SCIENTIA - Marywood University · physical appearance seems to have a significant affect on...
Transcript of SCIENTIA - Marywood University · physical appearance seems to have a significant affect on...
SCIENTIA
2005
Journal of the Honors Program
About the Author Elizabeth Gigantelli is receiving Bachelor of Science in Industrial Organizational Psychology with an English minor. After graduation, Elizabeth plans to find a job in her field of study and eventually pursue a Master’s degree in the same. She is the recipient of the Psi Chi Research Award at the Easter Psychological Association Conference, Vice President of the Psychology Club, and Treasurer of the Psi Chi National Honor Society. Elizabeth chose to pursue a Citation in Honors to challenge herself and get a bit more out of her college experience, and liked the flexibility in the program and the classes that were offered. She also enjoyed the fact that they were a good combination of interesting and challenging subject matter. Elizabeth would like to thank Dr. Youngblood for her encouragement and help over the past couple of years; her parents for supporting her and pushing her to pursue the Citation in honors, and Christina Elvidge for being so helpful and understanding in this process.
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Attractiveness in the Workplace
Elizabeth Gigantelli
One of the largest industries in today’s society is the fashion and cosmetic
industry. It is an industry that annually grosses billions of dollars and can have a large
reaching affect on people. This is because what is perceived to be beautiful and attractive
drives society. People will try to emulate what society deems as attractive.
Attractiveness and physical appearance are such strong factors in today’s society. They
have far reaching affects on many things such as how we perceive people and their
abilities.
People have been found to attribute a wide range of positive characteristics to
those whom they find to be physically attractive. Those that are deemed to be less
attractive receive worse treatment simply because of their appearance. Stevenage and
McKay (1999) identified an attractiveness bias which is the idea that “what is beautiful is
good”. They found that society believes that attractive people are seen as having more
desirable personality traits, greater job success, happier marriages, and a more fulfilling
social life. In past research, Feingold (1992) has established that attractive people are
perceived to be more sociable, dominant, warm, mentally healthy, intelligent, and
socially skilled.
Within a company, decisions are supposed to be made based upon an applicants
ability to do the job at hand. Hiring decisions are not supposed to be colored by the
appearance of an applicant, their age, sex, race, nationality or other factors that do not
affect the way that that person will be able to do their job. Promotions within a company
are also supposed to be made on the basis of merit and experience, not on how attractive
someone appears to be. Unfortunately, it has been found that many decisions that are
being made that concern people’s future employment status are being colored by a
candidate’s perceived attractiveness and/or physical appearance.
Discrimination and employment laws such as the Rehabilitation Act, Title VII,
and the Americans with Disabilities Act all protect an employee or job candidate from
being turned down on the basis of gender, age, race, religion, color, national origin or
physical or mental handicap. However, these laws do not prevent a company from
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judging and turning down a candidate on the basis of appearance. In a study conducted
by the Harvard Law Review (1987), it was argued that the Rehabilitation Act of 1973
should also protect against immutable aspects of body and facial features, such as
shortness, obesity and unattractive facial characteristics. It had been found that
physically unattractive people face different and unequal treatment in situations in which
their appearance was unrelated to their qualifications or abilities.
In a study conducted by Stevenage and McKay (1999), recruitment success was
assessed based on an applicant’s looks. It was hypothesized that the applicants with
physical and facial disabilities would elicit negative reactions, and therefore be less likely
to be hired. Mock job applications were formed containing a resume and photograph of
the applicant. The fictional applicant’s appearance was altered with a port-wine stain on
the face. The groups were further divided into those with or without physical disabilities.
Four categories were established; seated with no physical or facial disfigurement, seated
with a visible port-wine stain, seated in a wheelchair with no facial disfigurement, and
finally seated in a wheelchair with a visible port-wine stain. Each participant in the study
was then asked to respond to a questionnaire assessing personal qualities and job skills,
and a final question requiring a yes/no response to whether or not to hire this applicant.
Stevenage and McKay (1999) found that personal qualities and job skills were
found to be disadvantageous for those with either a facial disfigurement and/or a physical
disability. Those applicants that were facially disfigured received the worst ratings.
Recruitment personnel had shown a stronger negative reaction to those with a facial
disfigurement then to those with a physical handicap. Stevenage and McKay (1999) had
found that there was no significant difference in personal qualities and job skills when
there was the presence or absence of a wheelchair. However, when it came to the
recruitment decision, the presence of a wheelchair reduced the likelihood of an applicant
being hired. Those with a facial disfigurement experienced the same disadvantage. It
was found that the experience of the interviewer did help to offset some of the negative
bias towards wheelchair users, however this did not hold true for facial disfigurements,
and in fact recruiters demonstrated a large and negative bias towards applicants with
facial disfigurements.
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Attractiveness has been found to be a liability for women when seeking entrance
into male-dominated professions. Women that have been deemed unattractive are
considered to have advantages over attractive women in traditional “male” jobs.
However, attractive women in female-typed positions were seen as more successful than
unattractive women. Unattractive women tend to be recommended for raises more often
and are also seen as more qualified and more likely to be hired than attractive women
because unattractive women are rated as less feminine. The success of unattractive
women is more often attributed to ability than that of their attractive female counterparts.
Seligman, Paschall, and Takata (1974) found that attractive people are
disproportionately likely to receive credit for good outcomes, whereas good outcomes of
unattractive people are more likely to be attributed to external factors. In another survey,
Gatewood, Lahiff, Deter and Hargrove (1985) found that appearance is the single most
important factor in determining a candidate’s acceptability for a wide variation of jobs,
regardless of the level of training of the interviewers. Cash, Gillen, and Burns (1977)
found that attractive women were seen to be less qualified than unattractive women and
were less likely to be hired. Cash et al. (1977) also found that the “what is beautiful is
good” idea only held true when applicants match the type of job under consideration. For
example, in a managerial job (which is seen as a masculine job) physical attractiveness
would become a handicap for women. Heilman and Saruwatari (1979) found that
physical attractiveness was shown to be advantageous for men in both managerial and
non-managerial jobs, but attractiveness was only advantageous for women in non-
managerial jobs. For those women that are pursuing managerial positions, attractiveness
was actually a detriment. They also found that attractiveness enhances gender
characteristics and exaggerates perceptions of gender-related attributes. Attractive
women are believed to possess more of the traditional female qualities that have been
seen as inappropriate for male tasks.
Dipboye, Arvey, and Terpstra (1977) found that perceived attractiveness has a
significant affect on recruitment decisions. When it comes to hiring decisions, high
performers are generally preferred over low performers regardless of attractiveness. It
was also found that attractive people were favored over equally qualified unattractive
people in hiring decisions, ratings of competence and likeability, recommendations
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regarding salary and promotion and in evaluations of career potential. Finally, they
found that attractive applicants were preferred over unattractive applicants and that men
were preferred over women. Dipboye, Fromkin and Wiback (1975) reported that
physical appearance seems to have a significant affect on employment selection
regardless of job or relevance of appearance to the task at hand. Attractive applicants
were more likely to be hired and given higher salaries only when the applicant’s
qualifications were inadequate. Physical attractiveness had little impact on hiring
decisions and salary recommendations when the applicant’s qualifications were good.
Mack and Rainey (1990) found evidence that suggests that physical appearance
and grooming habits are also factors in the hiring process. They found that well-groomed
applicants were significantly more likely to be hired than equally qualified poorly
groomed applicants. They found that an interviewer’s attitude towards an applicant’s
physical appearance may strongly influence hiring decisions that are being made.
Shannon and Stark (2003) conducted a study in which the focus of the study was to
manipulate the variables of beardedness and physical attractiveness in job applicants to
determine what effects appearance variables have on the evaluation of equally qualified
applicants. The second focus of the study was to measure the attitude of subjects towards
facial hair and physical attractiveness. Participants in this study received a packet of
randomly paired faces with resumes and read fictitious job descriptions, in which all the
applicants were equally qualified. They were told to assume the role of Human Resource
Manager and evaluate each applicant then choose one person for the position.
Shannon and Stark (2003) found a significant trend towards an interaction
between beardedness, attractiveness and rater sex. Attractive applicants were selected at
a higher frequency then less attractive candidates, and clean-shaven applicants were
selected most frequently. Attractive clean-shaven and bearded neutral applicants were
selected at the highest rates. Unattractive bearded and neutral mustached applicants were
selected at the lowest rates. Most candidates agreed with the statement that male job
candidates should go to job interviews clean-shaven. Most participants disagreed with
the statement that physical characteristics should play a role in the evaluation of job
applicants. Applicant beardedness did play a role in the final hiring decision made by the
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participants in the study; there was a trend toward clean-shaven or full-bearded applicants
over those with a mustache for the final hiring selection.
In a study conducted by Kyle and Mahler (1996) they examined the effects of hair
color and cosmetic use on judgments that are made about female job applicants abilities
for professional positions. They hypothesized that the applicants with brunette hair
would receive the highest capability scores and the highest recommended starting salary.
The lowest would go to those applicants with blond hair. They developed this hypothesis
based on societal stereotypes that depict blondes as having low intelligence and ability
perform tasks. Brunettes are thought to be studious and more intelligent, and red heads
are thought of as being temperamental, hotheaded, and difficult. They also hypothesized
that wearing cosmetics would diminish the perception of ones capability to do a job,
therefore lowering the starting salary for the candidate at hand. They based this
hypothesis on the idea that makeup is perceived as being highly feminine and women
would be stereotyped as being less capable of being able to do a job that is perceived to
be masculine such as managing.
For this experiment, Kyle and Mahler (1996) used one woman, photographed her
and then altered her hair color and amount of makeup. Each participant in the study was
then given a packet with a resume and a picture of the applicant. They were asked to rate
the applicant for an accounting position. They rated capability on a seven point scale and
then assigned a starting salary to each applicant. Kyle and Mahler (1996) found that
applicants were rated as being significantly less capable when depicted with blond or red
hair. The applicant was also rated as being significantly more capable of doing the job
when not wearing cosmetics. Finally, significantly lower beginning salaries were
assigned to applicants with red or blond hair and to those that were wearing cosmetics.
Marlowe, Schneider, and Nelson (1996) conducted a study that found that
attractive people are favored over equally qualified unattractive people in hiring
decisions. In this study they hypothesized that male applicants would be judged as being
more suitable for hiring and promotions than equally qualified female applicants.
Another hypothesis was that more attractive candidates would be judged more suitable
than those that are equally qualified and are less attractive. A final hypothesis was that
attractive women are at a greater disadvantage because of the perceptions that they
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possess fewer traits that fit the description of successful managers. Participants in this
study reviewed and evaluated resumes of four applicants. They were to evaluate the
applicants on terms of suitability for hire and likelihood of eventual progression into
executive positions, and then rank order the applicants. The independent variables in this
study were gender and attractiveness.
Marlowe et al. (1996) found highly attractive candidates were more suitable for
hire and that men were more suitable for hire then women. They also found that highly
attractive candidates were more likely to be promoted, as were men more likely to be
promoted, over women. They found that attractive female candidates were at an extreme
disadvantage compared to the other candidates. Managers with less experience were
more likely to consistently rate highly attractive male candidates as being more suitable
for hire and as being more likely to be promoted. Inexperienced managers were found to
consistently rate marginally attractive females as being less suitable for hire. Finally,
managers that were highly experienced showed no evidence of bias in favor of attractive
men however, they did show some bias against marginally attractive women consistently
rating them as less likely to be promoted.
Marlowe et al. found that for female managers, there was a large attractiveness
bias evident with low and moderate levels of experience. However, there was no
evidence of attractiveness bias for highly experienced female managers. Finally in this
study, it was found that when the selection to applicant ratio was low, selection decisions
were more likely to be made on the basis of non-job specific characteristics. In other
words, when there was not much else to base the hiring decision on, the manager
conducting the interview would to turn to other factors such as appearance and
attractiveness to determine whether or not to hire the applicant.
Raza and Carpenter (1987) conducted a study concerning hiring decisions in
employment interviews. They hypothesized that demographic variables will have a
limited influence on the outcomes of the interview when the interview was conducted by
a professional interviewer. Another hypothesis is that those recommend for hiring would
be judged as potentially good general employees and have the requisite skills for that
particular job. Finally, physical attractiveness ratings indirectly influence the
employability decision through likeability. Each participant in the study interviewed the
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applicant. After the interview, they filled out a questionnaire which requested
demographic information of the interviewer and of the applicant. Then, it asked for
ratings of the applicant on intelligence, physical attractiveness, likeability, and skill level
for the job and finally to assess ratings on the two decision variables of hirability and
employability.
Raza and Carpenter (1987) found that older applicants were rated lower in
intelligence by male interviewers. Older applicants were also rated lower in
attractiveness by female interviewers, and older applicants received lower hiring
recommendations. Female interviewers rated all applicants significantly higher than
male interviewers on intelligence, attractiveness, likeability, and skill. Male interviewers
gave female applicants higher attractiveness ratings, and female interviewers rated male
applicants to be significantly higher on attractiveness. Applicant ratings, and
occasionally hiring decisions, are associated with demographic variables and applicant
ratings are positively associated with interviewer outcomes. Female interviewers gave
higher specific ratings and higher hiring recommendations than males. However, female
and male interviewers did not differ significantly in employability ratings. Applicants
received higher hiring recommendations and general evaluations if they were liked by the
interviewer and seen as intelligent, skillful, and attractive. They also found that attractive
applicants are recommended to receiver higher starting salaries.
Drogosz and Levy (1996) conducted a study that looked at the effects of
appearance, gender, and job type on performance decisions. They hypothesized that
attractive men will be rated higher on masculinity ratings than unattractive men and
attractive women will be rated higher on femininity ratings than unattractive women.
Participants in this study examined a packet of performance reviews; evaluations of the
employees who were identified as occupying the job for one year and surpassing all the
minimum performance levels for the job. The packet also contained pictures of four
employees. The participants then answered questions concerning the evaluation of
performance. Drogosz and Levy (1996) found that in this study attractive men were
perceived as being more masculine and that attractive females were perceived as being
more feminine. They also found that attractive individuals rated higher on composite
performance evaluations regardless of gender or job type.
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Morrow, McElroy, Stamper and Wilson (1990) conducted a study in which they
studied whether physical attractiveness of a candidate would be rated as more favorable
than unattractive candidates for managerial jobs, whether male candidates would be rated
more favorable than female candidates for managerial jobs and finally whether younger
candidates would be rated as more favorable than older candidates for managerial
positions. The method of this study was that participants received a questionnaire, job
description of a regional manager position, candidate information sheet, an evaluation
form, a photograph of the applicant and equal opportunity information related to the
candidate. The evaluation form asked participants to respond to and make ratings on the
candidates in four topic areas; endorsing the candidate for promotion, the probability for
promotion in the future, how successful they will be in the new position and finally, if
they should receive additional training before assuming the new position.
Morrow et al. (1990) found that the physical attractiveness of a candidate
significantly affected recommendations for promotion and expected future success.
Those that were rated as being attractive received stronger recommendations for
promotions and higher expectancy for future success ratings. They also found that the
idea of the “what is beautiful is good” mentality only applies to cases where the rater and
candidates are in the opposite age categories. Younger raters perceived that attractive
older female candidates were more likely to receive future promotions. Older raters
perceived that attractive younger female candidates were more likely to receive future
promotions. Physical attractiveness significantly affected the extent to which personnel
professionals would recommend a candidate for promotions and expectancy for future
success.
Chung and Leung (2001) developed a study that would evaluate performance
information and physical attractiveness effects on a manager’s decisions for promotions.
The purpose of this study was to examine if prior conclusions would generalize to
promotion decisions and to examine if the sex of the incumbent and the sex of the
decision maker would effect the promotion decisions. In this study, participants had to
evaluate six employees and select one for promotion. Brief descriptions of previous
performance along with a photograph classified as attractive, unattractive, or mildly
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attractive and a work performance description of either good or mediocre were included
in a packet for the participant.
Chung and Leung (2001) found that when the performance of the candidate was
rated as being high, physical attractiveness had little effect on promotion. If the
performance was seen as being mediocre, the more attractive candidates were seen as
more likely to be promoted. It was found that attractiveness had a small impact on social
evaluations of the candidates when their performance was high. In contrast, a candidate
that was deemed mediocre, but of high attractiveness, tended to be rated less positively
than candidates of medium or low attractiveness. When the performance of the
candidates was high, attractiveness had a small effect on the ability index, however, when
a candidate’s performance was mediocre, those candidates of high attractiveness were
perceived as having higher ability then those candidates that were seen as being of low or
medium attractiveness. The ability index accounted for a significantly high amount of
variance in promotion order than perceived attractiveness and social evaluation index.
The effect of physical attractiveness was only prominent when a candidate’s previous
performance was mediocre.
Heilman and Stopeck (1985) conducted a study to evaluate if there were different
causes for success in males and females. They hypothesized that the success of attractive
male managers would be attributed to ability and the same would occur for female
unattractive managers, opposed to their counterparts. Participants in the study were
presented a short description of a career path for an executive and then asked to respond
to a questionnaire. Each subject received a packet with the one page career path for an
executive and the individual’s identification card. They were then instructed to read the
description and answer the questionnaire.
Heilman and Stopeck (1985) found that ability is generally seen as being more
responsible for the success of the rapid risers than those that are on a regularly passed
track within a company. Luck was viewed as more responsible for the success of
unattractive men and for the success of attractive women. Relationships were generally
viewed as more responsible for the career progression of men and that a candidate’s sex
and ascent interaction was significant only when the candidates were depicted as being
unattractive for work-based and socially based relationships. Also, relationships were
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seen as more responsible for career progress when the candidate was attractive. Ability
was viewed as the primary cause of success for unattractive women. Attractive males
were viewed as more capable of doing their job then attractive females which were
viewed as being the least capable of doing their job.
Heilman and Stopeck (1985) also found that the attractive candidates were viewed
as being more likeable. As for interpersonal integrity, attractive males were seen as
having greater amounts compared to their unattractive counterparts, whereas attractive
females were seen as having less interpersonal integrity. Attractive males were viewed as
being more masculine and attractive females as being more feminine. They found that
attractiveness, in turn, has negative consequences for female managers even if they were
proven to be successful and to have reached the executive level on their own merits.
Their success is attributed to luck and they are judged to be less capable than their
unattractive female counterparts. They are believed to have gotten to their position for
reasons other than their skill or talents.
Heilman and Stopeck (1985) found that attractiveness did not always prove to be
disadvantageous for perceptions of competence. It was found that attractiveness was
beneficial for male managers which will persist when they are successful. Their success
was then more often attributed to ability than that of their less attractive male
counterparts. They were also viewed as being more capable of doing their job.
Attractive candidates were seen as exerting less effort to move up the corporate ladder.
Finally, attractive males were seen as having more integrity than unattractive males, but
the opposite held true for women and attractiveness led to more favorable ratings for men
but not women.
Ideally the only characteristics that employers should attend to are those that will
directly affect an applicant’s ability to perform the duties that are required for the
available position, looks should not factor into this decision at all. However it has been
shown that this is not the case at all. Males and females are being judged on their looks.
Appearance is hard to ignore and will carry some weight on an employers decision,
whether it is to hire, not hire, promote or not to promote. However females are still at a
greater disadvantage in the workplace because of stereotypes that society is continuing to
perpetuate. Females are being discriminated against on the basis of looks instead of
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being judged on their ability. This is a serious problem that needs to be addressed
because it is in violation of equal opportunity laws, but because it is so hard to prove it is
hard to address. Attractiveness plays a bigger part in the workplace than most people are
aware of, as well as having more power over critical employment decisions then it
should.
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