Running Head: KANAKA1

Kanaka Maoli Culture

(True, Genuine and Real Human Being Culture)

Kumiko Sasa

Colorado Mesa University

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The global makeup of the world consists of culture and diversity. Together, they establish

the patterns and structure of society. In this context, social workers encounter autonomy every

day as each individual carries their own culture. Hawaiians are one of the many groups that

exemplify this. Within their groups there are multiple ethnicities, important historical moments

of oppression, established norms, beliefs and attitudes. As a social worker, it is important to

understand these cultural identities in order to best address the client.

Ethnicities

Due to factors of immigration and modernization, people have come from a variety of

countries, therefore making Hawaii extremely diverse. Some of the main ethnicities found in the

state of Hawaii are Asians and Pacific Islanders. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, “Asian

Americans constitute 4.2 percent of the nations’ population and comprise diverse subgroups,

including Asian Indian, Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, and Vietnamese” (Mokuau, Garlock-

Tuiali’i, & Lee, 2008, p. 117). There are also different groups of indigenous Native Hawaiians

such as the Tongans, Fijians, Micronesians, Maori, Samoans, and Chamorros. Under this

umbrella culture, each specific identity may comprise of similar yet unique values.

However, one of the major controversies is identifying and classifying who are the real

Hawaiians. During the 1960’s, both the increase in tourism and colonization complicated this

situation further.

An account of this comes from Kekuni Blaisdell, a medical doctor who grew up in

Hawaii. “Kanaka maoli was a term people used to identify themselves as opposed to the

foreigners who came. Foreigners asked: Who are you? And the answer was ‘We’re

kanaka maol’. Kanaka means human being. Maoli means true, real, and genuine. What

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colonizers call us -Hawaiians, Native Hawaiians, Native Americans, and Americans-

we’re not. We’re kanaka maoli” (Harden, 1999, p.104).

In comparison, Kame‘eleihiwa believes that, “it is not enough to wear a flower lei

(garland) and kiss people hello to be a Hawaiian. They must experience the pain of our

continual degradation, perpetuated upon us by foreigners for the past two hundred years,

before they can begin to know who we are” (Kana’ iaupuni & Liebler, 2005, p. 693).

Overall, in order to understand the Hawaiian identity it is crucial to acknowledge their

connection to the land itself and the ancestry.

Both of these quotes represent some of the difficulties that social workers may face. By

implying that the client is Hawaiian may be inappropriate. As indicated by Sue (2006, p. 149),

“although it is critical for caseworkers to have a basic understanding of general characteristics of

counseling, therapy and the culture specific life values of different groups, overgeneralizing and

stereotyping are ever present dangers.” Also stating a trip to Hawaii or the mention of wearing

flower lei, as part of embracing the Hawaiian culture, may create conflict and a barrier to helping

the client.

History of Oppressions and Findings

In order to be culturally competent, the historical aspect of this culture helps to explain

the formation of their values and lifestyle. New ideas, diseases, and religions are introduced

creating a new way of living. Beginning in the latter half of the eighteenth century, Captain Cook

and his crew came upon Hawaii bringing a variety of diseases; venereal disease, smallpox,

cholera and measles. As a result, 80-90% of Hawaiians died within the next few decades

(Harden, 1999). When westerners came over, around the 1820’s, colonization occurred. One of

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the huge impacts they had was the agriculture of sugar. This attracted many immigrants as an

opportunity for work. In 1852 to 1855 Chinese began to migrate over and approximately 28,000

arrived (Miyares, 2008). Miyares (2008) states that “Japanese men (approximately 159,000 in

several waves between 1868 and 1907) and later Koreans (approximately 7,900 between 1903

and 1905), Filipinos (approximately 123,600 between 1907 and 1946), and smaller numbers of

Okinawans (usually counted as Japanese) signed labor contracts” (p.518).

As colonization had taken over it oppressed the Hawaiian culture. It made the people of

Hawaii feel ashamed and that they were of a “lesser breed”. One particular instance of

oppression was about the Hawaiian appearance. A missionary by the name of Hiram Bingham,

as he encountered Hawai’i’s king Liholiho, was appalled by the way he dressed. The king was

wearing the normal attire of a “malo” or loincloth. Apparently to Bingham it was “the

appearance of destitution, degradation, and barbarism, among the chattering and almost naked

savages” (Harden, 1999, p.72). In similarity, the western missionaries had no idea about the

culture of Hawaiian’s thought process or values. Kekuni Blaisdell, a freedom activist for the

people of Hawaii, explains that there were a great amount of differences between the values of

the Westerners and Hawaiians during this time. American culture values individualism,

materialism and exploitation; whereas, Hawaiian culture shares everything and values personal

relationships rather than money. When the Westerners came, the people of Hawaii were pushed

to abide by the American culture; this included the Western idea of time in getting a job, paying

taxes on time and binding themselves to their mortgage. “If we don’t and we live like our

ancestors did by fishing and sharing, we go to jail” (Harden, 1999, p. 106). Many Hawaiians did

not understand the Western value systems, especially the value of property, and eventually had

their land taken away because they couldn’t pay. “For Hawaiian’s, the loss of power and rights in

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their homeland was analogous to losing their sense of purpose and identity” (Mokuau &

Matsuoka, 1995, p.468). In the end, American’s had owned approximately 95% of Hawaiian

property and taken away the Hawaiian people’s identity.

Understanding the historical context of cultural oppression is one of the most important

things in social work. Sue (2006,p.65) indicates that “social workers need to become culturally

aware—to act on the basis of a critical analysis and understanding of their own conditioning, the

conditioning of their clients, and the sociopolitical system of which they and their clients are

both a part.” This awareness provides some basic information and implications for social

workers as they work with their clients. In accordance with Hawaiian culture, an important

element for social workers to comprehend is their collectivistic values. Western tradition tends

to focus on the individual and as mentioned above, Hawaiian’s faced this form of oppression.

Pederson notes that some cultures view individualism as a limit on achieving enlightenment, a

block in the way of achieving spiritual goals (Sue, 2006, p. 139). It is important for social

workers to focus their counseling on the family (group) unit rather than the individual in this

scenario.

Spirituality

Then another form of oppression occurred with the Hawaiian’s values of spirituality.

Before missionaries came, Hawaiian’s believed primarily in the power of gods and goddesses.

They would pray to these gods who were similar in nature with humans as they could express

anger, jealousy, and passion. These beliefs coincide with their ideas of healing. There weren’t

viruses or bacterial infections that made them sick, but there were such things as displeasing the

gods or doing something wrong. In contrast with American ideals of sickness, Hawaiians would

search the soul for the problem rather than the systems of the body. The healing process would

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consist of a meditation ceremony (ho’oponopono), usually performed by one of the elders who

would lead the group. This would hopefully rid the body of sickness or pilikia (troubles). If it

didn’t then a kahuna (herbalist/ healers of the spirit) would be called in (Harden, 1999).

According to Pukui et. al., this particular process was primarily used by extended families “to

discuss and settle arguments, assuage hurt feelings, mediate angry words, and deal with other

types of interpersonal problems” to re-establish the Hawaiian values of “aloha (good will)” and

“harmonious relationships” (Hurdle, 2002, p.188).

Then during the mid-nineteenth century, life had begun to transform again as

missionaries came over from England. Hawaiians had just overthrown their monarchy which was

tied to their religious beliefs. So when the missionaries came in, their religion and ideas

transpired onto the Hawaiian people. Hawaiian’s were fascinated with the Bible; however, this

religion restricted them from doing a lot of the things they did before. Overall, they never

understood the idea of sin, but many eventually converted to Christianity (Harden, 1999). The

influences of missionaries and Christianity continued into the 20th century and so forth.

In relation to these spiritual beliefs, one of the major things social workers need to pay

attention to is the ho’oponopono healing ceremony. This treatment is different than Western

medicine, as the Hawaiian culture looks for spiritual and disharmony as reasons for illness rather

than viral or bacterial. In order to be culturally competent the social worker needs to be aware of

this indigenous healing method. According to Sue (2006), other implications for the social

worker are that they need to avoid overpathologizing or underpatholgizing the client’s issues,

and if necessary they may need to work with a traditional healer such as a kahuna. By working

together with the culture’s methods of healing the client’s culture will be respected and

oppression will be avoided.

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Cultural Beliefs

Harden (1999) expressed that there wasn’t a single word to describe religion, because

according to the Hawaiian’s it was their entire life. One account of this comes from Lanakila

Brandt who states that “to greet the sun as it rises- this was the tradition of the ancestors.

Everyone would turn to the sun with prayers of love and gratitude because native practitioners

believe that with the coming of the sun the man [life force] returns to Earth each day. With mana

comes healing, growth, life itself, for all creatures and the Earth” (Harden, 1999, p.54). In

addition to these beliefs, some individuals trace their ancestry back to spirits in the form of

animals. Some villagers believe they have a relationship with the shark who is the ‘aumakua

(guardian spirit). As they are out in the ocean fishing this spirit protects them. In return to this

spirit the fishermen are supposed to give back part of their catch (Linnekin, 1985). The other

spirit mentioned is the turtle. If a family could trace their ancestry back to the turtle they also had

a spirit of protection. They believed that if they were stranded or in trouble out in the ocean, a

big enough turtle would come to rescue them (McGregor, 2007). Earth and nature are seen as an

intimate bond between the Hawaiians. Kame’eleihiwa expresses that as a result of taking care of

the land it will in turn take care of the Hawaiian people (Kana’ iaupuni & Liebler, 2005). These

beliefs were very much in contrast with Christianity in a variety of ways; however, one in

particular was Hawaiians beliefs in multiple gods rather than one. As missionaries came over

these beliefs by the Hawaiians conformed and most of the old Hawaiian names were replaced by

Christian names. Ancient gods were no longer allowed.

This aspect of spirituality is very important to the Hawaiian culture. Social workers must

be aware of their values and the beliefs of their clients so that they may know where they stand

and their client stands. If they feel uncomfortable working with this client spiritually, then the

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help towards the client may be unproductive. In suggestion to this scenario, Sue (2006, p. 223)

implies that “social workers be open to exploring this aspect of the human condition and actively

seek to integrate it into their practice.” By expanding the amount of knowledge understood, this

will give social workers the opportunity to reach a wider variety of individuals.

Communication

Looking directly at the Hawaiian style of communication one of the interesting things is

that it leans more towards non-verbal. There was no true form of a written dialect in the past. The

Kahuna and elders would pass on information and history to the younger ones through story

telling. Other forms of communication would come from chants and hula (“sacred dance”).

Chants were memorized words that were also passed down to younger generations. The most

important one was the genealogy chant. “A person’s lineage gave him his rank and often his

profession in society, so remembering the ancestral line was an absolute. Everyone was expected

to remember ten generations back” (Harden, 1999, p.126). This chant was also said to identify

lines of trust and to honor past ancestors (Kana’ iaupuni and Liebler, 2005).

The second most important form of communication is hula, otherwise known as the

“story in motion”. At an early age children are selected to perform this sacred dance.

George Na’ope, a child who was taught the hula by his grandmother, states that “the hula

is Hawai’i. The hula is the history of our country. The hula is a story itself if it’s done

right. And the hula, to me is the foundation of life. It teaches us how to live, how to

respect, how to share. The hula, to me, is the ability to create one’s inner feelings and no

one else’s” (Harden, 1999, p.137).

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However, in the eyes of the missionaries this was a waste of time and a heathen dance. It made

the Hawaiian people so conscious that it actually drove this art underground and not until the

60’s and 70’s did it resurface (Harden, 1999). From the 1970’s to today the hula has become a

symbol of ethnic pride and is promoted at the annual Merrie Monarch Festival in Hilo, Hawaii

(Hale, 2002).

These forms of communication are valued in Hawaii; however other cultures embrace

different forms of expression. One of the major conflicts that may hinder the resolution process,

between the client and social worker, are these diverse forms of communication. Understanding

and attending to the client’s needs is an important aspect of social work, but using a more verbal

method may not work for this case. The social worker needs to recognize how this particular

culture uses intergenerational transmission of history through hula and chants to communicate.

When a client comes in with a particular situation, from a Hawaiian background, it will be

inappropriate to disregard these values. Particularly if the elderly are excluded from the family

situation, this may put a strain on the family values and compromise the effectiveness of

assistance.

Family Values

Beginning with marriage, in the 19th century, commoners had no formal ceremony that

symbolized a lasting bond between the couple. Husband and wife were non-existent in the

Hawaiian language and instead it was kane (man) and wahine (female). One of the other ways

this custom was described as is “moe aku, moe mai” (sleep here, sleep there) (Linnekin, 1985).

Men could take many wives and women could have many husbands. Unions for high ranked

Hawaiians, on the other hand, were called ho’ao pa’a marriages. This marriage bound the couple

together until death do them part. “Although not marked by ceremony, marriage was more stable

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among landed commoners” (Linnekin, 1985, p.62). If the couple divorced it brought on personal

shame to the families involved. It also broke apart the couple’s property.

In addition, Hawaiians primarily value men as the head of the household and leaders in

the community; however, women are also powerful in certain aspects. There is a symbolic focus

on women because they are usually the leaders in spiritual activities. They are “sacred beings

who have the power to halt conflicts between men” they are the “genealogical authorities and

experts in Hawaiiana…practitioners of the traditional healing arts” (Linnekin, 1985, p. 100).

Even though property is normally transferred by the male of the household, the female is often

the result of that property being earned. They are the bond between two families.

In regards to children and their roles in the family, the older sibling will eventually inherit

the father’s property. The land is usually passed down to the oldest male. Other obligations are to

care for their younger siblings and work for the elders if necessary. The youngest sibling, since

they are usually the last to leave, is usually pushed to stay home and take care of their aging

parents. They are usually the “kept” child because their older siblings leave and begin their own

life. As a result, they may receive a smaller portion of land from an adopted parent, “either out of

aloha or in appreciation for services rendered. Jural norms provide for elder brothers; younger

brothers are provided for in sentiment: as poki’i, hunona, and the adopted children of other

families” (Linnekin, 1985, p. 132). Due to their inability to leave and limitations on receiving

property, conflict can arise among the family. The female of the household will work to keep

harmony within the family. Each of these roles is still prevalent in Hawaiian families today.

Western concepts of family values differ from the values of Hawaiian culture. Given the

majority value of patriarchal importance, if the social worker were to assume this with their

Hawaiian client the ability to effectively work may be hindered. Depending on the situation it is

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necessary to understand the importance of Hawaiian matriarchal values and its position in

resolving conflict. The other thing to note is the younger sibling’s kin responsibilities. The

Western ideal about young individuals is to pursue independence and self-sufficiency. With this

particular culture, pushing the younger siblings may disrupt the values of kin and family support.

Conclusion

In summary, Hawaiian culture contains a variety of characteristics; it holds strong family

values, the expression and history through hula, and spiritual healing practices. It also includes a

history of oppression due to colonization and a shift in beliefs as well as identity. Given the

world’s diverse nature, there is the possibility a client may come from Hawaiian background.

Social workers must understand the implications of this client’s history and the culture they

embrace. In order to effectively help, they may need to incorporate these Hawaiian values and

traditions. Overall, when working with any client social workers need to incorporate these

principles. They should provide assistance with cultural competency and be aware of both their

own values and their clients’.

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References

Hale, C. (2002). The hula movement. Atlantic Monthly, 290(1), 166-168.

Harden, M.J. (1999). Voices of wisdom: Hawaiian elders speak. Kula, HI: Aka Press.

Hurdle, D. E. (2002). Native Hawaiian traditional healing: Based interventions for social work

practices. Social Work, 47(2), 183-192.

Kana’iaupuni, S. M. & Liebler C.A. (2005). Pondering Poi Dog: Place and racial identification

of multiracial Native Hawaiians. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 280(4), 687-721.

Linnekin, J. (1985). Children of the land: Exchange and status in a Hawaiian community New

Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

McGregor, D.P (2007). Na Kua’aina: Living Hawaiian culture. U.S.A.: Sheridan Press.

Miyares, I. M. (2008). Expressing "local culture" in Hawai’i. The Geographic Review, 98(4),

513-531.

Mokuau, N., & Matsuoka, J. (1995). Turbulence among a native people: Social work practice

with Hawaiians. National Association of Social Workers, 40(4), 465-471.

Mokuau, N., Garlock-Tuiali'i, J., & Lee, P. (2008). Has social work met its commitment to

native Hawaiians and other pacific islanders? A review of the periodical

literature. National Association of Social Workers, 53(2), 115-120.

Sue, D. W. (2006). Multicultural social work practice. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley &Sons Inc.