was bitten.

Since the initial 2s of (49a-b) are claimed to be final chômeurs in an advancement analysis, the rule forthe determination of object agreement cannot refer solely to final 2s as heretofore assumed. The rule isgiven as (54).

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(54) Acting 2s determine object agreement.73

As with personal passives, the passive morphology indicates the advancement of a 2 of a transitivestratum to 1, but in these cases it is a dummy that advances. Person and number agreement is with thedummy, which is assumed to be third person singular. Third person subject marking is clearly seenwhen the clause is a complement clause and the subjects are not coreferential. Such a clause isnominalized and the final 1 is represented by the appropriate possessive prefix. The third personpossessive prefix is used when the complement clause is an impersonal passive.

(55) a. !KU½K-K-∅-R-CU½KVKO��K-:QÖ-OU½Q1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-tattoo/SG/MULT OM-EMPH-wantHe wants us to be tattooed!

b. !KU½K-K-!-CÖ-MCU½ZC��O-V-COU½Q1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-bite/SG/MULT 2sS-RL-wantDo you want us to be bitten?

In an unmotivated chomage analysis the impersonal passive clauses would be analyzed as shownin (44). Since the initial 2 is a final 2, there is no reason to use the notion acting 2 for the rule of objectagreement (see (54)); the notion final 2 is sufficient. The passive morphology that personal andimpersonal passives share would be accounted for by the following rule.

(56) The demotion of 1 to chômeur is signaled by the passive prefix.

These two analyses make different claims about the structure of impersonal passive clauses.Evidence to choose between these analyses will be presented below.

12.5.3.1. Argument one: Third person subject marking

The fact that the verb in an impersonal passive clause has third person subject agreement followsdirectly in the advancement analysis under the reasonable assumption that dummies are third person.A special statement is required in the unmotivated chomage analysis, however, since it claims thatthere is no final 1. This additional statement is necessary since it is not universally the case that verbsof impersonal passive clauses occur with third person morphology (Comrie 1977, Perlmutter andPostal (to appear a)). This additional complexity for the unmotivated chomage analysis is evidence infavor of the advancement analysis.

73 Only one object prefix may occur on a verb. If there are two non-third person acting 2s in the

same clause, the initial 2 occurs in a special full nominal form and the final 2 occurs as the objectprefix, as in (iv).

(iv) !KRK��!K-UQZ��!KRMQR��!K-VC��OC-� "V-GÖEMPH 1P-being this 1P-mother 2sO-RL-giveDid my mother give me to you?

5 It has recently come to my attention that the object marker does not occur before the form ponaixin the following sentence, although by all expectations it should. I have not explored this type ofsentence to determine what further restrictions need to be placed on the generalization accounting forthe object marker.

(v) U½KÖ:��RQ-PCKZ��!CPV�U½��KVK��M-MCÖK:��U½Q�!CMK:��K-O-KÖ!-K!Cthing IRR-seize land a on NOM/OM-put a somewhere NOM-NEG-be-DECLThere was no one who could catch him and put him anywhere.

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12.5.3.2. Argument two:�Number agreement

The fact that the verb stem in an impersonal passive clause shows agreement with a singular subjectfollows directly in the advancement analysis under the assumption that dummies are singular. Aspecial statement is required in an unmotivated chomage analysis since it is claimed that there is nofinal 1. Of course, it might be claimed that this is a universal of impersonal passive clauses and shouldtherefore be incorporated into the framework and be available without “cost” to language-particulargrammars. This is an empirical claim which is falsifiable. Unless and until this is proposed as auniversal, however, the advancement analysis is to be preferred.

12.5.3.3. Argument three: The object marker

The object marker discussed in §2.5.1 also occurs in impersonal passives which involve 3-2advancement. Its occurrence in this case is predicted by the rule given in (21).

(57) MVCOM9��MQK��K-[Q-R-G"!GÖVKOmen the OM-DIST-PASS-give/SG/MULTThe men were given it.; more literally, There was given the men it.

It does not occur in impersonal passives that do not have an initial 3.

(58) a. [-CÖ!-MCU½ZCDIST-PASS-bite/SG/MULTThey were bitten.

b. GÖPKO�!KRMQR��M9=U-QO-R-CM9��!C-!Cknife this 3Ob-IRR-NEG-PASS-kill AUX-DECLHe will not be killed with this knife.

Under the advancement analysis the rule accounting for the occurrences of the object marker /K-/ on afinite verb can be modified as follows (see also §12.6).

(59) The object marker occurs when1) the final nuclear terms are all third person, and2) there is a third person acting 2 which was not put en chomage by a dummy.

The crucial structures to notice are the followingÖ

(60) a. Simple transitive b. 3-2 Advancement and Personal passive

c. 3-2 Advancement and Impersonal passive

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d. Personal passive e. Impersonal passive

Since sentences with structures (60a-c) meet the conditions of rule (59), the object marker will occurin these clauses.

How would these facts be accounted for in a grammar incorporating the notion of unmotivatedchomage? The following structures would be posited, corresponding to those in (60).

(61) a. Simple transitive b. 3-2 Advancement and Personal passive

c. 3-2 Advancement and Impersonal passive

d. Personal passive e. Impersonal passive

No generalization seems formulable to account for the occurrences of the object marker if thesentences have these structures. Therefore these facts provide an argument against a grammarincorporating the notion of unmotivated chomage.

12.5.3.4. Argument four: Distinction between final 2s and 2-chômeurs

In (54) I proposed that acting 2s determine object agreement in the advancement analysis. I will notsuggest that this generalization must be refined somewhat since there is a systematic differencephonologically between object prefixes which are determined by final 2s and those which aredetermined by 2-chômeurs. This difference in behavior is easily explained in a grammar incorporatingthe advancement analysis for impersonal passives; it is unexpected and less easily explained in a

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grammar incorporating unmotivated chomage.

In §2.3.7 a rule of k-Epenthesis was discussed. It was noted that part of the necessary environmentfor this rule’s application could be provided by an object prefix but not by an oblique prefix (cf.§2.4.3). It was argued in §2.4.3 that oblique prefixes ware attached with a stronger boundary. Theexamples in (62) show that object prefixes determined by 2-chômeurs, unlike those determined byfinal 2s, do not provide the environment for the application of k-Epenthesis.

(62) a. !KU½K-U-O-CÖ!-OKÖKVKO��!C-!C1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-ask/SG/MULT AUX-DECLWe will not be asked.

b. OCU½K-U-O-CÖ!-MCU½ZC��!C-!C1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-bite/SG/MULT AUX-DECLYou will not be bitten.

Likewise, the oblique nee object prefixes in (63) do not provide the environment for k-Epenthesis,unlike the oblique nee object prefixes in §2.4.4.

(63) a. GÖPKO��!KRMQR��OG-U-QO-R-CM9��!C-!Cknife this 3Ob/2sO-IRR-NEG-PASS-kill AUX-DECLYou will not be killed with this knife.

b. VC ��MC!��!G-U-QO-R-CU½V��!C-!Cember the/FOC 3Ob-1sO-IRR-NEG-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECLI will not be tattooed with charcoal.

A grammar incorporating the advancement analysis of impersonal passives could claim that objectprefixes determined by final 2s are attached with a + boundary while those determined by 2-chômeursare attached with an = boundary. (As the rule in §2.4.4 predicts, oblique nee object prefixes have thesame boundary as the “underlying” object prefix.)

How would the facts regarding k-Epenthesis be accounted for in a grammar incorporatingunmotivated chomage which claims that the object prefixes are all determined by final 2s?

12.5.3.5. Argument five: Subject raising

The subject raising rule discussed in chapter 11 makes reference to the notion of subject, irrespectiveof level. If the advancement analysis of impersonal passives is correct, it might be expected that thedummy could raise since it heads a 1-arc. This prediction appears to be correct. Compare the followingsentences, which are all paraphrases and considered acceptable sentences. In (64a) raising has notoccurred; in (64b) the dummy has raised; and in (64c) the brother-in-law of the dummy (cf. Perlmutterand Zaenen (to appear) has raised.

(64) a. !KU½K-K-∅-R-CURQZ MK!��M9=RQÖ-V:Q��VC-:��1plO-3P-NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted the 3Ob-IRR-many SR-UT!C-U-CÖ!V:KOZ��!C-!C1plS-IRR-rich/PL AUX-DECLIf we are photographed often, we will be rich.

b. !KU½K-K-∅-R-CURQZ��MK!��M9=R-CÖ!-CV:Q��VC-:�� 3Ob-IRR-X-many SR-UT

c. !KU½K-K-∅-R=CURQZ��MK!��M9=!C-R-CÖ!-CV:QZ-:�� 3Ob-1plS-IRR-X-many/PL-UT

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An unmotivated chomage analysis of impersonal passives would not be able to account for thesesentences since under such an analysis only one nominal heads a 1-arc.

12.6. The object marker /K-/

Versions of a generalization accounting for the object marker /K-/ in finite clauses have been given invarious places in this thesis. (Its occurrence in nominalized clauses (see§2.5.1) is accounted for by afairly simple and distinct generalization. In this section I will briefly review the facts, discuss thegeneralization as it would appear assuming the analyses argued for in the previous chapters, and thendiscuss the problems which would arise in other frameworks.

First of all, the object marker does not occur when the final subject or object is first or secondperson (cf. §2.5.1). The object marker occurs in clauses which are finally transitive, as in (65a-b), butnot in monostratal, finally intransitive clauses, as in (66a-b).

(65) a. K-[Q-RKÖ He tasted it.OM-DIST-taste

b. KMC-VC:��K-V-COU½Q Does he want to go?INF-go OM-RL-want

(66) a. [Q-RCPU½: He ran.DIST-run

b. V-Q-VKU Is he pointing at (unspec.)?RL-D-point=at

The object marker occurs in 3-2-1 clauses (cf. §12.2.1), as in (67), but not in other personal passiveclauses, as in (68).

(67) K-[Q-R-G"!GÖ He was given it.OM-DIST-PASS-give

(68) [Q-R-CP It was stirred.DIST-PASS-stir

The object marker occurs in impersonal passive clauses that involve 3-2 advancement (cf. §12.5.3.3),as in (69), but not in other impersonal passive clauses, as in (70).

(69) a. K-[Q-R-G"!GÖVKO They were given it.OM-DIST-PASS-give

b. !KU½K-K-U-MQO-R-G!GÖVKO We will not be given it.1plO-OM-IRR-NEG-PASS-give

(70) a. [Q-R-CU½KVKO They were tattooed.DIST-PASS-tattoo

b. !KU½K-U-QO-R-CU½KVKO We will not be tattooed.1plO-IRR-NEG-PASS-tattoo

The object marker does not occur in the main clause of subject raising constructions, nor in predicatenominal construction.

(71) a. K-!-QÖMVC��MK!�R-CÖ!-CV:Q-:��U-Q:K��!C-!C3P-NOM-look=at the IRR-X-many-UT IRR-die AUX-DECLIf he looks at it often, he will die.

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b. M-K-!G!G��M-CÖMQZ��V-!CÖNOM-have-stick NOM-big RL-beSince he was a major ruler...

The following generalization accounts for the occurrences of /K-/Ö

(72) The object marker occurs when:(i) the final nuclear terms are third person and(ii) there exists a third person acting 2 which

a) is a transitive 2 at some level, andb) is not the brother-in-law of a dummy

Condition (i) is quite simple. The final subject and direct object must be third person. This conditionpresumes the analysis argued for in §12.5 which claims that the object prefixes in impersonal passivesmark agreement with 2-chômeurs rather than with final 2s. If they were final 2s, condition (i) wouldbe violated in (69b). Condition (ii) says first of all that there must be a third person acting 2—that is, anominal which heads a 2-arc in a given stratum and no other term arc in any later stratum. Therefore,the object marker occurs in finally transitive clauses such as (65), and in all clauses involving 3-2advancement since they result in a 2-chômeur. See examples (67) and (69). The object marker will notoccur in a passive clause in which the only 2 is a final 1, as in (68).. Condition (iia) specifies that theacting 2 must be a transitive 2 at some level, i.e. that it be a 2 in some transitive stratum. There are twoconstructions which make this condition necessary. The first is the subject raising construction inwhich the downstairs clause is an acting 2. It does not head a 2-arc in a transitive stratum, however,and the object marker does not occur. The second construction is the predicate nominal. One possibleanalysis of this construction in relational grammar, suggested by David Perlmutter (class notes), isgiven in (73).

(73)

If this analysis is correct, the object marker does not occur in such clauses because there is no transi-tive 2. Condition (iib) is necessary because 2-chômeurs which arise due to a dummy—specifically, inimpersonal passives such as (70)—do not cause the occurrence of the object marker. The acting 2 inthis construction is the brother-in-law of the dummy (Perlmutter and Zaenen, to appear).

Having motivated the generalization which accounts for the object marker, given the framework ofrelational grammar and the analyses argued for, I will now compare this with the account which wouldbe given in other current frameworks. As Perlmutter (to appear) has pointed out, various recentsyntactic frameworks are essentially monostratal syntactic theories, that is, theories which claim that agiven nominal bears only one (the superficial) grammatical relation. The monostratal theory whichwill be discussed below does not differ in essential respects from case grammar (Fillmore 1968),functional grammar (Dik 1978), realistic transformational grammar (Bresnan 1978), or tagmemics

182

(Pike and Pike 1977). Each of these frameworks posits some type of semantic or logical relation that anominal bears as well as its single syntactic relation. The structures below are meant to illustrate theclaims of these theories in a simple way, with a “semantic” stratum and a “syntactic” stratum. Thestructures which a monostratal theory would posit for the sentences in which the object marker occursare given in (74). Although none of the above frameworks posits silent dummies, the possibility is leftopen in the following structures.

(74) Simple transitive (65a) 3-2-1 clause (67)

3-2, Impersonal passive (69a-b)

The structures which a monostratal theory would posit for those sentences in which the object markerdoes not occur are given in (75). Predicate nominals and subject raising constructions are ignoredsince they present no additional problems in these frameworks.

(75) Simple intransitive Simple passive

Impersonal passive

Impersonal passive

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While the generalization for the object marker was statable as (72) in a theory that recognizes morethan one level of syntax, no generalization is possible within a monostratal theory. The object markerwould have to be accounted for by a rule such as (12), which involves a disjunction.

(76) The object marker occurs whenÖ

(i) the subject, if any, is third personand(ii) in active clauses, there is a third person direct objector(ii) in passive clauses, there is

(a) a third person direct objectand(b) a distinct nominal which is a recipient

This complication is in addition to the various other complication that the monostratal analyses abovewould present, especially with respect to the transitivity facts discussed in chapter 10.

It has been seen that a theory which posits, among other things, more than one level of syntax anddummy nominals, allows for the statement of the generalization accounting for the object marker. Nosuch generalization is possible within the type of monostratal theory which is common to certaincurrent syntactic frameworks, however.


The matter of verb subcategorization is taken up again in Marlett 1990, and again in Marlett 1993. Thelatter is the most complete treatment of verbs that subcategorize for recipients or addressees; new datais included there and the analysis is somewhat different than in this chapter.

The rule for the object marker plays a rule in the argumentation for the structure of impersonalpassives in Marlett 1984b.


Marlett, Stephen A. 1990. Person and number inflection in Seri. International Journal of AmericanLinguistics 56:503-541.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1993. Goals and indirect objects in Seri. Workpapers of the Summer Institute ofLinguistics, University of North Dakota Session 37:1-20.

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Chapter 13Clauses with unspecified direct objects

Most, but not all, transitive verbs in Seri can be used without specifying a direct object. The verb/-UCPZ/ in (1a) has a specified direct object, but in (1b) the direct object is not specified. Themorpheme /Q-/ (cf. §2.5.4) occurs on the verb in (1b).

(1) a. MK!-[C��K-V-UCPZwhom-INTERR OM-RL-carry=on=backWhom did he carry on his back?

b. V-Q-UCPZRL-D-carry=on=backIs he carrying (someone) on his back?

Various arguments can be given that the final stratum of a simple clause with a verb marked by /o-/ isintransitive (cf. chapter 10).

First, the “intransitive” allomorph of the first person subject prefix occurs, as in (2).

(2) K!R-O-QÖ-!KVKO1sS-PROX-D-eat/MULTI am eating.

Second, the “intransitive” allomorph of the infinitive prefix occurs, as in (3).

(3) KM-QÖ-!KV��K!-OKÖ-OU½QINF-D-eat 1sS-PROX-wantI want to eat.

Third, the “intransitive” allomorph of the second person imperative prefix occurs, as in (4).

(4) a. C-HOQZ< /∅-Q-CHOQZ/ b. C-UCPZ < /∅-Q-UCPZ/ IMP-D-gather=firewood IMP-D-carry=on=back

Gather firewood! Carry (someone) on your back!

Fourth, the “intransitive” allomorph of the first person plural imperative prefix occurs, as in (5).

(5) UM-QÖ-KVQ MC1plIMP-D-eat/PL/MULTLet’s eat!

Fifth, the “intransitive” allomorph of the action nominalizer occurs.

(6) KO-[-C-HOQZ��K!-OKÖ-OU½Q2sS-NOM-D-gather=firewood 1sS-PROX-wantI want you to gather firewood.

Sixth, the rule coalescing o’s in finally intransitive clauses applies.

(7) :9C-R:QZ < /:Q-Q-CR:QZ/ EMPH-D-blow=atHe blew!

Seventh, the “intransitive” allomorph of the first person singular exclusive prefix occurs, as in (8).

(8) !CVG"Ö��U-QO-M-QÖ-R��!C-!C1EXCL IRR-NEG-1EXCL-D-sew=basket AUX-DECLAs for me, I’m not going to sew a basket.

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Eighth, these clauses may have an unspecified final subject, as in (9).

(9) RQ-O-M-Q-VKUIRR-NEG-US-D-point=atIf one does not point....

Ninth, the object marker (cf. §2.5.1, §12.5.3.3 and §12.6) does not occur in these clauses. If theseclauses had an acting 2, this prefix would be expected.

(10) /[Q-Q-KPZ/

[-GPZ DIST-D-yell=atHe yelled!

Therefore these sentences cannot be analyzed as having the structure shown in (11) without revi-sing all of the generalizations which presently refer to final 2 to make them refer to final specified 2.

(11)

I will therefore not consider this possibility further.

Postal 1977 suggests that such clauses should be analyzed as involving Antipassive, as in (12),resulting in a finally intransitive stratum.

(12)

Presently, the generalization for the object marker /K-/ refer to transitive acting 2s (cf. §11.). If (12) iscorrect, this generalization would have to be changed to refer to specified transitive acting 2s.

An alternative to the Antipassive analysis is what I will call the Absent Arc hypothesis, which ifcorrect for Seri cannot be correct for certain other languages, as Postal 1977 argues. Under thishypothesis, clauses such as (1b) do not contain any nominal heading a 2-arc, as shown in (13).

(13)

While this is the analysis which I have assumed elsewhere in this thesis, I am not aware of any strongarguments that would establish it as superior or inferior to the Antipassive analysis.

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It is important to consider now how the occurrences of the prefix /Q-/ will be accounted for, givenone analysis or the other. It is important to reconsider in this regard the sentences discussed in §12.,where the notional 2 is unspecified and the notional 3 is the final 2. These clauses are not marked with/Q-/. Under the Antipassive analysis, and assuming initial 3-hood for the final 2, these clauses mighthave the following structure.

(14)

The prefix /Q-/ might be accounted for by the following generalizationÖ

(15) /Q-/ occurs on a verb when the clause contains a 2-chômeur and the final stratum isintransitive.

Clauses having a substructure like (14) can also be passive, the initial 3 heading a final 1-arc (cf.§12.2.). Although the final stratum is intransitive, the prefix /Q-/ does not occur. The lack of this prefixin these cases could be handled in the morphology as a result of the presence of the passive prefix,however.

Alternatively to (15), the following generalization might be proposed.

(16) /Q-/ occurs on a verb when the clause has an Antipassive substructure and the final stratum isintransitive.

Finally, one other alternative within the Antipassive analysis would be the proposal that /Q-/occurs whenever the clause has an antipassive substructure, and that structure (14) is incorrect. Thechomage of the unspecified 2 would be handled by the advancement of the 3, as in (17).

(17)

Since (17) does not contain an Antipassive substructure, the prefix /Q-/ will not appear.

Under the Absent Arc hypothesis, the presence of the morpheme /Q-/ might be handled by thefollowing generalization, regardless of whether structure (19a) or (19b) is adopted for the 3-2 clauses.

(18) /Q-/ occurs when a transitive verb occurs in a clause without a 2-arc.

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(19) a. b. b.

Since in either case a transitive verb occurs in a clause with a 2-arc, the morpheme /Q-/ does not occur.

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Chapter 14Augmented verbs

In this chapter I will discuss the syntax of constructions in which the verb is prefixed with the augmentprefix (cf. 2.5.6). Verb forms bearing the augment prefix are extremely common and their relationshipto the simple verb is not always semantically transparent (cf. §14.6). Whether the process by which aroot is augmented is lexical or syntactic, it has many idiosyncrasies morphologically. Augmentedverbs commonly indicate number of subject and action (cf. chapter 4) differently than the corres-ponding simple verbs, both with respect to the application of rules such as Syncope (cf. §4.1.2) and thenumber suffixes which occur. In addition to idiosyncrasies of number agreement, some (but not all)augmented verbs have the idiosyncrasy of being followed by the suffix /-QV/ (cf. §4.4.2.3). Also,whereas the allomorphs of the augment prefix are basically suppletive, in a few cases more than oneaugmented form occurs. The transitive verb /-CKÖ:/ leave, for example, has three augmented formswhich are only subtly different semantically. These verbs are listed below in all four forms forcomparison.

(1) Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4

/-CKÖ:/ leave DO

-CKÖ: -CCÖ:-KO -CCÖ:-QZ -CCÖ:-QZ

/-CÖM-Q-CKÖ:/ strip DO off IO

-CÖM-Q-KÖ: -CÖM-Q-CÖ:-KO -CÖM-Q-CÖ:-QZ -CÖM-Q-CÖ:-C MC

/-CÖ-CKÖ:/ take/bring DO

-CÖ-KÖ: -CÖ-KU½:-C -CÖ-VQ-KÖU½:-CZ -CÖ-VQ-KÖU½:-Q MC

/-M-CKÖ:/ take DO away

-M-CKÖ: -M-CKÖ:-KO -M-CKÖ:-CO -M-CKÖ:-Q MC

Another example is the root /-KÖRG/ good which has two augmented forms: /-CÖ!-KÖRG/ fix; heal, and/-M-GÖRG/ like (cf. §14.2).

It is not at all clear whether there is any one generalization—semantic or syntactic—that willaccount for all of the occurrences of the augment prefix. A semantic generalization appears totallyimpossible. As far as a syntactic generalization is concerned, in some cases a verb root with theaugment prefix governs one more nominal than the same verb root without the augment prefix. Inother cases the augmented verb governs one nominal less than the simple verb. Regardless of whatevergeneralization might ever be arrived at, a verb root is never prefixed by more than one augment prefixat a time.

In the following sections I will discuss those constructions in which the augment prefix occurs.

14.1. Impersonal verb plus experiencer

There are a few predicates which I assume typically occur in clauses in which no nominal heads anyrelation in the initial stratum. Such predicates in Seri include those which are used to describe weatherconditions: /-MQU½KO/ hot (weather), /-CÖR / cold, and /-CRMC/ rain.

189

The Final 1 Law (Perlmutter and Postal (in press a)) claims, however, that every basic clause has anominal heading a final 1-arc. And indeed, these verbs are inflected to agree with a third personsubject in the following sentences.

(2) a. :Q-MQU½KO c. UKÖ-RMC��MC-!CEMPH-hot IRR-rain AUX-DECLIt’s hot (weather)! It will rain.

b. V-CÖR RL-coldIs it cold?

I claim, following Postal and Perlmutter (in press a) that a dummy heads a final 1-arc in such sentence,accounting for the third person agreement. Additional evidence for a subject in these clauses is givenin §11.1.1.

An impersonal verb such as /-MQU½KO/ or /-CÖR / may also occur in constructions in which anexperiencer is specified. The experiencer is the final 1 and the augment prefix precedes the verb root,as in (3).

(3) a. K!R-:-CÖ-MQU½KO b. KO-V-CÖ!-CÖR 1sS-EMPH-AUG-hot 2sS-RL-AUG-coldI’m hot! Are you cold?

I propose the following structure for sentences such as (3a).

(4)

Since the final stratum is intransitive, the “intransitive” allomorph of the first person singular subjectprefix occurs.

14.2. Stative verb plus experiencer

Perlmutter 1978 claims that stative verbs, such as those in (5), govern initially unaccusative strata; thatis, the initial stratum of the clause contains a 2 but no 1.

(5) a. :Q-ZKU½K d. V-CMCVEMPH-hurt RL-bitterIt hurts! Is it bitter?

b. :Q-OKÖR C e. !G��V-CU½QZ��M-QOUKU�"ÖP-K!CEMPH-bad 1PRO RL-alone NOM-pitiable-DECLIt is bad/rotten/ugly/broken! I am the only pitiable/poor one.

c. M-KÖRG-[CNOM-good-INTERRIs it good?

Assuming this to be true for Seri, a sentence such as (5a) would be diagrammed as in (6), with theinitial 2 advancing to 1 by unaccusative advancement.

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(6)

An experiencer may also occur in such clauses, as in (7) below. The experiencer is the final 1 of afinally transitive clause.

(7) a. !K- KV��K!-[-CÖ-ZKU½� e. !KO-:-CÖ-OUKU�"ÖZM1P-head 1sS-DIST-AUG-hurt 1sO-EMPH-AUG-pitiable/PLI have a headache. They pitied/loved me!

b. K-V-CÖ-OKÖR C f. KO-V-CÖ-UKOVCOM-RL-AUG-bad 2sS-RL-AUG-itchyDid he dislike it? Is it itchy to you?

c. K!-[Q-M-GÖRG74 g. K!-O-CÖ-MQOMC1sS-DIST-AUG-good 1sS-PROX-AUG-noisyI liked it. I find it noisy.

d. KO-V-CÖM-CMCV2sS-RL-AUG-bitterIs it bitter to you?

If the experiencer is “unspecified” (cf. §5.11), the clause must be passive, as in (8).

(8) a. R-CÖ!-M-CMCV-:IRR-PASS-AUG-bitter-UTIf it is bitter to one...

b. M-K- KV��RQ-O-CÖ!-ZKU½-:US-3P-head IRR-NEG-PASS/AUG-hurt-UTIf one’s head doesn’t hurt...

I therefore propose that sentences such as (7a) have the structure shown in (9a), and (8a) the structureshown in (9b).

(9) a. b.

14.3. Sensory verb without experiencer

Sensory verbs such as /-RKÖ/ taste, /-UKÖ/ smell, and /-U½KÖO/ enjoy, which commonly occur with an initialsubject and direct object, also occur in clauses in which no experiencer is mentioned.

74 The length of the ablauted vowel in this form is anomalous. It would be expected to be short.

191

(10) a. OK-MCOKU½��!C :��:C!��U½K:MC"O��:-CÖ-UKÖ2P-shirt rather — fish EMPH-AUG-smellYour shirt smells like fish!

b. !C:��!KU½MQR��!C :��:C!��:GRG��:-CÖ-RKÖwater this rather — sea EMPH-AUG-tasteThis water tastes like seawater.

c. OK-RPCK ��MK!��:-CÖ-U½KÖO2P-skirt the EMPH-AUG-enjoyYour skirt is pretty!

I propose that sentence (10b) has the following structure.

(11)

14.4. Causative construction

Augmented verbs commonly occur in causative constructions.75

(12) a. !C:��!KU½MQR��K!-O-CÖ-OGMGwater this 1sS-PROX-AUG-warmI am warming this water.

b. !G��:9CÖP��MK!��M-CÖ!-CÖU½C :-QV-K!C1PRO the NOM-AUG-cough-ot-DECLI am making Juan cough.

c. !CUV��MK!��!G!G��MQO��MQ-O-V-CÖ-VPKstone the stick the 3Ob-2sS-RL-AUG-touchDid you make the stone touch the stick?

I am not aware of any strong arguments in favor of either a biclausal analysis, as in (13a), or amonoclausal analysis, as in (13b), of this construction.

75 Periphrastic causatives also exist, as in (i). The causation may be less direct in them, however.

(i) a. K!-R-CÖK��VC��KO-U-CÖ!-MCU½PK��!C-!C1sS-IRR-do SR 2sS-IRR-PASS-bite AUX-DECLI causing it, you will be bitten (as by a snake.)

b. VKÖ:-C!-Q��!KO-V-C!��OC��!KRK��!K-UQZ��K!-OKÖ-U½V

3PRO-FOC-Q 1sO-RL-do SR EMPH 1P-being 1sS-PROX-tattooHe made me tattoo myself.

192

(13) a. b.

Causative constructions do not occur with downstairs passives, to use biclausal terminology. Adownstairs verb may occur “detransitivized”, however.76

The final relations of nominals in an active causative construction are always as follows: adownstairs ergative is an upstairs 3, determining oblique agreement, and a downstairs absolutive is anupstairs 2, determining object agreement. However, the root of a causative verb is not always a verbroot. Some examples with noun roots are given in (14). A verb such as (14a) occurs transitive, with aspecified direct object, or intransitive when no specific bread is in mind.

(14) a. -CÖ-UKÖOGV bake bread e. -CÖ-U½KÖ: appreciate; respect bread thing

b. -CÖ-VCÖUK name f. -CÖ-R:UK get flesh of name flesh

c. -CÖ-MOKMG honor g. -CÖ-U½COV make adobe person adobe

d. -CÖ-MUKR:-C glue; solder resin

(15) involves an impersonal verb and both an experiencer (cf. §14.1) and an agent. Note that onlyone augment prefix occurs.

(15) MOKMG��!�"OKPVKMC��U½CÖ!��MKZ��K-U-CÖ-MQU½KO��!C-!Cperson that sun the OM-IRR-AUG-hot AUX-DECLThe sun is going to make that person feel hot.

14.5. “Help” construction

Augmented verbs also commonly occur in what I call the “help” construction.77 The sense of help in

76 An example is given below.

(ii) !-CÖ-!KVKOIMP-AUG-eat/MULTFeed him (unspecified food)!

77 Periphrastic expressions are also available, such as in (iii).

193

the following sentences is not that of a simple benefactive. Rather, the person who is the final 1 of theactive clause does part or all of the action for the person who is the final 2.

(16) a. OC-!-[-CÖM-QÖP-:-QV2sO-1sS-DIST-AUG-carry-X-otI helped you carry it.

b. MCU½VCU½��!KU½MQK��OC-!-[-CÖM-QÖ-OGP-QVwheat these 2sO-1sS-DIST-AUG-D-winnow-otI helped you winnow this wheat.

c. OC-!-U-CÖ!-CÖUCMKO��!C-!C78

2sO-1sS-IRR-AUG-comb=one’s=hair AUX-DECLI will help you comb (your hair); i.e., I will comb your hair for you.

The initial 2 of the downstairs verb does not determine oblique agreement; it is not clear whatgrammatical relation it bears in the upstairs clause. It is also not clear whether a biclausal ormonoclausal analysis is to be preferred for the “help” construction.

Noun roots also occur in “help” constructions, as in /-CÖ-VCOCV-QV/ help put on sandals.

14.6. Other

In §§12.3.2-3 two very special uses of the augment prefix are illustrated. In one case the augmentprefix occurs when there is no initial 3 and in the other case it occurs when there is an initial 3.

A few verb forms exist which presumably involve detransitivizing an augmented form of the root.The derived form has the idea of repetitive action involved. The derived forms in (17) are given in thesubject nominalized form.

(17) Base Derived-CCÖ order M-Q-M-Q-CÖ boss

-C!Q see M-Q-M-QÖ-!Q onlooker

-CKÖ: leave M-Q-M-Q-KÖ: winner (of race)

-CR sting M-Q-M-QÖ-R one that stings

-CUK drink M-Q-M-QÖ-UK one that bites (as mosquito)

The augment prefix also occurs on a number of other verbs which are related in less consistentways to the simple verb.

(iii) !C:��VCMQR��M9=OK-!-CÖ-OGMG��!CM��OK-!C:��K!-U-CÖK��!C-!K

water that 3Ob-2P-NOM-AUG-warm the 2P-with 1sS-IRR-do AUX-!KI will help you warm that water.

78 The augment prefix occurs before the root /-CÖUCMKO/ also when “teeth” is specified as theobject.

(iv) !G��!K-VCUV��MK!��U-CÖ!-CÖUCMKO��MC-!C1PRO 1P-tooth the IRR-AUG-brush AUX-DECLI will brush my teeth.

194

(18) -C!KV eat -CÖ-!KV fish

-C!KVKO eat -CÖM-QÖ-!KVKO rob food from (MULT)

-CRMC rain -CÖ-RMC protect oneself from rain

-KM9U prickly -CÖ!-KM9U bring in (thorny fruit)

-CÖ KO play -CÖM-CÖ KO play with

195

Chapter 15Switch reference

Moser 1978b outlines the basic characteristics of the switch reference (SR) marking system. It isshown that if two adjacent clauses have different subjects, change of subject marking occurs on thefirst clause; if the clauses have the same subject, no marking occurs. The switch reference markers areVC (on irrealis clauses), and OC (on realis clauses).79 SR marking occurs on dependent clauses only—not on complement clauses, nominalized clauses, or independent clauses.80 The following examplesillustrate these facts. In examples (1a-b) different subject marking occurs, but in (1c) it does not occur.(1d), taken from Moser 1978b, illustrates that switch reference marking occurs between adjacentclauses when more than one dependent clause exists.

(1) a. O�¸-P ��MK!��RQ-U½CV:��VC-:2P-fingers the IRR-thorny SR-UT

KO-U-QÖ!C��!C-!C2sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECL

If your fingers get thorns in them, you will cry.

b. V-QO-OGMG��OC��!-[Q-O-CUKRL-NEG-warm SR 1sS-DIST-NEG-drinkSince it wasn’t warm, I didn’t drink it.

c. OK-PCK ��MQO��KO-RQ-M-GZM-:2P-skin the 2sS-IRR-AUG-wet-UT

!CVC"R��M9-O-� "U-CÖ��!C-!Ccold 3Ob-2sS-IRR-be AUX-DECL

If you wet your skin, you will catch a cold.

d. VCÖ:��K-VK��V-CR��OC��[C:��MKZ��CP��K-V-CVPK��OC3-PRO 3P-on RL-stand SR 3P-belly the in OM-RL-touch SR

KMC-VC:��K-V-MO-CC��VC!CM��K-VK��V-CR��OCINF-go OM-RL-NEG-know there 3P-on RL-stand SR

M9-!C-OKÖ-U½MCO3Ob-1plS-PROX-arrive/PL

79 The “first” clause sometimes follows the “second” clause, as in (i). (See §8.3.2)

(i) U½KÖ:��MK!��M9=K-∅-MC-OKÖR C��MK!�KVK��M9=O-� "U-CÖ��!C-!C��thing the 3Ob-3P-NOM-US-bad the on 3Ob-2sS-IRR-be AUX-DECL

!C:U½��VKMQO-Q��OC-RQÖ-!��VC-:

dog that-Q 2sO-IRR-do SR-UT

You will experience something bad, the dog doing it to you.80 Also note that SR is not marked on a clause followed by :Q: (§3.6.5), nor on the pseudo-

complement of a verb of thinking (§9.4), nor on a clause followed by a verb of saying (§3.5.3). Also,while a nominalized clause cannot be marked with a SR marker, a nominalized independent clausemay cause a preceding finite clause to be so marked.

196

It (a horse) was standing there, he (one of our group) shot it in the belly, it (thehorse) wasn’t able to walk, it stood there, we went to it.

What is at issue, of course, is what constitutes a change of subject. The rule must be made explicitusing a precise notion of subject.

15.1. The notion ‘first subject’

The following rule (omitting various details) is adequate for the facts in the examples in (1). Agrammatical notion such as final subject is chosen over a notion referring to semantic roles since nogeneralization would be possible if semantic roles were involved.

(2) If the final subject of clause A is not coreferential to the final subject of clause B, differentsubject marking occurs.

Such a rule would not account for the occurrence of different subject marking in sentences such asthose in (3), however, in which the final subjects are the same. The examples in (3-4) involve passiveclauses.

(3) a. !CR��MK!��V-Q:K��OC��[Q-R-C!KVdeer the RL-die SR DIST-PASS-eatWhenever a deer died, it was eaten.

b. U½K:MC"O��U½Q��RQ-:VCOV��VC��V-QO-R-C!Q-!Q

fish a IRR-abundant SR RL-NEG-PASS-see-!QNot many fish were seen.; more literally, Fish was abundant, it wasn’t seen.

Nor would it account for the lack of different subject marking in sentences such as the following, inwhich the final subjects are different.

(4) a. VCÖ:��RQ-R-CUK��!CM:��U-MC-OKÖ!��!C-!C3PRO IRR-PASS-drink somewhere IRR-US-not=exist AUX-DECLIf that is drunk, one will die.

b. MQK��U½KÖ:-KRK��U½Q�V-QO-R-C!KV

still thing-KRK a RL-NEG-PASS-eat

M9-K-∅-M-QÖ-RKU��CM��K!-[Q-O-M-GÖRG3Ob-3P-NOM-US-D-suck the 1sS-DIST-NEG-AUG-good

I don’t like to smoke before I eat something.; more literally, While something hasnot yet been eaten, I don’t like one’s smoking.

c. !CÖV��MK!��R-CÖ!-MCÖ-:torote the IRR-PASS-look=for-UT

!GÖRQ ��MK!��OQU��U-CÖ!-MCÖ��!C-!Cratany the also IRR-PASS-look=for AUX-DECL

When torote is looked for, white ratany should also be looked for.

Following the analysis of bistratal passive clauses argued for in §12.4, sentence (4b) might berepresented as in (5).81

81 As noted in §12.4, while a subject may be left unspecified overtly within a clause, the reference

may be clear by the context, as in (4b). See also example (107) in chapter 2. There are situationsinvolving passive clauses, however, in which a sentence which might be expected to be ambiguous iseither 1) unambiguous, and therefore marked a particular way for SR, or 2) ambiguous, but still

197

(5)

Such a bistratal analysis posits more than one level at which a nominal bears the subject relation. Ittherefore permits the formulation of SR marking to be in terms of initial subject, as in (6).

(6) If the initial subject of clause A is not coreferential to the initial subject of clause B, differentsubject marking occurs.

This rule is adequate for all of the examples given above.

In Perlmutter 1978 it is proposed that certain clauses have initial strata without a subject. Whileevidence in favor of this hypothesis has not been presented for Seri, although it was assumed forvarious constructions in chapter 14, it is not clear how it would interact with the SR marking rule as itis stated in (6). What does (6) indicate when there is no initial 1? Fortunately, evidence bearing on thisquestion is found by examining sentences involving subject raising (cf. chapter 11). Numberpredicates would be predicted to fall within the class of unaccusative predicates (Perlmutter 1978). InPerlmutter 1979 and Perlmutter and Postal (to appear a) the claim is also made that raising is alwaysout of a 2. If the downstairs clause of the raising construction in Seri heads an initial 2-arc, whichthese proposed universals would predict, it is not clear how the SR marking rule would apply aspresently formulated in (6) since there is no initial 1. As the following sentence shows, however, therule must be made to work since SR marking occurs.

(7) !C-:U½��!KOMQR��!KO-K-∅-MCV: C��MK!��R-CÖ!-CV:Q��VC-:ABS-pet that 1sO-3P-NOM-bite the IRR-X-many SR-UT

K!R-U-QÖ!C��!C-!C1sS-IRR-cry AUX-DECL

If that dog bites me often, I will cry.

It is assumed that the downstairs clause heads an initial 1-arc, rule (6) incorrectly predicts that SRmarking would occur in the following sentence.

marked only one way for SR. An example of the first case is sentence (4b)Ö the unspecified subject ofthe first clause in this and in structurally similar sentences is not at all ambiguous. There can be no SRmarking following this clause. An example of the second is (ii).

(ii) :9CÖP��MK!��RQÖ-HR��VC-:��KO-U-R-CU½V��!C-!C the IRR-arrive SR-UT 2sS-IRR-PASS-tattoo AUX-DECLWhen Juan comes, you will be tattooed.

Regardless of whether Juan is or is not the one who will do the tattooing, SR marking is obligatoryin this type of sentence.

198

(8) !C-:U½��!KOMQR��!KO-K-∅-MCV: C��MK!�R-CÖ!-CV:Q-:��U-Q:K��!C-!CABS-pet that 1sO-3P-NOM-bite the IRR-X-many-UT IRR-die AUX-DECLIf that dog bites me often, it will die.

As pointed out in chapter 11, the occurrence of a raising construction is more restricted when thedownstairs clause is passive. The sentences in (9) are both grammatical; (9a) involves raising and (9b)does not. Different subject marking occurs only in (9b).

(9) a. !K-∅-R-CU½V��MK!��!R-R-CÖ!-CV:Q��!R-U-MO-QÖ!C��!C-!C1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 1sS-IRR-X-many 1sS-IRR-NEG-cry AUX-DECLIf I am tattooed many times, I won’t cry.

b. !K-∅-R-CU½V��MK!��M9-RQÖ-V:Q��VC-:1P-NOM-PASS-tattoo the 3Ob-IRR-many SR-UT

K!R-U-MO-QÖ!C��!C-!C1sS-IRR-NEG-cry AUX-DECL

(same gloss)

Therefore a SR marking rule which makes reference to the initial subject is empirically inadequate. Isuggest that (6) must be reformulated in terms of the first subject, rather than the initial subject, of aclause, using the following definition of first subject.82

(10) Nominal a is the first subject of clause d if it heads a 1-arc in stratum ci of clause d and there isno nominal b in clause d which heads a 1-arc in stratum cj and j<i.

An analysis incorporating the unaccusative hypothesis and SR marking rule (11) correctly predicts thatdifferent subject marking will not occur in (8) or (9a), and that it will occur in (7) and (9b).

(11) If the first subject of clause A is not coreferential to the first subject of clause B, differentsubject marking occurs.

An analysis incorporating rule (11) and not the unaccusative hypothesis would incorrectly predict thatdifferent subject marking would occur in (7).

An explicit analysis of the SR marking system and subject raising in Seri therefore providesarguments in favor of both the unaccusative hypothesis and the notion ‘first subject’ since both arenecessary to account for the switch reference marking facts.

15.2. Switch reference and the Final 1 Law

Perlmutter and Postal (in press a) notes that a basic claim of relational grammar is that “every basicclause contains a final-stratum 1-arc and thus that every basic clause involves some nominal as final1.” It is claimed that what have been called subjectless impersonal clauses by many linguists actuallyhave a dummy subject. If clauses of this type in Seri were subjectless, it is unclear how SR markingrule (11) would be made to apply. Sentences such as the following show that it must apply, however.An analysis which posits dummy subjects, as in chapter 14, accounts for these facts withoutcomplicating rule (11).

(12) a. V-CRMC��OC��MOCÖO��MKZ��:-KÖZMRL-rain SR woman the EMPH-wetSince it rained, the woman got wet!

82 The possibility of such a notion being necessary is briefly discussed in Perlmutter (to appear)

where it is noted that no argument had yet been presented in its favor.

199

b. !G!G-CP��MQO��CPQ��RQ-M-KÖ!VKO��VC-:plant-area the in IRR-US-be/MULT SR-UT

RQÖ-RMC��VC-:��U-M-KÖZM��!C-!CIRR-rain SR-UT IRR-US-wet AUX-DECL

If one is out in the desert, if it rains, one will get wet.

Rule (11) also speaks of coreference. If it is assumed that dummies are nonreferential, the changeof subject marking in sentences such as (13) is also explained since the subject of the first clause (adummy) is not coreferential with the subject of the second clause (also a dummy).83

(13) RQÖ-RMC��VC-:��U-CÖR ��!C-!CIRR-rain SR-UT IRR-cold AUX-DECLIf it rains, it will be cold.

Therefore the SR facts of Seri support the Final 1 Law.

15.3. Switch reference and coreference

The following sentences show that the SR marking system operates on coreference with identity. Inthese examples the first subject of one of the clauses is a nominal which symbolically represents thefirst subject of the other clause, but is not identical to it.

(14) a. KO-RQ-RCPU½:-:��OK-!ZQZ��U-Q:[CV��!C-!C2sS-IRR-run-UT 2P-limbs IRR-die/PL AUX-DECLIf you run, you will get tired.; more literally, If you run, your limbs will die.

b. RCPVU½Q��MK!��U½KÖ:��U½��K-V-MO-CM9 the thing a OM-RL-NEG-kill

!CPUQ��K-!ZQZ��KPV-K[-CÖVQZjust 3P-limbs away-DIST-go/PL/MULT

Since Pancho didn’t catch anything, he was upset.; more literally, Since Panchodidn’t catch anything, his limbs went away.

c. !CUC"KVK��MCR��!K-OQU½��M9-V-QKV��K!-[-K: gasoline the 1P-heart 3Ob-RL-descend 1sS-DIST-takeI remembered the gas, I took it.; more literally, My heart falling on the gas, I tookit.

d. MCP MC��MK!��M-U½QÖ:9M��:C!��M-QKVQO��:C!��MK!bass the NOM-four or NOM-five or the

RVK��M9-V-R-CMQVKO-:together 3Ob-RL-PASS-kill/MULT-UT

!CPU-C"Ö��!C:��K-∅-MC-K:CZ��MK!��V-KPGZ-C"Ö��!CPV��U½Q��MQ-O-M-KÖZjust-true just 3P-NOM-US-strong the RL-gone-true land a 3Ob-PROX-US-sit

83 Sentences such as (iii) in which the subject of the second clause refers to the meteorological

event of the first do not take SR. It is not clear how this should be explained.

(iii) RQÖ-RMC�� (KÖ-∅-RMC MK!) UK-K:CZ !C-!CIRR-rain 3P-NOM-rain the IRR-strong AUX-DECLIf it rains, it will rain hard.; more literally, If it rains, it (the raining) will be hard.

200

After four or five bass have been caught in a row, one’s strength is gone, when oneis in a place.

e. K-∅-K:CZ��MK!��V-KPGZ��!CPUQ��M-Q:K-!C3P-NOM-strong the RL-gone just NOM-die-DECLWhen its strength is gone, it just dies.

f. K!R-V-QÖ-R��!K-UC:��!CPV��O-QKV1sS-RL-D-sew=basket 1P-spirit down PROX-descendWhen I am basket-sewing, I am happy.

These sentences contrast with sentences such as (1a) in which the possessed body part does not standfor the whole person.

15.4. Adjacent clauses

It has been mentioned that SR is marked only on dependent clauses. But while the clause on which SRis marked must be a dependent clause, the following clause need not be. In fact, it may be any kind ofclause—dependent, complement, or independent; nominalized, infinitival, or finite. The clausestherefore need not be on the same “level”. SR in a sentence such as (15) marks change of subjectbetween a dependent clause and a complement clause, as diagrammed in (16).

(15) UKÖOGV��RCM��K!-R-CÖKVKO��VC��OKÖ-∅-!KV��K!-OKÖ-OU½Qbread some 1sS-IRR-make/MULT SR 2P-NOM-eat 1sS-PROX-wantIf I make bread, I want you to eat it.

(16)

Clause A and Clause B are the adjacent clauses between which SR is marked. The fact that one isembedded and the other is not is irrelevant. Sentence (17) has a similar structure but the subjects of thepertinent clauses are the same and so SR marking does not occur.

(17) !CÖ��O-RQÖ-HR-:��U½KÖ:��U½Q�OKÖ-∅-!KV��K!-OKÖ-OU½Qthere 2sS-IRR-arrive-UT thing a 2P-NOM-eat 1sS-PROX-wantIf you arrive there, I want you to eat something.

The following sentences illustrate this fact further. In (18a) clause A is a dependent clause andclause B is infinitival; the first subjects are different and so SR marking occurs. Example (18b) has thesame construction but the first subjects are the same and no SR marking occurs.

201

(18) a. !CÖ��!R-RQÖ-HR��VC-:��KMC-R-CU½V��K!-OKÖ-OU½Qthere 1sS-IRR-arrive SR-UT INF-PASS-tattoo 1sS-PROX-wantIf I arrive there, I want to be tattooed.

b. !CÖ��!R-RQÖ-HR��VC-:��U½KÖ:��K!C-!KV��K!-OKÖ-OU½Qthere 1sS-IRR-arrive SR-UT thing INF-eat 1sS-PROX wantIf I arrive there, I want to eat something.

15.5. Finite “relative” clauses

It appears that a dependent clause may, under certain conditions, function as a relative clause. SRmarking does not occur before such a clause if the preceding and following clauses have the same firstsubject. The facts are represented schematically in (19). The dependent clause in question describes anoun which is a constituent of the following clause.

(19) Clause A Clause B Clause C nosubject = a SR subject = b SR subject = a

GRx = b

(20) a. KÖ-UC:��V-!GÖOV��K-V-QKÖ��!CUCZ��U½Q�VQM��M9=V-CR��OC��3P-spirit RL-stink OM-RL-feel basket a there 3Ob-RL-stand SR

VKÖ:-Q��K-∅-:VCOV��[-CÖK-!C

3PRO-Q 3P-NOM-easy 3P/NOM-do-DECL

He was angry, he felt it (note: no SR), a basket was there, he grabbed it easily.

b. KVK��V-K-PQ ��GÖPKO��U½Q��VQM��M9=V-CR��OC��M9=K-V-QC:CU½KOon RL-have-hand knife a there 3Ob-RL-stand SR 3Ob-OM-RL-hit/MULTHe touched it (note: no SR), a knife was there, he hit it with it.


The switch reference system of Seri has appeared in a few publications since 1981. Minor reference ismade to it in Marlett 1984b, and data from Seri appear in Finer 1985a and Finer 1985b (which did nottake the facts of this chapter into consideration). It is the major focus of Marlett 1984a, and alsoFarrell, Marlett, and Perlmutter (1991). The latter is a critical review of the Government and Bindinganalysis presented in Finer 1985a-b since the Seri facts provide direct counterevidence.

Farrell, Patrick, Stephen A. Marlett, and David M. Perlmutter. 1991. Notions of subjecthood andswitch reference: evidence from Seri. Linguistic Inquiry 22:431-56.

Finer, Daniel. 1985a. The syntax of switch reference. Linguistic Inquiry 16:35-55.

Finer, Daniel. 1985b. The formal grammar of switch reference. Garland, New York. Doctoraldissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, 1984.

Marlett, Stephen A. 1984a. Switch-reference and subject raising in Seri. Syntax and Semantics 16: TheSyntax of Native American Languages, 247-68, eds. E.-D. Cook y D. Gerdts. New York:Academic Press.


202

Chapter 16Text

The following text is an edited version of a story as it was told by Antonio Burgos, recorded andtranscribed by E. Moser.

(1) Q:�� V-RCMVC� [Q¸-M-GÖthus RL-be DIST-US-sayIt was like this, it is said.

(2) VQM��M9=V-C!MC��!CPV:��M9=-� "!-CÖ��MK!��VQÖ:��M-CÖ-[C:Kthere 3Ob-RL-be base 3Ob-toward-NOM-move the far NOM-X-completeIn the old times, long ago,

K-∅-MC"-KVQO��!CPV:��OQ¸-M-CÖ��M-C!MC��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ3P-NOM-US-say base toward-NOM-move NOM-exist thus RL-say DIST-US-sayold stories say thus, it is said.

(3) M9UGV��!C-R-C!84��MK!��!G!G��MK!��!KU½CM��CPQ��[-QÖO NOM-PASS-call the tree the here in DIST-lieThe one called Kwset was here among these bushes.

(4) VCÖ:�� "-MQV��V-CR��!KU½C��[QÖ-R3PRO 3P-with RL-stand here DIST-standHe was with them, he was here.

(5) VKÖ:��U½CÖ!��!KOMKZ��K-MR��K-V-[CK85 OC3PRO sun that 3P-side OM-RL-help=lower SRHe was opposing the sun,

V-� "-OQVQZ��VQM��M9=V-QKÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-have-gambling=stick/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-US-saythey were there gambling, it is said.

(6) V-� "-OQVQZ��VQM��M9=V-QKÖRL-have-gambling=stick/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PLThey were there gambling,

VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��MC!there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL the/FOCthey were there a long time,

84 M9UGV is a bush of the area (Aramisquea emarginata). This story is about Kwset before he

became a bush.

85 The expression KMR M[CK literally means to help someone lower the load he is carrying on hishead. Such an action implies strength on one's part with respect to the other person, and thus,according to one man's explanation, this expression has taken on the extended meaning of opposing aperson.

This version of the story does not explain that the sun had coerced Kwset into gambling with him.

203

V-R-GU½K��[Q¸-M-GÖ��M9UGV��!C-R-C!��MKZRL-PASS-defeat DIST-US-say NOM-PASS-call thethe one called Kwset was beat, it is said.

(7) V-R-GU½K��OC��V-CVC:��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-PASS-defeat SR RL-go DIST-US-sayHe was beat, he went, it is said.

(8) U½CÖ!��MKZ��!CR:��V-CR��OC-:sun the outside RL-stand SR-UTWhen the sun rose,

CP��!KU½CM��MQ=PV=� "V-CÖ��VCÖ:��MQ=PV=� "V-CÖ��OCarea this 3Ob-away-RL-move 3PRO 3Ob-away-RL-move SRhe (Kwset) went here, he went there,

Q:��K-∅-RCMVC��MC!��!CPV��VCU½Q��:C!��!CPV��M-QÖMZthus 3P-NOM-be the/FOC year one or year NOM-two

:C!��VCÖ:��K-V-CCQ��OC��GÖPKO-K!��K-V-K-VCOV��[Q¸-M-GÖor 3PRO OM-RL-go=around SR metal-FOC OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say

so after one or two years had passed, he put on metal sandals, it is said,

:Q��V-CUMC:��[Q¸-M-GÖbut RL-break DIST-US-saybut they broke, it is said.

(9) GÖPKO-K!��K-V-K-VCOV��:Q��V-CUMC:��MQÖ:��V-CUMC:��OCmetal-FOC OM-RL-have-sandal but RL-break all RL-break SRHe wore metal sandals but they broke, they broke completely,

OQU��K!OCÖ��MK!��K-V-K-VCOV��[Q¸-M-GÖ��GÖPKO��MK!also other the OM-RL-have-sandal DIST-US-say metal thehe put on other ones, also of metal, it is said.

(10) U½CÖ!��MK!�� "Ö-OG��!CM��K-V-[CÖK��!CÖ��PV=� "V-CÖsun the 3P-camp the OM-RL-go=to there away-RL-moveHe was going to the sun’s house, there he was going,

!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��MC!there away-3P-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-move the/FOCgoing there a long time,

:KMC��MQOMC"ÖM��M-OKU��RCMthings people NOM/OM-resemble some

VQM��M9=V-QKÖ��OC��CPQ��V-CHR��[Q¸-M-GÖthere 3Ob-RL-be/PL SR in RL-arrive DIST-US-say

some Indians were there, he arrived among them, it is said.

204

(11) !CPV��VCU½Q��V-GOG��OC��CPQ��V-CHRyear one RL-gone SR in RL-arriveWhen one year had passed, he arrived among them,

:KMC��Q¸-KVQZ��MK!��K-V-C!KV��[Q¸-M-GÖthings 3P/NOM-eat/PL the OM-RL-eat DIST-US-sayhe ate the people’s food, it is said.

(12) VC ��MC!��K-V-CKVQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖcoals the/FOC OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-sayThey ate coals, it is said.

(13) VC ��MC!��:KMC��M-:CV M��V-R-CKÖVKO��OC-:coals the/FOC things NOM-thin/PL RL-PL-PASS-make/MULT SR-UTTortillas were made from coals,

K-V-CKVQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖOM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-saythey ate them, it is said.

(14) V-CÖ!-UKÖOGV��OC-:��OQU��K-V-CKVQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-PASS/AUG-bread SR-UT also OM-RL-eat/PL DIST-US-sayWhen bread was made, they also ate it, it is said.

(15) VC ��MK!��V-K!�"!C��OCcoals the RL-pure SRAlthough it was pure coals,

M-� "-KVQZ-K!K��MQOMCÖM��!G��!KU½K-M-OKUNOM-OM-eat/PL-FOC people 1PRO 1plO-NOM/OM-resemblethe ones who ate it were people like us,

[Q¸-M-GÖ��:Q��Q:��KO-RCMVCDIST-US-say but thus PROX-beit is said, but that’s how it was.

(16) VC ��MC!��K-O�"-KVQZcoals the/FOC OM-PROX-eal/PLThey ate coals.

(17) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��U½CÖ!��MKZ��KMK��V-KÖKPthus RL-be SR there away-3P-NOM-move sun the toward RL-goSo, going, going toward the sun,

!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��MC!there away-3P-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-move the/FOCgoing a long time,

OQU��!CPV��VCU½Q��V-GOG��OC��OQU��RCM��!CMK:��M9=V-QKÖ��OCalso year one RL-gone SR also some somewhere 3Ob-RL-be/PL SRagain, after a year was up, again some (people) were somewhere,

205

RCM��M�"-PQ��V-CHR��U½CÖ!��MK!��V-CV:Q��OCsome 3P-among RL-arrive sun the RL-many SRhe arrived to some — many days later—

RCM��M�"-PQ��V-CHR��[Q¸-M-GÖsome 3P-among RL-arrive DIST-US-sayhe arrived to some, it is said.

(18) VCÖ:��:KMC��K-O-�"-OU½K ��!C-R-C!��[Q¸-M-GÖ3PRO things NOM-NEG-have-anuses NOM-PASS-call DIST-US-sayThey were called “Anus-less people”, it is said.

(19) MOKMG��!KRK��!KU½K-M-OKU��[Q¸-M-GÖ��:Qperson EMPH 1plO-NOM/OM-resemble DIST-US-say butHe was a person like us, it is said, but

U½KÖ:��K-O9Z��U½�KVK�V-O-C!MC��OC��U½KÖ:��!C-R-C!KV��MK!��K-V-CÖ-:VCOCVZthing 3P-anus a on RL-NEG-exist SR thing NOM-PASS eat the OM-RL-AUG-abundanthe didn’t have an anus, they had lots of food,

!C-R-C"!CÖ��M-KU��:C!��:KMC��M-CÖM9 ��:C!NOM-PASS-grind NOM-raw and things NOM-big/PL andflour and corn and

U½KÖ:�� "Ö-U��M-QK!9Z��MK!�K-V-CU½PC MQZthing 3P-fruit NOM-red the OM-RL-cook=in=water/PLbeans they cooked,

!CM:��!CPV��V-CÖ!-MPKÖK:Q��[Q¸-M-GÖ��M-OCO��MK!somewhere land RL-PASS-pour DIST-US-say NOM-cooked theit was poured out on the ground—the cooked stuff.

(20) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC��!CPV��U½Q�M9=V-QKÖ-:thus RL-be SR land a 3Ob-RL-be/PL-UTThen, they were in a place,

CPQ��V-[GÖPMQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖ��:KMC��VCMQKin RL-have/face/PL DIST-US-say things thosethey put their faces in it, it is said, those people.

(21) U½KÖ:��U½��K-O-CKVQZ-K!C��:Qthing a NOM/OM-NEG-eat/PL-DECL butThey didn’t eat it but

CPQ��V-[GÖPMQZ��VQM��M9=V-QKÖin RL-have/face/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PLthey put their faces in it,

!C:��VCÖ:��:KMC��!KU½MQK�!KO��K-V-CCNCZM-:��K-V-CCÖ:QZ��[Q¸-M-GÖjust 3PRO things these there OM-RL-leave/PL-UT OM-RL-leave/PL DIST-US-saythose people just threw it out, they left them, it is said.

206

(22) Q:��V-RCMVC�OC��U½KÖ:��!C-R-GU½K��U½CÖ!��MK!��M-[CÖK��VKPVKMCthus RL-be SR thing NOM-PASS-defeat sun the NOM/OM-go=to theThen the one who had been defeated who was going to the sun

V-Q¸Ö-!KVKO��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-D-eat/MULT DIST-US-sayate, it is said.

(23) V-Q¸Ö-!KVKO��:KMC��MQO��K-V-C!KVKORL-D-eat/MULT things the OM-RL-eatHe ate, he ate the things,

:KMC��M-:CV M��:C!��UKÖOGV��MQO��K-V-C!KVKOthings NOM-thin/PL and bread the OM-RL-eat/MULThe ate the tortillas and the bread,

VQM��M9=K-!-KÖ!VKO��KVK��CP:9��K-V-QÖPthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/MULT on much OM-RL-carrywhile he was there, he carried a lot,

V-CVC:��OQU�U½CÖ!��VKMKZ��K-V-[CÖK��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-go also sun that OM-RL-go=to DIST-US-sayhe went, he went to the sun, it is said.

(24) U½CÖ!��VKMKZ��K-V-[CÖK��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖ��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖsun that OM-RL-go=to there away-eP-NOM-move there away-3P-NOM-moveHe went to the sun, he was going a long time,

!CPV��U½Q��V-GOG��OC��MOCÖ:��U½KÖMC M��M-CV:Q��RCMyear a RL-gone SR then birds NOM-many somea year passed, then many birds

!COKÖOG��!KRMQO��CPQ��M-QKÖ��MK!��V-MQÖ��OCsky this in NOM/be/PL the RL-all SRwho live in the sky, all of them,

V-R-CÖCVKO��U½KÖ:��U½Q��VQM��M9=V-CRRL-PASS-call/MULT thing a there 3Ob-RL-standwere called, somebody was there,

!CÖMQ��U½�CPQ�V-CR��!CÖMQ��!KRMQR��M-OKU��U½��CPQ�V-CR��OChouse a in RL-stand house this RL/OM-resemble a in RL-stand SRhe was in a house, he was in a house like this one,

M9=V-CHR��OC��V-Q-M-CÖKZ��V-Q-M-CÖKZ3Ob-RL-arrive SR RL-D-AUG-sway RL-D-AUG-swayhe (Kwset) arrived to him, he (man) called a long time with a bull-roarer,

VQM��M9=K-!�"Ö-R��VQM��M9=K-!�"Ö-R��KVKthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-stand there 3Ob-3P-NOM-stand onstanding there a long time,

207

U½KÖMC M��!KU½OQMCV��MQÖ:��!CPV��M9=V-QKÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖbirds these all down 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-UT-sayall of the birds came down, it is said.

(25) MQÖ:��!CPV��M9=V-QKÖ��OC��V-CÖ!-OKÖKVKO��[Q¸-M-GÖall down 3Ob-RL-be/PL SR RL-PASS-ask/MULT DIST-US-sayThey all came down, they were questioned, it is said,

!CPV��VC!CZMC��!KU½��MQ=PV=� "V-CÖV��OCland that here 3Ob-away-RL-move/PL SRthey were in a line.

(26) !CMK��!CM�U½CÖ!��MK!��CPQ��V-KÖZ��KÖ-OG��MK!��!CMK��!CM��CPQ��V-CRwhere the sun the in RL-sit 3P-camp the where the in RL-stand“Where is the sun? Where is his house?

U½CÖ!��MK!��!CMK��!CM��CPQ��V-KÖZ��V-R-C!��OC��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖsun the where the in RL-sit RL-PASS-say SR thus RL-say DIST-US-sayWhere is the sun?”, it was said, thus he said, it is said.

(27) Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ��U½KÖM��MKZthus RL-say DIST-US-say bird theThus the bird said, it is said:

U½CÖ!��U½Q��!CMK:��R-KÖZ��VC��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

sun a somewhere IRR-sit SR 1sS-RL-NEg-know-!Q“If there is a sun somewhere, I don’t know it.”

(28) U½CÖ!��MK!��KÖ-OG��U½Q��!CMK:��RQÖ-R��VCsun the 3P-camp a somewhere IRR-stand SR“If there is a sun’s house,

!-V-MO-CC-!Q��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

1sS-RL-NEG-know-!Q thus RL-say DIST-US-sayI don’t know it,” thus he said, it is said.

(29) KMK��K-!-KÖ!��U½��K-V-MO-CCZ��[Q¸-M-GÖtoward 3P-NOM-be a OM-RL-NEG-know DIST-US-sayThey didn’t know where it was, it is said,

VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��K-!-CÖ-OKÖKVKO��KVKthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL 3P-NOM-PASS-ask/MULT onthey were there a long time, on their being asked.

(30) U½KÖM��U½CMC"RPKZ��M-�"-!KV��!C-R-C!bird NOM-OM-eat NOM-PASS-callThe bird called “Who eats U½CMCRPKZ” 86

86 U½CMC"RPKZ is the name of some unknown edible item, probably a small fruit.

208

VKÖ:��VQM��M9=OQ¸-V-CÖ��!CPV��V-QKV3PRO there 3Ob-toward-RL-move down RL-descendcame, he descended,

!CPV��!KROQMC��M9=V-CHR��OC��V-CÖ!-OKÖKV��OCland this 3Ob-RL-arrive SR RL-PASS-ask SRhe arrived at this place, he was asked,

!KU½C��M9=V-KÖZ��OC��V-CÖ!-OKÖKV��OC��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖhere 3Ob-RL-sit SR RL-PASS-ask SR thus RL-say DIST-US-sayhe was sitting here, he was asked, thus he said, it is said:

(31) !CÖMQ��U½Q��!KU½CM��CPQ��[QÖ-Rhouse a here in DIST-stand“There is this house.”

(32) VKÖ:��!CÖ��!C:��O-CÖ-KOQU½3PRO NOM/be just PROX-1REST-think“That is it, I think.”

(33) !CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��M-CÖMQZ��U½Q��!KU½CM��CPQ��V-QÖO��OCland NOM-PASS-own NOM-big a here in RL-lie SR“There is a large farm here,

CPQ��!R-V-CHR-:��CPQ��!R-V-KÖZ��K!-[QÖ-!KVKOin 1sS-RL-arrive-UT in 1sS-RL-sit 1sS-DIST-eat/MULTI arrive to it, I am on it, I eat it.”

(34) !CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO��!CVG"Ö��!CV-Q¸Ö-!KVKO�� "!K

land NOM-PASS-own the 1REST 1REST/P-NOM-eat/MULT K!K“The farm was what I myself ate at times,

!CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO-C!land NOM-PASS-own the-FOCthe farm.”

(35) VKÖ:��!CÖ��!C:��O-CÖ-KOQU½��VKÖ:3PRO NOM/be just PROX-1REST-think 3PRO“That is it, I think.”

(36) !C-R-QU½� "ÖV��!C-VMO-QÖMVCO��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ1plS-IRR-go=to 1plS-ABIL-look=at/PL thus RL-say DIST-US-say“If we go there, we can see it,” thus he said, it is said.

(37) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC��U½KÖ:��!KRMKZ��K-V-UCPZthus RL-be SR thing this OM-RL-carry=on-backSo he (bird) carried him (Kwset) on his back,

!KU½CM��CP��K-V-UCPZ��V-MCR��V-CVC:��OChere in OM-RL-carry=on=back RL-fly RL-go SRhe carried him here on his back, he flew, he went,

209

!CPV��V-CÖ!Z�"ÖV��!CM:��V-OKÖ!��[Q¸-M-GÖdown RL-fall somewhere RL-not=exist DIST-US-sayhe (Kwset) fell down, he fainted, it is said.

(38) !CM:��V-OKÖ!��VQM��MQ¸-V-QÖO��!C:�VCsomewhere RL-not=exist there 3Ob-RL-lie just AUXHe fainted, he just lay there,

OQU��V-KÖ-UC:��OC��OQU��!CRVMQ��K-V-CÖM-CVC:��[Q¸-M-GÖalso RL-have-spirit SR also already OM-RL-AUG-go DIST-US-sayhe revived, he (bird) took him again, it is said.

(39) Q:��KÖ-∅-!��Q:��KÖ-∅-!��MC!thus 3P-NOM-do thus 3P-NOM-do the/FOCDoing that a long time,

!CM:��K-∅-OKÖ!��MK!��V-CÖ!-CV:Q��OCsomewhere 3P-NOM-not=exist the RL-X-many SRhe fainted many times,

K-V-UCPZ��K-V-CÖM-CVC:OM-RL-carry=on-back OM-RL-AUG-gohe (bird) carried him on his back, he took him,

!CÖ��PV=K-!-QÖU½K��MC!there away-3P-NOM-take the/FOCin his taking him there,

K-∅-!COQM��U½��K-V-CÖKV��OC��!CPV��U-HKÖ��VC��OC�

3P-NOM-night a OM-RL-travel/PL SR land IRR-! AUX SRthey traveled in one night, when it was about to dawn,

!CÖMQ��MQR��M9=V-CHR��[Q¸-M-GÖhouse the 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-sayhe arrived at the house, it is said.

(40) !CÖMQ��MQR��M9=V-CHR��K-V-CMCV:��!CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO��M9=V-KÖKPhouse the 3Ob-RL-arrive OM-RL-leave land NOM-PASS-own the 3Ob-RL-goHe arrived at the house, he left him, he went to the farm,

K-V-C!KVKO��[Q¸-M-GÖ��U½KÖM�VKPVKMCOM-RL-eat/MULT DIST-US-say bird thethe bird ate it, it is said.

(41) !CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO��M9=V-KÖKP��K-V-C!KVKO��OCland NOM-PASS-own the 3Ob-RL-go OM-RL-eat/MULT SRHe went to the farm, he ate it,

U½CÖ!��MKZ��!CR:��V-CR��OC��MOCÖ:��!CÖMQ��!KRMQR��CPQ��OQ¸-V-CÖ�sun the outside RL-stand SR then house this in toward-RL-movethe sun was rising, then he came out of this house,

210

!CR:��V-CR��OC��outside RL-stand SRhe was rising,

U½CÖ!��MKZ��M9=V-CHR��[Q¸-M-GÖ��U½KÖ:��K-UQZ��M9=!C-R-GU½K��MK!sun the 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-say thing 3P-being 3Ob-NOM-PASS-defeat thethe one who had been defeated arrived to the sun.

(42) M9=V-CHR��OC��U½CMC"ÖO��MKZ�VQM��M9=V-KÖZ��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ3Ob-RL-arrive SR girl the there 3Ob-RL-sit thus RL-say DIST-US-sayHe arrived to him, there was a young girl there, thus she said, it is said:

(43) MOCÖMQZ��!C:-C!��MVCO��M-KÖRG��O-:-KU½Kold=man just-FOC man NOM-good 2sS-EMPH-defeat“Old man (father), what a good man you beat!

(44) MVCO��K-RCM��M9=M-KÖRG��O-:-KU½Kman 3P-back 3Ob-NOM-good 2sS-EMPH-defeatYou beat the best man!

(45) U½KÖ:��U½Q�O-V-KU½K��O-G"[-GÖthing a 2sS-RL-defeat 2sS-DIST-sayYou said that you beat someone.

(46) VKÖ:��!KR�"Ö:��!CÖ-[C��!KU½��V-CR��Q:��K-V-CK��[Q¸-M-GÖ3PRO this NOM/be-INTERR here RL-stand thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-sayIs this one standing here the one?” thus she said to him, it is said.

(47) MOCÖMQZ��MK!�U½CÖ!�MKZ��Q:��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖold=man the sun the thus RL-say DIST-US-sayThe sun said thus, it is said:

(48) VKÖ:��RQ-!CÖ��VC��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!Q“I don’t know if it is him.

(49) VK��!CÖ-[C��:Q��VKÖ:��RQ-!CÖ��VC��!-V-MO-CC-!Q

3PRO NOM/be-INTERR but 3PRO IRR-be SR 1sS-RL-NEG-know-!QIt might be him, but I don’t know if it is him.”

(50) U½CÖ!��MKZ�C"PQ�RQÖ-U½MKO��VCsun the in IRR-go SR“When the sun sets,

K-∅-!COQM��MK!�VCU½Q�MQR��VKÖ:��KVK��:KMC��MQK��MQÖ:��K-R-CÖ!-� "-!KM3P-NOM-night the one the 3PRO on things the all OM-IRR-AUG-3P-seedif he (Kwset) harvests everything in one night,

K-RQ¸Ö-:K��VC��!CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO��MQÖ:��K-R-CÖK��K-RQ¸Ö-:KOM-IRR-finish SR land NOM-PASS-own the all OM-IRR-do OM-IRR-finishif he finishes it, if he does the whole farm, if he finishes it,

211

MOCÖ:��MQ=!-U�"[-C��!C-!C��V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖthen 3Ob-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL RL-say DIST-US-saythen I will know him by that,” he said, it is said.87

(51) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖthus RL-be SR there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PLThen they were there a long time,

V-!COQM��OC��K-V-CÖK��[Q¸-M-GÖRL-night SR OM-RL-do DIST-US-saywhen it was night, he did it, it is said.

(52) K-V-CÖK��!CPV��!-CÖ-[CÖ��MQO��MQÖ:��K-V-C:K��[Q¸-M-GÖOM-RL-do land NOM-PASS-own the all OM-RL-finish DIST-US-sayHe did it, he finished the whole farm, it is said.

(53) MQÖ:��K-V-C:K��K-V-CMCV:��[Q¸-M-GÖall OM-RL-finish OM-RL-leave DIST-US-sayHe finished it all, he left it, it is said.

(54) !CPV��V-HKÖ-C"Ö��OC��K-[Q¸Ö-:Kland RL-?-true SR OM-DIST-finishBy morning he finished it.

(55) MQK��K-V-MO-CC-Q��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

still OM-RL-NEG-know-Q V-RL-say DIST-US-sayHe said that he still didn’t know him, it is said.

(56) MQK��U½KÖ:��MK!��!CÖ-Q��U½��K-VM-O-CC��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

still thing the NOM/be-Q a OM-RL-NEG-know V-RL-say DIST-US-sayHe said that he still didn’t know him, it is said.

(57) VQM��M9=K-!-KÖZ��KVK��OQU��KÖU½C:��MKZthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-sit on also moon theAlso while he was there, the moon—

!G!G��!C-R-GM��U½Q�!KU½��V-CR��OCtree NOM-PASS-plant a here RL-stand SRa tree was there—

K-UGZC��U½��K-R-C"Ö-R:9 KO��KMK��K-R-CÖ��VC3P-branch a OM-IRR-AUG-break toward OM-IRR-point AUXhe should break a branch from it, he should point it toward it (the moon),

� "-[CV��MQR�KVK��!CPV��K-U-MCÖK:��VC��K-V-C!��OC��KÖU½C:��MKZ3P-tip the on down OM-IRR-put AUX OM-RL-say SR moon thehe should put it on its tip, he told him.

87 This is the first of the four impossible tasks the sun requires Kwset to do. The sun hoped that he

would fail so that his daughter would not marry him.

212

(58) Q:-Q��O-RCMVC��:Q��OQU��MQK��K-V-MO-CC-Q��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

thus-o PROX-be but also still OM-RL-NEG-know-Q V-RL-say DIST-US-sayIt was thus, but he said that he still didn’t know him, it is said.

(59) MQK��K-V-MO-CC-Q��V-G"V-GÖ��OC

still OM-RL-NEG-know-Q V-RL-say SRHe said that he still didn’t know him,

VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��MC!Cthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL the/FOCthey were there a long time,

OQU��Q:��V-GÖ��V-G"O-GÖ

also thus RL-say V-PROX-sayhe said thus, he said:

(60) !G!G��!COQ¸ÖTC��!KRMQR��KVK��O-R-KÖZ��VC��RQ-MCRCVKO��!KU½��M9=R-KÖ!VKO wood mule this on 2sS-IRR-sit SR IRR-fly/MULT here 3Ob-IRR-be/MULT“If you get on this wooden mule,88 if it is here bucking,

!CPV��OG-RQ-O-QC:U½��VC-:��MOCÖ:��OC-!-U�"[-C��!C-!K

land 3Ob/2sO-IRR-NEG-throw SR-UT then 2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-!Kif it doesn’t throw you to the ground, then I will know you.

(61) MOCÖ:��OC-!-U�"[-C��!C-!Cthen 1sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL“Then I will know you.

(62) U½KÖ:��M-!CÖ��MK!��OC-!-U�"[-C��!C-!C��Q:��K-V-CK��[Q¸-M-GÖthing NOM-be the 2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECL thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-sayI will know who you are,” thus he said to him, it is said.

(63) OQU��U½KÖ:��M-!CÖ-Q��U½��K-V-MO-CC��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

also thing NOM-be-Q a OM-RL-NEG-know V-RL-say DIST-US-sayAgain he said that he didn’t know who he was, it is said.

(64) !CPV��K-V-MQO-ZKKV��[Q¸-M-GÖdown OM-RL-NEG throw DIST-US-sayIt didn’t throw him down, it is said.

(65) MCÖ[��M-MCRVKO��:C!:C"KÖ��!G!G��!COQ¸ÖTC��MQRhorse NOM-fly/MULT sort=of wood mule the

!CPV��M9=K-V-MQO-QC:U½��[Q¸-M-GÖland 3Ob-OM-RL-NEG-throw DIST-US-say

The bucking “horse”, the wooden mule, didn’t throw him to the ground, it is said.

88 There is a jump in the story at this point. The sun's daughter and Kwset run away together.

213

(66) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC��VQM��M9=V-QKÖ��!C:��VC��OCthus RL-be SR there 3Ob-RL-be/PL just AUX SRThus it was, they were there,

MOCÖ:��OQU��Q:��K-V-CK��[Q¸-M-GÖthen also thus OM-RL-say DIST-US-saythen he (sun) said to him, it is said:

(67) MOCÖ:-C!��!R-V-K!�"ÖOGV��VQM��MQ=!R-V-KÖZ��OCthen-FOC 1sS-RL-married there 3Ob-1sS-RL-sit SR“When I was just newly married,

:GRG��M-CÖMQZ��U½Q��!CÖ��OQ¸-V-CÖ��OC��!C-V-CÖKVsea NOM-big a there toward-RL-move SR 1plS-RL-pass/PLwe were passing a big sea,

!CPV��!KU½CM��M9=!C-V-KÖVQ¸KZ��OCland this 3Ob-1plS-RL-go/PL SRwe were coming to this land,

!CPV��KVK��!C-[-CKÖ��!KU½CM��M9=!C-V-KÖVQ¸KZ��OCland on 1P-NOM-be/PL this 3Ob-1plS-go/PL SRwe were returning to this place where we live,

MOCÖ:��!C-PQ ��!-CÖ-MCÖK:��!KU½C��M9=M-KÖZ��U½Q�!KU½��V-KÖZthen ABS-finger NOM-PASS-put here 3Ob-NOM-sit a here RL-sitthen a ring that was here was here,

VKÖ:��QÖTQ��MK!��V-!CÖ��:GRG��CP��!CPV��[CKV3PRO gold the RL-be sea in down DIST/descendit was gold, it fell into the sea.

(68) :GRG�VKOQMC�CP��!CPV��[CKVsea the in down DIST/descend“It fell into the sea.

(69) VKÖ:��KO-R-CÖU½K��O-RQÖ-OZM��VC-:3PRO 2sS-IRR-carry 2sS-IRR-bring SR-UTIf you carry it, if you bring it,

MOCÖ:��U½KÖ:��M-!CÖ��MK!��OC-!-U�"[-C��!C-!Cthen thing NOM-be the 2sO-1sS-IRR-know AUX-DECLthen I will know who you are,”

Q:��K-V-CK��[Q¸-M-GÖthus OM-RL-say DIST-US-saythus he said to him, it is said.

(70) V-!COQM��OC��!C-PQ ��!-CÖ-MCÖK:��MKZ��K-V-COZMRL-night SR ABS-finger NOM-PASS-put the OM-RL-bringIt was night, he (Kwset) brought the ring,

214

U½CÖ!��MKZ��M9=K=V-CÖM-QÖ-!Q-V��[Q¸-M-GÖsun the 3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-o-see-t DIST-US-sayhe showed it to the sun, it is said.

(71) Q:-Q��O-RCMVC��:Q��OQU��K-V-MO-CC-Q��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

thus-Q PROX-be but also OM-RL-NEG-know-Q��V-RL-say DIST-US-sayThus it was, but again he said that he didn’t know him, it is said.

(72) !C:��K-V-MO-CC-Q��MQK��K-V-MO-CC-Q��V-G"V-GÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

just OM-RL-NEG-know-Q still OM-RL-NEG-know-Q��V-RL-say DIST-US-sayHe just didn’t know him, he still didn’t know him, he said, it is said.

(73) Q:��V-RCMVC��OC VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖthus RL-be SR there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL there 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PLThen they were there a long time,

U½KÖ:��MK!��Q-QCMVKO��VKPVKMC��CP:9��"-!C:��K-V-CÖKthing the 3p/NOM-work=at the much 3P-with OM-RL-dohe helped him a lot with what he (sun) was working at,

CP:9��K-V-QCMVKO��VQM��M9=K-!-KÖZ��KVK��MOCÖ:much OM-RL-work=at there 3Ob-3P-NOM-sit on thenhe was doing a lot, while he was there

!CPU-C"Ö��!C:��K-V-C:R:-C"Ö�� !C:��V-CÖ!-QKÖ��!C:��VC��[Q¸-M-GÖjust-true just OM-RL-mad=at-true just RL-PASS-feel just AUX DIST-US-sayit seemed that he (the sun) just became very mad at him.

(74) :GRG��MK!��K-VGÖ ��!KRMQO��M-OKU��U½Q VQM��MQ¸-V-QÖO��OCsea the 3P-shore this NOM/OM-resemble a there 3-b-RL-lie SRThere was a seashore like this one,

K-V-QU½KÖV��M9=V-CU½MCO��OCOM-RL-go=to/PL 3Ob-RL-arrive/PL SRthey (Kwset and daughter) went to it, they arrived to it,

!CPV��!C-R-CURQZ��:C!:C"KÖ��KVK��K-V-MCÖK:��OC�U½KÖ:��VKMKZland NOM-PASS-AUG/spotted sort=of on OM-RL-put SR thing thathe drew a picture in the sand,

!G!G��!C-UMCO��U½Q��V-!CÖ��OC�CPQ��V-QKÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖwood ABS-balsa a RL-be SR in RL-be/PL DIST-US-sayit became a ship, they got in it, it is said.

(75) CPQ��V-QKÖ�� :GRG��M-CÖMQZ��!KRMQO��MQ=PV-� "V-CÖV��[Q¸-M-GÖin RL-be/PL sea NOM-big this 3Ob-away-RL-move/PL DIST-US-sayThey got in it, they went away on this large sea, it is said.

(76) VCÖ:��KVK�� "-!-QÖO��VCÖ:3PRO on 3P-NOM-lie 3PROWhile they were there,

215

!CMK:��V-QKÖ��OC��U½CÖ!��MKZ��!CR:��UKÖ-R��VCsomewhere RL-be/PL SR sun the outside IRR-stand AUXthey were somewhere, the sun was about to rise,

!G!G��!C-UMCO��MK!��[GÖP��MK!�� "-[CV��VKMQRwood ABS-balsa the 3P/face the 3P-tip that

U½CÖ!��MK!��KVK��OQ¸-V-CÖ��!CR:��V-CR��[Q¸-M-GÖsun the on toward-RL-move outside RL-stand DIST-US-say

the sun rose over the ship’s bow, it is said.

(77) U½CÖ!��MK!��KVK��OQ¸-V-CÖ��!CR:��V-CRsun the on toward-RL-move outside RL-standThe sun came, he rose,

MOCÖ:��MOCÖO��[-CÖU½K��MKZ��K-V-OKÖKV��[Q¸-M-GÖthen woman 3P/NOM-carry the OM-RL-ask DIST-US-saythen he questioned his daughter, it is said.

(78) MOCÖ��PV=� "V-CÖ-Q��OG-Q��!KO-OKÖ-∅-!��MK!��!-[Q¸-C��[C:

then away-RL-move-Q 2PRO-Q 1sO-2P-NOM-do the 1sS-DIST-know [C:“From the beginning I knew that it was you who was doing it to me.

(79) OG-Q��!KO-M-�"-!-K!��!KU½��MQ=O-O-KÖZ

2PRO-Q 1sO-NOM-OM-do-FOC here 3Ob-2sS-PROX-sitIt was you doing it to me.

(80) OG-Q��!KO-O-V-C!��OC��OC-!-V-MO-C!Q-!Q

2PRO-Q 1sO-2sS-RL-do SR 2sO-1sS-RL-NEG-see-!QYou caused me to not see you,”

Q:��K-V-CK��[Q¸-M-GÖthus OM-RL-say DIST-US-saythus he told her, it is said.

(81) Q:��K-V-CK��OQU��K-V-CMCVC:��KO-V-KÖKPthus OM-RL-say also OM-RL-leave toward-RL-goThus he told her, he left her, he returned.

(82) KO-V-KÖKP��K-!-KÖZ��CM��M9=V-KÖKP M9=V-KÖZ��[Q¸-M-GÖtoward-RL-go 3P-NOM-sit the 3Ob-RL-go 3Ob-RL-sit DIST-US-sayHe returned to the place where he was, he was there, it is said.

(83) MOCÖ:��KMK��K-!-KÖ!VQZ��U½��K-V-MO-CC-!Q

then toward 3P-NOM-be/PL a OM-RL-NEG=know-!QThen he didn’t know where they were.

(84) KMK��K-!-KÖ!VQZ��U½��K-O-CC��VC:��U½CÖ!�:C!�MK!�V-CV:Q��OC

toward 3P-NOM-be/PL a NOM/OM-NEG-know VC: sun — the RL-many SRHe didn’t know where they were, the days were many,

216

:GRG�MQO��VKÖ:��:KMC��UCPVC"ÖT��RCM��KVK��K-V-C!V��[Q¸-M-GÖsea the 3PRO things soldiers some on OM-RL-see/PL DIST-US-saythey saw some soldiers on the ocean, it is said.

(85) :KMC��M-K-:CU½ZQZ��MK!��KVK��K-V-C!V�� M9=K-V-MCU½KVQZ��[Q¸-M-GÖthings NOM-have-bullets the on OM-RL-see/PL 3Ob-OM-RL-abduct/PL DIST-US-sayThe soldiers saw them on it, they abducted her, it is said.

(86) MOKMG��MOCÖO�MKZ�M9=V-CÖ!-MCU½KV��[Q¸-M-GÖSeri woman the 3Ob-RL-PASS-abduct DIST-US-sayThe Seri woman was taken, it is said.

(87) M9=V-CÖ!-MCU½KV��OC3Ob-RL-PASS-abduct SRShe was taken away,

VQM��MQ=PV=� "-!-CÖ��VQM��MQ=PV=� "-!-CÖthere 3Ob-away-3P-NOM-move there 3Ob=away-3P-NOM-movethey went a long time,

!CK��M-CK:CZ��U½Q��O-V-QKV��OCwind NOM-strong a toward-RL-descend SRa strong wind came up,

[-CÖ!-G"ÖOG M��:C!��!G!G��!C-UMCO��MK!��"-UQZ3P/NOM-AUG-move/PL and wood ABS-balsa the 3P-being

:C!�MKZ��:GRG�MQO��MQ=PV=� "V-CÖ V-VCRQ MKO��OCand the sea the 3Ob-away-RL-move Rl-break=up SRthe sails and the ship itself went into the sea, it broke up,

:KMC��MQK�M-KU -KRK��V-O-CÖ!MC"K ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

things the NOM-little-KRK RL-NEG-remain DIST-US-saynothing at all was left, it is said.

(88) !G!G��!C-UMCZ��MK!��M-U½Q:9�M��MK!�VQM��M9=V-Q:C MC�wood ABS-balsa the NOM-four the there 3Ob-RL-be/PLThere were four ships,

VCU½Q-KRK��V-O-CÖ!MC"K ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

one-KRK RL-NEG-remain DIST-US-saynot even one of them was left.

(89) :GRG��MQO��K-V-CCÖ:QZ��K-VCKZ�� "Ö-U½M�MQO��M9=V-CU½MCOsea the OM-RL-leave/PL 3P-edge 3P-? the 3Ob-RL-arrive/PLThey left the sea, they arrived at the high tide line,

KVÖ:��KVK��V-QKÖ��!CR:��V-QKÖ�� VQM��M9=V-QKÖ��[Q¸-M-GÖ3PRO on RL-be/PL outside RL-be/PL there 3Ob-RL-be/PL DIST-US-saythey were there, they got out, they were there, it is said.

217

(90) U½Q��!CM:��V-QO-OKÖ!��[Q¸-M-GÖ��:KMC��VCMQKa somewhere RL-NEG-not=exist DIST-US-say things thoseNone of those people died, it is said.

(91) [QÖU½��MKZ��GÖM��MKZ��!CM:��V-QO-OKÖ!��[Q¸-M-GÖgod the 3P/daughter the somewhere RL-NEG-net=exist DIST-US-sayGod’s daughter didn’t die, it is said.

(92) :GRG��MQO��!CM:��M9=V-QO-OKÖ!sea the somewhere 3Ob-RL-NEG-not=existShe didn’t die in the ocean,

!CR:��V-CR��K-V-CKÖ:��OC R[GUV��M-CÖMQZ��U½Q�!CMK:��!CPV��V-KÖZ��OCoutside RL-stand OM-RL-leave SR fiesta NOM-big a somewhere land RL-sit SRshe got out, she left it (ocean), there was a big party,

M9=V-CU½MCO��OC3Ob-RL-arrive/PL SRthey arrived to it,

OQU��!CRVMQ��OQU��M9=K-U-MCU½KVQZ��:C!�VC ��V-CO9ZM��[Q¸-M-GÖalso already also 3Ob-OM-IRR-abudct/PL — AUX RL-think/PL DIST-US-sayagain they (soldiers) tried to abduct her.

(93) M9=K-U-MCU½KVQZ��:C!��VC��V-CO9ZM3Ob-OM-IRR-abduct/PL — AUX RL-think/PLThey tried to abduct her,

K-V-K:CZ��!CPV��K!OCÖ��U½��CPQ��M-MCÖKVCZM-K!C��:QOM-RL-take/PL land other a in NOM/OM-put/PL-DECL butthey took her, they put her in a place,

OQU�� "-V-CÖ -Q��!CPV��U½��KMK��V-KÖKP [Q¸-M-GÖ��MVCO��VKPVKMC

also OM-RL-accompany-Q land a toward RL-go DIST-US-say man thehe (Kwset) also accompanied her, the man (Kwset) went along.

(94) � "-V-CÖ ��!CPV��U½��KMK��K-!-KÖKPOM-RL-accompany land a toward 3P-NOM-goHe accompanied her, he went,

VQM��MQ=PV=� "-!-C��VCÖ:��U½CÖ!�MK!��V-CV:Q��OCthere 3Ob-away-3P-NOM-move 3PRO sun the RL-many SRgoing there, the days were many,

OQU��!GOG-C"Ö��M9=V-CHR��[Q¸-M-GÖalso camp-true 3Ob-RL-arrive DIST-US-sayhe arrived at his real home.

(95) !GOG-C"Ö��M9=V-CU½MCO��OCcamp-true 3Ob-Rl-arrive/PL SRThey arrived at their real homes,

218

MOCÖ:��!CRVMQ��OQU��R[GUV��!CPV��K-V-MCÖKVCZM��[Q¸-M-GÖthen already also fiesta down OM-RL-put/PL DIST-US-saythey (people) put on another big party.

(96) VQM��M9=K-[-CKÖ��KVKthere 3Ob-3P-NOM-be/PL onWhile they were there,

MOCÖ:��:KMC��M-K-:CÖU½ZQZ��VCOQMCV��M9=V-CU½MCOthen things NOM-have-bullets the 3Ob-RL-arrive/PLthe soldiers arrived to them,

[Q¸-M-GÖ��:Q��OQU��K-!-CÖKU½K-:C-RK��!CÖ��V-O-C!MC��OC

DIST-US-say but also 3P-NOM-do/PL-:C!-KRK��there RL-NEG-exist SRit is said, but they didn’t do a thing to them,

K-V-CCÖ:QZ��[Q¸-M-GÖOM-RL-leave/PL DIST-US-saythey left them, it is said.

(97) MOKMG��MOCÖO��MKZ��M9=K-V-MO-CÖM-Q-CÖ:QZ��[Q¸-M-GÖ

Seri woman the 3Ob-OM-RL-NEG-AUG-Q-leave/PL DIST-US-sayThey didn’t make the Seri woman leave, it is said.

(98) K-V-MO-K:CZ��[Q¸-M-GÖOM-RL-NEG-take/PL DIST-US-sayThey didn’t take her, it is said.

(99) !CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖV��!CÖ��PV=� "-!-CÖV��KVKthere away-3P-NOM-move/PL there away3P-NOM-move/PL onThey went for a long time,

:GRG��U½Q��M9=V-QKU½MV��!CPV-C"ÖRC��KMK��V-CÖVQ¸M ��OCsea a 3Ob-RL-be/PL land-true toward RL-cross/PL SRthey got out of the ocean, they crossed to the mainland,

:KMC��VCÖ:��M9=V-QKÖ��V-CV:Q��OCthings 3PRO 3Ob-RL-be/PL RL-many SRpeople were there, they were many,

MK-PQ��V-CU½MCO��OC UCPVC"ÖT��MQK��!KRK��K-V-K[C C3P-in RL-arrive/PL SR soldiers the EMPH OM-RL-defend/PLthey (Kwset et al) arrived to them, the soldiers themselves defended them,

MOCÖ:��!KRK��K-V-QÖPGM��!CPV��VKPVKMC��M9=K-V-CÖM-Q-K-V

then EMPH OM-RL-carry-PL land the 3Ob-OM-RL-AUG-Q-do-Vthey took them, they took them by land,

!CÖ��PV=K-!-QÖU½KVQZ��MC!Cthere away-3P-NOM-take/PL the/FOCtaking them,

219

MOCÖ:��!KRK��KVK��K-U-KÖ!��!C��:C!:CKÖ��U½Q��M9=K=V=CO CZM��OCthen EMPH on 3P-IRR-be AUX sort=of a 3Ob-OM-RL-bring/PL SRthey took her to a place where she would stay,

VCÖ:��KVK��V-KÖZ��OC��K-V-CÖ CZM��OC3PRO on RL-sit SR OM-RL-leave/PL SRshe was there, they left her there,

!CPV��CM��KVK��V-KÖ!��VQM��M9=V-KÖ!��OCland the on RL-be there Ob-RL-be SRshe was in the place, she was there,

MOCÖ:��U½KÖ:��M-CÖOG"ÖRKV��MK!��!KRK��Q¸Ö-:Kthen thing NOM-strange the EMPH 3P/NOM-finish

MK!��[CÖ��VCÖ:��V-CV:Q��!CPV��MQO��KVK��V-QÖOthe 3P/NOM-own 3PRO RL-many land the on RL-lie

she did many miracles while she was there,

VQM��MQ¸-V-QÖO��[Q¸-M-GÖ��U½CÖ!��MKZ��GÖM��MK!��VQM��M9=V-KÖZthere 3Ob RL-lie DIST-US-say sun the 3P/daughter the there 3Ob-RL-sitshe was there—the sun’s daughter, it is said.


This text will be included in the Archive of Glossed Texts of the Languages of Mexico, sponsored bythe University of Arizona, the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, and the Universidad deSonora. The analysis is slightly different in a few places and the method used for glossing the text ismore sophisticated, allowing for a more adequate representation of the facts.

220

Appendix 1Verb paradigms

Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4

/-CHCR/, /-CU½KZM/ arrive -CHR -CHCR-KO -CU½M-CO -CU½KZM-CO

/-CKVQO/, /-QÖU½C/ talk -CKVQO -CÖC-VKO -QÖU½C -QÖU½C- MC

/-CK-:-CZ/ strong, loud -CK-:-CZ -CK -:-KO -CK -C-Z-M -CK -C-:- MC

/-CKÖ:/ leave -CKÖ: -CCÖ:-KO -CCÖ:-QZ -CCÖ:-QZ

/-CMCU/ chew to pulp -CMU-KO -CMCU-KO -CMU-CO -CMCU-CO

/-CMCVU½/ screen -CMVU½ -CMCVU½-KO -CMCVU½-QZ -CMCVU½Q MC

/-CMQPZ/ shake -CM9PKZ -CMQP -CM9PC -MQZ -CM9PC -MQZ

/-COCZ/ test -COCZ -COC -KO -COC -MQZ -COC -CO

/-COCZ-:/ bring -CO-Z-M -COC -:-KO -CO -C-Z-M -CO -C-:- MC

/-CPQU½-:/ spin thread -CPU½-: -CPQU½-:-KO -CP-MQ-Z-M -CP-MQ-:- MC

/-CQO/ beg -CQO -CQO-CO -CQO-QZ -CQO-Q MC

/-CRCV-:/ gather -CRV-: -CRCV-:-KO -CRV-C-Z-M -CRV-C-:- MC

/-CRQ-:/ pull out -CRQ-: -CRQ-:-KO -CR-VC-Z-M -CR-VC-:- MC

/-CRU½-:/ torn out -CRU½-: -CR-MC-: -CR-MC-Z-M -CR-MC-:- MC

/-CU½KZM/, /-QKU½KZM/ enter-CU½M-KO -CU½KZM-KO -QKU½M-V -QKU½KZ-QZ

/-CU½Z-:/ throw -CU½-Z-M -CU½ -C-: -CU½ -C-Z-M -CU½ -C-:- MC

/-CVC:/ go -CVC: -CVC:-KO -C : -C C:-Q MC

/-CVKP/ touch -CVPK -CVKP-KO -CV -Q MC -CV -Q MC

/-CVKU½-:/ -CVKU½-: -CVK-MC-: -CVK-MC-Z-M -CVK-MC-:- MCpeel back foreskin

/-CVQR/ spit out -CVR -CVQR-KO -CVQR-QZ -CVQR-Q MC

/-C:K/ finish -C:K -C:K-VKO -C: -C:

/-C:QZ/ continue -C9ZM-M —— -C:9U½-K ——

/-C:QZM/ dry -CWZM —— -CWZ-QZ ——

/-C!Q/ see -C!Q -C!Q-VKO -C!-V -C!-VQ MC

/-CÖC/ call -CÖC -CÖC-VKO -CÖVQ¸C-V -CÖVQ¸C-V MC

/-CÖKZ/ sway -CÖKZ -CÖK -KO -CÖK -CO

/-CÖMP/ bowed -CÖMPK —— -CÖMU½-C ——

/-CÖMQ/ build house -CÖMQ -CÖMQ-VKO -CÖM9-V ——

/-CÖOC/ seep -CÖOC -CÖOC-VKO -CÖOC-:CO -CÖOC-:CO

221

/-CÖPCZ/ -CÖPZ -CÖPC -KO -CÖP -MQZ -CÖPC -COpoison projectile points

/-CÖPKR:/ return home -CÖPR: -CÖPKR:-KO -CÖPKR:-CV -CÖPKR:- MC

/-CÖQ / grooved -CÖQ -CÖQ -KO -CÖQ -QZ ——

/-CÖRCZ/ choke -CÖRZ -CÖRC -KO -CÖRU½-K -CÖRU½-K MC

/-CÖUC M/ spread legs -CÖUC M-C —— -CÖUC M-QZ ——

/-CÖUC-:/ open up -CÖUC-: -CÖUC-:-KO -CÖVQ¸U-VC-Z-M -CÖVQ¸U-VC-:- MC

/-CÖUK/ deflate -CÖU -CÖU-VKO -CÖVQ¸UK�/-CÖVQ¸UK-ZCO -CÖU-:CO

/-CÖU½C :/ cough -CÖU½ : -CÖU½C :-KO -CÖVQ¸U ½C :-QZ -CÖVQ¸U ½C :-QZ

/-CÖV/ cook in ashes -CÖV -CÖV-VKO -CÖVQ¸V-VQZ -CÖVQ¸V-V MC

/-CÖVKZM/ -CÖVZM -CÖVKZM-KO -CÖVQ¸VKZ-QZ -CÖVQ¸VKZM-COspread around

/-CÖ!CPZ/ quiver -CÖ!PKZ -CÖ!CP -CÖ!PC -MC -CÖ!PC -MQZ

/-CÖ!QZM/ squat -CÖ!9ZM -CÖ!QZM-KO -CÖ!9Z-QZ -CÖ!QZM-CO

/-CÖ-CKP/ -CÖ-KP-KO -CÖ-KP-KO -CÖ-VQ¸K -MCO -CÖ-VQ¸K -MCOcause to be mixed

/-CÖ-CU½K/ make suckle -CÖ-U½ -CÖ-U½-VKO -CÖVQ¸U ½ -CÖ-VQ¸U ½-[Q MC

/-CÖ-CU½KZM/ make enter -CÖ-U½M-KO -CÖ-U½KZM-KO -CÖ-VQ¸U ½KZ-QZ -CÖ-VQ¸U ½KZ-QZ

/-CÖ-OCÖ:C/ brew liquor-CÖ-OCÖ: -CÖ-OCÖ:-VKO -CÖ-OCÖZ-M -CÖ-OCÖ:C-ZCO

/-CÖ-OQVQP/ -CÖ-OQVPK -CÖ-OQVQP-KO -CÖ-OQVQP-QZ -CÖOQVQP-QZmake cracklings

/-CÖ-V:KKP/ -CÖ-V:KKP -CÖ-V:KKÖP-KO -CÖ-V:KVQ¸KÖU½-QZ -CÖ-V:KVQ¸KÖU½-

Q MCmake headring

/-CÖ-!CÖ/ -CÖ-!CÖ -CÖ-!CÖ-VKO -CÖ-!CÖ-VCZ -CÖ-!CÖ-VCOappoint; cause to be

/-CÖ-!C:C/ stain -CÖ-!C: -CÖ-!C:-VKO -CÖ-!C:C-ZCO -CÖ-!C:C-ZCO

/-CÖ!=MCK / remain -CÖ!=MCK —— -CÖ!=MCCÖ -KO ——

/-CÖ-QK!QZ/ make red -CÖ-QK!WZ -CÖ-QK!Q -KO -CÖ-QK! -MQZ -CÖ-QK!Q -CO

/-GOGP/ winnow -GOGP -GOGP-KO -GOGU½-C -GOGU½-C

/-GÖHG / stumble on -GÖHG -KO -GÖHG -CO -CÖVQ¸HG -CO ——

/-HKMCZ/ -HKMZ -HKMC -KO -HMQÖM -HMQÖMC -COwrap oneself with

/-HKU½/ tie knot -HKU½ -HKU½-VKO -HKU½-:CO -HMQÖU½-:CO

/-KKÖP/ go -KKÖP -KKÖP-KO -KVQ¸KÖZ -KVQ¸KÖ -CO

/-KM/ cross -KM-VKO —— -KVQ¸M- ——

222

/-KMQ¸UKO/ smile -KMQ¸UKO -KMQ¸UCO-CO -KMQ¸UKO-V -KMQ¸UKO-VQ MC

/-KOQ-:/ butcher -KOQ-: -KOQ-:-KO -KO-VC-Z-M -KO-VC-:- MC

/-KOQ¸ÖPK/ hop -KOQ¸ÖPK -KOQ¸ÖPK-VKO -KOQ¸ÖP-VCZ -KOQ¸ÖPK-ZCO

/-KRQ¸VKU½:/ -KRQ¸VKU½-: -KRQ¸VKU½-:-KO -KRQ¸VK-MC-Z-M -KRQ¸VK-MC-:- MCput clothes on wrong

/-KR:QZ/ -KRWZ-M -KR:9 -KO -KR:9U½-K -KR:9U½-K MChave gonorrhea

/-KVG":QZ/ thin -KVG"WZ-M KVG":Q -KO -KVG":Q -MQZ -KVG":Q -MQZ

/-K:KO/ fear -K:KO -K:CO-CO -K:CO-V -K:CO-VQ MC

/-KÖMGV/ carry in womb -KÖMGV -KÖMV-Q -KÖMV-QZ -KÖMV-Q MC

/-KÖPC / ring -KÖP -C -KÖPC -C -KÖP -QZ -KÖPC -QZ

/-KÖRC/ carry on head -KÖR -KÖR-VKO -KÖVQ¸RC-9 -KÖVQ¸RC- MC

/-KÖRC-:/ climb -KÖRC-: -KÖRC-:-KO -KÖR-VC-Z-M -KÖR-VC-:- MC

/-KÖRG/ good -KÖRG -KÖRG-VKO -KÖR-V -KÖR-VQZ

/-KÖUKZM/ whistle; hiss -KÖUM -KÖUKZM-KO -KÖUZ-QZ -KÖUKZM-CO

/-KÖVKZM/ drip -KÖVM -KÖVZM -KÖVZ-QZ -KÖVKZM-CO

/-KÖZKZM/ explode -KÖZM -KÖZKZM-KO -KÖZ-QZ -KÖZKZ-QZ

/-K-C:C/ have water -K-:C -K-:C-VKO -K-Z-M -K-Z-M

/-K-!C:Q / -K-!C:9 -K-!C:Q -KO -K-!C:Q -QZ -K-!C:Q -Q MChave eating utensil (clam)

/-MCK / lack -MCK -MCCÖ -KO -MCCÖZ -MCCÖZ-CO

/-MCMCZ/ chip -MCMZ -MCMC -KO -MCMU½-K -MCMU½-K MC

/-MCRCR:/ chew -MCR: -MCRCR:-KO -MCRCR:-CZ -MCRCR:-Q MC

/-MCU½KP/ bite -MCU½PK -MCU½KP-KO -MCU½Z-C -MCU½Z-QZ

/-MCÖMQR/ pound -MCÖMR -MCÖMQR-KO -MCÖMQR-QZ -MCÖMQR-Q MC

/-MGMQ / listen -MGM9 -MGMQ -KO -MGMQ -QZ -MGMQ -QZ

/-MGUGZM/ chew -MGUGZM -MGUGZM-KO -MGUGZ-QZ -MGUGZM-CO

/-MGÖG-:/ cut hair of -MGÖG-: -MGÖG-:-KO -MGÖG-VC-: -MGÖG-VC-:- MC

/-MQK/ bring -MQK -MQCÖ-VKO -MQK-V -MQCÖ-VCO

/-MQOCZ/ noisy -MQO-MC -MQOCZ-MC -MQOZ-QZ -MQOCZ-MCO

/-OCRQZM/ burst -OCRM9 -OCRQZM-KO -OCRWZ-QZ -OCRWZ-QZ

/-OGMG/ warm -OGMG -OGMG-VKO -OGM-VQZ -OGMG-ZCO

/-OKU/ resemble -OKU -OKU-VKO -OKU-VCZ -OKU-:CO

/-OK!U½-:/ slip -OK!U½-: -OK!-MC-: -OK!-MC-Z-M -OK!-MC-:- MC

223

/-OQVQ¸OCP/ weak -OQVQ¸OP -OQVQ¸OCP-KO -OQVQ¸OCP-QZ -OQVQ¸OCP-

Q MC

/-PCHKZ/ spiralled -PCHKZ -PCHK -KOK -PCHK -M -PCHK -MQZ

/-PC:U½/ rub -PC:U½ -PC:-MC -PC:-MQZ -PC:-MQZ

/-PCÖMCZ/ bowed -PCÖMZ -PCÖMC -KO -PCÖMU½-K -PCÖMU½-K MC

/-PGU½KZ/ crush -PGU½Z -PGU½K -KO -PGU½ -MQZ -PGU½ -MQZ

/-PG:QP/ hold in lap -PG:9PK -PG:QP-C -PG:9U½-QZ ——

/-PGÖRGP/ stooped -PGÖRPK -PGÖRGP-KO -PGÖRU½-QZ -PGÖRU½-Q MC

/-PKRC/ hit (with hand) -PKR -PKRC-VKO -PQR-VQZ -PQR-VQ MC

/-PQRKZ/ sink -PQRKZ -PQRK -KO -PQRU½-K -PQRU½-K MC

/-PQUZM/ rough -PQUM —— -PQUZM ——

/-PQÖ!QZM/ concave -PQÖ!M9 -PQÖ!QZM-KO -PQÖ!WZM -PQÖ!WZ-QZ

/-QCRCR/ whinny -QCR -QCR-VKO -QCRCR-QZ -QCRCR-Q MC

/-QGMGZ/ hang -QGMZ -QGMG -MCO -QGM -MQZ -QGM -MQZ

/-QK / blue;green -QK —— -QK -Q ——

/-QK / wear tuft of hair -QK -QCÖ -KO -QCÖ -Q -QCÖ -CO

/-QKV/ dance -QKV -QKÖ-VKO -QK -C -QKÖ -CO

/-QMC"K/ follow -QMC"K -QMC"K-VKO -QMC"CÖ-:-QZ -QMC"CÖ-:-Q MC

/-QMG"!GV/ -QMG"!V -QMG"!GV-KO -QMG"!G -CO -QMG"!G -COflexible; bounce

/-QMG"ÖGP/ turn around -QMG"ÖGP -QMG"ÖGP-KO -QMG"ÖGU½-QZ -QMG"ÖGU½-Q MC

/-QP�"CÖ-:/ -QP�"CÖ-: -QP�"CÖ-:-KO -QP�"K-VC-Z-M -QP�"K-VC-:- MCwash one’s hands

/-QVGZ/ stagger -QVGZ-C -QVG -MC -QVG -MQZ -QVG -MQZ

/-QZC"UKV/ hop -QZC"UV -QZCU½KV-KO -QZC"UK -CO -QZC"UK -CO

/-QÖMC/ look at -QÖM-VC -QÖMC-VKO -QÖM-VCO -QÖMC-VCO

/-QÖUCZ/ spray -QÖUZ -QÖUC -KKO -QÖU -MQZ -QÖU -MQZ

/-QÖU½QZM/ yip -QÖU½ZM -QÖU½QZM-KO -QÖU½ -C-Z-M -QU½ -C-:- MC

/-QÖ!QZM/ vertical -QÖ!M9 -QÖ!QZM-KO -QÖ!9ZM -QÖ!QZM-CO

/-RCPQU½-:/ run -RCPU½-: -RCPQU½-:-KO -RCP-MQ-Z-M -RCP-MQ-:- MC

/-RCUZ/ fall underwater -RCUZ-KO -RCUZ-KO -RCUZ-QZ -RCUZ-QZ

/-RCZKO/ overcooked -RCZKO -RCZCO-CO -RCZCO-QZ -RCZCO-Q MC

/-RC:U½/ scratchy -RC:U½ —— -RC:-MC ——

/-RGÖ!U½-:/ concave -RGÖ!U½-: -RGÖ!GU½-:-KO -RGÖ!-MC-: -RGÖ!-MC-:

224

/-RKVQ / bloated -RKVQ -RKVQ -KO -RKV -QZ ——

/-RKÖ/ taste -RKÖ -RKÖ-VKO -RMQÖ-[Q -RMQÖ-[Q MC

/-RQÖU½K/ pear-shaped -RQÖU½K -RUÖU½K-VKO -RQÖU½-:CO -RQÖU½K-ZCO

/-UCMCZ/ -UCMZ -UCMC -KO -UCMU½-K -UCMU½-K MCcarry child on hip

/-UCÖKV-:/ -UCÖKV-: -UCÖKV-:-KKO -UCÖK -C-Z-M -UCÖK -C-:- MCgather together with stick

/-UKKÖZ/ move -UKKÖZ-KO -UKKÖ -KO -UCÖK -C-Z-M -UCÖK -C-:- MC

/-UKM/ grind -UKM -UKM-VKO -UMQÖM-:CO -UMQÖM-:CO

/-UKÖ/ smell -UKÖ -UKÖ-VKO -UMQÖ-[Q -UMQÖ-[Q MC

/-U½C:Q/ talk about -U½C:9 -U½C:9-VKO -U½C:9-V -U½C:9-VQ MC

/-U½KR/ kiss -U½KR -U½KR-VKO -U½MQÖR-:CO -U½MQÖR-:CO

/-U½KÖOK/ enjoy -U½KÖO -U½KÖO-VKO -U½MQÖO-V -U½MQÖOK-VCO

/-VCRCU½-:/ signal -VCRU½-: -VCRCU½-:-KO -VCR-MC-Z-M -VCR-MC-:- MC

/-VC:KO/ scratch -VC:KO -VC:CO-CO -VC:CO-QZ -VC:CO-Q MC

/-VKPKU/ scrape -VKPU -VKPKU-KO -VKPU-Q -VKPU-Q MC

/-VKRKV-:/ touch -VKRV-: -VKRKV-:-KO -VKRV-C-Z-M -VKRV-C-:- MC

/-VKÖR:QZ/ squeeze -VKÖR9Z-M -VKÖR:9 -KO -VKÖR:9U½-K -VKÖR:9U½-K MC

/-ZKU½K/ painful -ZKU½K -ZKU½K-VKO -ZKU½-VCZ -ZKU½-VCZ

/-[CMCZ/ have sibling -[CMZ -[CMC -KO -[CMC -MCO -[CMC -MCO

/-[CU½KO/ finlike -[CU½KO -[CU½KO-CO -[CU½CO-QZ -[CU½CO-Q MC

/-[CÖK/, /-os�"Öt/ go to -[CÖK -[CÖK-VKO -QU½KÖV -QU½KÖKV-CO

/-QC:CU½/, /-QCMCZ/ -QC:U½ -QC:CU½-KO -QCMZ -QCMCZ-COhit with stick

/-QGÖVKP/ tap -QGÖVPK -QGÖVKP-KO -QGV -Q MC ———

/-QKO/ throw at -QKO -QKO-VKO -QKO-VQZ -QKO-VQ MC

/-QKÖOK-:/ too much -QKÖOK-: -QKÖOK-:-KO -QKÖO-VC-Z-M -QKÖO-VC-:- MC

225

Appendix 2Irregular verb paradigms

lie give say do accompany/-QÖO/ /-GÖ/ /-GÖ/ /Q(:) -GÖ/ /-CÖ /

Subj.Nom. MQ¸ÖO �"MG VG"MC Q¸MG �"MC

pl. MQ¸KVK KM[QZ VG"M[Q Q¸M[Q �"MC C

neg. � "OQO �"OG �"OG Q:��"OG �"OC

pass. —— !CRG"!G —— —— !CRC"!C

Infinitive � "MQO K!G"!G Q:��"MG K!C"!C

2s Imper. !Q¸ÖO !�"!G !C"!C

neg. MC"OQÖO MG"OG Q:�MG"OG MC"OC

1pl Imper. UMQ¸KVK UG"![QZ Q:�UG"M[Q UC"!C C

ActionNom., 1s !�"!QÖO !�"!G !�"!G Q:�!�"!G !�"!C

ObjectNom., 3s —— � "[G —— —— � "[C

Neutral Realis, 1s !C"VQÖO !�"VG !G"VG Q:�!G"VG !�"VC

2s O�"VQÖO O�"VG OG"VG Q:�OG"VG O�"VC

3s VQ¸ÖO �"VG VG"VG Q¸VG �"VC

1pl !CVQ¸KVK !�"V[QZ !G"V[Q Q:�!G"V[Q !�"VC C

Distal, 3s [Q¸ÖO �"[G VG"[G Q¸[G �"[C

neg. [Q¸OQO K[Q¸OG Q:�:Q¸G K:Q¸C

Emph., 3s :Q¸ÖO K:Q¸G :Q¸G Q:�:Q¸G K:Q¸C

Irr., 3s UQ¸ÖO �"UG VG"UG Q¸UG �"UC

neg. UC"OQO KUMG"OG UG"OG Q:�UG"OG KUMC"OC

2s O�"UQO O�"UG OG"UG Q:�OG"UG O�"UC

226

grind be with come/-CÖ/ /MQ= -CÖ/ /OQ= -CÖ/

Subj. Nom. � "MC MQ¸!C OQ¸MC

pl. � "M[QZ MQ¸!Z OQ¸MCV

neg. � "OC M9�"OC O�"OC

pass. !CRC"!C —— ——

Infinitive K!C"!C M9�"MC O�"MC

2s Imper. !C"!C MQ¸!C OQ¸!C

neg. MC"OC MQMC"OC OQMC"OC

1pl Imper. UC"![QZ M9UC"MZ KOUC"MCV

Action Nom., 1s !�"!C M9!�"!C KO!�"!C

Object Nom., 3s � "[C —— ——

Neutral Realis, 1s !�"VC M9!C"VC KO!C"VC

2s O�"VC M9O�"VC KOO�"VC

3s � "VC MQ¸VC OQ¸VC

1pl !�"V[QZ MQ¸VZ KO!C"VCV

Distal, 3s � "[C MQ¸[C OQ¸[C

neg. K[Q¸OC M9[Q¸OC KO[Q¸OC

Emph., 3s K:Q¸C M9:Q¸C KO:Q¸C

Irr., 3s � "UC MQ¸UC OQ¸UC

neg. KUMC"OC M9UC"OC KOUC"OC

2s O�"UC M9O�"UC KOO�"UC

227

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