Senior Seminar Final Paper. Alberto. Nisman
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Transcript of Senior Seminar Final Paper. Alberto. Nisman
Rachel Green
Senior Seminar: Final Paper
THE DEATH OF ALBERTO NISMAN: MURDER OR SUICIDE?
A COMPARATIVE MEDIA ANALYSIS
On January 18th, 2015 Argentinean prosecutor, Alberto Nisman,
was found dead in his Buenos Aires apartment. One-week prior,
Nisman accused the Argentine government of a cover up involving the
bombing of a Buenos Aires Jewish Center in 1994. This paper will
analyze the media coverage of the case comparing the frameworks of
the Washington Post and the New York Times to the Argentinian
newspapers Clarin and La Nacion. This paper will refer to online news
sources and video news clips from Argentina and the United States,
along with class readings about media analysis to help support the
research integrated throughout the project. The main analytical
findings in this case will reveal that the Argentinian news sources,
which are non-government owned, display clear trends supporting the
theory that Alberto Nisman was murdered while American owned
newspapers reveal a tendency to frame the case in favor of the
current Argentinian government run by President Christina
Fernandez de Kirchner.
Due to the abundance of information on the case, this paper will
focus only on the week of Nisman’s death from January 18th to January
25th. This paper will explain that the mystery of Alberto Nisman’s
death in Argentina has been extremely pliable in the framing of the
media. The main differences between these types of media
frameworks are the photographs, content included and language that
was precisely chosen to resonate with the readers. This paper will
argue that the ways in which key clues to the mystery were either
evaded or included depended on the message the new source was
intending to portray.
THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA
The goal of the media is to convince the reader that the
perspective of the reporter is the correct viewpoint, and this
persuasion if done correctly can be extremely subtle, even appearing
to be objective. This paper will begin by collecting and reporting only
the facts of the case, and then proceed to analyze the way these facts
have been reported using the different media systems. According to
Entman, the problem definition of this case would be the serious
government instability caused by the suspicious death of Alberto
Nisman hours before he was supposed to announce criminal
accusations that he had filed against President Kirchner. The
Argentine democracy is continuing to weaken due to the internal
dispute within the country; the remedy to this problem can only come
from the truth, excellent public relations or an overthrow of the
government. While the truth amidst a corrupt government and a coup
d’état are unlikely at this time, the media framing in support of the
Kirchner administration is playing it’s part along with President
Kirchner in trying to rebuild trust and support for the Argentinian
Government.
Within the past century Argentina has undergone extreme
economic, political and social shifts, which have redefined the role of
the state and power within the country. When such drastic changes
occur in a country, the entity of media and journalism will inevitably
be altered as well. According to Hallin and Mancini, the political
system and the institutional tradition of a country make a direct
connection in the media ecosystem (Rodriguez, 100).
The liberal model of the media for most Latin American countries
typically brings together the most evident connections of political
context that affects the inner workings of the traditional media
systems. The three most significant aspects of the political system
influencing the media are through the historical trends towards, the
degree of closeness between new ruling politicians and traditional
media groups referred to as clientelism, and the kind of deregulation
and market reforms (Ramirez, 2014).
Renita Coleman’s chapter, “Framing the Pictures in our Heads”
argues that in framing theory, visual framing is extremely important
because visuals have the ability to reveal what words could never
convey. Coleman defines visuals as any media content that can be
processed by the eye, like video footage, photographs, even body
language while verbal content is defined as anything written or
spoken. These two forms of content must work together in order for
the reader to get a complete understanding of the topic (Coleman,
230). Framing is used in political communication studies using various
methods, Entman’s theory of cascading activation is extremely
relevant because it determines how thoroughly the thoughts and
feelings that support a frame will extend down from the government
to the rest of the system, whoever wins the framing contest will win
the political upper hand (Entman, 9). This framing contest is definitely
represented in articles from the Nisman case, but President Christina
has the upper hand because with her political power she has the
means to spin the news stories to her personal advantage. Nisman’s
attempt to expose her as a criminal has already cost him his life, and
now the only way he could win is to be represented by strong
advocates who can prove that he was murdered.
COUNTRY MEDIA CONTEXT
In order to understand the current Argentinian media system, a
brief overview of the past is a necessary aspect of research. Under
Argentina’s military dictatorship from 1976 and 1983, the media was
dominated purely by politics. The government had complete control
over print media using means of surveillance and the bullying of
government insurgents. Eventually the Broadcasting Law Decree was
passed which gave the government even more rights to regulate
content published or spoken on the radio. During Argentina’s
democratic restoration in 1983 under President Raul Alfonsin, public
liberties began to overpower the censorship model, which was so
prominent during the military dictatorship. Alfonsin helped the
country start over after the dark military dictatorship and encouraged
rapid growth among the private sector. Argentinians were taking
advantage of their new freedoms and business opportunities and the
world-wide trend of large media holding companies were becoming a
sought after idea in Argentina (Ramirez, 2014).
While under Alfonsin there was more content pluralism,
electronic media was still under state control, and strongly influenced
by political power. This transitioning environment is what led to the
creation of the group Clarin, which currently is a well-known anti-
government newspaper (Rodriguez, 102). After Alfonsin’s time in
office came to end, Carlos Menem preceded him in 1989. Menem
established a clear neoliberal model and in terms of media, he marked
this period by privatizing television channels and radio stations.
Menem finished what Alfonsin started and the private sector became
extremely powerful, setting the terms of the relationship with the
political power leading to a complete reconstruction of the media
map. Due to Menem’s strong market reforms and neoliberal ideas, the
state almost completely withdrew as a participating actor in the media
scenario and as a regulator and generator of contents. Menem’s
administration led to an age of private commercial expansion, which
constructed a model strongly ruled by economic factors (Ramirez,
2014).
The Kirchner’s have assumed Argentina’s presidential family
since 2003. Nestor Kirchner assuming office from 2003 to 2007 and
his wife Christina taking office directly after him, from 2007 to the
present day. Critics of President Christina have claimed her
administration has demonstrated various cases of corruption,
falsification of public statistics, the harassment of Argentina's
independent media, misuse of taxes as a censorship tool and use of
public funds to attack political opponents. Although there has been
clear progression in freedoms since the ages of the military
dictatorship, today the Kirchner government controls an estimated
eighty percent of the media in Argentina (Washington Post, Editorial,
2011). During the Kirchner’s first term in office, they began to play a
heavy role in the management of state media. In 2009 they took over
the broadcasts of all soccer games, which implies that they receive
free broadcasts when any of Argentina’s 40 teams, including primary
and secondary leagues play. As soccer is a huge part of the Argentine
culture, this channel, Futbol Para Todos, reaches about six million
viewers on some games. This was appealing to the government
because they are able to take advantage of halftime and commercials
to spew pro-government propaganda at the country (Post, 2015).
Currently, the non-Kirchner owned Grupo Clarin is the largest
selling newspaper in the country and remains as the government’s
largest opponent. In fact, the Kirchner administration has established
a movement to destroy the anti-government news source. The reason
they are seen as such a threat is due to their framework; Clarin is
based on claims that the government aims to control the production of
news and the flow of information through politics, they often accuse
the Argentine government of attacking freedom of expression and
weakening democracy. The Kirchner’s campaign against Clarin has
induced over 450 legal and administrative acts of harassment against
the news source and has tried to establish a controversial media law
that would force Clarin to lose its licenses and crumble (Romero,
2012). Christina claims that, “journalistic objectivity does not exist,
and that all journalists act on behalf of certain interests” but as all
things go both ways, the same could be said about Christina’s politics
and decisions that only satisfy her self-interest (Romero, 2012).
The other main non-government owned news source, La Nacion
maintains a framework less leftist than Clarin but is still known for its
critical view of the Argentinian government system. The paper was
founded in 1870 by the former president Bartolome Mitre and by the
1975 was the largest and most read newspaper in Latin America. In
2012, La Nacion’s daily circulation represents about 20% of the daily
newspaper circulation in Buenos Aires, and is not only distributed
nationwide but around the world. Those who hold the political power
in Argentina only feel relatively threatened by La Nacion in
comparison to Clarin because the news source is still associated with
Argentina’s past aristocracy and agro-businessmen (Cuestas, 2010).
As far as the New York Times and the Washington Post are
concerned, both of these North American News sources are also
socially liberal. They typically report from a racially sensitive,
feminist, gay-friendly, pro-choice and secular framing. According to a
survey from the American Trends Panel in 2014, web respondents
rated American news sources from negative ten to positive ten,
negative ten appealing to a consistently liberal audience and positive
ten appealing to a consistently conservative audience. On this chart,
the Washington Post scored a negative three and the New York Times
was slightly left of that with a negative four (Blake, 2014). This
research suggests that the New York Times parallels closer to Clarin
and the Washington Post would parallel to La Nacion.
MEDIA ANALYSIS ON THE DEATH OF ALBERTO NISMAN
This section will chronologically analyze the news pieces
published during the seven days following the death of Alberto
Nisman’s on Sunday, January 18th. By paralleling similar articles
contingent on the date of publications among the four news sources;
the New York Times, The Washington Post, Clarin and La Nacion, this
section will identify the trends in frameworks, content, jargon and
motive. The general findings will reveal that Clarin and La Nacion
have supported a framework against the Kirchner administration by
focusing on details of the death, Nisman’s personal life, and his life’s
work. Contrastingly, The New York Times and the Washington Post
take a position to support Kirchner’s innocence in the affair. The
American news sources begin by representing the possibility of
suicide VS. murder, until President Christina announces a change in
perspective, which in consequence leads to theories which suggest
possible suspects for Nisman’s murder.
In an article from the Washington Post published one day after
Nisman’s death, the author focuses in on Christina and the
Argentinian government more than the facts and details of Nisman’s
death like the Clarin article covered. The Post article states that
Christina has thus far remained silent on Nisman’s death, but the
preceding week the administration officials called the prosecutor’s
allegations, “ludicrous”. It seems that in an attempt to maintain
objectivity, the author included two opposing opinions on Nisman’s
death, although the sources seem to be completely irrelevant. The
first quote he used was from a 47-year-old museum guide who states,
“It is impossible that he killed himself”. With little explanation, the
author moves on to the next opinion from 62-year-old Federico Valdez
who works at an insurance agency. Valdez states on the contrary that,
“Everything indicates that he killed himself” then continues to explain
that he believes this because the bathroom door was locked from the
inside and the fact that Nisman’s mother confirmed this. Moving into
further analysis of this article, one must consider why the personal
opinions of a museum guide and insurance agent who were clearly no
experts on the subject were included in this article. The issue of the
locked door, which was not included in the Clarin article, is a valuable
counter argument to the theory that Nisman was murdered. The post
frames the article emphasizing the likelihood that Nisman’s death was
a suicide. It includes information that Nisman’s mother was unable to
open the bathroom door, because a key was in the lock on the other
side accompanying Nisman’s dead body, the .22 caliber gun and a
shell casing. Towards the end of the article, there was only one short
sentence that outlined the Argentinian group, “Indignant Argentines”
who called for demonstrations in several areas of Buenos Aires that
Monday, but it did not include what they were demonstrating for
(Calatrava, 2015).
The articles that lean toward the theory that Nisman was
murdered, pay a noticeably greater amount of detail to the scene of
the crime and Nismans personal life. On the 20th of January, La
Nacion published an article which leaked a photo of Nismans desk
covered in all of his evidence for the case that he was about to present
to congress. The photo was taken by Nisman hours before his death
and sent through Whatsapp to the Vice Prisident of the DAIA
(Delegacion de Asociaciones Israelitas Argentinas) Waldo Wolff with a
message saying, “Here, I am working, How does all of this look to
you?” Wolff was quoted saying that he always had very consistent
communication with Nisman and when Wolff responded to Nisman’s
message twice and both of his messages weren’t answered, he started
to have serious concerns (La Nacion, 2015).
While pro-Kirchner news sources push that it was either a
suicide or a set up to frame the Argentinian government, anti-
Kirchner sources push the idea that the government murdered him.
One example of this is the inclusion of Diego Lagomarsino in pro-
Kirchner news sources, when in anti-Kirchner news sources
Lagomarsino was either not mentioned at all or very briefly integrated
in the article. Lagomarsino was the man who gave Nisman the pistol
that “killed” him; he was an aide to Nisman and stated that Nisman
feared for his family’s safety. While it could be that Lagomarsino was
merely giving his boss protection or piece of mind, the wording and in
depth inclusion of Lagomarsino makes him seem like a scapegoat to
prove that Nisman’s death was a suicide and that the government had
nothing to do with his death. The fact that this information was not
included in any of the Anti-Kirchner reports also makes a statement,
and was most likely done intentionally because they want their
readers to blame the government and believe that Nisman’s murder
was not a suicide. The pro-Kirchner framings make Nisman appear
extremely paranoid, like he couldn’t handle the stress of his
accusations leading to his suicide. This attack on Nisman’s character
introduced by pro-Kirchner articles also raises flags. This attempt by
the media to discredit Nisman’s mental state through a manipulation
and exaggeration of facts is an old technique used throughout history.
In this case, the means of making him sound unstable and paranoid
was used to make Nisman’s suicide appear more legitimate to the
public (Clarin, Washington Post, 2015).
Nisman’s work as a prosecutor led to the collection of various
enemies. Part of the evidence he was acquiring led to allegations
against Tehran, that they had planned and financed the attack of
1994. While this theory was not universally supported, it allowed for
several articles to shift the blame from the Kirchner administration to
Iran in Nisman’s death. Disguised by subtlety from The Washington
Post in an article from the 21st of January, the possible motives that
the Argentine government could have had in assassinating Nisman
were outlined. It states that due to the deal with Iran in 2013 to end
Argentina’s energy crisis, Tehran had been hoping to find a release
for the economic pressure imposed by sanctions that could give both
parties diplomatic legitimacy. Differentiating itself from most of the
other articles on the topic, the Post then delves into the role of Iran in
the ‘murder’, stating that Nisman’s accusations could have been just
as condemning for Iran and Hezbollah as they were for the Kirchner
administration. Next, came the loaded sentence that, “his death
(Nisman) could have been arranged by Tehran”. The following
paragraph discusses an interview with a researcher who studies the
Shiite militant group at the University of Maryland. He states that
Iranian-backed groups and their intelligence services have been
pretty good practitioners of their, ‘art’. Referring to Hezbollah’s
professional means for carrying out assassinations quietly. The Post’s
attempt to shift the blame from the Kirchner administration to Iran in
this article was impressive. Especially as the following paragraphs
plant the perspective of Argentina’s government officials who have
suggesting that the former intelligence officials and the news source,
Clarin may have orchestrated Nismans death. According to the New
York Times, Clarin has responded by calling this accusation of their
involvement a mere, “conspiracy theory” (Taylor, 2015).
In an article from La Nacion on the same date January 21st,
there was a detailed explanation of the details of the case. A section is
included discussing the investigators decision to confiscate the only
two copies of Nisman’s nearly three-hundred page denouncement
against President Christina, along with the weapon and several of
Nismans brief cases. The language used throughout articles is
extremely important to take into consideration when reading news
sources with more subtle frameworks as certain words come with
definite implications. The word choice used in the sentence of
‘secuestraron,’ which in English translates to the agents, ‘kidnapping’
Nismans personal documents implies a clear perspective on this
section of the story. The word kidnapped, implies an obvious bias by
the author that the documents in Nisman’s apartment were not
rightfully taken. While common procedure may be to take in the body
for forensics along with the weapon used, taking the victims personal
work is not acceptable and caused a controversy, as they were taken
Monday morning at dawn with no explanation. One could argue from
the framework of this article that Nisman was killed merely for the
purpose of taking those denouncements and giving them back to those
with political power. Dependent on the hands that Nismans research
was sitting in, they had the capacity to either bring down the Kirchner
administration completely causing extreme instability within the
country or make sure that the truth behind Nisman’s investigation of
the 1994 bombing would never be revealed (La Nacion, 2015).
On January 22nd, the New York Times posted an article about the
Nisman case but once again focused in on President Christina
Fernandez. Despite the rushed decision to declare Nisman’s death a
suicide, Fernandez shifted her theory from suicide to being convinced
that the death was part of a sinister plot to defame and destroy her
and her government. The article continues to explain the country’s
response to the death, and how thousands of Argentines were
protesting on the street to show their anger towards the bombing that
still remains unsolved and demanding that there be a full
investigation of Nisman’s death. On the surface level, the quotes used
by Christina claiming that who ever killed Nisman just used him while
he was alive and then, “they needed him dead” are definitely written
in favor of Christina’s and almost make her seem like a victim. The
times explains how the Kirchner administration has dismissed all of
Nisman’s accusation on the account that Nisman was merely,
“manipulated” by Antonio Stiusso, ex-senior intelligence official who
was fired in December. On a more analytical level, it appears that
Christina’s sudden change in opinion is a mere safety net in case the
truth should reveal that there was a third party involved, and to
ensure that she can blame someone else for the crime. This article
from the New York times mentioned all of the actors that could have
manipulated Nisman to think that Christina was covering up for the
1994 bombing and focused heavily on the possibility that there was
definitely someone guilty of murdering Nisman but the culpable entity
was not Christina nor her administration (Gilbert and Gladstone,
2015).
On January 25th, exactly one week after Nismans death, Clarin
lays out five of the main findings from the case. The article begins by
directly stating the suspicious nature of the case. During the first
week of the case, the three main hypotheses were that Nisman had
either committed suicide, was a victim of induced suicide or he was a
victim of murder. As the article proceeds, the ‘five main points’ wreak
with skepticism against the suicide hypotheses. This article focuses on
the scene of the crime, Nisman’s 13th floor apartment in Le Parc
towers located in Puerto Madero, Buenos Aires. The Clarin article
states several times that the typical signs of ritual suicide were absent
in this case. The body was found in the bathroom, when typically one
kills himself in either his place of work or rest. One particularly
interesting piece of this puzzle is the detail of the gunshot wound to
Nisman’s head which is said to have killed him instantly. Point
number’s four and five of the article explain the, “expertise shooting”
and the way the bullet was lodged in Nismans skull after being shot
through the brain tissue. The key information included in this section
was that no gunpowder residue was found on Nisman’s right hand.
The author then emphasizes how despite the size of the pistol, a small
Bersa Thunder 22LR, every time a gun is fired, gases and gunpowder
residue are released from the weapon (Clarin, 2015).
In one BBC segment, which interviewed people who knew
Nisman’s on a personal level, created the impression that murder was
the most likely cause of Nismans death. Even by the title of the
segment, “Who Killed Alberto Nisman” BBC is suggesting a
framework against the government through implications that Nisman
was murdered. Interviewed in the video was Sandra Arroyo Salgado,
Nisman’s former partner and ex-wife who stated that in knowing
Nisman’s personality, he would never have taken his own life, that he
was extremely health conscious and even afraid of dying young. She
explains that the moment she found out that he had been found and
there was a fun on the crime scene she knew that someone had
murdered him. She then continues that she was not in Argentina
during the time of his death and was sickened on the speed of the
post-death exam and the lack of evidence that was saved from the
scene. She was quoted saying, “My investigative team has analyzed
the photographs and videotape from the official autopsy and they
came to the conclusion that Alberto’s violent death was certainly not
accidental”. She indicates that the authorities investigating the case
were clearly working alongside the Kirchner administration due to the
way they moved so quickly in declaring his death a suicide. BBC then
backs up Salgado’s theories in discussing the way protocol and
procedure were not followed when viewing the dozens of images
taken at the scene of the crime. There is proof that during the
procedure evidence was tampered with, the police allowed Nisman’s
mother to wash dirty dishes that could have revealed evidence to
determine if there was a third party in Nisman’s apartment, and
photos were taken revealing several people walking through the
apartment without protective clothing. Several weeks after Nismans
death, Salgado’s team reveals the crucial clue, which used a Luminol
test that proved that there had been an attempt to wash blood from
something in the bathroom sink (BBC, 2015). It is important to
consider that this BBC segment was framed from the perspective of
Nisman’s ex-wife and was extremely biased in its theories against the
government and in its support for the possibility that Nisman was
murdered.
While there are many factors that come into play with the death
of Nisman, the facts in relation to the weapon used is a definite step in
the direction towards the truth. These specifics on the gun, which
were only discussed in detail in the non-government backing articles,
analyze the placement of the gunshot wound and the location of the
gun when it was found. One of Argentina’s leading crime reporters,
Ignacio Prieto, explains how most people who commit suicide shoot
themselves from the side of the front of the head but the bullet that
entered Nisman’s head went through above and behind his right ear.
Specialists confirmed that it is very unlikely that any suicide victim
should shoot themselves in that part of the head. When Nisman’s body
was found in a pool of blood in the bathroom, the gun was underneath
his left shoulder even though the shot went through the right side of
his head. The derma test proving that there was no gunshot residue
on his hand and Sandra Arroyo Salgado’s test proving that blood had
been cleaned from the sink prove to experts that it is highly probable
that a third party may have been involved (Clarin, La Nacion, 2015).
In a Clarin article discussing the eight main doubts surrounding
Nisman’s death, key details were revealed that were not mentioned in
any of the United States news sources. Little pieces of Nisman’s life
that were left behind were analyzed such as a shopping list of things
to buy for the following Monday and mention of the fact that Nisman
already had two guns in his possession, therefore he did not need the
Lagomarsino’s loaned gun because he could have made that decision
at any time. Another interested piece of information from this article
was the fact that the secretary of security was at Nisman’s apartment
Sunday night to make sure that no one would touch anything or enter,
including an ambulance with doctors that was denied entry two times,
they finally left at nearly three in the morning without being able to
get in the building. This Clarin article like many of the other ones then
finishes with Nisman’s psychological profile, stating that there were
no signs that he was showing any signs of a suicidal person, or
someone who had characteristics of a sick person, but he was a
person who had been threatened for several years and sensed there
could be a fatal outcome for his life (Clarin, 2015).
Another point that doesn’t seem to be discussed in detail is the
veteran prosecutor who was assigned to the Nisman’s case. Viviana
Fein denied that her officials went against protocol during the first
hours investigating the crime scene, yet in an article from La Nacion,
it was reported that Fein didn’t even show up at the crime scene until
hours after Nisman was already dead. In a quote from Fein, she states
that it’s not necessary that her crime specialists use the white
antiseptic robes because, “We don’t touch the crime scene”. (BBC).
While Feins official investigation is leaning toward a ruling that
Nisman killed himself, Salgados investigators are arguing confidently
that the evidence suggests murder. The nearly 100 page forensics
report carried out by Salgado who is working closely alongside
Nismans family reveals that there was no alcohol found in Nismans
system and no sign of cadaveric spasm referred to as, “death grip”
which is a common indicator of suicide. The conclusions of the report
contrastingly supported that Nisman died in agony and his body was
moved after he was killed which contradicts the official version
presented by Vivian Fein (Montevideo, June 7th, mercopress). There
was no information regarding how or why Fein was actually appointed
to investigate the official case but all of her conclusions seem to side
in favor of the Argentine government.
CONCLUSION
The main analytical findings in this case will reveal that the
Argentinian news sources La Nacion and Clarin in comparison the
American newspapers the New York Times and the Washington Post
have distinct differences in their framework regarding the death of
Alberto Nisman. As previously stated, all four media sources are
more liberal in perspective but the Argentinian news sources focus on
evidence supporting the theory that Nisman was killed by reporting
information on his personal life, details of his death and the effect that
his death had on Argentinian citizens while North American media
focused on the response from the Kirchner Administration and
probable culprits for the death after the “suicide” was deemed a
murder.
In the articles collected from the first seven days following
Nismans death, there were several drastic shifts in the case as new
information was revealed. One of the most reported shifts identified
during this period were the perspectives of President Christina,
especially from North American media sources. The silence which first
came from Christina after word of Nisman’s death quickly led to her
confidence in that he committed suicide. Directly after this, the
autopsy done revealed that Nisman’s death was a suicide. Four days
later, Fernandez shifted her opinion once again, stating that she was
convinced that Nisman was in fact murdered as part of a sinister plot
to defame and destroy her government.
This flip-flop from Kirchner’s administration moving from a
suicide to a murder led to the character questioning of Nisman.
Reports explain Kirchner’s new confidence that Nisman was fooled
with false information, used and then killed, as he was no longer
needed. One could assume that the Argentine government carefully
crafted this theory to tarnish the reputation of Nisman while making
the Kirchner administration appear innocent against all charges of
murder. All factors involving Vivian Fein, government appointed
investigator to the Nisman case, like the “botched” crime scene, and
lenience towards the suicide theory implies that she was working
along side the government.
As stated in this papers first section “The Role of the Media”,
the media’s ultimate goal is to convince the reader that the
perspective of the reporter or supported administration is the correct
viewpoint, and if done correctly this persuasion can be extremely
subtle and appear objective. The lack of information included in the
articles such as the way Fein was appointed to the case, evidence
from the crime scene and details about Nisman’s personal life like his
fear of dying young were omitted intentionally from articles that
framed the story with a Pro-Kirchner outlook. At the same time, the
Anti-Kirchner articles conveniently avoided discussing the locked
door, the man who gave Nisman the gun, Diego Lagomarsino, and any
negative character traits that Nisman may have shown.
The visual framing in all of these articles was extremely
important as well as pictures can often reveal more than words. Pro-
government news articles framed President Kirchner as a concerned
woman who felt a sense of loss after Nisman was so, “foolishly
misled”. An analysis of the photographs included in Kirchner
supporting articles emphasizes this point, as they include close up
images of her face, deeply pensive with tears in her eyes as she
discusses the, “tragic” outcome of Nisman’s life. The articles framing
the case against the government typically included photos of Nisman,
typically including photos where he looks determined and strong,
sporting a nice suit and a serious face. These photos do not portray
him as a victim of suicide but a warrior fighting to reveal the truth
behind a corrupt government.
While the goal of this paper was not to solve the mystery behind
the death of Alberto Nisman, the ability to analyze media frameworks
on a deeper level allows one to form their own opinions about
significant world events instead of just soaking in the information that
they are receiving without question. That said, while this conclusion
will not make any final theories about whether Nisman’s death was a
murder or suicide, the evidence provided in the media analysis should
prove the bias behind what is supposed to be an objective media
system is very much existent. The media comparison between the
New York Times, the Washington Post, Clarin and La Nacion prove
clearly that the Kirchner Government is using the media to prove its
innocence just as the Anti-government media sources are intending to
prove the corruption embedded in the Argentine system. Like many
others in the past, Argentine prosecutor Alberto Nisman died just as
his proximity to the truth was nearing. Regardless of how his death
occurred, not taking every perspective into consideration before
closing in on a final conclusion would be an injustice to Nisman, the
eighty-five people who died in the 1994 bombing and the entire media
system.
WORKS CITED
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