s5

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sJ Lund and L Melheim ndash Heads and Tails 441European Journal of Archaeology 14 (3) 2011 p 441ndash464 ISSN 1461-9571 Manuscript received 17 March 2010 revised 26 January 2011 accepted 2 February 2011

Heads and Tails ndash Minds and Bodies Reconsidering the Late Bronze Age Vestby Hoard in Light of Symbolist and Body Perspectives

Julie Lund and Lene Melheim

Keywords Scandinavian Bronze Age craftsmanship symbolist perspective body perspective animal figurines metallurgy object biographies hoardingMots cleacutes Acircge du Bronze scandinave connaissance drsquoun meacutetier perspective symboliste perspective corporelle figurines animales meacutetallurgie biographies drsquoobjets deacuteposerSchluumlsselbegriffe Skandinavische Bronzezeit Handwerk symbolistische Perspektive koumlrperliche Perspektive Tierfigurinen Metallurgie Objektbiographien Hortung

A pair of animal heads of the Faardal type is central in our reinterpretation of the Late Bronze Age Vestby hoard from eastern Norway After a period of use and circulation the heads were mounted on bodies belonging to a different animal species We argue that the making of the animal figurines and the other high-quality objects of the hoard can only be properly understood against the backdrop of Scandinavian Bronze Age cosmology This line of thought extends to the presence of a tin bead necklace which we inter-pret as a lunar calendar By combining a lsquobody perspectiversquo ‒ including understandings of body techniques operational sequences and the lsquosocialityrsquo of objects ‒ with a lsquosymbolist perspectiversquo ‒ including symbol systems cosmology and intentionality ndash we put the head back onto the body so to speak We also scrutinize the premises for earlier interpretations of the objectsrsquo lsquolife storiesrsquo and reinterpret their trajectories This influ-ences the understanding of the act of hoarding and finally leads to a discussion of how hoarding was also somehow related to the lsquobirthrsquo of the artefacts

In general the fields of craft technology and production have acquired renewed impor-tance within archaeology and humanistic research and the theoretical frameworks and approaches applied are numerous and varied A rough distinction can be drawn between on the one hand studies which set great store in seeking intentionality and structure focussing on symbolic and cosmological aspects of craftsmanship and the products themselves and on the other hand studies focussing on the unin-tentional and relations between the body material and environment In other words the dividing line goes between the head and the body What is here termed the lsquosymbol-ist perspectiversquo may be criticised for neglect-

ing everyday life and practice ndash the bodily engagement with the world Similarly there is a tendency in archaeological applications of the lsquobody perspectiversquo that the inter-play between production and cosmological reproduction is neglected Arguably both perspectives are partial and incomplete (cf Gloslashrstad 2009) In this article we want to explore the future potential of the two perspectives by first identifying the inter-pretative void that has arisen and then by trying to bridge the gap by ndash metaphori-cally and literally ndash reinstalling the head on the body The discussion is partly theoretical and partly a case study of a Late Bronze Age hoard from Hadeland in the inland prov-ince of Oppland in south-eastern Norway1

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sEuropean Journal of Archaeology 14 (3) 2011442

By throwing new light on the series of actions involved in the hoarded objectsrsquo life stories from the procurement of raw material to the final deposition we seek to understand the hoardrsquos social biography Social and symbolic aspects of craftsman-ship are explored on a general level In this respect the discussion is indebted not just to Bronze Age research but also to studies of Iron Age metalwork

The VesTby hoard

The Vestby hoard is among the most remarkable Norwegian finds from the final part of the Bronze Age It is excep-tionally rich well-preserved and contains several unique artefacts ndash a necklace with tin-plated bronze beads two outstand-ing animal figurines an uncommon pin three exceptionally large neck rings with ship ornaments and originally also a now

lost finger ring (Fig 1) It was deposited in the sixth century BC at which time some of the artefacts were already antiquities The hoard appeared during ploughing in 1924‒1925 and was subject to close techni-cal and typological examination just before and immediately after the Second World War (Bjoslashrn 1929 Hagen 1954 Rosenqvist 1954) Significantly it was held that the artefacts were imported to eastern Norway from central Europe via southern Scan-dinavia Although the culture-historical implications of the interpretations were far-reaching the hoardrsquos social aspects were in our view somehow neglected The contexts of production the objectsrsquo use-life and deposition ‒ ie the artefact biographies ‒ were not covered by earlier researchers Yet the post-war technical survey of the metal-work is an excellent point of departure for a new discussion of the Vestby hoard The fact that the three neck rings ‒ which are typologically identical ‒ were manufactured

Figure 1 The Vestby hoard (photo Eirik Irgens Johnsen Museum of Cultural History Oslo)

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sJ Lund and L Melheim ndash Heads and Tails 443

with the help of three different methods is of particular interest When it comes to the contexts of production and use the animal figurines are telling examples being the results of several discrete craft episodes including the merging of heads and bodies belonging to different animal species The heads had originally been made for and used in one context and then circulated for more than two centuries before being united with the bodies The unalloyed tin of the bead necklace which has not earlier been the subject of archaeological scrutiny suggests an entirely different context of production yet with a clear link to Scandi-navian Bronze Age cosmology

In its initial publication the hoard was interpreted as a votive gift for a goddess and more explicitly as a collection of sacra from a shrine The goal was to establish a culture-historical and religious frame of

interpretation and it was suggested that the animal figurines and the goddess cult were of south European origin (Bjoslashrn 192957) The presumption that the jewel-lery was produced in eastern Denmark (Bjoslashrn 192946‒50) seems somehow rash since at that time only one parallel to the largest hollow-cast neck ring was known from the assumed area of production and the large pin was only directly paralleled by a find from western Norway (de Lange 1918) In keeping with the ideas of the time the craft products were considered carriers of cultural values It seems on the other hand that a transferral of technical competence or know-how from the centre of production to the outskirts of the Bronze Age world was considered out of the ques-tion In this sense the artefactsrsquo intrinsic cultural and social values were by no means anchored in the process of production Yet it was claimed that the symbolic value of the artefacts ndash references to the goddess ndash was transferred unaltered from one context to another

Subsequent analyses focussed prima-rily on the technical details throwing new light on the provenance of the animal figu-rines Besides confirming that the heads and bodies of the Vestby figurines had been secondarily joined by casting x-rays of the hollow-cast animal figurines gave surprising results small iron pins used to keep the parts together during casting indi-cated that a divided mould had been used and that probably the bodies had been directly copied from bronze prototypes (Rosenqvist 1954132‒133) Significantly the x-ray examination revealed that there were pegs with holes for rivets at the neck ends (Fig 2) best understood as attaching devices This suggests that the heads had a use-life before they were equipped with bodies having originally figured in a differ-ent context Early on it was pointed out that the animal heads are closely similar to horse heads from a famous Danish bog find

Figure 2 X-ray of animal figurine showing peg (photo Museum of Cultural History Oslo)

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the Faardal hoard from Viborg in Jutland dating from the ninth to eighth centuries BC (Bjoslashrn 1933 Hagen 1954104 cf Fig 5) Against this background the Vestby heads were interpreted as horned horses The discovery of pegs similar to those on the Faardal heads was reckoned to imply that parallel to the Faardal heads the Vestby horse heads had probably been mounted on a miniature carriage (Hagen 1954107 Ingstad 196137) or perhaps more likely on a miniature ship (cf Glob 1961 Jensen 2002481‒482 cf Fig 4)

The metal analyses implied that the copper of the bodies came from the same fahlore source whereas this was more uncer-tain for the heads (Rosenqvist 1954136) Despite differences in tin content the inves-tigations of the metal and the inner clay core led to the conclusion that heads and bodies were produced in central Germany (Rosenqvist 1954135) As the crafts-man was obviously familiar with working iron ndash a technology considered at the time to be unknown to the Northerners ndash it was suggested that the figurines were imported to the Nordic region after the joining of

heads and bodies (Hagen 1954108) The technical investigations thus confirmed the initial interpretation and the theory that the animal figurines were manufactured in Germany Denmark was however consid-ered a transit area on the artefactsrsquo journey from the site of production to the final destination in Norway

Looking at the evidence brought forth by the technical and metallurgical study it appears that the postulated cultural scenario has logical flaws and that another scenario is equally possible on the basis of the data Our critique is mainly based on two facts that the three rings from Vestby were produced by three different methods (see below and Fig 3) and in particular that the analysis of the hollow-cast ringrsquos clay core in fact contradicts a Danish origin The clay contained minerals which indicate that it came from a region with mountains2 a feature completely lacking in the Danish landscape The interpretation of the neck rings as Danish products was sustained despite the fact that the pres-ence of such minerals in the clay core of the animal figurines had been used as an

Figure 3 Close-up of neck rings with technical details (photos Museum of Cultural History Oslo and Lene Melheim)

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argument against a south Scandinavian origin (Hagen 195498) It was instead pointed out that the clay deviated from lsquoordinary east Norwegian clayrsquo3 This gives us a glimpse into the problems involved in the interpretation of the technical analyses of consequence for the understanding of the social biography of the artefacts

The symbolisT PersPecTiVe

What is here labelled the symbolist perspec-tive is most typically seen in Scandina-vian Bronze Age studies of the 1990s and early 2000s focussing on the relationship between craftsmanship and ritualscosmol-ogy (Anfinset 2000 Engedal 2004 2009 2010269‒311 Goldhahn 2007 Kaliff 1994 1997 1998 Kaul 1987 Melheim 2006 2008 Prescott 2000 see also Barber 2003 Bruumlck 2001 2006a 2006b) The discovery that bronze casting often occurs in relation to burials and cult houses and notably the recognition that workshop sites were deliberately buried beneath mounds led to the theory of a symbolic relationship between cremation rituals and metallurgy It was argued that metal production was metaphorically linked to rites of transition and that meaning was transmitted from one field to the other Transformation by fire thus became a key concept in Bronze Age archaeology Although belonging to a different school of thought the older culture-historical approaches to the Vestby hoard were also clearly symbolist in their orientation Despite the fact that the rela-tion between craft and ritual was not emphasised in the same theorised manner as in the recent studies earlier interpreters were overtly occupied with the symbolic and religious aspects of the artefacts

The symbolist studies of the 1990s and 2000s seem to be inspired by the works of the historian of comparative religion Mircea Eliade (1978 1987) ndash although

his name is seldom used explicitly Besides the symbolist perspective draws heavily on ethnographical folkloristic and ethno-archaeological studies of metallurgy in African and Asian societies (Barndon 2001 2004 Haaland 1985 1997 2004 Helms 1993 Herbert 1984 Motz 1983) and also on popular themes and theories from Iron Age archaeology In Scandinavian Late Iron Age archaeology building on concepts from Norse legends and myths metalworking has frequently been described as a ritual-ised production process involving esoteric knowledge and transformative forces (Berg-stoslashl 2002 Gansum 2004 Gansum and Hansen 2004 Hedeager 2002 Hed Jakob-sson 2003 Lund 2006 201058 Oslashstigaringrd 2007 Roslashnne 2003) This phenomenon is explained with reference to transformational processes immanent in the craft processes where lsquodeadrsquo raw material is transformed into living objects with social lives Whereas finds of waste products from metal produc-tion in graves have been subject to structural analysis (eg Burstroumlm 1990) landscape analyses have demonstrated that metallurgy was often related to centres of power and cult (Christensen 1997 Joslashrgensen 2002) Finds from such centres have been vital to the interpretations linking metalwork to mythology (Hedeager 2002 Nielsen 1997)

It seems however that when it comes to the smithrsquos social role it was first and fore-most the ritual aspects of metalworking and the part played by the smith as a cosmo-logical figure ritual leader and controller of esoteric knowledge which caught the attention of the symbol-oriented archae-ologists (see for instance Goldhahn 2007 2009 Oslashstigaringrd 2007 Prescott 2000) Consequently in retrospect the symbolist perspective tended to focus more on the symbolic mythological and ritual super-structure than on the smith as a craftsman As Unn Pedersen (2009 201023‒28) has stated what was studied was the ideal image of the smith rather than real prehistoric

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craftsmen The recent shift towards body-oriented perspectives has by contrast led to an explicit focus on prehistoric practice thus leaving mythology behind

The body PersPecTiVe

The works of Maurice Merleau-Ponty provide a starting point for studies of craft and production focussing on the corporal aspects of learning (see Fredriksen 2009a 2009b with references) Merleau-Pontyrsquos phenomenology was partly indebted to Marcel Mauss (200465‒93) who in his seminal study from 1935 stated that body techniques are conditioned by culture ie that members of social groups tend to imitate each otherrsquos conduct Going against the idea that human beings experience the world first as sense impressions then through reflection and analysis Merleau-Ponty (199411‒12) stated that sensing and understanding the world happens in one physical perception As all sense impressions relate to the body the body cannot be reduced to physiologi-cal mechanisms (Merleau-Ponty 196252 Thoslashgersen 200413 103) Rather existence is constituted by bodily engagement and involvement with the material world (Bruumlck 200546)

The phenomenological body perspec-tive has run parallel with other practice-oriented currents in archaeology Pierre Bourdieursquos concept of habitus frequently referred to in archaeology was clearly influ-enced by Merleau-Ponty Practice theory was however partly formulated as a critique of phenomenological thinking humans always act in relation to already existing structures and schemes of action and not as isolated bodies (Bourdieu 1977) Another influential theorist Tim Ingold (2000162 170) argues that as habitus neither exists before nor beyond human activity the body is the locus for the reproduction of cultural and social structures Still humans can only

be understood as actively acting in relation to their surroundings Since it is by respond-ing to the environment that knowledge is produced (Ingold 200037) executing a craft is not the realization of a predefined technology but something which takes place in practice Neither intentions nor functionality exist prior to this practice but are immanent in the synergy of man tool and raw-material (Ingold 2000290‒294 352‒353) With this argument Ingold rejects the idea that artefacts exist as virtual objects in the mind before being manufac-tured (Ingold 2000343‒346) Instead of searching for the meaning of the artefacts in the ideas they express he encourages us to look at the stream of activities from which they originate

Ingoldrsquos theory has its limits when it comes to studying material culture How are we supposed to identify such a stream of action in an archaeological object Another fundamental problem arises when apply-ing phenomenology to archaeology Since the body is a product of social relations and cultural values our perception is bound to be different from that of prehistoric people and we cannot know which impact an object had on a person in for instance the Bronze Age in terms of corporal memo-ries or motor intensions (cf Bruumlck 200555 with references) Neither of the approaches are thus sufficient methodological tools for studying prehistoric craft and production

chains of acTion and The hisTory of Things

Studying chaicircnes opeacuteratoires has on the other hand proven to be a successful approach to prehistoric practice The method has been used notably in Stone Age archaeology in documenting the many different stages in a process of production and in throwing light on the technological choices and social strategies involved in a production process The concept

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of chaicircne opeacuteratoire was first defined by Andreacute Leroi-Gourhan (1964) and later developed within archaeology (eg Apel and Knutsson 2006 Dobres 2000 2006) Leroi-Gourhan was a student of Mauss and inspired by his thoughts on the cultural body With this as a backdrop it becomes clear that the method is related to the theoretical superstructure here referred to as lsquobody perspectivesrsquo

Another partly overlapping and promis-ing approach with a focus on material culture is lsquothe social biography of thingsrsquo Here focus is on the changing meanings an object may obtain through its many life stages ndash being produced acquired passed on as a gift or inherited displayed or used in different contexts and finally buried or deposited ndash as waste casual loss or in a ritual act (Appa-durai 1986 Gosden and Marshall 1999 Helms 1993 Kopytoff 1986 Joy 2009) Each stage in the biography of objects is associated with humans whose own biog-raphy is interwoven with the history of the artefacts In this sense the history of persons is embedded in the objects (Chapman and Gaydarska 20078) In Scandinavian archae-ology the social biography of artefacts has primarily been used in analyses of grave or hoard finds (see for instance Lund 2008) Although these two approaches ndash the chains of action and the social biography perspec-tive ndash are related they are far from identi-cal They both contribute to understanding meaningful aspects of the life of objects but tend to focus on different stages ndash the tech-nological aspects of the production ie the lsquobirthrsquo of artefacts versus the disposal of arte-facts ie their social lsquodeathrsquo As Chris Fowler (200465) has pointed out the biographi-cal approach is not useful unless the entire history of the object is studied The disposal of artefacts may potentially shed light on the context of production or vice versa It is here argued with reference to Maussrsquos theory of body techniques that also learn-ing and executing a craft involves different experiences and human encounters ndash which

become part of the objects made Each stage of production is consequently also a stage in and a change of the social biography of the objects

Three neck rings Three differenT sTories of ProducTion

We shall now return to the Vestby hoard and explore the potentials of the symbolist and body perspectives further by trying to link them together in a new interpretation of the three large neck rings It is here claimed that when a smith heats metal models an arte-fact twists a wax bar melts out the wax and pours in the hot metal mass his actions stem from body techniques in Maussrsquos sense of the word The hollow-cast ring (Fig 3a) was cast in two steps the hoop first with lost-wax the plates later attached to the hoop by the same method (Rosenqvist 1954126 cf Oldeberg 1943176‒177) The clay core was not removed as is usually the custom (Olde-berg 1943179) The lost-wax technique was also applied on the two solid rings but the hoop and plates were here cast in one piece (Rosenqvist 1954126) The solid ring has a torsion (Fig 3c) twisted either by heating and manual shaping after casting (cf Olde-berg 1943108) or cast in a mould around a wax bar Spectrographic analyses implied that this neck ring was made of oxide carbonate ore the provenance not deter-mined (Rosenqvist 1954136) On the other solid ring (Fig 3b) the hoop is attached to the plate secondarily with rivets possibly a later repair It was claimed to be made by the same method as the first one This is rarely the case since the hoop instead of being twisted has carved grooves (Bjoslashrn 192936) ie a lsquofalsersquo torsion Two of the rings have visible wear marks (Bjoslashrn 192936) On the solid rings the ornaments have most likely been made in the wax whereas possibly carved on the hollow-cast The ornaments on the three rings follow the same scheme

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of decoration but differ in details whereas a lying lsquosrsquo hovers over each ship on the hollow-cast ring the ring with the torsion has two concentric circles and the third ring has a wave motif performed as diagonal lines The tin content varies from ring to ring (Rosen-qvist 1954126‒127) a factor usually held to indicate different workshops

from body Techniques To symbolism

The variations in tin content imply that the three neck rings were manufactured in different workshops an assumption further supported by the different methods used to join the hoops and plates (see above) The neck rings exemplify three different and advanced techniques each of them arising from different body techniques which had been acquired through imitation and learn-ing Since it has been demonstrated that body techniques express identity the above observations indicate that we are dealing with three individual craftsmen Their individual skills arising from the acquired identity-creating body techniques were thus channelled into the three rings

Already in Maussrsquo work it was evident that corporal learning also involves symbolic aspects as he pointed out that technical physical and magic-reli-gious actions overlap (Mauss 200474) Merleau-Ponty further stated that the world is experienced and perceived through different symbolic forms (Rasmussen 199669 cf Tin 2009) Yet perception always relates to the surround-ings as the human mind is engaged in the world through sensory and bodily expe-rience (Merleau-Ponty 199431‒47) In other words the symbolic and associa-tive abilities of human beings are never detached from the acting body In our view the body perspective may therefore also contribute to an understanding of the neck ringsrsquo symbolic iconography

The ship iconography follows the same scheme of decoration though is differ-ently executed on each of the neck rings (see above) The ornament illustrating the mythological concept of the journey of the sun (Kaul 1998159) consists of two ships ndash keel to keel As a motif the lsquotwin shipsrsquo may very well be characterised as stereotyped as pointed out by Kaul (1998157‒159) But when it comes to the layout the Vestby rings clearly show a hitherto overlooked varia-tion which probably represents the crafts-menrsquos different technical specialization and manual skills Accordingly the neck rings are not imitations but three individual expressions of the same symbolic motif

The point made by Ingold that craft products do not exist as predefined matri-ces in the mind but come into exist-ence in the act of creation has influenced our understanding of the neck rings It is nevertheless difficult to escape the idea of a neck ring prototype a typological and icon-ographic norm allowing for some lsquoliberty of the artisanrsquo The idea that the iconography was given through a predefined cosmologi-cal scheme seems hard to combine with the Ingoldian idea that artefacts are shaped through a process where the skilful body of the craftsman is interacting with the mate-rial Instead we suggest that both the neck ring type and the ship motif existed as a predefined norm though it did not have a fixed form The material expression arose from the individual body techniques of the craftsmen and their manual skills

Thus what initially appeared to be iden-tical ndash the three neck rings and their ship iconography ndash turned out when analysed as craft products to be fairly different from each other This point affects not only our understanding of the production process but our perception of the neck rings as finished products and possibly also their ensuing history Merleau-Ponty (1962317) claimed that objects like the body arouse motor intentions Consequently through

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perception human beings situate objects in relation to their body Leaning heavily on phenomenology we therefore suggest that a skilled person would recognize and appraise the techniques incorporated in the neck rings and that this recognition ndash the motor intentions brought about by the objects ndash would take place in the body In the eyes of a skilled person the neck rings would consequently appear as three very different objects We have seen that the symbolic world does not exist detached from tech-niques and technology The body perspective has led to the appreciation that the making of symbols does not take place in abstract thinking but through physical engagement with the world Moreover by creating arte-facts and images that express cosmological ideas the craftsmen could potentially shape and change elements in the world view of their time

from sTockPiling To comPeTiTion

We have argued that two levels of knowl-edge converged in the making of the neck rings cosmological representative explan-atory and normative knowledge ndash aspects stressed by the symbolist perspective and intuitive action-based embodied know-how ndash aspects stressed by the body perspec-tive Fundamentally we have been dealing with the dialectics of normative culture and lived praxis We want to continue pursuing this idea by suggesting that the act of hoard-ing also somehow referred to the process of production In a general understanding of Bronze Age depositions gift giving is an obvious analogy (cf Godelier 1999 Gold-hahn 2009 Mauss 1954 Weiner 1992) Instead we want to stress the significance of the objects and their life stories Keeping the connection between body techniques and symbolization in mind we suggest that the Vestby hoard was partly a manifesta-tion of and a tribute to the smith craft

A parallel to the extremely large neck rings is known from a Danish hoard from Maribo in Lolland The hoard which was presumably deposited at the transition to the Iron Age also has other things in common with the Vestby hoard eg the wide chronological range indicating that some of the objects were antiquities when they were hoarded (Bjoslashrn 192960) The Maribo hoard contained among other things a lsquocasting biscuitrsquo typical of the so-called lsquosmithrsquos hoardsrsquo from the Late Bronze Age Hoards with fragmented bronzes and casting residues have tradi-tionally been interpreted as lsquocashesrsquo tempo-rarily hidden by a travelling smith (eg Bradley 1990 Janzon 1988 Levy 1982 Muumlller 1897 Oldeberg 1942171‒175 Weiler 1994138‒145 Worsaae 1866) However the large number of hoards of this type is at odds with the presumption that they were all meant to be retrieved but forgotten (cf Bradley 200548) The composition of these hoards and notably the frequent presence of cult objects as seen for instance in the Faardal hoard indicate that we are instead dealing with ritual acts of deposition In light of this the casting biscuit can be seen as a metaphori-cal reference to the transformative aspects of the smith craft (Bruumlck 2001 Melheim 2008 see also Lund 2006 with references) Following this train of thought we suggest that the Vestby hoard ndash although it neither contained casting biscuits nor fragmented objects ndash referred to the feats of the smith To put it simply considering the spectrum of advanced metalworking techniques involved in the creation of this collection of masterpiece handicraft lsquocompetitionrsquo seems a more appropriate motif for the deposition than lsquostockpilingrsquo We have argued on the basis of metal composition that the neck rings were produced by smiths from differ-ent workshops and thus on different occa-sions Alternatively the neck rings could have been made by three different smiths

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on the same occasion each bringing with them metal from different suppliers In this scenario the context of production should be envisioned as an event where the smiths competed to demonstrate their skills

heads and Tails minds and bodies

Despite the technological focus of earlier studies we feel that the analyses have not brought us closer to the prehistoric crafts-person The artefacts were considered commodity goods with symbolic value and the deposition was cut off from the process of production (Hagen 1954108) By contrast we consider the deposition an act related to the biographies of the objects The technical details of the animal figurines provide us with some insight into the mean-ings ascribed to them during the process-es of production The two independent slightly diverging animal heads may initially have represented horned horses deer or perhaps elks (Bjoslashrn 1933 Marstrander 1967 1980) As independent artefacts the two heads were probably ascribed with several layers of meaning From the beginning they were presumably intended to be mounted on a larger figure as they were made with pegs but they may also have had an intrinsic value as detached heads Their biographies

changed as they like the figurines from the Faardal hoard were mounted on a miniature ship and thereby became part of a larger composition ndash probably used in rituals relat-ing to a cosmology centred on the journey of the sun (Fig 4) The heads may have changed hands a number of times before being lsquoembodiedrsquo In this way their shape and also their species was transformed

Although the two animal figurines appear to be identical there is some discrepancy in details (cf Bjoslashrn 192940 Hagen 1954100 Rosenqvist 1954133) the difference in size being the most striking one The antlers which resemble those of prehistoric goats are different on the two figurines Whereas the larger animal has a distinct tail and what appear to be genitals these features are entirely lacking on the smaller one which on the other hand has a protruding belly Whereas the larger one has a small stiff mouth the smaller one has a broad smile The larger one has eye holes and a triangle on the forehead whereas the smaller instead has marked eyebrows We find it strik-ing that the same can be observed on the two pairs of horned horse heads from the Faardal hoard (Fig 5) which show the same differences as were observed on the Vestby heads It seems fair as suggested by Anna Rosenqvist (1954133) that the differences indicate the animalsrsquo sex Taking this point

Figure 4 The Faardal figurines mounted on a miniature ship (after Glob 1961fig 5)

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further we suggest that the figurines repre-sent two individual animals

Possibly the triangular ornament on the forehead of the largest horse depicts a diadem On the basis of a diadem with horns found on Hagendrup on Zealand it has been claimed that Bronze Age horses were on particular occasions decorated with horns to recreate a lsquoritual realityrsquo (Goldhahn 199973 with references Kaul 199830) However as only one horse is carrying the triangle whereas both have horns this explanation is not very convinc-ing when it comes to the Vestby figurines We therefore believe that the decoration is marking out a particular horse individual Pursuing this thought further it is interest-ing to note that the sun horse from Trund-holm which embodies the mythological horse of the Early Bronze Age also has a triangular decoration on the forehead ( Jensen 2002276) The Trundholm horse is involved in the sunrsquos cycle dragging a disc

held to represent the daytime sun and the night-time sunmoon respectively It seems plausible that also the Late Bronze Age miniature horses of the FaardalVestby type materialized mythological horses assisting the sun in its daily toil Only now did the sun-horse and the sun-ship merge into one a typical expression found in Late Bronze Age imagery Also it seems that the older sun-horsersquos lsquodouble rolersquo as carrier of the sun ‒ day and night ‒ was now materialised in the shape of two horses with individual features (cf Kaul 2004302) Moreover the headsrsquo individuality was acknowledged and reproduced by the smith who cast the bodies some two hundred years later The differences were in fact reinforced as the heads were now mounted so as to face in different directions This feature strength-ens the impression that the figurines were meant to embody specific individuals rather than a species per se

Merging heads and bodies the smith also transformed the species As heads and bodies were joined by casting the cosmo-logical significance of the figurines was also transformed ndash the archetypical sun horse of the Bronze Age turned into a goat-like creature if we are to judge from the combi-nation of goaty horns and short and sturdy legs Judging from the bottoms and tails however it seems instead that the Vestby animals were intended to represent deer In northern Europe the deer acquired a central role as a cosmological animal in the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age (Goumlrman 1987 Kaul 1995) Various rock art images support the idea that horned animals ndash horned horses or deer ndash were involved in the sunrsquos cycle in the Late Bronze Age (Fredell 2006 2010 Goldhahn 199973‒74 Kaul 1998 2004405‒406) Horned animals are depicted on board sun ships or directly pulling the sun ndash some of these are clearly sexed others arguably depicting deer (Broslashndsted 1958129 fig 33 144‒145 figs c-d) Accordingly on the basis of Bohuslaumln

Figure 5 Horse heads from Faardal with individu-al traits (photo National Museum Copenhagen)

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rock art it has recently been suggested that a transformation from sun-horse via elk to sun-deer took place in the Late Bronze Age and that inspiration came from Galicia in Spain where the sun-deer is a common symbol (Fredell 201064‒70 fig 44)

The Vestby heads may originally have represented a mare and a stallion and later having been removed from the original context of use and equipped with bodies a hind and a stag A number of other animal identifications are also conceivable and which species was represented is in fact not crucial in this case as when it comes to animal species an ambiguity is often seen in the iconography of the Bronze Age The crucial point is that one cosmologi-cal animal was transformed into another and cosmology hereby altered and most importantly that it was the craftsman ndash the smith ndash who conducted and materialized this transformation It becomes clear that although working at an ideational level the cosmological concepts of the Bronze Age were created in the melting pot ‒ in and through the craftsmenrsquos practice

The bead necklace

The tin-plated bead necklace is without parallel in Scandinavia and is reckoned to have come from the Hallstatt area (Hagen 195498) We argue here that the necklace was probably used as a lunar calendar a factor overlooked by earlier interpretations which saw it first and foremost as an exotic luxury item Whereas the sun was central in Nordic Bronze Age cosmology the moon has less often been recognised as playing an autonomous role ndash arguably envisioned as the night sun (Kaul 2004) Neolithic megalithic enclosures and artefact finds like the Early Bronze Age Nebra sun-disc from Sachsen-Anhalt and the famous Late Bronze Age gold cones from Germany and France indicate that combined lunar and

solar calendars were in use in prehistoric Europe (Mellar 2004 Menghin 2003) Also a recent interpretation suggests that a number of decorated artefacts from the Nordic Bronze Age eg belt plates and hanging bowls were calendars based on the moonrsquos cycle (Randsborg 2010 Randsborg and Christensen 200662‒90)

The Vestby necklace consists of 353 beads in a mix of simple beads and spiral beads of which 11 round and one disc-shaped bead are larger than the rest The larger beads divide the chain into 12 sections This is remarkable considering the fact that a lunar year consists of 354 days spread out on 12 moon periods Could it be that the larger beads mark each full moon Although being one short of 354 the number of beads corre-sponds so closely with a lunar year that it can hardly be a coincidence Our interpre-tation rests on a visual survey of the chain only and a closer scrutiny of the chain (eg for wear traces) is required to find out why the number of beads between each large one varies instead of forming a regular pattern as one would expect from a lunar calendar If the chain indeed did represent an attempt from the Bronze Age smith to measure the moonrsquos cycle throughout the year it was hardly made for the single purpose of being hoarded but was probably used for a period of time before that as a calendar It is of particular interest that Aringsa Fredellrsquos (2010) interpretation of the transmission of the sun-deer symbol from Galicia in Spain to Bohuslaumln rests on the idea that tin was imported from this region to Scandinavia As such tin exchange (the suppliers of which are still an enigma in Bronze Age research) may be considered a context also for the symbolism of the Vestby hoard linking the bead necklace to the deer figurines and thus also connecting sun and moon symbolism

Keeping the interpretation of the animal figurines and the large neck rings in mind and adding that the large pin has also been interpreted as a sun symbol (de Lange 1918)

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our new interpretation of the necklace adds significantly to the hoardrsquos cosmological content In fact the Vestby hoard has several things in common with the Nebra hoard from northern Germany the combination of sun and moon symbolism the combination of bronze and other exotic metals the long period of circulation for some of the objects and the combination of items of high artistic value and items with cosmological references (Mellar 2004) again demonstrating that the smith played a central role in the Bronze Age as a producer and maintainer of cosmology

The origin of The objecTs

Looking at all the artefacts from the Vestby hoard together the various techniques and social contexts involved become all the more striking Acquiring the raw material must have involved quite a number of people from different areas Casting the bronze artefacts involved tin perhaps from modern-day Spain or Britain and copper from another region unless raw material was obtained through the re-melting of artefacts (which again multiplies the biographies involved) When it comes to the animal figurines iron pins used to stabilize the clay core during casting link them to other chains of action and different social connections than that of bronze Whereas the use of iron was used as an argument against a Scandinavian prov-enance it is today acknowledged that iron technology was practiced in the Nordic region from at least the ninth century BC (Hjaumlrthner-Holdar 1993 Serning 1984) It is thus fully possible that the merging of heads and bodies was executed some-where in eastern Norway (and possibly at Hadeland) or western Sweden and not as suggested earlier in the Hallstatt area Two facts support this theory the unique posi-tion of the horse in the Scandinavian Bronze Age and the fact that the clay of the clay cores points towards a mountainous region

Despite the fact that the clay could not have come from the Danish lowlands it was originally taken for granted that the Vestby rings originated in Denmark This presump-tion seems less certain today as it has been demonstrated that the neck ring type has its point of gravity in western Sweden (Olde-berg 1943178 see Jensen 199762‒63)4 The clay core contained minerals which according to Rosenqvist rarely occur in eastern Norway sepiolite montmorilonite and undulating quartz These minerals are however abundant in the rock of the Hade-land district where the hoard was found5 Considering the fact that the ship decora-tion points towards Scandinavia it seems possible that the neck rings were produced in the Hadeland area alternatively in nearby Sweden It is quite unlikely that the neck rings a type occurring exclusively in Scan-dinavia are of German origin

The geographical distance from the scene of production and that of hoarding may be of relevance for the meanings attributed to the objects If the artefacts were not exotic long-distance commodities after all but high-quality pieces created in a local or regional workshop it seems plausible that a recognition of the skilled craftsmanrsquos iden-tity and some factual knowledge about the artefactsrsquo provenance and the process of production influenced the values attributed to them and in the end the act of hoard-ing The wear marks identified on the neck rings indicate that they had been worn and used for a long time perhaps in changing contexts prior to the deposition Although a central European origin for the copper was advocated by Rosenqvist it should perhaps not in the light of current theories ( Janzon 1986 1988 Melheim 2009 in press Prescott 2006) be ruled out that copper may have been produced from Norwegian or Swedish ore deposits As various copper sources are known from Hadeland ie native copper oxide and sulphide ore (see Fig 6)6 it seems possible ndash at least in theory ndash that the copper

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Figu

re 6

D

istri-

butio

n m

ap o

f Lat

e Br

onze

Ag

e fin

ds

and

coppe

r res

ource

s in

the

area

aro

und

Vestb

y

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of the neck rings identified as coming from an oxide ore may have had a local or regional provenance The same is theoretically true also for the copper used to produce the animal figurinesrsquo heads and bodies which according to Rosenqvist corresponded with a fahlore Leaving this question aside for future research on the Scandinavian ore bodies suffice it here to point out that disregarding the provenance of the copper in the figurines and judging from the sun-horse symbolism they could have readily been cast in Scandi-navia Using the animal figurines as examples we have seen that each link in the chain of action is also closely connected to the social biography of the objects In the hands of the smith the heads went through not just a physical but also a social transformation

By adding a touch of practice-theory we have reached at a conclusion regarding the artefactsrsquo life trajectories which differs significantly from the traditional scenario where the artefacts although arriving as finished products embodied and transmit-ted religious ideas (Fig 7) In the new story the craftsmen with their technical knowl-edge skills and identity were vital in refor-mulating the objects and also cosmology We maintain that by incorporating a chain of action perspective in the analysis of the history of the objects new insight has been gained into the changing meanings of the objects This is one out of many possible ways to bridge analyses focussing on tech-nique and learning and studies focussing on symbolic perspectives

Figure 7 The map to the left shows the theories of provenance that were formulated by Bjoslashrn (1929) and Hagen (1954) To the right is a different model based on the theories of provenance discussed in the current article by the authors The icons () signify hypothetical copper and iron suppliers

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End of Story thE Burial of thE oBjEctS

In previous analyses the process of produc-tion was left out We have demonstrated that the chain of production is relevant for the history of the objects and thereby also for the act of deposition To understand the many layers of meaning attributed to the hoard two additional elements become important the choice of place for deposi-tion and the position of the objects The first neck ring was discovered during ploughing in the spring of 1924 When yet another neck ring stuck to the plough the follow-ing year the finder started to dig in the gravel Approximately half a meter deep a third neck ring appeared inside it the large pin front downwards the animal figurines back to back and the necklace The arrange-ment of the artefacts underlines that we are dealing with an intentional and concomitant act of deposition The hoard was laid down in a field 200 m uphill from a small lake (Fig 8)7 Due to the distance from the lake and the steep slope the hoard should most probably not be seen as a wetland sacrifice The Vestby hoard is nonetheless clearly a

ritual deposit given the ritual character of the objects the fact that the sharp distinc-tion between sacred and profane hoards based on landscape contexts has been chal-lenged (cf Bradley 2005 Karsten 199424 Levy 1982 Lund 200931‒32 201049‒50 Needham 2001278) and moreover that in Late Bronze Age eastern Norway the majority of ritual finds seem to come from dry land contexts (Melheim 200667) As little is known about Bronze Age settle-ments in the Hadeland region it remains unresolved if the deposition of the hoard was related for example to a nearby farm In a wider context the hoard is situated in a particularly affluent Bronze Age milieu judging from the ‒ in a Norwegian setting ‒ extremely rich assemblage of bronze finds from this area The province of Oppland has the largest amount of Late Bronze Age metal finds in Norway including several outstanding hoards from Hadeland (cf Bjoslashrn 1929 Grieg 19261‒13 Hagen 1954 Helmen 195329‒38 Hennum 200213‒18) The sword from Soslashrum ndash a Tachlovice sword from Bohemia in the Czech Republic is allegedly the only one of its kind in Scandinavia ( Johansen 198132

Thrane 1975213 fig 120) A pair of lures from Rossum is excep-tional in a Norwegian context At Roslashste one or possibly two neck rings of the Wendel type were hoarded with a now lost bronze horse

Of particular rele-vance for the under-standing of the Vestby hoardrsquos cosmological references and in a wider sense Scandina-vian Late Bronze Age cosmology is a Late Bronze Age burial Figure 8 The Vestby site (photo Lene Melheim)

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find from Velo Vestre a 15 minute walk from Vestby It yielded a pair of tweezers and notably a razor with a motif illustrat-ing the moment when the sun rises from the sea by the help of a fish ndash paralleled only by one other Scandinavian find (Kaul 2004243 320 fig 15) The unique bronze finds from Hadeland (Fig 6) the Vestby hoard included represent at the same time vivid long-distance contacts and a local Bronze Age culture lsquocopyingrsquo or rather ndash in our opinion ndash lsquoutilizingrsquo an inter-Scandi-navian stylistic and typological repertoire Judging from artefact typology inspiration came from several different areas In other words the population at Hadeland was far from being passive recipients of cosmologi-cal ideas as implicitly suggested by earlier research active participants in the making of them

A new totality was created by the partic-ular arrangement of the Vestby hoard Each of the objects carried references to the cosmology of their time and each had a specific biography Through the act of deposition these intrinsic values were linked to the place Thus an accumulation of biographies took place (Fig 9) which also involved the biographies of the many persons involved in the production owner-ship use and deposition of the objects (Chapman and Gaydarska 20079) If we regard the artefacts as objects with a social life the act of deposition can be seen as a burial of the social bodies of the artefacts (Lund 2009) The selection of artefacts was possibly related to the changing meanings the artefacts had obtained through their social life What were at first single enti-ties now turned into fragments of a new

Figure 9 Sketch of object biographies as interpreted by the authors

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whole ndash a hoard (cf Fowler 2001 Jones 1998) This totality was more than the sum of the parts as the arrangement and the place in the landscape chosen for the act of deposition also carried meaning A new space was created when the objectsrsquo narra-tives were linked augmented and intensified through the act of deposition thus changing the biography also of the place Although we havenrsquot found Bjoslashrnrsquos shrine for a female goddess we are certainly dealing with a site loaded with meaning

The Tail

The wedge that arguably has been driven between the mind and the body in studies of craftsmanship and production has had the unfortunate effect of on the one hand causing lsquobehaviouristsrsquo to get stuck in the machinery of the process of production and to not see the cosmological canopy and on the other hand misleading symbolists into the mist of mythological smiths We believe that instead of being led further by the centrifugal power of this contro-versy a combination of symbolist and body perspectives anchored in the landscape can bring us closer to an understanding of the interrelatedness of the production processes and the symbolic significance of the products

noTes

1 This article is a translated modified and extended version of a previously published article (Lund and Melheim 2009)

2 For instance undulating quartz created when SiO2 is exposed for high temperatures and pres-sure eg at the folding of a mountain range

3 The Alps was assumed to be the place of origin for the quartz minerals deposited in the loess masses of central Germany the place where the clay for casting the figurines was presumably collected (Rosenqvist 1954154)

4 Bjoslashrn (1929) and Hagen (1954) argued for a Danish origin on the basis of four specimens from eastern Denmark but ignored about ten speci-mens from Sweden In a recent study the number of Danish finds is 13 compared to 20 finds from NorwaySweden ( Jensen 199762‒63)

5 Occurrences of montmorilonite and sepiolite are recorded close to Hadeland at Oslashstaringsen in Lunner Gjerdingen in Nordmarka and Bjoslashnndalen in Nittedal (httpwwwmindatorgindexphp) The geology of the Oslo-field was created under conditions favourable for the creation of undulat-ing quartz ie high temperature and pressure The main type of sedimentary deposits at Hadeland is ice-transported till (wwwngunokartlosmasse)

6 There are rich sources of copper iron silver zinc and lead in the contact zone between the gran-ites of the Oslo-field and the Permian bedrock around

7 The find spot was identified by Astrid Berg the daughter-in-law of the finder Karl Berg during our visit on the 29th August 2007 We are grateful for her help and courtesy

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Apel J and K Knutsson 2006 Skilled pro-duction and social reproduction an in-troduction to the subject In J Apel and K Knutsson (eds) Skilled Production and Social Reproduction Aspects of Traditional Stone-Tool Technologies Proceedings of a Symposium in Uppsala August 20‒24 2003 25‒33 Uppsala Societas Archaeologica Upsaliensis (Stone Studies 2)

Appadurai A 1986 The Social Life of Things Commodities in Cultural Perspective Cam-bridge Cambridge University Press

Barber M 2003 Bronze and the Bronze Age Metalwork and Society in Britain c 2500‒800 BC Stroud Tempus Publishing

Barndon R 2001 Masters of Metallurgy ndash Masters of Metaphors Iron Working among the Fipa and the Pangwa of SW Tanzania Bergen Department of Archaeology Uni-versity of Bergen

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Bjoslashrn A 1929 Vestbyfundet et yngre bron-sealders votivfund fra Hadeland Univer-sitetets Oldsaksamlings Skrifter 235ndash73

Bjoslashrn A 1933 Et dyrehode av bronse fra Gotland Fornvaumlnnen 1933332‒340

Bourdieu P 1977 Outline of a Theory of Prac-tice Cambridge Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology 16)

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Bruumlck J 2006a Fragmentation person-hood and the social construction of tech-nology in Middle and Late Bronze Age Britain Cambridge Archaeological Journal 16(3)297‒315

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Burstroumlm M 1990 Jaumlrnframstaumlllning och gravritual en strukturalistisk tolkning av jaumlrnslagg i vikingatida graver i Gaumlstrikland Fornvaumlnnen 85261‒271

Chapman J and B Gaydarska 2007 Parts and Wholes Fragmentation in Prehistoric Context Oxford Oxbow Books

Christensen T 1997 Hallen i Lejre In J Callmer and E Rosengren (eds) lsquo gick Grendel att soumlka det houmlga husetrsquo Arkeologis-ka Kaumlllor till Aristokratiska Miljoumler i Skandi-navien under Yngre Jaumlrnaringlder Rapport fraringn ett Seminarium i Falkenberg 16‒17 No-vember 1995 47‒54 Halmstad Hallands Laumlnsmuseer (Skrifter 9 GOTARC 9)

Dobres M-A 2000 Technology and Social Agency Outlining a Practice Framework for Archaeology Oxford Blackwell

Dobres M-A 2006 Skilled production and social reproduction in prehistory and con-temporary archaeology a personal exegesis on dominant themes and their psychosocial influences In J Apel and K Knutsson (eds) Skilled Production and Social Reproduction Aspects of Traditional Stone-Tool Technologies Proceedings of a Symposium in Uppsala August 20‒24 2003 25‒33 Uppsala Societas Ar-chaeologica Upsaliensis (Stone Studies 2)

Eliade M 1978 The Forge and the Crucible The Origins and Structures of Alchemy (trans S Corrin 2nd edition) Chicago and Lon-don The University of Chicago Press

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Engedal Oslash 2004 Herrar over Elden Paring Sporet av dei Fyrste Bronsestoslashyparane Riss 14‒10

Engedal Oslash 2009 Verdsbilete i smeltedigelen In G Groslashnnesby and M M Henriksen (eds) Foredrag fra det 10 Nordiske Bron-sealdersymposiet i Trondheim 2006 36‒49 Trondheim Tapir Akademisk forlagNorges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige uni-versitetVitenskapsmuseet (Vitark 6)

Engedal Oslash 2010 The Bronze Age of North-western Scandinavia Doctoral dissertation Bergen University of Bergen

Fowler C 2001 Neolithic personhood and social relations in the British Neolithic with a study from Isle of Man Journal of Material Culture 6(2)137‒163

Fowler C 2004 The Archaeology of Person-hood An Anthropological Approach London Routledge

Fredell Aring 2006 lsquoSolhjortenrsquo fanns den Fall-studium av ett galiciskt bildtema och dess relationer till identitet In R Barndon S M Innselset KK Kristoffersen and TK Loslashdoslashen (eds) Samfunn Symboler og Ident-itet Festskrift til Gro Mandt paring 70-Aringrsdagen 121‒133 Bergen Universitetet i Bergen Arkeologiske Skrifter (UBAS Nordisk 3)

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Fredriksen PD 2009a Kvifor sprak karet Keramisk handverk som strategiar for problemloslashysing innan ein termodynamisk filosofi i det soslashrlege Afrika In J Lund and L Melheim (eds) Haringndverk og Produksjon Et Moslashte Mellom Ulike Perspektiver 85‒110 Oslo UnipubInstitutt for arkeologi kon-servering og historiske studier (Oslo Ar-chaeological Series 12)

Fredriksen PD 2009b Transformations in Clay Material Knowledges Thermodynamic Spaces and the Moloko Sequence of the Late Iron Age (AD 1300‒1840) in Southern Af-rica Doctoral dissertation Bergen Univer-sity of Bergen

Gansum T 2004 Jernets foslashdsel og doslashdens staringl rituell bruk av bein In Aring Berggren S Arvidsson and A-M Haringllans (eds) Minne och Myt Konsten att Skapa det Foumlrflutna 121‒158 Lund Nordic Academic Press (Vaumlgar till Midgaringrd 5)

Gansum T and H-J Hansen 2004 Fra jern til staringl In L Melheim L Hedeager and K Oma (eds) Mellom Himmel og Jord Foredrag fra et Seminar om Religionsarke-ologi Isegran 31 Januar ndash2 Februar 2002 344‒376 Oslo Institutt for arkeologi kunsthistorie og konservering (Oslo Arke-ologiske Serie 2)

Glob PV 1961 Kultbaringde fra Danmarks bronzealder Kuml 19619‒18

Gloslashrstad H 2009 Aring veve er aring leve haringnd-verket som forestillingssystem og kropps-lig erfaring In J Lund and L Melheim (eds) Haringndverk og Produksjon Et Moslashte Mellom Ulike Perspektiver 41‒59 Oslo UnipubInstitutt for arkeologi konserver-ing og historiske studier (Oslo Archaeo-logical Series 12)

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Goldhahn J 1999 Sagaholm Haumlllristningar och Gravritual Umearing Umearing universitet Institutionen foumlr arkeologi och samiska studier (Studia Archaeologica Universita-tis Umensis 11Joumlnkoumlpings Laumlns Museums Arkeologiska Rapportserie 41)

Goldhahn J 2007 Doumldens Hand En Essauml om Brons- och Haumlllsmed Rituelle Spe-sialister i Bronse- og Jernalderen Bind 1 Goumlteborg Goumlteborg universitet Institu-tionen foumlr arkeologi och antikens kultur (Gotarc serie C Arkeologiska Skrifter 65)

Goldhahn J 2009 Smeden som kosmolog och kosmograf naringgra tanker om bron-saringlderns hantverk och produktion In J Lund and L Melheim (eds) Haringndverk og Produksjon Et Moslashte Mellom Ulike Perspektiver 163‒196 Oslo UnipubInstitutt for arkeologi konservering og historiske studier (Oslo Archaeological Series 12)

Gosden C and Y Marshall 1999 The cul-tural biography of things World Archaeology 31(2)169‒178

Grieg S 1926 Hadelands Eldste Bosetning-shistorie Oslo Jacob Dybwad (Skrifter Utgitt av det Norske Videnskapsakademi i Oslo 2 Historisk-filosofisk Klasse 19252)

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Hagen A 1954 Europeiske impulser i oslashst-norsk bronsealder Viking 1897ndash125

Hed Jakobsson A 2003 Smaumlltdeglars Haumlr-skare och Jerusalems Tillskyndare Beraumlttelser om Vikingatid och Tidig Medeltid Stock-holm Stockholms Universitet (Stock-holm Studies in Archaeology 25)

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Jensen J 2002 Danmarks Oldtid Bronzeal-der 2000‒500 f Kr Bind 2 Koslashbenhavn Gyldendal

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Kaul F 1995 The Gundestrup cauldron re-considered Acta Archaeologica 661‒38

Kaul F 1998 Ships on Bronzes A Study in Bronze Age Religion and Iconography Koslashbenhavn Publications from the Na-tional Museum (Studies in Archaeology and History 3)

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Kopytoff I 1986 The cultural biography of things commoditization as process In A Appadurai (ed) The Social Life of Things Commodities in Cultural Perspective 64‒91 Cambridge Cambridge University Press

de Lange E 1918 Et vestlandsk depotfund fra yngre bronsealder Oldtiden 7123‒135

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Levy J 1982 Social and Religious Organization in Bronze Age Denmark An Analysis of Rit-ual Hoard Finds Oxford British Archaeol-ogy Reports (International Series 124)

Lund J 2006 Vikingetidens vaeligrktoslashjsk-ister i landskab og mytologi Fornvaumlnnen 5323‒342

Lund J 2008 Banks borders and bodies of water in a Viking Age mentality Journal of Wetland Archaeology 8(1)53‒72

Lund J 2009 Aringsted og Vadested Deponeringer Genstandsbiografier og Rumlig Strukturering som Kilde til Vikingetidens Kognitive Landsk-aber Oslo Unipub (Acta Humaniora 389)

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Lund J 2010 At the waterrsquos edge In M Carver S Semple and A Sanmark (eds) Signals of Belief in Early England Anglo-Saxon Paganism Revisited 49‒66 Oxford and Oakville Oxbow Books

Lund J and L Melheim 2009 Med hode og kropp en nytolkning av Vestby-funnet i lys av symbol- og kroppsperspektiver In J Lund and L Melheim (eds) Haringndverk og Produksjon Sosiale og Symbolske Roller eller Ubevisste Kroppsteknikker 11‒40 Oslo UnipubInstitutt for arkeologi konserver-ing og historiske studier (Oslo Archaeo-logical Series 12)

Marstrander S 1967 Fra bronsealderens treskjaeligrerkunst Viking 315‒46

Marstrander S 1980 Zur Holzschnitz-kunst im bronzezeitlichen Norwegen Acta Archaeologica 5061‒88

Mauss M 1954 The Gift Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies (trans I Cunnison) London Cohen amp West

Mauss M 2004 Kroppsteknikkene In IB Neumann (ed) Kropp og person To Essays 65‒98 Oslo Cappelen Akademisk For-lag (Cappelens Upopulaeligre Skrifter 46 Ny Rekke)

Melheim L 2006 Gjennom ild og vann graver og depoter som kilde til kosmologi i bronsealderen i Oslashst-Norge In C Pres-cott (ed) Myter og Religion i Bronsealderen 13‒194 Oslo Institutt for arkeologi kun-sthistorie og konservering (Oslo Archaeo-logical Series 5)

Melheim L 2008 Metallteknologi og meta-morfose Nicolay 10431‒41

Melheim L 2009 Kobberimport eller kob-berproduksjon In G Groslashnnesby and MM Henriksen (eds) Foredrag fra det 10 Nordiske Bronsealdersymposiet i Trondheim 2006 10‒35 Trondheim Tapir Akad-emisk forlagNorges teknisk-naturviten-skapelige universitet Vitenskapsmuseet (Vitark 6)

Melheim L in press Reconsidering a pe-riphery scenarios of copper production in southern Norway In N Anfinset and M Wrigglesworth (eds) Local Societies Identi-ties and Responses The Bronze Age in North-ern Europe London Equinox

Mellar H 2004 Der geschmiedete Himmel Die weite Welt im Herzen Europas vor 3600 Jahren Sachsen-Anhalt Landesmuseum fuumlr Vorgeschichte

Menghin W 2003 Goldene Kegelhuumlte Manifestationen bronzezeitlicher Kalend-erwerke In T Springer (ed) Gold und Kult der Bronzezeit 221‒237 Nuumlrnberg Ger-manisches Nationalmuseum

Merleau-Ponty M 1962 Phenomenology of Perception London Routledge

Merleau-Ponty M 1994 Kroppens Fenom-enologi (trans B Nake) Oslo Pax Forlag

Motz L 1983 The Wise One of the Mountain Form Function and Significance of the Sub-terranean Smith A Study in Folklore Goumlp-pingen Kuumlmmerle Verlag (Goumlppinger Ar-beiten zur Germanistik 379)

Muumlller S 1897 Vor Oldtid Koslashbenhavn Det Nordiske Forlag

Needham S 2001 When expediency broach-es ritual intention the flow of metal be-tween systemic and buried domains The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 7(2)275‒298

Nielsen A-L 1997 Pagan cultic and votive acts at Borg an expression of the central significance of the farmestead in the Late Iron Age In H Andersson P Carelli and L Ersgaringrd (eds) Visions of the Past Trends and Traditions in Swedish Medieval Archaeology 373‒392 Stockholm Central Board of Na-tional Antiquities (Lund Studies in Medie-val Archaeology 19 Riksantikvarieaumlmbetet Arkeologiska Undersoumlkningar Skrifter 24)

Oldeberg A 1942 Metalteknik under Foumlrhis-torisk tid Del I Lund Kommissionsverlag Otto Harrassowitz Leipzig

Oldeberg A 1943 Metalteknik under Foumlrhis-torisk tid Del II Lund Kommissionsverlag Otto Harrassowitz Leipzig

Oslashstigaringrd T 2007 Transformatoslashren Ildens Mester i Jernalderen Rituelle Spesialister i Bronse- og Jernalderen Bind 2 Goumlteborg Goumlteborg universitet Institutionen foumlr arkeologi och antikens kultur (Gotarc serie C Arkeologiska Skrifter 65)

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Pedersen U 2010 I Smeltedigelen Finsmedene i Vikingtidsbyen Kaupang Doctoral disser-tation Oslo Humanistiske Fakultet Uni-versitetet i Oslo

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Prescott C 2000 Symbolic metallurgy as-sessing early metallurgic processes in a pe-riphery In D Olausson and H Vandkilde (eds) Form Function and Context Material Culture Studies in Scandinavian Archaeol-ogy 213‒225 Stockholm Archaeologica Lundensia (series 8 grades 31)

Prescott C 2006 Copper production in Bronze Age Norway In H Gloslashrstad B Skar and D Skre (eds) Historien i Forhis-torien Festskrift til Einar Oslashstmo paring 60-Aringrs-dagen 183‒190 Oslo Kulturhistorisk Mu-seum Universitetet i Oslo (Skrifter 4)

Randsborg K 2010 Spirals Calendars in the Bronze Age in Denmark Adoranten 20091‒11

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Roslashnne O 2003 Smeden i jernalderen ildens hersker Primitive Tider 555‒63

Rosenqvist AM 1954 Studier av bronsete-knikken i Vestbyfunnet Viking 18125‒155

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Thrane H 1975 Europaeligiske Forbindelser Bidrag til Studiet af Fremmede Forbindelser i Danmarks Yngre Broncealder (Periode IV‒V) Koslashbenhavn Nationalmuseet

Tin M 2009 Innsikt eller overblikk Merleau-Pontys diskusjon av kroppen og den kartesian-ske erkjennelse In J Lund and L Melheim (eds) Haringndverk og Produksjon Et Moslashte Mellom Ulike Perspektiver 61‒83 Oslo UnipubInsti-tutt for arkeologi konservering og historiske studier (Oslo Archaeological Series 12)

Weiner AB 1992 Inalienable Possessions The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving Berke-ley University of California Press

Weiler E 1994 Innovationsmiljoumler i Bron-saringlderns Sanhaumllle och Ideacutevaumlrld Kring ny Te-knologi och Begravningsritual i Vaumlstergoumltland Umearing Arkeologiska institutionen Umearing Universitet (Studia Archaeologica Univer-sitatis Umensis 5)

Worsaae JJA 1866 Om nogle mosefund fra Broncealderen Aarboslashger for Nordisk Old-kyndighed og Historie 1866313‒326

biograPhical noTes

Julie Lund is Associate Professor in Archaeology at the University of Oslo Her research focuses primarily on object biogra-phy landscape and mentality of the Viking Age and Early Middle Ages

Address Department of Archaeology Conservation and History University of Oslo PO Box 1008 Blindern 0315 Oslo Norway [email julielundhfuiono]

Lene Melheim is Research Fellow at the University of Oslo Her archaeological interests cover Bronze Age cosmology rituals and skilled practice with a particular focus on metal production

Address Department of Archaeology Conservation and History University of Oslo PO Box 1008 Blindern 0315 Oslo Norway [email almelheimiakhuiono]

reacutesumeacute

Queues et tecirctes ndash esprits et corps reacuteexamen du deacutepocirct de Vestby

(Acircge du Bronze reacutecent) agrave la lumiegravere des perspectives symbolistes et corporelles

Au centre de notre reacuteinterpreacutetation du deacutepocirct de Vestby (Norvegravege orientale) datant de lrsquoAcircge du Bronze reacutecent se trouve une paire de tecirctes drsquoanimaux du type Faardal Apregraves une peacuteriode drsquoutilisation et de circulation les tecirctes eacutetaient monteacutees sur des corps apparte-nant agrave une autre espegravece animale Nous avanccedilons que la fabrication des figurines animales et les autres objets de haute qualiteacute du deacutepocirct ne peut ecirctre correctement comprise qursquoavec comme toile de fond la cosmologie de lrsquoAcircge du Bronze scandinave Cette ligne de penseacutee srsquoeacutetend jusqursquoagrave un collier en perles drsquoeacutetain lequel nous interpreacutetons comme

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un calendrier lunaire En combinant une lsquoperspective corporellersquo ‒ incluant des inter-preacutetations de techniques corporelles de seacutequences opeacuterationnelles et de la lsquosocialiteacutersquo des objets ndash avec une perspective symbol-iste ndash incluant des systegravemes symboliques la cosmologie et lrsquointentionnaliteacute ndash nous remettons pour ainsi dire la tecircte sur le corps Nous recherchons eacutegalement des interpreacuteta-tions anteacuterieures des lsquobiographiesrsquo de ces objets et reacuteinterpreacutetons leurs trajectoires Ceci influence la compreacutehension de lrsquoacte de deacuteposer et megravene enfin agrave une discussion sur comment les deacutepocircts eacutetaient drsquoune certaine maniegravere associeacutes agrave la lsquonaissancersquo des artefacts Translation by Isabelle Gerges

Zusammenfassung

Koumlpfe und Schwaumlnze ndash Gedanken und Koumlrper Eine Betrachtung des

spaumltbronzezeitlichen Vestby-Hortes im Lichte symbolistischer und

koumlrperlicher Perspektiven

Ein Paar von Tierkoumlpfen des Faardal-Typs steht im Zentrum unserer Reinterpretation des spaumltbronzezeitlichen Vestby-Hortes

aus dem oumlstlichen Norwegen Nach einer Periode der Nutzung und der Zirkulation wurden sie an Koumlrpern anderer Tierspe-zies angebracht Wir gehen davon aus dass die Herstellung der Tierstatuetten und der anderen hochqualitativen Objekte des Hortes nur adaumlquat vor dem Hinter-grund der bronzezeitlichen Kosmologie Skandinaviens verstanden werden kann Hierfuumlr ist die Existenz eines Halsbandes von Zinnperlen das wir als Mondkalender interpretieren von groszliger Wichtigkeit Durch die Kombination einer bdquoKoumlrper-perspektiveldquo die das Verstaumlndnis von Koumlrpertechniken operativer Sequenzen und der bdquoSozialitaumltldquo von Objekten umfasst mit einer bdquosymbolistischen Perspektiveldquo die Symbolsysteme Kosmologie und Inten-tionalitaumlt einschlieszligt verbinden wir sozu-sagen den Kopf wieder mit dem Koumlrper Weiterhin hinterfragen wir die Praumlmissen fruumlherer Interpretationen der bdquoLebensges-chichtenldquo von Objekten und deuten diese Ablaumlufe neu Dies beeinflusst das Verstaumlnd-nis des Aktes der Hortung und fuumlhrt letz-tlich zu einer Diskussion wie die Hortung letztlich auch mit der bdquoGeburtldquo des Arte-fakts verbunden war Translation by Heiner Schwarzberg

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By throwing new light on the series of actions involved in the hoarded objectsrsquo life stories from the procurement of raw material to the final deposition we seek to understand the hoardrsquos social biography Social and symbolic aspects of craftsman-ship are explored on a general level In this respect the discussion is indebted not just to Bronze Age research but also to studies of Iron Age metalwork

The VesTby hoard

The Vestby hoard is among the most remarkable Norwegian finds from the final part of the Bronze Age It is excep-tionally rich well-preserved and contains several unique artefacts ndash a necklace with tin-plated bronze beads two outstand-ing animal figurines an uncommon pin three exceptionally large neck rings with ship ornaments and originally also a now

lost finger ring (Fig 1) It was deposited in the sixth century BC at which time some of the artefacts were already antiquities The hoard appeared during ploughing in 1924‒1925 and was subject to close techni-cal and typological examination just before and immediately after the Second World War (Bjoslashrn 1929 Hagen 1954 Rosenqvist 1954) Significantly it was held that the artefacts were imported to eastern Norway from central Europe via southern Scan-dinavia Although the culture-historical implications of the interpretations were far-reaching the hoardrsquos social aspects were in our view somehow neglected The contexts of production the objectsrsquo use-life and deposition ‒ ie the artefact biographies ‒ were not covered by earlier researchers Yet the post-war technical survey of the metal-work is an excellent point of departure for a new discussion of the Vestby hoard The fact that the three neck rings ‒ which are typologically identical ‒ were manufactured

Figure 1 The Vestby hoard (photo Eirik Irgens Johnsen Museum of Cultural History Oslo)

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Ass

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The bead necklace





Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Figu

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D

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Ass

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

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Ass

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Ass

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Pub

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Man

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Ass

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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Zusammenfassung






Pub

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Pub

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The bead necklace





Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Figu

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D

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Ass

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

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of A

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Zusammenfassung






Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Pub

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Pub

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The bead necklace





Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Man

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Ass

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Figu

re 6

D

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Pub

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Ass

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Man

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Ass

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

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of A

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Zusammenfassung






Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Man

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Ass

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The bead necklace





Pub

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d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

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Ass

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Figu

re 6

D

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onze

Ag

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ds

and

coppe

r res

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Pub

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Pub

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Ass

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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of A

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

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d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Pub

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Pub

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Man

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Ass

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The bead necklace





Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

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Ass

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of A

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Figu

re 6

D

istri-

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onze

Ag

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ds

and

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Pub

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

ocia

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Pub

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d by

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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ean

Ass

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of A

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gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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Pub

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Pub

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The bead necklace





Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

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Ass

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Figu

re 6

D

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onze

Ag

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ds

and

coppe

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s in

the

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Vestb

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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tion

of A

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

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Ass

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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of A

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The bead necklace





Pub

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Man

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

ey (

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Ass

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Figu

re 6

D

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onze

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Pub

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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of A

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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tion

of A

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The bead necklace





Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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tion

of A

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gist







Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Figu

re 6

D

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ap o

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onze

Ag

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ds

and

coppe

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s in

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

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Ass

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tion

of A

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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urop

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Ass

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Figu

re 6

D

istri-

butio

n m

ap o

f Lat

e Br

onze

Ag

e fin

ds

and

coppe

r res

ource

s in

the

area

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und

Vestb

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

urop

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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urop

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

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tion

of A

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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Figu

re 6

D

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butio

n m

ap o

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e Br

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Ag

e fin

ds

and

coppe

r res

ource

s in

the

area

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und

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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urop

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

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rcha

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Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

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tion

of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

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tion

of A

rcha

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gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist







Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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gist



























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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c) E

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

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of A

rcha

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gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist





Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

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of A

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biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



The Tail


noTes








references






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist



























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

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Ass

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Pub

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d by

Man

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

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tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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gist



























Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

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Ass

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

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Ass

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of A

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Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

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tion

of A

rcha

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gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist
























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

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Ass

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tion

of A

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gist






























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

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gist

























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

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gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist






























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist

























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist

























Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist
















biograPhical noTes





reacutesumeacute




Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






Pub

lishe

d by

Man

ey (

c) E

urop

ean

Ass

ocia

tion

of A

rcha

eolo

gist



Zusammenfassung






s5

Documents

Transcript of s5