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ZIElJe itinerant l iterature Quits

RULES OF CONDUCT

DIARY OF ADVENTURE, LETTERS, AND

FAREWELL ADDRESSES

GEORGE WASHINGTON

WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND NOTES

HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANYBoston : 4 Park Stre e t ; Ne w York . 1 1 East Sevent e enth Stre e t

Chicago : 378-388W abash Avenue

Gabe alum inapress! d ambn’

t ge

P REFACE.

THERE are many biographies of Washington, andevery history of the United States gives prominenceto the facts in the life of the great leader in the warfor independence, and the first President of the Union .

The city where the Congress of the nation me ets isnamed after the greatest American, and every year onthe twenty-second of February the people are given aholiday to remind them of the man whose birth meantso much to the nation . It is of prime importancethat a democracy

,which recognizes the worth of the

person, has for its great exemplar a man so wise, sonoble, so unselfish as its first citizen . Character makescharacter, and the figure of Washington as it loomsup in the past is a rebuke to all that is mean andignoble in American public life .The birthday of Washington, com ing in the middleof winter, offers a capital opportunity for schools totake a Little rest and enjoy a special celebration . Thispamphlet gives in convenient form the most strikingpassages inWashington’s life , told in his own words,with such preliminary notes as are needed to makethe circumstances of the w riting clear. There is m a

te rial, therefore, for a celebration, and by a little ingenuity it can be used in a variety of ways . Thus, aspart of the exercises

,each member of the clas s may

Will—

306459

iv PREFACE .

choose one of the rules to recite and to take as a mottofor practical conduct. If the school is situated nearany point visited by Washington , some one of thescholars may prepare an essay upon the local associations with Washington , or there may be a writtennewspaper

,edited by one of the class, and containing

contributions from various members . It will often bepossible to borrow from some museum in the neighborhood the dress of a continental soldier to use inan e fi e ctive tableau .

Mr. Lowell’s poem , Under the Old Elm , hassome noble lines characterizing Washington . Th e

fact that Longfellow’s home was the headquartersoriginally of Washingt on in Cambridge, gives an 0pportunityfor a pleasing connection between the statesman and the poet. As Washington is so closely identifi ed with the war for independence, the children maybe encouraged to bring in revolutionary relics

,and a

temporary museum can be made with talks about thediffe rent obj e cts . Even if nothing else is done

,this

little volume can be read by turns in the class,and a

geographical exercise connected with it .

CONTENTS.

1 . WASHINGTON’S RULES

II. A DANGEROUS ERRAND

III. WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK

IV. A VIRGINIA PLANTER

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEE

VI. IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE

MR . WASHINGTON OR GENERAL

VIII. AT VALLEY FORGE

I! . FAREWELL TO THE ARMY

! . FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED

STATES

EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON

WASHINGTON’S RULES.

THE copy-books and e xe rcise -books Of m ost boys are earlydestroyed, but it chances that those Of George Was hingt on havebeen kept, and they are very inte re sting. The handw riting inthem is the first thing to be noticed, -round, fair, and hold, theletters large like the hand that formed them, and the lines running straight and even. In the arithm etic and book-k ee pingmanuals which w e study at school, there are printed forms Of

receipts, bills, and other ordinary busine ss papers but inWashington

’s school-days, the t eacher showed the boys how to draw

these up, and gave them also copies Of longer pape rs, like le ases,deeds, and wills. There were fe w law yers inVirginia, and everygentleman w as supposed to know m any forms Of documentswhich now are left to our law yers or stationers .

Washington’s exercise-books have m any page s Of these forms,w ritte n out care fully by thp boy. Som e time s he made ornam ental lette rs such as clerks w ere wont to use . This w as not

mere ly exercise in penmanship it w as practice w ork in all thatcareful keeping Of accounts and those business me thods whichw ere sure to be needed byone who had tomanage a large plantation. George W ashington w as to manage something greate r,though no one then knew it and the habits which he formed atthis t ime were Of ine st im able value to him in his manhood.

Th e manuscript book which contains these exercises has also alist Of a hundred and t enRules of Civilityand De cent Behavior in

Companyand Conversation. They w ere probably not made up bythe boy, but copied from some book , or taken dow nfrom the lipsof his m othe r or te ache r. Fifty-seven Of them are printed byMr. Sparks in his'Writings of Washington. They sound rathe rstiff to us , but it w as a common thing in those days to se t suchrules before childre n, and George Washingt on, w ith his likingfor regular, orderly ways evident in his very w riting pPOb<

8 GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ably used the rules and perhaps committed them to memory, tosecure an e ven temper and self-control. They touch on thingsgreat and small. The difficulty with most boys would be to follow a hundred and t e n of such rules. They serve , however, toShow w hat w as the standa rd of goodm anners and morals amongthose who had the training Of George W ashington. The best Ofrules would have done little with poor stuff it w as because thisboyhad a manly and honorable Spirit that he could be trained inmanly and honorable w ays.

1 . Every action in company ought to be with someSign Of respect to those present.2. In the presence of others sing not to yourselfwith a humming noise, nor driim,

w ith your fingersor feet.3. Sleep not when others speak , sit not when othersstand

,speak not when you should hold your peace,

walk not when others stop .

4. Turn not your back to others, especially in speaking ; jog not the table or desk on which another readsor writes lean not on any one .5. Be no flatt e re r ; neither play with any one thatdelights not to be played with'6 . Read no letters, book s, or papers in company ;but when there is a necessity for doing it , you mustask leave . Come not near the book s or writings ofany one so as to read them , unless desired, nor giveyour opInion Of them unasked ; also, look not nighwhen another is w riting a letter .7. Let your countenance be pleasant

,but in serious

matt ers somewhat grave .8. Show not yourself glad at the misfortune Of an

other, though he were your enemy.

9. When you m eet with one of greater quality thanyourself, stop and retire, especially if it be at a dooror any strait place, to give way for him to pass .

WASHINGTON ’

S RULES. 9

10. They that are in dignity, or in Office, have in allplaces precedency ; but whilst they are young theyought to respect those that are their equals in birthor other qualities , though they have no public charge .11. It is good manners to prefer them to whom wespeak before ourselves, especially if they be above us .with whom in no sort we ought to begin .

12. Let your discourse with men Of business beshort and comprehensive .13. In visiting the sick

,do not presently play the

physician if you be not knowing therein .

14. In writing, or speaking, give to every person hisdue title, according to his degree and the custom of theplace .15. Strive not with your superiors in argument, butalways submit your judgment to others with modesty.

16 . Undert ake not to teach your equal in the arthimself professes : it savors Of arrogancy.

17. When a man does allhe can , though it succeedsnot well

,blame not him that did it .

18. Being to advise, or reprehend any one , considerwhether it ought to be in public or in private , presentlyor at some other time

,and in what terms to do it ; and

in reproving show no signs Of choler, but do it withsweetness and mildness .19. Take all admonitions thankfully, in what timeor place soever given ; but afterwards, not being cul

pable , take a time and place convenient to let himknow it that gave them .

20. Mock not,nor jest at anything of importance ;

break no jests that are sharp-biting,and if you deliver

anything witty and pleasant,abstain from laughing

thereat yourself.21. Wh erein you reprove another he unblamable

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

yourself for example is more prevalent than precepts.

22. Use no reproachful language against any one,

neither curse nor revile .23. Be not hasty to believe flying reports to the dis

parage m ent Of any.

24. In your apparel be modest, and endeavor to acv

commodate nature, rather than to procure admiration ;keep to the fashion Of your equals, such as are civiland orderly with respect to times and places .25. Play not the peacock , looking everyw here aboutyou to see if you be well decked , if your shoes fit well ,if your stockings sit neatly, and clothes handsomely26 . Associate yourself with men Of good quality, ifyou esteem your ow n reputation, for it is better to bealone than in bad company.

27. Let your conversation be without malice orenvy

,for it is a sign of a tractable and com mendable

nature ; and in all causes Of passion , admit reason togovern .

28. Be not immodest in urging your friend to discover a secret.29. Utter not base and frivolous things amongstgrave and learned men ; nor very difficult questionsor subjects among the ignorant ; nor things hard to bebelieved .

30. Speak not of doleful things in time Of mirth ,nor at the table speak not of melancholy things, asdeath

,and wounds

,and if others mention them , change ,

ifyou can,the discourse . Tell not your dreams, but to

your intimate friend .

31. Break not a jest where none takes pleasure inmirth ; laugh not aloud, nor , at all without occasion .

Deride no man’s misfortune , though there seem to besome cause .

WASHINGTON ’S RULES. 11

32. Speak not injurious words, neither in jest norearnest soofi at none although they give occasion .

33. Be not forward, but friendly and courteous ; thefirst to salute, hear, and answer ; and be not pensivewhen it is a time to converse .34. Detract not from others, neither be excessive incommending.

35. GO not thither where you know not whetheryou Shall be welcome or not. Give not advice withoutbeing asked, and when desired, do it briefly.

36 . If two contend together, take not the part Ofeither unconstrained, and be not obstinate in your ownOpinion ; in things indifferent be Of the major side .37. Reprehend not the imperfections Of others, forthat belongs to parents, masters, and superiors .38. Graze not on the marks or blemishes of others,and ask not how they came . What you may speakin secret to your friend, deliver not before others .39. Speak not in an unknown tongue in company

,but

in your own language, and that as those Of quality doand not as the vulgar ; sublime matters treat seriously.

40. Think before you speak pronounce not imperfe ctly, nor bring out your words too hastily, butorderly and distinctly.

41. When another speaks be attentive yourself,and

disturb not the audience . If any hesitate in his words,

help him not , nor prompt him without being desiredinterrupt him not, nor answer him ,

till his speechbe ended .

42. Treat with men at fit times about business : andwhisper not in the company Of others .43. Make no comparisons, and if any Of the com~

pany be commended for any brave act Of virtue,come

mend not another for the same .

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

44. Be not apt to relate news if you know not thetruth thereof. In discoursing of things you haveheard, name not your author always . A secret. discover not.45. Be not curious to know the afi airs of others,neither approach to those that speak in private .46 . Undertake not what you cannot perform

,but be

careful to keep your prom ise .47. When you deliver a matter, do it without passion and with di scretion, however mean the person beyou do it to .48. When your superiors talk to anybody, hearkennot

,neither speak , nor laugh .

49. In disputes be not SO desirous to overcome asnot to give liberty to each one to deliver his Opinion ,and submit to the judgment Of the major part, especially if they are judges Of the dispute .50. Be not tedious in discourse make not manydigressions, nor repeat Often the same manner Of discourse .51 . Speak not evil Of the absent, for it is unjust .52. Make no show Of taking great delight in yourvictuals ; feed not with greediness ; cut your breadwith a knife lean not on the table ; neither find faultwith what you eat.53. Be not angry at table, whatever happens, and

if you have reason to be so, Show it not ; put on acheerful countenance, especially if there be strangers,for good humor makes one dish of meat a feast.54. Se t not yourself at the upper end Of the table ;but if it be your due , or that the master Of the housewill have it SO, contend not, lest you Should troublethe company.

55. When you speak Of God or his attributes , let it

A DANGEROUS ERRAND . 13

be Seriously in reverence . Honor and obey your natural parents

,although they be poor.

56 . Let your recreations be manful, not sinful .57. Labor to keep alive in your breast that littlespark of celestial fi re , called conscience .

A DANGEROUS ERRAND .

IN 1753 the French and th e English w e re both trying to ge tposse ssion Of the Valley of the Ohio, and new s cam e to Virginia that the French governor Of Canada had sent troops and

supplies into the country, w as making friends w ith th e Indians ,and had even seized certain English traders and se nt themprisoners to France . The English pe ople most dire ctly inte roste d in the matte r w e re the members Of the Ohio Company, aland company formed for th e purpose Of occupying and se ttlingw hat w as vaguely known as the Ohio count ry, that is, the landwatered by th e OhioRiver and its tributaries. The governor OfVirginia w as a stockholder in the company, and be dete rminedat once to send a commissioner to the Officer in comm and of theFrench forces, and ask by w hat right a om e nwere buildingfort s in the king’s dominions, and w hat they w ere inte ndingto do why the y had m ade prisoners Of peaceable Englishm e n ; and as the t w o nations were not at w ar, why Fre nchsoldiers were invading English t erri tory . More over, the commissioner w as to se e the Indian chiefs and m ak e sure that theydid not form an alliance with the French .

It w as no slight matte r for any one to undertake such an

errand. He must know something Of the country he mus t beused to the Indians he must be a person whom the Frenchwould respect above all, he must be strong Of body, courageons, prudent , w ise, and on the alert for the journey wouldbe a severe one , and the messenger would need to have what iscalled a

“level head.

!Of course no one e xpected that th e

French commandant would k indly sit down and tell the Vir

‘

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

ginian commissioner what he me ant to do ; the com missionerm ust fi nd that out byhis ow n sagacity.Now, one of th e principalmembe rs Of the Ohio Company w as

Law re nce W ashingt on, w ho had recently died and left his afi airsin the hands Of his younger bro ther George . Ge orge Washington knew perfectly w hat interests were at stak e . Besides, hew as a backwoodsman it w as no novelty for him to follow trailsthrough th e forest ; he could deal w ith Indians ; and above all,he had show n himself a clear-headed, far-sighted young m an,

whom e very one instinct ively trusted. He w as one Of HisMaje sty’s Officers, for he w as Adjutant-General of the NorthernDistrict, and SO, though Major George W ashingt on w as but

tw enty-one years Old, Governor Dinw iddie and his council sele ct e d him for this delicate and weighty mission.

It w as no summer jaunt on which he se t out . He waite d uponthe gove rnor at W illiam sburg, and w as armed with papers dulysigned and se aled with the great seal Of Virginia, giving himauthority as commissioner. On October 30, 1753, he le ft W illiam sburg w ith a journe y of more than a thousand miles beforehim . He stopped at Frede ricksburg to say good-by to hismothe r, and to engage his Old fencing-maste r, Van Braam, as an

interpreter. Washington knew noFrench, and never le arned it .Van Braam pretended to know it w ell, but really had only anignorant smattering Of the language . From Fre dericksburgWashington w ent to Ale xandria , w he re he laid in supplies, andto W inchester, which w as the most important frontier set tlement , w here he provided himself w ith horses, tents, and othe rcamp e quipments.

Th e real start Of the expedition w as to be made from W illsCreek , now Cumberland, in Maryland, which w as th e outpost Ofcivilization. Here Washington arrivedNovember 14, and madeup his little company . It consist e d Of Christopher Gist, w how as in the employ Of the Ohio Company and w as an experiencedfrontiersman Jacob Van Braam , the interpreter Davidson, anIndian int erpreter and four frontiersmen. Th e party w as nowcomplete, and th e next dayplunged into the w ilderness.

Washington k ept a journal Of this expedition, in which he se tdow n his adventure s. He had great difliculty in getting at the

French commandant , but finally reached him at Fort Le Bmuf.Th e passages in the Journalwhich follow detail the experiences

‘

Of Washington from this time till he returned toW illiamsburgand made his report to the governor .

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GEORGE WASHINGTON.

a guard-house, chapel, doctor’s lodging, and the com

mander’s private store ; round which are laid platforms for the cannon and men to stand on . Thereare several barrack s without the fort, for the soldiers

’

dwellings,covered , some with bark , and some with

boards,made chiefly Of logs . There are also several

other houses, such as stables, smith’s shop, etc.

I could get no certain account Of the number Ofmen here ; but, according to the best judgment Icould form

,there are a hundred, exclusive Of Officers,

Of whom there are many . I also gave orders to thepeople who were with me

,to take an exact account of

the canoes , which were hauled up to convey theirforces down in the spring. This they did, and toldfifty Of the birch bark , and a hundred and seventy Ofpine ; besides many others, which were blocked out,in readiness for being made .D e cem ber 14.

— As the snow increased very fast,and our horses daily became weaker, I sent them ofi

unloaded, under the care Of Barnaby Currin and twoothers, to make all convenient dispatch to Venango,1

and there to wait our arrival,if there was a prospect

Of the river’s freezing if not,then to continue down

to Shannopin’

s Town , at the Fork of the Ohio, andthere to wait until we came to cross the Allegany ;intending myself to go down bywater, as I had theOffer Of a canoe or two .As I found many plots concerted to retard the Indians’ business , and prevent their returning with me,I endeavored all that lay in my power to frustratetheir schemes, and hurried them on to execute their intended design . They accordingly pressed for admittance this evening

,Which at lengt h was granted them,

1 Now Franklin, in Venango County, P ennsylvania.


privately, to the commander and one or two otherofficers . The Half-King 1 told me , that he Ofi e red thewampum to the commander

,who evaded taking it

,and

made many fair promises Of love and friendship saidhe wanted to live in peace and trade amicably withthem

,as a proof of which he would send some goods

immediately down to the Logstow n 2 for them . But Irather think the design of that is to bring away all ourstraggling traders they meet with, as I privately nude rstood they intended to carry an Officer with them .

And what rather confirms this opinion , I was Inquiring Of the commander by what authority he had madeprisoners Of several Of our English subjects . He toldme that the country belonged to them that no Englishman had a right to trade upon those waters ; andthat he had orders to make every person prisoner

,

who attempted it on the Ohio , or the waters Of it .

I inquired of Captain Reparti about the boy thatwas carried by this place

,as it was done while the

command devolved on him,between the death of the

late general and the arrival Of the present . He ao

knowledged that a boy had been carried past , and thatthe Indians had two or three white men’s scalps (I wastold by some Of the Indians at Venango , eight) , butpretended to have forgotten the name Of the placewhere the boy came from

,and all the particular facts

,

though he had questioned him for some hours , as theywere carrying him past . I likewise inquired what theyhad done with John Trotter and James McClocklan,

two Pennsylvania traders,whom they had taken with

all their goods . They told me,that they had been sent

to Canada, but were now returned home .

1 Th e Half-King w as an Indian chief, w ho wi th other Indians had

joined Washington after he had entered th e woods .

2 On th e Ohio River, about seventeen miles from P itt sburg .


Thisevening I received an answer to his Honor theGovernor’s letter from the commandant.D e cem ber 15. The commandant Ordered a plouti

ful store Of liquor and provision to be put on boardour canoes, and appeared to be extremely com plai

Sant, though he was exerting every artifice which hecould invent to set our Indi ans at variance with us,to prevent their going until after our departure ;presents, rewards, and everything, which could be suggested by him or his Officers . I cannot say that everin my life I snfi e red so much anxiety as I did inthis afi air. I saw that every stratagem which themost fruitful brain could invent was practised to w inthe Half-King to their interest, and that leaving himthere was giving them the opportunity they aimed at .I went to the Half-King and pressed him in thestrongest terms to go ; he told me that the com m an

dant would not discharge him until the m orning. I

then went to the commandant and desired him to dotheir business, and complained Of ill treatment ; forkeeping them ,

as they were part of my company, wasdetaining me . This he promised not to do, but to forw ard my journey as much as he could . He protestedhe did not keep them ,

but was ignorant of the causeOf their stay ; though I soon found it out . He hadpromised them a present Of guns, if they would waituntil the morning. As I was very much pressed bythe Indians to wait this day for them ,

I consented, ona promise that nothing should hinder them in themorning.

D e cem be r 16 . The French were not slack in

their inventions to keep the Indians this day also.But as they were obliged, according to promise, togive the present

,they then endeavored to try the


power Of liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other time than this ; but I urged andinsisted with the King so closely upon his word , thathe refrained, and set Off with us as he had engaged .

We had a tedious and very fatiguing passage downthe creek . Several times we had like to have beenstaved against rock s ; and many times were obligedall hands to get out and remain in the water half anhour or more, getting over the shoals. At one place ,the ice had lodged , and made it impassable by water ;we were

,therefore, obliged to carry our canoe across

the neck Of land , a quart er Of a mile over. We didnot reach Venango unt il the 22d, where we met withour horses .This creek is extremely crooked . I dare say thedistance between the fort and Venango cannot be lessthan one hundred and thirty miles

,to follow the

meanders .D e cem ber 23. When I got things ready to set Off,

I sent for the Half-King, to know whether he intendedto go with us or by water . He told me that WhiteThunder had hurt himself much

,and was sick and

unable to walk therefore he was obliged to carry himdown in a canoe . As I found he intended to stayhere a day or two, and knew that Monsieur Joncairewould employ every scheme to set him against theEnglish, as he had before done, I told him ,

I hopedhe would guard against his flatt ery, and let no finespeeches influence him in their favor. He desired Imight not be concerned, for he knew the French toowell for any thing to engage him in their favor andthat though he could not go down with us

,he yet

would endeavor to meet at the Fork with JosephCampbell, to deliver a speech for me to carry to his


Honor the Governor. He told me he would order theYoung Hunter to attend us, and get provisions, etc .if wanted .

Our horses were now so weak and feeble,and the

baggage so heavy ( as we were obliged to provide allthe necessaries which the journey would require) ,that we doubted much their performing it . Therefore

,

myself and others, except the drivers, who wereobliged to ride , gave up our horses for pack s, to assistalong with the baggage . I put myself in an Indianwalking-dress, and continued with them three days,until I found there was no probability Of their gettinghome in any reasonable time . The horses becameless able to travel every day ; the cold increased veryfast ; and the roads were becoming much worse by adeep snow, continually freezing ; therefore , as

'

I wasuneasy to get back , to make report Of my proceedingsto hisHonor the Governor, I determined to prosecutemy journey

,the nearest way through the woods , on

foot .Accordingly

,I left Mr . Van Braam in charge Of our

baggage,with money and directions to provide ne ce s

sarie s from place to place for themselves and horses,and to make the most convenient dispatch in travel

I took my necessary papers, pulled Offmy clothes,and tied myself up in a watch-coat. Then , with gunin hand, and pack on my back , in which were mypapers and provisions

,I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted

in the same manner, on Wednesday the 26th . The

day following, just after we had passed a place calledMurdering Town (where we intended to quit the pathand steer across the country for Shannopin

’

s Town) ,we fell in with a party Of French Indi ans, who had


lain.

in wait for us . One of them fired at Mr. Gist orm e , not fifteen s teps ofi , but fortunately missed. Wetook this fellow into custody, and kept him until aboutnine o ’clock at night, then let him go , and walked allthe remaining part of the night without making anystop

,that we might get the start so far as to be out

of the reach of their pursuit the next day, since wewere well assured they would follow our track as soonas it was light . The next daywe continued travellinguntil quite dark , and got to the river about two milesabove Shannopin

’

s . We expected to have found theriver frozen , but it was not, only about fifty yardsfrom each shore . The ice , I suppose , had broken upabove , for it was driving in vast quantities .There was no way for getting over but on a raft.which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, andfinished just after sun-setting. This was a whole day’swork ; we next got it launched, then went on boardof it , and set off ; but before we were half-way overwe were jammed in the ice , in such a manner thatwe expected every moment our raft to sink , and ourselves to perish . I put out my setting-pole to try tostop the raft, that the ice might pass by, when therapidity of the stream threw it with so much violenceagainst the pole that it jerked me out into ten feetwater ; but I fortunately saved myself by catchinghold of one of the raft-logs . Notwithstanding allour efforts, we could not get to either shore, but w ereobliged, as we were near an island, to quit our raftand make to it .

Th e cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gisthad all his fingers and some of his toes frozen , andthe water was shut up so hard, that we found no diffi cultyin getting off the island on the ice in the morn


ing, and went to Mr. Frazier’s . We met here withtwenty warriors, who were going to the southward towar but coming to a place on the head of the GreatKe nhaw a, where they found seven people k illed andscalped ( all but one w oman with very light hair) ,they turned about and ran back , for fear the imbabitants should rise and take them as the authors of themurder . They report that the bodies were lyingabout the house

, and some of them much torn andeaten by the hogs . By the mark s which were left,they say they were French Indians of the Ottawanation, who did it .As we intended to take horses here, and it requiredsome tim e to find them ,

I went up about three milesto the mouth of Youghiogany, to visit Queen Ali

quippa, who had expressed great concern that wepassed her in going to the fort . I made her a present of a watch-coat and a bottle of rum

,which latter

was thought much the better present of the two .Tuesday, the lst of January, we left Mr. Frazier

’shouse, and arrived at Mr . Gist

’s , at Monongahela,the 2d, where I bought a horse and saddle . The 6 th ,

we met seventeen horses loaded with materials andstores for a fort at the Fork of the Ohio

,and the day

after, some families going out to settle . This day,we arrived at Wills Creek

,after as fatiguing a jour

ney as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by e xce ssive bad weather. From the 1st day of December tothe 15th there was but one day on which it did notrain or snow incessantly ; and throughout the wholejourney we met with nothing but one continued series of cold

,wet weather

,which occasioned very um

comfortable lodgings,especially after we had quitted

our tent, which was some screen from the inclemencyof it .


in th e midst of th e excitement . This w as something very diffe re nt from the poor, niggardly conduct of w ar which he hadknown in th e colony. It w as on a great scale it w as w ar car

ried on byHis Maj esty’s troops, w ell clad, splendidly equippedand drilled, under th e lead of a ve teran general. He longed to

j oin them . Here would be a chance such as he had never had,

to learn something of the art of w ar ; but he held no commission, and he had not even a company to offer . Nor w as hew illing to be a militia captain and subj ect to th e orders of somelieutenant in the regular army .

He w as considering how he might volunte er, when h e receivedexactly the kind of invitat ion which he desired. He w as a

marked m an now ,and it did not take long for word to reach

General Braddock that a young Virginian colonel, w ho had

shown great Spirit and ability in a recent expedition, and w as

thoroughly familiar with th e route they were to take, desired toserve under him , but not as a subordinate captain. There w as a

w ayout of th e diffi culty, and th e General at once invitedWashington to join his military family as aid-de -camp. Washingtonjoyfully accepted, and the follow ing brie f letters give a glimpseof hi s connection with th e disastrous Braddock ’

s Expedition,w hich se t out w ith flags flying to capture Fort Duquesne, whereP ittsburgh now stands, and w as instead t erribly defeated on the

w ay. Robe rt Orme, to whom the first let ter w as writ ten, w asthe aid-de -camp of Braddock who had inform ed Washington of

his appointm ent.

I. TO ROBERT ORME.

MOUNT VERNON, 15March,1755.

SIR

I was not favored with your polite letter, of the 2dinstant

,until yesterday acquainting me with the no

tice his Excellency, General Braddock , is pleased tohonor me with

,by k indly inviting me to become one

of his family the ensuing campaign . It is true, sir,

I have,ever since I declined my late command, ex

pressed an inclination to serve in this campaign as avolunteer ; and this inclination 1s not a little increased,

WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK . 25

since it is likely to be conducted by a gentleman ofthe general’s experience .But, besides this, and the laudable desire I mayhave to serve with my best abilities my king andcountry, I must be ingenuous enough to confess, thatI am not a little biased by selfish considerations . To

explain , sir, I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military profession, and, believing a morefavorable opportunity cannot offer than to serve under a gentleman of General Braddock ’s abilities andexperience , it does , you may reasonably suppose , not alittle contribute to influence my choice . But, sir, asI have taken the liberty to express my sentiments sofreely, I must beg your indulgence while I add, thatthe only bar which can check me in the pursuit ofthis object, is the inconveniences that must necessarilyresult from some proceedings , which happened a littlebefore the general’s arrival

,and which

,in some meas

ure, had abated the ardor of my desires, and deter

mined me to lead a life of retirement, into which Iwas just entering, at no small expense, when yourfavor was presented to me .But, as I shall do myself the honor of waiting upon

his Excellency as soon as I hear of his arrival atAlexandria, ( I would do it sooner, were I certainwhere to find him ,) I shall decline saying anythingfurther on this head till then begging you will bepleased to assure him , that I shall always retain agrateful sense of the favor with which he is pleasedto honor me, and that I should have embraced thisopportunity of writing to him , had I not recently ad

dressed a congratulatory letter to him on his safearrival in this country.

I flatter myself you will favor me in mak ing a c omm unication of these sentiments .


You do me a singular favor in proposing an ao

quaintance . It cannot but be attended with the mostflattering prospects on my part, as you may alreadyperceive by the familiarity and freedom with which Inow enter upon this correspondence a freedom which

,

even if it is disagreeable , you must excuse, and laythe blame of it at your own door, for encouraging m e

to throw off that restraint which otherwise mighthave been more obvious in my deportment on such anoccasion .

The hope of shortly seeing you will be an excusefor my not adding more than that I shall endeavor toapprove myself worthy of your friendship, and that Ibeg to be esteemed your most obedient servant.

II. TO JOHN ROBINSON, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF

DELEGATES, VIRGINIA.

MOUNT VERNON,20April, 1755.

DEAR SIR

I little expected,when I wrote you last, that I

should so soon engage in another campaign ; but , indoing it , I may be allowed to claim some m erit, if it isconsidered that the sole motive which invites me tothe field is the laudable desire of serving mv country,not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrativeplans . This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appearby my going as a volunteer

,without expectation of re

ward,or prospect of obtaining a comm and, as I am

confidently assured it is not in General Braddock ’spower to give me a commission that I would accept.Perhaps by many others the above declaration mightbe construed into self-applause

,which, unwilling to

lose , I proclaim m yself. But by you, sir, I expect itwill be viewed in a different light, because you have

WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK. 27

sympathized in my disappointments, and lent yourfriendly aid to reinstate me in a suitable command ;the recollection of which can never be lost '

upon amind that is not insensible of obligations

,but always

ready to acknowledge them .

This is the reason why I am so much more unre ~

served,in the expression of my sentiments to you,

than I should be to the world, whose censures andcriticisms often place good designs in a bad light.But, to be ingenuous , I must confess I have other intentions in writing you this lette r ; for, if there is anymerit in my case, I am unwilling to hazard it amongmy friends without this exposition of facts

,as they

might conceive that some advantageous ofi e rs had en~

gaged my services, when , in reality, it is otherwise , forI expect to be a considerable loser in my private

’

af

fairs by going . It is true I have been importuned tomake this campaign by General Braddock as a member of his family, he conceiving, I suppose, that thesmall knowledge I have had an opportunity of acquiring of the country, Indians, etc . ,

is worthy of his notice

,and may be useful to him in the progress of the

expedition .

I heartily wish a happy issue to all your resolves,and am

,sir,

Your most obedient servant.

III . TO W ILLIAM FAIRFA! .

WINCHESTER, 5May, 1755.

DEAR SIR

I overtook the general at Frederic Town , in Maryland . Thence we proceeded to this place, where weshall remain till th e arrival of the second division ofthe train

,which we be ar left Alexandria on Tuesday


last. After that, we shall continue our march toWills Creek ; from whence, it Is Imagi ned, we shallnot stir till the latter end of this month, for want ofwagons and other conveniences of transport over themountains .You will naturally conclude, that to pass throughMaryland

,when no object required it , was an uncom

mon and an extraordinary route for the general andfor Colonel Dunbar’s regiment to this place . Th e

reason,however

,was obvious . Those who promoted

it had rather the communication should be openedthat way than through Virginia ; but I believe theeyes of the general are now

!

opened,and the imposition detec ted ; consequently, the like will not happenagain. I am , etc.

IV. TO JOHN A . WASHINGTON.

FORT CUMBERLAND , 14May, 1755.

DEAR BROTHERAs wearing boots is quite the mode, and mine are

in a declining state, I must beg the favor of you toprocure me a pair that are good and neat

,and send

them to Major Carlyle, who, I hope, will contrive toforward them as quickly as my necessity requires .I see no prospect of moving from this place soon

,as

we have neither horses nor wagons enough,and no

forage,except what is expected from Philadelphia ;

therefore , I am well convinced that the trouble anddifiicultywe must encounter in passing the mountains ,for the want of proper conveniences

,will equal all the

diffi culties of the campaign ; for I conceive the marchof such a train of artillery

,in these roads

,to be a tre

m endous undert aking. As to any danger from the

enemy, I look upon it as trifling, for I believe the

WITH GENERAL BRADDOCK.29

French will be obliged to exert their utmost force torepel the attack s to the northward, where GovernorShirley and others , with a body of eight thousandmen

,will annoy their settlements, and attempt their

forts .The general has appointed me one of his aids-dccamp

,in which character I shall serve this campaign

agreeably enough,as I am thereby freed from all com~

mands but his, and give his orders, which must beimplicitly obeyed .

I have now a good opportunity, and shall not neglect it , of forming an acquaintance , which may be service able hereafter, if I find it worth while to push myfortune in the military line .I have written to my two female correspondents bythis opportunity, one of whose letters I have enclosedto you, and beg your deliverance of it . I shall expecta particular account of all that has happened since mydeparture .I am, dear Jack , Your most afi e ct ionat e brother.

V. TO JOHN A . WASHINGTON.

YOUGm OGANY ,28June , 1755.

DEAR BROTHERImmediately upon our leaving the camp at George’sCreek , on the 14th instant, from whence I wrote toyou, I was seized with a violent fever and pain of thehead , which continued without intermission until the23d, when I was relieved, by the general

’s absolutelyordering the physician to give me Dr. James’s powders, one of the most excellent medicines in the world.

It gave me immediate ease,and removed my fever and

other complaints in four days’ time . My illness wastoo violent to suffer me to ride ; therefore I was in


debted to a covered wagon for some part of my trans

portation ; but even in this I could not continue far.The jolting was so great, that I was left upon theroad ,

with a guard and some necessaries,to wait the

arrival of Colonel Dunbar’s detachment,which was

two days’ march behind us, the general giving me hisword of honor that I should be brought up before hereached the French fort. This promise

,and the doc

tor’s declaration , that if I persevered in my attemptsto go on , in the condition I then was, my life wouldbe endangered, determined me to halt for the abovem entioned detachment.As the communication between this and Wills Creekmust soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass,it will render the intercourse of letters slow and precarions ; therefore I shall attempt ( and will go throughit if I have strength) to give you an account of ourproceedings , our situation, and prospects at present ;which I desire you will communicate to Colonel Fairfax

,and others,my correspondents, for I am too weak

to write more than this letter.In the letter which I wrote to you from George

’sCreek

,I acquainted you that, unless the number of

wagons was retrenched and the carriage-horses increased, we should never be able to see Fort Duquesne .This

,in two days afterwards (which was about the

time they got to the Little Meadows, with some oftheir foremost wagons and strongest teams) , theythemselves were convinced of for they found that,besides the extreme difficulty of getting the wagonsalong at all, they had often a line of three or fourmiles in length ; and the soldiers guarding them wereso dispersed , that, if we had been attacked either infront

,centre

,or rear

,the part so attacked must have


the general, with one thousand t w o hundred chosenmen , and officers from all the different corps, underthe following field officers , viz .

, Sir Peter Halke t ,

who acts as brigadier,Lieutenant-Colonel Gage

,Lieu.

tenant-Colonel Burton,and Major Spark s

,with such.

a number of wagons as the train would absolutely re ,

quire, should march as soon as things could be got inreadiness . This was completed, and we were on ourmarch by the 19th , leaving Colonel Dunbar and MajorChapman behind

,with the residue of the two regi

ments, some independent companies, most of the w omen , and, in short , everything not absolutely essen~tial, carrying our provisions and other necessaries uponhorses .We set out with less than thirty carriages, includ

ing those that transported the ammunition for thehowitzers

,twelve-pounders

,and six-pounders , and all

of them strongly horsed which was a prospect thatconveyed infinite delight to my mind

,though I was

excessively illat the time . But this prospect was soonclouded

,and my hopes brought very low indeed, when

I found that, instead of pushing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting tolevel every mole-hill

,and to erect bridges over every

brook,by which means we were four days in getting

twelve miles .At this camp I was left by the doctor’s advice andthe general’s positive orders

,as I have already men-a

tione d, without which I should not have been prevailedupon to remain behind as I then imagined , and nowbelieve , I shall find it no easy matter to join my ow ncorps again , which is twenty-fi ve miles in advance .Notwithstanding , I had the general

’s word of honor,pledged in the most solemn manner, that I should be

WITH GENERAL BRADDOC’K . 33

brought up’

before he arrived at Fort Duquesne . Theyhave had frequent alarms, and several men have beenscalped ; but this is done with no other design than toretard the march , and to harass the men , who, if theyare to be turned out every time a small party attack sthe guards at night ( for I am certain they have notsuffi cient force to make a serious assault) , the enemy

’saim will be accomplished by the gaining of time .I have been now six days with Colonel D unbar’scorps, who are in a miserable condition for want ofhorses, not having enough for their wagons ; so thatthe only me thod he has of proceeding is to marchwith as many wagons as these will draw, and thenhalt till the remainder are brought up with the samehorses, which requires two days more ; and shortly, Ibelieve, he will not be able to stir at all . There hasbeen vile management in regard to horses .My strength will not admit of my saying more,though I have not said half that I int e nde d concerningaffairs here . Busine ss I shall not think of, but dependsolely upon your management of all my affairs, notdoubting that they will be well conducted . I am, etc.

VI. TO MRS. MARY WASHINGTON, NEAR FREDERICKS

BURG.

FORT CUMBERLAND JSJuly, 1755.

HONORED MADAMAs I doubt not but you have heard of our defeat

,

and, perhaps, had it represented in a worse light, ifpossible, than it deserves, I have tak en thi s earliestopportunity to give you some account of the engagement as it happened

,within ten miles of the French

fort, on Wednesday the 9th instant.


We marched to that place without any considerableloss

,having only now and then a straggler picked up

by the French and scouting Indians. When we camethere we were attacked by a party of French and Indians, whose number, I am persuaded, did not exceedthree hundred men ; while ours consisted of about onethousand three hundred well -armed troops, chieflyregular soldiers, who were struck with such a panicthat they behaved with more cowardice than it is possible to conceive . The officers behaved gallantly inorder to encourage their men , for which they sufferedgreatly

,there being near sixty killed and wounded ; a

large proportion of the number we had .

The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery,and were

.

nearly all killed ; for I believe, out of threecompanies that were there, scarcely thirty m en areleft alive . Captain P eyrouny, and all his officersdown to a corporal, were killed . Captain Polson hadnearly as hard a fate , for only one of his was left. In

short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all others, that were inclined to do theirduty, to almost certain death ; and at last, despite ofall the efforts of the officers to the contrary

,they ran

,

as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible torally them .

The general was wounded , of which he died threedays after. Sir Peter Halke t was killed in the field,where died many other brave officers . I luckily e scaped without a wound

,though I had four bullets

through my coat, and two horses shot under me. Captains Orme and Morris

,two of the aids-de -camp, were

wounded early in the engagement,which rendered the

duty harder upon me,as I was the only person then

left to distribute the general’s orders,which I w as

A VIRGINIA P LANTER. 35

scarcely able to do, as I was not half recovered froma violent illness that had confined m e to my bed anda wagon for above ten days . I am still in a weak andfeeble condition, which induces me to halt here two orthree days in the hope of recovering a little strength,to enable me to proceed homewards ; from whence, Ifear

,I shall not be able to stir till towards Septem

ber so that I shall not have the pleasure of seeingyou till then, unless it be in Fairfax . Please to givemy love to Mr. Lewis and my siste r ; and complimentsto Mr. Jack son , and all other friends that inquire afterme . I am , honored madam ,

your most dutiful son .

A VIRGINIA PLANTER.

THE period between the final victory of England over Franceand th e w ar for the independence of the colonies w as one of

perplexity and dis cussion. It is difficult for us to-day to put

ourselves in the place of Washington and other m en of his

t ime . W ashington w as a Virginian,and w as one of the legisla

ture . He w as used to making laws and providing for the needsof the people of Virginia , but he w as ac customed to look be yondVirginia to England. There the king w as , and he w as one of th esubj ects of the k ing. Though he and others might never haveseen England, it w as th e centre of th e world to them . Hethought of the other colonies not so much as all parts of one

great country on this side of the Atlantic, as each separate ly 3part of the British empire .After all, however, and most of all, he w as a Virginian. In

Virginia he owned land. There w as his home, and there hisoccupation. He w as a farmer, a planter of tobacco and wheatand it w as his business to sell hi s products . As for th e French

,

they were th e enemies of Great Britain, but they were also verynear enemies of Virginia . They were getting possession of land


inVirginia itself, land w hich W ashington ow ned in part and

when he w as busily engaged in driving them out , he did not haveto stop to think of France he needed only to think of Fort Da

quesne , a fe w days’ march to the westward.

Wh en, therefore, he found the British government mak ing law swhich required him to pay roundly for sending his tobacco tom arket , and taxing him as if there were no Virginia legislatureto saywhat taxes the people could and should pay, he began to

be dissatisfied. England w as a great w ay off ; Virginia w as

close at hand. He w as loyal to th e king and had fought underthe king’s officers, but if th e king cared nothing for his loyalty,and only wanted his pence, his loyalty w as likely to cool.W ashington had grown up with an intense love of law , and

in this he w as like other American Englishmen. In Englandthere Were very fe w persons who made th e laws . The vast m ap

jorityhad nothing to do but to Obey the laws . Ye t it is amongthe mak e rs of laws that th e love of law pre vails and since inAmerica a great many more Englishmen had to do w ith government in colony and in t own than in England, there were morew ho passionately insisted upon th e law being observe d. An un

law fulact w as to them an outrage . W hen they said that England w as oppressing them and making them slaves, they didnot mean that they wanted liberty to do what they pleased, butthat they wanted to be governed by just laws, made by the m e n

w ho had the right to make law s. That right belonged to th e

legislatures , to which they sent representatives .

So it w as out of his love of law and just ice that W ashingtonand others protested against th e Stamp Act and when th e act

w as re pealed, they threw up their hats and hurrahed, not becausethey should not have to buy and use stamps, but because byre

pe aling the act , Parliament had as m uch as said that it w as anunlaw ful act . The t w o letters which follow, w ritt en to BryanFairfax, w ho w as a Virginian Englishman disposed to side withParliament , show how W ashington felt and reasoned.

MOUNT VERNON,20 July, 1774.

DEAR SIR

Your letter of the 17th was not presented to me tillafter the resolutions, which were judged advisable for


this bountry to adopt, had been revised , altered, andcorrected in the committee ; nor till we had gone intoa general meeting in the court-house, and my attention was necessarily called every moment to the busi !ness before us . I did, however, upon the receipt ofit, in that hurry and bustle, hastily run it over, and Ihanded it round to the gentlemen on the bench, ofwhom there were many ; but, as no person presentseemed in the least disposed to adopt your sentiments,as there appeared a perfect satisfaction and acquie scence in the measures proposed ( except from Mr.Williamson

,who was for adopting your advice liter

ally,without obtaining a second voice on his side) ,

and as a gentleman , to whom the letter w as shown ,advised me not to have it read, as it was not likelyto make a convert, and was repugnant, some of themthought, to every principle we were contending for, Iforbore to ofi e r it otherwise than in the manner abovementioned ; which I shall be sorry for, if it gives youany dissatisfaction that your sentiments were not readto the county at large, instead of being communicatedto the first people in it , by ofi e rlng them the letter inthe manner I did.

That I differ very widely from you,in respect to

the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so muchand so justly complained of

,I shall not hesitate to

acknowledge ; and that this difference in opinion probably proceeds from the different constructions we putupon the conduct and intention of the ministry mayalso be true ; but as I see nothing, on the one hand,to induce a belief that the Parliament would embracea favorable opportunity of repealing acts which theygo on with great rapidity to pass in order to enforcetheir tyrannical system ; and

,on the other, I observe,


or think I observe, that government is pursuing aregular plan at the expense of law and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties

,how can

I expect any redress from a measure which has beenineffectually tried already ? For, sir, what is it weare contending against ? Is it against paying the dutyof three pence per pound on tea because burdensome ?No it is the right only, that we have all long disputedand to this end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner as subjectscould do . Nay, more, we applied to the House ofLords and House of Commons in their difi e rent legislative capacities , setting forth, that , as Englishmen,we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of 0 111 constitution . If

,then

, as the factreally 1s, it is against the right of taxation that wenow do

,and

,as I before said

,

“ all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of thispower would be less obnoxious now than formerly ?And what reason have we to believe that they wouldmak e a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fillthe breast of every American

,if they did not intend

to enforce it if possible ?The conduct of the Boston people could not justifythe rigor of their measures, unless there had been arequisition of payment and refusal of it ; nor did thatconduct require an act to deprive the government ofMassachusetts Bay of their charter

,or to exempt of

fenders from trial in the places where ofi e nce s werecommitted, as there was not, nor could there be, asingle instance produced to manifest the necessity ofit . Are not all these things evident proofs of a fixedand uniform plan to tax us ? If we want furtherproofs, do not all the debates in the House of Com


As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I

own to you, sir, I think the whole might as well havebeen expunged . I expect nothing from the measure

,

nor should my voice have sanctioned it , if the non-im

portation scheme was intended to be retarded by it ;for I am convinced, as m uch as I am of my existence ,that there is no relief for us but in their distress ; andI think

,at least I hope, that there is public virtue

enough left among us to deny ourselves everyt hingbut the bare necessaries of life to accomplish this end .

This we have a right to do, and no power upon earthcan compel us to do otherwise

,till it has first reduced

us to the most abject state of slavery. The stoppingof our exports would, no doubt, be a shorter methodthan the other to effect this purpose ; but if we owemoney to Great Britain

,nothing but the last necessity

can justify the non-payment of it ; and, therefore, Ihave great doubts upon this head, and wish to see theother method first tried

,which is legal and will facili

tate these payments .I cannot conclude without expressing some concernthat I should difi e r so widely in sentiments from youon a matter of such great moment and general import ; and I should much distrust my own judgmentupon the occasion , if my nature did not recoil at thethought of submitting to measures which I think subversive of everything that I ought to hold dear andvaluable , and did I not find , at the same time, thatthe voice of mankind is with me . I must apologizefor sending you so rough a sketch of my thoughtsupon your letter. When I look back and see th elength of my own

,I cannot

,as I am a good deal hur

ried at this time,think of tak ing off a fair copy .

I am,dear sir

,your most obedient humble servant.


MOUNT VERNON, 24August , 1774.

DEAR SIR

Your letter of the 5th instant came to this place,forwarded by Mr. Ramsay

,a few days after my re

turn from Williamsburg,and I delayed acknow le dg

ing it sooner, in the hope that I should find time , before I began my journey to Philadelphia, to answerit fully, if not satisfactorily ; but, as much of my timehas been engrossed since I came home by company,by your brother’s sale and the business consequentthereupon, in writing letters to England, and now inattending to my own domestic affairs previous to mydeparture

,I find it impossible to bestow as much at

tention on the subject of your letter as I could wish,and, therefore, I must rely upon your good nature andcandor in excuse for not attempting it . In truth, persuaded as I am that you have read all the politicalpieces which compose a large share of the gazettes atthis time

,I should think it

,but for your request, a

piece of inexcusable arrogance in me to make theleast essay towards a change in your political opinions ; for I am sure I have no new light to throw uponthe subject, nor any other arguments to offer in support of my own doctrine

,than what you have seen ;

and I could only in general add,that an innate spirit

of freedom first told me that the measures which theadm inistrat iOns have for some time been and now aremost violently pursuing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice ; whilst much abler heads thanmy own have fully convinced me

,that they are not

only repugnant to natural right,but subversive of the

laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, in the


establishment of which some of the best blood in thekingdom has been spilt.Satisfied, then, that the acts of the British Parliament are no longer governed by the principles of justice

,that they are trampling upon the valuable rights

of Americans, confi rmed to them by charter and bythe constitution they themselves boast of, and con .

vinced beyond the smallest doubt that these measuresare the result of deliberation, and attempted to becarried into execution by the hand of power, is it atime to trifle, or risk our cause upon petitions, whichwith difficulty obtain access, and afterwards are thrownby with the utmost contempt Or should we

,because

heretofore unsuspicious of design,and then unwilling

to enter into disputes with the mother country,go on

to bear more , and forbear to enumerate our just causesof complaint ? For my own part

,I shall not under

take to say where the line between Great Britain andthe colonies should be drawn ; but I am clearly ofopinion that one ought to be drawn, and our rightsclearly ascertained . I could w ish , I own, that thedispute had been left to posterity to determine, butthe crisis is arrived when

‘

we must assert our rights, orsubmit to every imposition , that can be heaped uponus

,till custom and use shall make us tame and abject

slaves .I intended to write no more than an apology for not

w riting ; but I find I am insensibly running into alength I did not expect, and therefore shall concludewith remarking, that, if you disavow the right of Parliam ent to tax us, unrepresented as we are, we onlydiffer in respect to the mode of opposition , and thisdifi e rence principally arises from your belief, thatthey ( the Parliament, I mean ,) want a decent oppor

COMMANDER-IN— CHIEF. 43

tunityto repeal the acts whilst I am fully convincedthat there has been a regular, systematic plan formedto enforce them

,and that nothing but unanimity and

firmness in the colonies, which they did not expect,can prevent it . By the best advices from Boston itseems that General Gage is exceedingly disconcertedat the quiet and steady conduct of the people of theMassachusetts Bay, and at the measures pursuing bythe other governments . I dare say he expected toforce those oppressed people into compliance , or irritate them to acts of violence before this, for a morecolorable pretence of ruling that and the other colonies w i th a high hand.

I shall set off on Wednesday next for Philadelphia,where , if you have any commands, I shall be glad tooblige you in them being, dear sir, with real regard.

Your most obedient servant.

COMMANDER— IN—CHIEF.

WHEN the se cond Continental Congress met in May, 1775,

Washington w as a delegate from Virginia . Every one felt thegravity and delicacy of the situat ion. An army had be enraise d,but it w as a Ne w England army, for it had been started into lifeby th e fight at Lexington andConcord. If the coming strugglew as to be at Boston, as seemed likely

,it w as natural that the

troops should come mainly from that neighborhood. The colonies w ere widely separated they had not acted much together ,would it not be bet ter, would it not save ill-feeling, if a Ne wEngland m an were to com m and this Ne w England armyThere were some who thought thus ; and besides, there w as

stilla good dealofdifference of opinionas to the course tobe pur


sued. Some were ready for independence others, and pe r

haps the most , hoped to bring the British to terms . Partiesw ere rising in Congress ; pet ty jealousies were showing themselves

,when suddenly John Adams of Massachuset ts, seeing into

what perplexities they were drifting, came forward with a distinct proposit ion that Congress should adopt th e army beforeBoston and appoint a commander. He did not name Washington, but described him as a certain gentleman from Virginia whocould unite the cordial exertions of all the colonies better thanany other person. Noone doubtedwho w as meant , andW ashington, confused and agitated, left the room at once .Nothing else w as talked of. The delegates discussed th e

m atter in groups and small circles, and a fe w days afterward a

Maryland delegate formally nominatedGeorgeWashington to becommander-in-chief of the American Army . He w as 11

m ously elected, but the honor of bringing him distinctly beforethe Congress belongs to John Adams. It seems now a verynatural thing to do, but really it w as some thing w hich requiredw isdom and courage . W hen one sums up allW ashington’smilitary experience at this t ime, it w as not great, or such as to pointhim out as unmistakably th e leader of th e American army

,

There w as a general then in command at Cambridge , who hadseen more of w ar thanW ashington had. But W ashington w as

the leading military m an inVirginia, and it w as for thi s reasonthat John Adams as a Ne w England m an urged his election.

The Congress had done something to bring the colonies togethe rthe w ar w as to do more , but probably no single act had a morefar-reaching significance in mak ing the Union, than th e act of

naming for th e chief place the Virginia Washington by the Ne wEngland Adams .

It w as on th e 15th day of June , 1775, thatGeorge Washingt onw as chosen commander - in -chief. The next day he made hisanswer to Congress, in which he declared that he accepted theoffice , but that he would take no pay he would k eep an exac taccount of his expenses, but he would give h is services to hiscountry. There w as no t ime to be lost . He could not go hometo bid his wife good—by, and he did not know when he should se eher again

, so he wrote her from P hiladelphia . He had left a

relat ion, Mr. Lund W ashington, in charge of th e Mount Vernon

estate, and later in th e year he wrote to him a let ter of instructions about the care of his place . The thre e let ters follow.

COMMANDER-IN CHIEF. 45

I. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

MR. PRESIDENT : Though I am truly sensible ofthe high honor done me , in this appointment, yet I feelgreat distress

,from a consciousness that my abilities and

military experience m ay not be equal to the extensiveand important trust. However, as the Congress desireit , I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exertevery power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept mymost cordial thank s for this distinguished testimony oftheir approbation .

But, lest some unlucky event should happen , un

favorable to my reputation , I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room , that I, this day,declare with the utmost sincerity, I do not think m y

self equal to the command I am honored with .

As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress,that, as no pecuniary consideration could have temptedme to accept this arduous employment at the expenseof my domestic ease and happiness

,I do not wish to

make any profit from it . I will keep an exact accountof my expenses . Those

,I doubt not, they will dis

charge and that is all I desire .

II. TO MRS. MARTHA WASHINGTON.

MY DEAREST : I am now set down to write to

you on a subject which fills me with inexpressibleconcern , and this concern is greatly aggravated andincreased when I reflect upon the uneasiness I knowit will give you . It has been determined in Congress,that the whole army raised for the defence of theAm erican cause shall be put under my care

,and that

it is necessary for m e to proceed im mediately to Bostonto take upon me the command of it .


You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assureyou in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor inmy power to avoid it , not only from my unwillingnessto part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, andthat I should enjoy more real happiness in one monthwith you at home

,than I have the most distant pros

pe ct of finding abroad, if m y stay were to be seventimes seven years . But as it has been a kind of de stiny that has thrown m e upon this service , I shall hopethat my undertaking it is designed to answer some goodpurpose . You might, and I suppose did perceive, fromthe tenor of my letters, that Iwas apprehensive I couldnot avoid this appointment

,as I did not pretend to in

timate when I should return . That was the case . It

w as utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment without exposing my character to such censuresas would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and

given pain to my friends . This , I am sure , could not,and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must havelessened me considerably in my own esteem . I shallrely, therefore, confidently on that Providence whichhas heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me ,not doubting but that I shall return safe to you in thefall. I shall feel no pain from the toil or the dangerof the campaign ; my unhappiness will flow from theuneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone .I therefore beg that you will summon your whole fort itude , and pass your time as agreeably as possible .Nothing will give me so m uch sincere satisfaction asto hear this, and to hear it from your own pen . Myearnest and ardent desire is

,that you would pursue any

plan that is most likely to produce content and a tol~


to you yet . I do not offer this as any temptation toinduce you to go on more cheerfully in prosecutingthese schemes of mine . I should do injustice to you

,

were I not to acknowledge that your conduct has everappeared to me above everything sordid but I offer itin consideration of the great charge you have uponyour hands, and my entire dependence upon yourfidelity and industry.

It is the greatest, indeed it is the only comfortablereflection I enjoy on this score

,that my business is

!

in

the hands of a person concerning whose integrity Ihave not a doubt, and on whose care I can rely . Wereit not for this, I should feel very unhappy on accountof the situation of my affairs ; but I am persuadedyou will do for me as you would for yourself, and morethan this I cannot expect .Let the hospitality of the house with respect to thepoor be kept up . Let no one go hungry away. If

any of this k ind of people should be in want of corn,supply their necessities, provided it does not encouragethem in idleness and I have no objection to yourgiving my money in charity, to the amount of forty orfifty pounds a year, when you think it well bestowed .

What I mean by having no objection 1s, that it is my

desire that it should be done . You are to consider,that neither myself nor wife is now in the way to dothese good offices . In all other respects I recomm endit to you, and have no doubt of your observing thegreatest economy and frugality as I suppose youknow that I do not get a farthing for my services here,more than m y expenses . It becomes necessary, therefore

,for me to be saving at home

IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE. 49

IN CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE.

ON th e 2d day of July, 1775, Washington arrived at Cam

bridge whe re the little army which he w as to com mand w astgathered. The ne xt day, w ith Le e and othe r officers he rode tothe Common, and there, under an e lm -tre e still s tanding, tookcommand of the Ame rican army . The m e nwere in companiesof various size s, under captains and other offi cers who had verylittle authority ove r the privates, w ho usually elected their ow ncommander. A visitor to the camp relate s a dialogue w hich hehe ard be twe e n a captain and one of the private s under him .

“Bill,!said the captain, go and bring a pailof wate r for the

m e n.

I shan’t said Bill. It’s your turn now , captain ; I got

it last time .

But th e m e n, though under very little discipline , we re goodstuff out of w hich tomak e soldiers . Most of them were in de adearnest, and they brought , be sides courage , gre at skill in theuse of the ordinary m usket. A story is told of a company ofrifle m en raised in one of the frontier countie s of P ennsylvania .

So many volunte e rs applie d as to em barrass the le ader w ho

w as enlisting the company, and he drew on a board w ith chalkthe figure of a nose of the com m on size , placed the board at a

distance of a hundre d and fifty yards, and then declared hew ould take only those w ho could hit the m ark . Ove r sixty succe e ded. Gene ralGage , tak e care of your nose ,! says the newspaper that te lls the story. Ge ne ral Gage w as at that time thecom m ande r of the British forces in Boston.

As soon as he could look about him and se e what he had todepend upon, and w hat he needed, W ashington w rote to the

P resident of ,Congre ss, and be gan that se ries of le tters w hich

continued throughout the w ar. His first lette r w as w ritten a

week after he took command. He wrote also to his familiarfriends and family, and . a second le t ter is here gi ven to his

brother John. A third lette r, w ritte n in the w inter follow ing toJose ph Re ed, shows w hat difficulty Washington found in carrying on the siege .


I. TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE, 10 July, 1775.

SIR : I arrived safe at this place on the 3d instant,after a journey attended w ith a good deal of fatigue,and retarded by necessary attentions to the successivec ivilities, which accompanied me in my whole route .Upon my arrival , I immediately visited the severalposts occupied by our troops ; and, as soon as theweather permitted, reconnoitred those of the enemy .

I found the latter strongly intrenching on Bunker’sHill

,about a mile from Charlestown

,and advanced

about a mile from the place of the late action, withtheir sentries extended about one hundred and fiftyyards Oh this side of th e narrowest part of the neckleading from this place to Charlestown . Three floating batt eries lie in Mystic River near their camp, andone twenty-gun ship below the ferry-place betweenBoston and Charlestown . They have also a battery onCops Hill, on the Boston side , which much annoyedour troops in the late attack . Upon Roxbury Neck ,they are also deeplyintrenche d and strongly fortified .

Their advanced guards, till last Saturday, occupiedBrow n’s houses, about a mile from Roxbury meetinghouse, and twenty rods from their lines ; but at thattime a party from General Thomas’s camp surprisedthe guard, drove them in

,and burned the houses .

The bulk of their army,commanded by General Howe,

lies on Bunker’s Hill, and the remainder on RoxburyNeck , except

.

the light-horse and a few men in thetown of Boston .

On our side , we have thrown up intrenchments onWinter and Prospect Hills, the enemy

’s camp in fullview, at the distance of little more than a mile . Such

IN CAMP AT CABIBRIDGE. 51

intermediate points as would admit a landing,I have

since my arrival taken care to strengthen,down to

Sewall ’s farm, where a strong intrenchment has beenthrown up . At Roxbury, General Thomas has thrownup a strong work on the hill

,about two hundred

yards above the meeting-house ; which, with the brok enne ss of the ground , and a great number of rock s,has made that pass very secure . The troops raised inNew Hampshire, with a regiment from Rhode Island,occupy Winte r Hill ; a part of those from Conne cti

cut, under General Putnam ,are on Prospect Hill .

The troops in this town are entirely of the Massachu

setts the remainder of the Rhode Island men are atSe w all’s farm . Tw o regiments of Connecticut

,and

nine of the Massachuse tts, are at Roxbury. The residue of the army, to the number of about seven hundred , are posted in several small towns along thecoast, to prevent the depredations of the enemy.

Upon the whole, I think myself authorized to say,that

,considering the great extent of line and the na

ture of the ground , we are as w ell secured as could beexpected in so short a time

,and w i th the disadvan

tages we labor under. These consist in a want of e n

gine e rs to construct proper work s and direct the men ,a want of tools

,and a sufficient number of men to

man the works in case of an attack . You will observe,by the proceedings of the council of war, which Ihave the honor to enclose , that it is our unanimousopinion to hold and defend these work s as long as

possible . The discouragement it would give the men,and its contrary e fi e cts on the ministerial troops, thusto abandon our encampment in their face

,formed with

so much labor and expense,added to the certain . de

struction of a considerable and valuable extent of


country, and our uncertainty of finding a place in allrespects so capable of making a stand, are leadingreasons for this determination . At the same time weare very sensible of the diffi culties which attend thedefence of lines of so great extent, and the dangerswhich may ensue from such a division of the army.

My earnest wish to comply with the instructions ofthe Congress

,in making an early and complete return

of the state of the army, has led to an involuntary delay of addressing you ; which has given me muchconcern . Having given orders for that purpose immediately on my arrival, and not then so well apprisedof the imperfect obedience which had been paid tothose of

,the like nature from General Ward, I was

led from day to day to expect they would come in, andtherefore detained the messenger. They are not nowso complete as I could wish ; but much allowance isto be made for inexperience m forms

,and a liberty

which had been taken (not given) on the subject.These reasons, I flatter myself, will no longer exist ;and, of consequence, more regularity and exactnesswill in future prevail. This, with a necessary attention to the lines, the movements of the ministerialtroops, and our immediate Security, must be my apology, which I beg you to lay before Congress with theutmost duty and respect.We labor under great disadvantages for want oftents for, though they have been helped out by a collection of sails from the seaport towns , the number isfar short of our necessities . The colleges and housesof thi s town are necessarily occupied by the troops ;which affords another reason for keeping our presentstation . But I most sincerely wish the whole armywas properly provided to take the field, as I am well


assured, that, besides greater expedition and activityin case of alarm,

it would highly conduce to healthand discipline . As materials are not to be had here ,I would beg leave to recommend the procuring of afarther supply from Philadelphia as soon as possible .

I should be extremely deficient in gratitude, as wellas justice

,if I did not take the first opportunity to

acknowledge the readiness and attention, which theProvincial Congress 1 and different committees haveshown

,to make everything as convenient and agree

able as possible . But there is a vital and inherentprinciple of delay incompatible with m ilitary service,in transacting business through such numerous anddifferent channels . I esteem it , therefore, my duty torepresent the inconvenience which must unavoidablyensue from a dependence on a number of persons forsupplies ; and submit it to the consideration of Congress

,whether the public service will not be best pro

moted by appointing a commissary-general for thesepurposes . We have a striking instance of the preference of such a mode , In the establishment of Connecticut , as their troops are extremely well providedunder the direction of Mr. Trumbull , and he has atdifi e rent times assisted others with various articles.Should mysentiments happily coincide with those ofyour Honors on this subj e ct

,I beg leave to propose

Mr . Trumbull as a very proper person for this department. In the arrangement of troops collected undersuch circumstances

,and upon the spur of immediate

necessity, several appointments have been omitted,which appear to be indi spensably necessary for thegood government of the army

,particularly a quart er

1 That is, th e congress forme d by the patriots in Massachu

se tts .


master-general, a comm issary of musters, and a commissary of artillery. These I must particularly re comm end to the notice and provision of the Congress .I find myself already much embarrassed for wantof a military chest . These embarrassments will increase every day . I must therefore most earnestlyrequest that money may be forwarded as soon as possible . The w ant of thi s most necessary article will

,I

fear, produce great inconveniences, if not preventedby an early attention . I find the army in generaland the troops raised in Massachusetts in particular,very deficient in necessary clothing. Upon inquiry,there appears no probability of obtaining any suppliesin this quarter and , on the best consideration of thismatter I am able to form

, I am of opinion that a number of hunting-shirts, not less than ten thousand,would in a great degree remove this diffi culty, in thecheapest and quickest manner. I know nothing, ina speculative view, more trivial, yet which , if put inpractice

,would have a happier tendency to unite the

men,and abolish those provincial distinctions that

lead to jealousy and dissatisfaction .

In a former part of this letter I mentioned thewant of engineers . I can hardly express the disappointment I have experienced on this subject, the sk illof those we have being very imperfect, and confined toth e mere manual exercise of cannon whereas the warin which we are engaged requires a knowledge, comprehending the duties of the field, and fortification .

If any persons thus qualified are to be found in thesouthern colonies , it would be of great public serviceto forward them with all expedition .

Upon th e article of ammunition I must reecho theformer complaints on this subject . We are so exceed


that he is an able, good offi cer ; and his resignationwould be a public loss . The postponing of him toPomroy and Heath , whom he has commanded, wouldmake his continuance very difficult, and probably operate on his mind, as the like circumstances did on thatof Spencer.The state of the army you will find ascertained withtolerable precision in the returns which accompanythis letter. Upon finding the number of men to fall sofar short of the establishment, and below all expectation, I immediately called a council of the generaloffi cers , w hose Opinion as to the mode of filling up theregiments, and providing for the present exigency, Ihave the honor of enclosing

,together with the best

judgment we are able to form of the ministerial troops .From the number of boys

,deserters, and negroes, that

have been enlisted in the troops of this province,I

entertain some doubts whether the number requiredcan be raised here and all the general officers agreethat no dependence can be put on the militia for acontinuance in camp

,or regularity and discipline dur

ing the short time they may stay. This unhappy anddevoted province has been so long in a state of anarchy

,and the yoke of ministerial oppression has been

laid so heavily on it , that great allowances are tobe made for troops raised under such circumstances .The deficiency of numbers, discipline, and stores, canonly lead to this conclusion

,that their spirit has ex

c e ede d their strength . But, at the same time , I wouldhumbly submit to the consideration of Congress thepropriety of m aking ‘

som e further provision of menfrom the other colonies . If these regime nts should becompleted to their establishment, the dismission ofthose unfit for duty

,on account of their age and char.


acter,would occasion a considerable reduction and

,at

all events,they have been enlisted upon such terms

that they may be disbanded when other troops arrive .But should my apprehensions be realized, and the regiments here not be filled up, the public cause wouldsuffer by an absolute dependence upon so doubtful anevent, unless some provision is made against such adisappointment .It requires no military skill to judge of the difficultyof introducing proper discipline and subordinationinto an army, while we have the enemy in view, andare in daily expectation of an att ack ; but it is of somuch importance that every e fi ort will be m ade tothis end which time and circumstances will admit. In

the mean time,I have a sincere pleasure in observing,

that there are materials for a good army, a great number of able-bodied men

,ac tive, zealous in the cause,

and of unquestionable courage .I am now

, sir, to acknowledge the receipt of yourfavor of the 28th of June, enclosing the resolutions ofCongress of the 27th , and a copy of a letter from theCommittee of Albany ; to all which I shall pay dueatte ntion .

Generals Gates and Sullivan have both arrive d ingood health .

My best abilities are at all times devoted to the service of my country ; but I feel the weight, importance,and variety of my present duties too sensibly, not towish a more immediate and frequent communicationwith the Congress . I fear it may often happe n , in thecourse of our present operations, that I shall needthat assistance and direction from them, which timeand distance will not allow me to receive .Since writing the above

,I have also to acknowledge


your favor of the 4th instant by Fessenden,and the

receipt of the commissions and articles of war. Amongthe other returns , I have also sent one of our killed ,wounded, and missing, in the late action ; but havebeen able to procure no certain account of the loss ofthe ministerial troops . My best intelligence fixes itat about five hundred k illed and six or seven hundredwounded ; but it is no more than conjecture, the utmostpains being taken on their side to conceal their loss .Having ordered the commanding officer to give methe earliest intelligence of every m otion of the enemyby land or water

,discernible from the heights of his

camp,I this instant

,as I was closing my letter, re

c e ived the .e nclosed from the brigade-major. The design of this manoeuvre I know not ; perhaps it maybe to mak e a descent somewhere along the coast ; itmay be for New York ; or it may be practised as adeception on us. I thought it not improper

,however,

to mention the matter to you ; I have done the sameto the commanding officer at New York ; and I shalllet it be known to the Comm ittee of Safety here, sothat intelligence may be communicated, as they shallthink best , along the se a-coast of this government.

I‘ have the honor to be

,etc.

II. TO JOHN AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

CAMP AT WASHINGTON,27July, 1775.

DEAR BROTHER : On the 2d instant I arrived at

this place, after passing through a great deal of delightful country, covered w ith grass ( although theseason has been dry) , in a manner ve ry difi e rent fromour lands in Virginia.I found a mixed multitude of people here, undervery little discipline, order, or government ; the enemy


in possession of a place called Bunker’s Hill onCharlestown Neck , strongly intrenched, and fortifyingthemselves ; part of our ow n army on two hills, calledWinter and Prospect Hills , about a mile and a quarter from the enemy on Bunker’s Hill, in a very insecure state ; another part at this village ; and a thirdpart at Roxbury, guarding the entrance in and out ofBoston . My whole time, since I came here, has beenemployed in throwing up lines of defence at these threeseveral place s, to secure, in the first instance , our owntroops from any attempts of the enemy ; and, in thenext place, to cut off all communication between theirtroops and the country. To do this, and to preventthem from penetrating into the count ry with fire andsword, and to harass them if they do, is all that is ex

pe cted of me . If e fi e cted, it must totally overthrowthe designs of administration, as the whole force ofGreat Britain in the town and harbor of Boston cananswer no other end than to sink her under the disgrace and weight of the expense . The enemy’sstrength, including marine forces, is computed, from thebest accounts I can get, at about twelve thousand men ;ours, including sick and absent, at about sixteen thousand ; but then we have to guard a semicircle of eightor nine miles, to every part of which we are obligedto be equally attentive whilst they

,situated as it were

in the centre of the semicircle,and having the entire

command of the water, can bend their whole forceagainst any one part of it with equal facility . Th isrenders our situation not very agreeable

,though ne ce s

sary . However, by incessant labor, Sundays not exce pt e d, we are in a much better posture of defencenow than w hen . I first came . The enclosed, thoughrough, will give you some small idea of Boston and


the Bay on this side, as also of the post they havetaken on Charlestown Neck at Bunker’s Hill, and ofour posts.The enemy are sickly and in want of fresh provisions . Beef, which is chiefly got by slaughteringtheir mi lch cows in Boston

,sells from one shilling to

eighte en pence sterling per pound ; and that it may notbecome cheaper or more plenty

,I have driven all the

stock within a considerable distance of this placeback into the country, out of the way of the menof-war’s boats. In short

, I have done, and shallcontinue to do , everything in my power to distressthem. The transports have all arrived, and theirwhole reinforcement is landed, so that I can see noreason why they should not

, if they ever attempt it ,come boldly out, and put the matter to issue at once .If they think themselves not strong enough to do thisthey surely will carry their arms ( having ships of warand transports ready) to some other part of the continent

,or relinquish the dispute ; the last of which the

ministry, unless compelled, will never agree to do .

Our work s and those of the enemy are so near, andthe space between is so open , that each sees everythingthe other is doing.

I recollect nothing more worth mentioning. I shalltherefore conclude

,with my best wishes and love to

my sister and the family, and compliments to any inquiring friends .

Your most afi e ctionat e brother.

III. TO JOSEPH REED .

CAMBRIDGE, 14January, 1776 .

DEAR SIR : The bearer p resents an opportunityto me of acknowledging the receipt of your favor of

IN ' CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE .61

the 30th ultimo, which never came to my hands tilllast night, and, if I have not done it before , of yourother letter of the 23d preceding.

The hints you have communicated from time totime not only deserve, but do most sincerely and cor!

dially meet with my thanks . You cannot render amore acceptable service, nor in my estimation give mea more convincing proof of your friendship, than by afree

,open

,and undisguised account of every matter

relative to myself or conduct. I can bear to hear ofimputed or real errors. The man who wishes to standwell in the opinion of others, must do this ; becausehe is thereby enabled to correct his faults or removethe prejudices which are imbibed against him . Forthis reason

,I shall thank you for giving me the Opin

ions of the world upon such points as you know me tobe interested in ; for, as I have but one capital objectin view

,I could wish to make my conduct coincide

with the wishes of mankind, as far as I can consistently I mean , without departing from that great lineof duty which, though hid under a cloud for sometime , from a peculiarity of circumstances, may neverthe le ss bear a scrutiny.

My constant attention to the great and perplexingobjects, which continually rise to my view, absorbs alllesser considerations, and indeed scarcely allows me toreflect that there is such a body in existence as theGeneral Court of this colony, but when I am remindedof it by a committee nor can I, upon recollection, discover in what instances (I wish they would be moreexplicit) I have been inattentive to , or slighted them .

They could not, surely, conceive that there was a proprie tyin unbosoming the secrets of an army to themthat it was necessary to ask their opinion of throwing


up an intrenchment, or forming a battalion . It must,

therefore, be what I before hinted to you and how toremedy it I hardly know

,as I am acquainted with few

of the members , never go out of my own lines, nor seeany of them in them .

I am exceedingly sorry to hear that your little flee thas been shut in by the frost. I hope it has sailed erethis , and given you some proof of the utility of it ,and enabled the Congress to bestow a little more at

tention to the affairs of this army,which sufi e rs ex

c e edingly by their overmuch business , or too littleattention to it . We are now without any money inour treasury, powder in our magazines, or arms in our

stores . We are without a brigadier ( the want ofwhom has been twenty times urged) , engineers, expresses ( though a committee has been appointed thesetwo months to establish them) , and by and by, whenwe shall be called upon to take the field, shall not havea tent to lie in. Apropos,

‘

w hat is doing with mineThese are evils , but small in comparison of thosewhich disturb my present repose . Our enlistmentsare at a stand ; the fears I ever entert ained are realize d ; that is, the discontented Ofi cers ( for I do notknow how else to account for it ) have thrown suchdiffi culties or stumbling-blocks in the way of recruiting, that I no longer en tertain a hope of completing thearmy by voluntary enlistments

,and I see no move or

likelih ood to do it by other means . In the two lastweek s we have enlisted but about a thousand men ;whereas I was confidently led to believe , by all theofficers I conversed with

,that we should by this time

have had the regiments nearly completed . Our totalnumber upon paper amounts to about te n thousandfive hundred ; but as a large portion of these are re

64 GEORGE‘

WASHINGTON.

ment to men with arms,you will get but few of th

former,and still fewer of the latter which would be

good for anything.

How to get furnished I know not. I have appliedto this and the neighboring colonies , but with whatsuccess time only can tell . The reflection on my situation

,and that of this army, produces many an un

happy hour when all around me are wrapped in sleep .

Few people know the predicament we are in, on athousand accounts ; fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these lines

,from what cause it flows .

I have often thought how much happier I should havebeen, if, instead of accepting the com m and unde r suchcircumstances, I had taken my musket on my shoulderand entered the rank s

,or

,if I could have just ified

the measure to posterity and my ow n conscience, hadretired to the back country, and lived in a Wigwam .

If I shall be able to rise superior to these and manyother difficulties which might be enumerated

,I shall

most religiously believe that the finger of Providenceis in it , to blind the eyes of our enemies ; for surelyif we get well through this month

, it must be for wantof their knowing the disadvantages we labor under.Could I have foreseen the difficulties which havecome upon us ; could I have known that such a backw ardne s

'

swould have been discovered among the oldsoldiers to the service

,all the generals upon earth

should not have convinced m e of the propriety of delaying an

'

attack upon Boston till this time . When itcan now be attempted

,I will not undertake to say ;

but thus much I will answer for, that no opportunitycan prese nt itself earlier than my wishes . But as thisletter discloses some interesting truths

,I shall be

somewhat uneasy until I hear it gets to your hands,although the conveyance is thought safe .

MR. OR GENERAL WASHINGTON. 65

MR. WASHINGTON OR GENERAL WASHINGTON.

NOT long after th e declaration of independence an Englishfleet arrived inNe w York Bay, bringing a large body of troops,under the command of Lord Howe , who with his brother, AdmiralHowe

,had been appointed commissioners to t reat w ith the

Americans . In reality, they only brought a promise of pardonto rebels . It w as very clear to Washington that the Brit ishgovernment had not th e slightest intention of list e ning to the

grievances of the colonies with a desire to redress them but thatthey meant by these proposals to distrac t th e colonies if possibleand build up a party among them that would Oppose the actior ofCongress . There w as a little incident at tending the arrival ofthe commissioners that showed the feeling which prevailed. The

letter which follows, written byW ashingt on to the P resident ofCongress, describes the affair . P ossibly it sounds lik e very smallbusiness . In reality it meant a great deal. W ereW ashingtonandother officers rebels against the king, or were they the officers of agovernment which had declared itself independent of the k ingLordHowe gave up trying to force Washingt on into the trap, andwrote to h is government that it would be necessary in future togive the American commander his title . Lit tle things like thiswent a great w ay toward making the people stand erect and

look the world in the face .

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

NEW YORK,14July, 1776 .

SIR : General Sullivan,in a letter of the 2d instant,

informs me of his arrival with the army at CrownPoint, where he is fortifying and throwing up work s .He adds, that he has secured all the stores exceptthree cannon left at Chamblee

,which in part is made

up by taking a fine twelve-pounder out of the lake .The army is sick ly, many with the small-pox ; and heis apprehensive the militia

,ordered to join them

,will


not escape the infection . An offi cer,whom he had

sent to reconnoitre, had reported that he saw at St.John’s about a hundred and fifty tents , twenty at St.Roy ’s, and fifteen at Chamblee ; and works at thefirst were busily carrying on .

About three o’clock this afternoon I was informedthat a flag from Lord Howe was coming up

,and

waited with two of our whale-boats until directionsshould be given . I immediately convened such of thegeneral officers as were not upon other duty

,who

agreed in opinion that I ought not to receive any letterdirected to me as a private gentleman ; but if otherwise, and the ofi ce r desired to come up to deliver theletter himself

,as was suggested

,he should come under

a safe-conduct. Upon this,I directed Colonel Reed

to go down and manage the afi air under the abovegeneral instruction . On his return he informed me,that

,after the common civilities , the officer acquainted

him that he had a letter from Lord Howe to Mr.Washington , which he showed under a superscription,To George Washington, Esq.

! Colonel Reed re

plied that there was no such person in the army, andthat a letter intended for the General could not be rece ive d under such a direction . The officer expressedgreat concern

,said it was a letter rather of a civil

than m ilitary nature, that Lord Howe regretted hehad not arrived sooner, that he (Lord Howe ) hadgreat powers . The anxiety to have the letter receivedwas very evident, though the officer disclaimed

'

allknowledge of its contents . However, Colonel Reed

’

sinstructions being positive, they parted . After theyhad got some distance

,the officer with the flag again

put about,and asked under what direction Mr. Wash.

ington chose to be addressed to which Colonel Reed

IMB . OR GENERAL WASHINGTON. 67

answered that his station was well known, and thatcertainly they could be at no loss how to direct to him .

The offi cer said they knew and lamented it and againrepeated his wish, that the letter could be received.

Colonel Reed told him a proper direction would obn

viat e all diffi culties, and that this was no new matter,this subject having been fully discussed in the courseof the last year

,of which Lord Howe could not be

ignorant upon whi ch they parted .

I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials topunctilio but in this instance, the opinion of othersconcurring with my own , I deemed it a duty to mycountry and my appointment to insist upon that re

spect which,in any otherthan a public view, I would

willingly have waived . Nor do I doubt but, from thesupposed nature of the message, and the anxiety expressed

,they will either repeat their flag, or fall upon

some mode to communicate the import and couse

que nce of it .The passage of the ships of war and tenders up theriver is a matter of great importance, and has excitedmuch conjecture and speculation . To me two thingshave occurred as leading them to this proceedingfirst, a design to seize on the narrow passes on bothsides of the river

,giving almost the only land com

m unicat ion w i th Albany,and of consequence with our

northern army,for which purpose they might have

troops concealed on board,which they deemed compe ~

tent of themselves,as the de fi le s are narrow ; or that

they would be joined by many disaffected persons inthat quarter. Others have added a probability oftheir having a large quantity of arms on board, to bein readiness to put into the hands of the Tories imm ediat e lv on the arrival of the fleet, or rather at the


time they intend to make their attack . The second is,

to cut off entirely all intercourse between this placeand Albany by water, and the upper country, andto prevent supplies of every kind from going andcoming.

These matters are truly alarming,and of such im

portance, that I have written to the Provincial Congress of New York , and recommended to their seriousconsideration the adoption of every possible expedientto guard against the two first ; and have suggestedthe propriety of their employing the m ilitia

,or some

part of them ,in the counties in which these de file s

are,to keep the enemy from possessing them

,till fur

ther provision can be made ; and to write to the several leading persons on our side in that quarter to beattentive to all the m ovements of the ships and thedisaffected

,in order to discover and frustrate what

ever pernicious schemes they have in view.

In respect to the second conjecture of my own , andwhich seems to be generally adopted, I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that, if their design is tokeep the armies from provision , the commissary hastold me upon inquiry, that h e has forwarded suppliesto Albany (now there and above it ) sufficient forten thousand men for four months ; that he has a

sufficiency here for twenty thousand men for threemonths

,and an abundant quantity secured in difi e rent

parts of the Jerseys for the Flying Camp, besideshaving about four thousand barrels of flour in someneighboring part of Connecticut. Upon this head,there is but little occasion for any apprehensions, atleast for a considerable time .

AT VALLEY FORGE. 69

VIII.

AT VALLEY FORGE.

THE Ame rican army w as defeated at th e bat tle of Brandy-ow ine, September 10, 1777. Afterward

, at Germantown,it had

bet ter fortune , but the British were in possession of Philadelphia,and W ashington le d his army int o winter quarters at ValleyForge . The place w as equally distant w ith Philadelphia fromthe Brandywine and from the ferry across the Delaware intoNe w Jersey. It w as too far from P hiladelphia tobe inperilfromattack , and ye t it w as so near that the American army could

,if

opportunity offered, descend quickly upon the city. Then it

w as so protected byhills and streams that the addition of a fe w

lines of fort ificat ion made it very secure .But there w as no town at Valley Forge

, and it became neccesary to provide some shelter for th e soldiers other than th e can

vas t ents which served in the field in summer . It w as th e middleof December when th e army began preparations for the winter,and Washington gave directions for the building of th e littlevillage . Each but w as to hold twelve persons, and w as to be

fourt een feet by sixt een, the sides, ends, and roof to be made oflogs , and th e sides made t ight w ith clay . There w as to be a fi re

place in th e rear of each but , built of wood, but lined w ith clayeighte en inches thick . Th e walls were to be six and a half feethigh . Huts were also to be provided for the officers, and to be

placed in the rear of those occupiedbythe troops . Allthese wereto be regularly arranged in streets . A visitor to the camp whenth e huts were being built wrote of the army They appear tom e like a family of beavers, every one busy some carrying logs,others m ud

, and the rest plastering them together . ! It w as

bit ter cold, and for a month the m e n were hard at work .

But in what sort of condition were th e m e n themselves whenthey began this work Here is a picture of one of these m e n

on his w ay to Valley Forge . His bare feet peep through hisw orn-out shoes, his legs nearly naked from the tat tered remainsof an only pair of stock ings, his breeches not enough to coverhis nak edness, his shirt hanging in strings , h is hair disheveled, hisface w an and thin, his look hungry, his whole appearance that of


a m an forsaken and neglect ed. And th e snow w as fallingThis w as one of th e privat e s . The officers were scarcelybe tter off. One w as wrapped in a sort of dre ssing-gownmadefrom an old blanket or woolen be d—cover. ! The uniforms weret orn and ragged th e g uns were rusty ; a fe w only had bayonets ; th e soldiers carried their powder in tin boxes and cow

horns .

To explain why this army w as so poor and forlorn, would beto tell a long story. It m ay be summed up briefly in thesewords : th e army w as not tak en care of be cause there w as nocountry to tak e care of it . There w ere thirteen States, and e achof these States sent t roops into th e field, but all of the Sta tesw ere jealous of each other . There w as 3.Congress, which undertook to dire ct th e w ar, but th e members of Congre ss ,

‘

com ing

from th e several States, were jealous of one another. The firstfervor with w hich they had talked about a common country haddied away there were some very selfish m e n in Congre ss, whocould not be patr iotic enough to think of the whole country.Th e truth is , it tak es a long time for the people ofa countrytocome to feel that they have a country. Up to th e time of the w ar

for independence the pe ople in America did not care much forone another or for Am erica . They had really be en pre paring tobe a nat ion, but they did not know it . They we re angry w ithGreat Britain, and they knew they had be en w ronged. They w eretherefore ready to fight but it does not require so much courageto fight as to endure suffering and to be pat ient . So it w as

that th e pe ople of America who were most conscious that theywere Americans w ere th e m en who were in the army, and theirw ives and mothers and sisters at home . All these were makingsac rifice s for their country and so learning to love it . The m e n

in th e arm y came from different Stat es, and there w as a gre at dealof Stat e feeling among them but , aft er all, they belonge d toonearmy, th e cont inental army, and they had much more in commonthan they had separately . Espe cially they had a gre at leaderwho made no distinct ion between Virginia ns and Ne w Englandm e n. W ashington felt k eenly all th e lack of confidence whichCongress showed. He saw that th e spirit in Congress w as one

which kept th e people divided, while th e Spirit at Valley Forgekept th e people united. It w as during this te rrible w inter thathe w rote the following let ter.


send out a few light parties to watch and harass theenemy, whilst other parties were instantly detacheddifferent ways to collect, if possible , as much provision as would satisfy the present pressing wants of thesoldiery . But will this answer ? No

, sir ; three orfour days of bad weather would prove our destruction .

What, then, is to become of the army this winter ?And if we are so often without provisions now ,

what isto become of us in the spring

,when our force will be

collected, with the aid perhaps of militia to take ad

vantage of an early campaign,before the enemy can

be reinforced ? These are considerations of greatmagnitude , meriting the closest attention ; and theywill, when my own reputation is so intimately conne cte d with the event as to be afle cte d by it , justifymy saying, that the present commissaries are by nomeans equal to the execution of the office

,or that the

disaffection of the people is past all belief. The m is

fortune,however, does inmy Opinion proceed from both

causes ; and though I have been tender heretofore ofgiving my opinion, or lodging complaints , as thechange in that department took place contrary to myjudgment

,and the consequences thereof were pre

dicted ; yet, finding that the inactivity of the army,whether for want of provisions

,clothes, or other e s

sentials, is charged to my account, not only by thecommon vulgar but by those in power, it is time tospeak plain in exculpation of m yself . With truth,then

,I can declare

,that no man in my opinion ever

had his measures more impeded than I have, by everydepartment of the army.

Since the month of July we have had no assistancefrom the quartermaster-general, and to want of assist.e nce from this department the commissary -genera

AT VALLEY FORGE. 73

charges great part of his deficiency. To this I am toadd

,that

,notwithstanding it is a standing order, and

often repeated,that the troops shall always have two

days’ provisions by them , that they might be ready atany sudden call ; yet an opportunity has scarcely everoffered, of taking advantage of the enemy, that hanot been either totally obstructed, or greatly impededon this account . And this , the great and crying evil, isnot all . The soap, vinegar, and other articles allowedby Congress

,we see none of, nor have we seen them,

I believe,since the Battle of Brandywine . The first,

indeed,we have now little occasion for few men

having more than one shirt, many only the moiety ofone

,and some none at all . In addition to which, as a

proof of the little benefit received from a clothiergeneral

,and as a further proof of the inability of an

army,under the circumstances of this, to perform the

common duties of soldiers, ( besides a number of men

confined to hospitals for want of shoes,and others in

farmers’ houses on the same account,) we have , by a

field return this day made,no less than two thousand

eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp unfitfor duty, because they are barefoot and otherwisenaked . By the same return it appears that our wholestrength in Continental troops

,including the eastern

brigades, which have joined us since the surrender ofGeneral Burgoyne

,exclusive of the Maryland troops

sent to Wilmington,amounts to no more than eight

thousand two hundred in camp fit for duty ; notw ithstanding which

,and that since the 4th instant, our

numbers fit for duty,from the hardships and ex

posure s they have undergone , particularly on accountof blankets (numbers having been obliged, and stillare

, to sit up all night by fires, instead of taking


comfortable rest in a natural and common way) , havedecreased near two thousand men .

We find gentlemen , without knowing whether thearmy was really going into winter-quarters or not ( forI am sure no resolution of mine would warrant theremonstrance) , reprobating the measure as much asif they thought the soldiers were made of stocks orstones , and equally insensible of fros t and snow andmoreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable foran inferior army, under the disadvantages I havedescribed ours to be, which are by no means e xagge rated, to confine a superior one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a winter’s campaign

,within

the city of Philadelphia, and to cover from depredation and waste the States of Pennsylvania and Jersey.

But what makes this matter still more extraordinaryin my eye is that these very gentlemen — who werewell apprised of the nakedness of the troops fromocular demonstration

,who thought their own soldiers

worse clad than others,and who advised me near a

m onth ago to postpone the execution of a plan I wasabout to adopt

,in consequence of a resolve of Con

gress for seizing clothes , under strong assurances thatan ample supply would be collected in ten days agreeably to a decree of the State (not one article of which,by the by

,is yet come to hand) should think a

winter’s campaign,and the covering of these States

from th e invasion of an enemy, so easy and practicablea business . I can assure those gentlemen , that it isa much easier and less distressing thing to draw re

monstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside,than to occupy a cold bleak hill and sleep under frostand snow

,without clothes or“ blankets . However, al

though they seem to have little feeling for the naked

AT VALLEY FORGE. 75

and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly forthem

,and from my soul I pity those miseries

,which

it is neither in my power to relieve nor prevent .It is for these reasons, therefore , that I have dwel tupon the subject and it adds not a little to my otherdifii cult ie s and distress to find that much more is ex ‘

pe ct ed of me than is possible to be performed, and thatupon the ground of safety and policy I am obligedto conceal the true state of the army from public view

,

and thereby expose myself to detraction and calumny.

The honorable committee of Congress went from campfully possessed of my sentiments respecting the establishm ent of this army

,the necessity of auditors of

accounts, the appointment of officers , and new arrangements . I have no need

,therefore

,to be prolix upon

these subjects,but I refer to the committee . I shall

add a word or two to show,first the necessity of some

better provision for binding the officers by the tie of inte re st to the service, as no day nor scarce an hour passeswithout the ofi e r of a resigned commission ( otherwise I much doubt the practicability of holding thearmy together much longer, and in this I shall probably be thought the more sincere , when I freely declarethat I do not myself expect to derive the smallest benefit from any establishment that Congress may ade pt ,otherwise than as a member of the community at largein the good

,which I am persuaded will result from the

measure,by making bett er officers and better troops

and,secondly, to point out the necessity of making the

appointments and arrangements without loss of time .We have not more than three months in w hich to prepare a great deal of business . If we let these slip orwaste , we shall be labbring under the same difficultiesall next campaign , as we have been this, to rectifym istakes and bring things to order.


Military arrangement, and movements in couse

quence , like the mechanism of a clock , will be imperfectand disordered by the want of a part . In a very se n

sible degree have I experienced this, in the course ofthe last summer, several brigades having no brigadiersappointed to them till late, and some not at all ; bywhich means it follows that an additional weight isthrown upon the shoulders of the commander-ia-chief

,

to withdraw his attention from the great line of hisduty. The gentlemen of the committee, when theywere at camp

,talked of an expedient for adjusting

these m atters,which I highly approved and wish to see

adopted : iiam ely, that two or three members of theBoard of War

,or a committee of Congress, should

repair immediately to camp,where the best aid can be

had, and with the commanding officer, or a committeeof his appointment, prepare and digest the most perfeet plan that can be devised for correcting all abusesand making new arrangements considering what is tobe done with the weak and debilitated regiments

,if the

States to which they belong will not draft m en to fillthem , for as to enlisting soldiers it seems to me to betotally out of the question together with many otherthings that would occur in the course of such a coriference and, after digesting matters in the bestm anner they can , to submit the Whole to the ultimatedetermination of Congress .If this measure is approved, I would earnestly ad

vise the immediate execution of it,and that the com

missary-general of purchases, whom I rarely see, m ay

be directed to form magazines without a moment’sdelay in the neighborhood of this camp

,in order to

secure provision for us in case (if bad weather. The

quartermaster-general ought also to be busy in his

FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 77

department. In short, there is as much to be done inpreparing for a campaign as in the active part of it .Everything depends upon the preparation that is madein the several departments, and the success or m isfortunes of the next campaign will more than probably originate with our activity or supineness duringthis Winter.

FARE‘VELL TO THE ARMY.

THE terrible winter at Valley Forge w as the low est point ofdepression reached during the w ar for independence . The armyduring that winter w as splendidly dri lled byBaron Steuben, andin th e spring news came that a treaty had been made withFrance . Cornwallis surrendered October 19, 1781 , and aftertwo more years, a treaty of peace w as signed w ith Great Britain,andW ashington,November 2 , 1783, issued from P rinceton,Ne wJersey, where Congress w as in session, the following farewelladdress.

The United States in Congress assembled, aftergiving the most honorable testimony to the merits ofthe federal armies

,and presenting them with the

thank s of their country for their long, eminent, andfaithful services, having thought proper, by their proclam ation he aring date the 18th day of October last,to discharge such part of the troops as were engagedfor the war, and to permit the officers on furloughs toretire from service, from and after to-morrow ; whichproclamation having been communicated in the publicpapers for the information and government of all concerned, it only remains for the commander -in-chiefto address himself once more

,and that for the last


time, to the armies of the United States ( howeverwidely dispersed the individuals who composed themmay be) , and to bid them an affectionate , a long farewell.But before the commander-in-chief takes his finalleave of those he holds most dear

,he wishes to indulge

himself a few moments in calling to mind a slightreview of the past . He will then take the liberty ofexploring with his military friends their future prospeets, of advising the general line of conduct which ,in his opinion , ought to be pursued ; and he will conclude the address by expressing the obligations hefeels himself under for the spirited and able assistancehe has experienced from them

,in the performance of

an arduous office .A contemplation of the complete attainment (at aperiod earlier than could have been expected) of theobject for which we contended against so formidablea power

,cannot but inspire us with astonishment

and gratitude . Th e disadvantageous circumstanceson our part

,under which the war was undertaken

,

can never be forgotten . Th e singular interpositionsof Providence in our feeble condition were such as

could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving ; w hile the unparalleled perseverance of thearmies of the United States, through alm ost everypossible suffering and discouragement for the space ofeight long years

,was little short of a standing miracle .

It is not the m eaning nor within the compass ofthis address to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service

,or to describe the distresses which

in several instances have resulted from the extremesof hunger and nakedness

,combined with the rigors of

an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to dwell on


and the extensive and fertile regions of the West willyield a most happy asylum to those who, fond ofdomestic enjoyment

,are seeking for personal indepen

dence . Nor is it possible to conceive that any one ofthe United States will prefer a national bankruptcy

,

and a dissolution of the Union, to a compliance withthe requisitions of Congress, and the payment of itsjust debts ; so that the officers and soldiers may expectconsiderable assistance

,in recommencing their civil oc

cupations, from the sums due to them from the public,which must and will most inevitably be paid.

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the

'

pre judice s which may have taken possessionof the minds of any of the good people of the States,it is earnestly recommended to all the troops that, withstrong attachments to the Union , they should carrywith them into civil society the most conciliating dispositions

,and that they should prove themselves not

less virtuous and useful as citizens than they havebeen persevering and victorious as soldiers . Whatthough there should be some envious individuals

,who

are unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted , or to yield the tribute due to merit ; yet letsuch unworthy treatment produce no invectives

,nor

any instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be re

membered that the unbiased voice of the free citizensof the United States has promised the just reward andgiven the merited applause . Let it be know n andremembered that the reputation of the federal armiesis established beyond the reach of malevolence ; andlet a consciousness of their achievements and famestill incite the men w ho composed them to honorableactions under the persuasion that the private virtuesof economy

,

! prudence and industry will not be less

FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. 81

amiable in civil life than the more splendid qualitiesof valor, perseverance and enterprise were in the field .

Every one may rest assured that much , very much ofthe future happiness of the officers and men willdepend upon the wise and manly conduct which shallbe adopted by them when they are mingled with thegreat body of the community. And although thegeneral has so frequently given it as his opinion inthe most public and explicit manner that

,unless the

principles of the federal government were properlysupported , and the powers of the Union increased,the honor, dignity and justice of the nation would belost forever ; yet he cannot help repeating on this occasion so interesting a sentiment

,and leaving it as

his last injunction to every offi cer and every soldier,who may view the subject in the same serious pointof light

,to add his best endeavors to those of his

worthy fellow -citizens toward effecting these greatand valuable purposes, on which our very existenceas a nation so materially depends .The commander - in -chief conceives little is nowwanting to enable the soldiers to change the m ilitarycharacter into that of the citizen , but that steady anddecent tenor of behavior which has generally distin

guished, not only the army under his immediate command, but the different detachments and separatearmies through the course of the war . From theirgood sense and prudence he ant icipates the happiestconsequences

,and while he congratulates them on the

glorious occasion which renders their services in thefield no longer necessary

,he wishes to express the

st rong obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has received from every class and in everyinstance . He presents his thank s in the most serious

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

and afi e ctionat e manner to the general officers,as well

for their counsel on many interesting occasions,as for

their ardor in promoting the success of the plans h ehad adopted ; to the commandants of regiments andcorps, and to the other officers, for their great zealand attention in carrying his orders promptly intoexecution ; to the staff, for their alacrity and exact!ness in performing the duties of their several departments and to the non-commissioned offi cers and private . soldiers , for their extraordinary patience andsuffering, as well as their invincible fortitude in ao

tion . To the various branches of the army the Ge neral takes

.

this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship . He

wishes more than bare professions were in his power ;that he were really able to be useful to them all infuture life . He fi atte rs himself, however, they willdo him the justice to believe , that whatever could withpropriety be attempted by him has been done .And being ne w to conclude these his last publicorders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time ofthe military character

,and to bid a final adieu to the

armies he has so long had the honor to command, hecan only again offer in their behalf his re com m enda

tions to their grateful country,and his prayers to the

God of armies . May ample justice be done themhere, and may the choicest of Heaven

’s favors, bothhere and hereafter

,attend those who

,under the Di

vine auspices,have secured innumerable blessings for

others . With these wishes and his benediction, thecommander-inc hie f is about to retire from service .Th e curtain of separation will soon be drawn , and themilitary scene to him will be closed forever.

FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE P EOP LE. 83

FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED

STATES.

WASHINGTON w as chosen first P resident of th e United States,and at th e e nd of his term he w as again chosen. W

'

he n his

second term drew near its close , he refused to be a candidatefor reelection, and six months before he w as to leave the P resident ’s chair he issued th e following farewelladdress, September

FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZ ENS : The period fora new election of a citizen , to administer the e xe cu

tive government of the United States, being not fardistant

,and the time actually arrived when your

thoughts must be employed in designating the personwho is to be clothed with that important trust, it ap

pears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to amore distinct expression of the public voice

,that I

should now apprise you of the resolution I haveformed , to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made .I beg you, at the same time , to do me the justice tobe assured, that this resolution has not been takenw ithout a strict regard to all the considerations appe r~

taining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen tohis country ; and that , in withdrawing the tender ofservice, which silence in my situation might imply, Iam influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect foryour past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both .

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in,the

office to which your suffrages have twice called me,


have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to theopinion of duty, and to a deference for what appearedto be your desire . I constantly hoped that it wouldhave been much earlier in my power

,consistently with

motives which I was not at liberty to disregard,to re

turn to that retirement from which I had been reluc

tautly drawn . Th e strength of my inclination to dothis , previous to the last election , had even led to thepreparation of an address to declare it to you butm ature reflection on the then perplexed and criticalposture of our affairs with foreign nations

,and the

unanim oqs advice of persons entitled to my confidence,impelled me to abandon the idea .

I rejoice that the state of your concerns,external as

well as internal , no longer renders the pursuit of inelination incompatible with the sentiment of duty orpropriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality maybe retained for my services

,that

,in the present cir

cum stance s of our country, you will not disapprovemy determination to retire .Th e impressions with which I first undertook thearduous trust were explained on the proper occasion .

In the discharge of this trust I will only say that Ihave with good intentions contributed toward the or

ganizat ion and administration of the government thebest exertions of which a very fallible judgment wascapable . Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my ow n eyes,perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to difii de nce of myself ; and everyday the increasing weight of years admonishes memore and more that the shade of retirement is asnecessary to me as it will be welcome . Satisfied that,if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my

FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE P EOPLE. 85

services, they were temporary, I have the consolationto believe that, while choice and prudence invite me toquit the political scene , patriotism does not forbid it .

In look ing forw ard to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life , myfeelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac

know le dgm ent of that debt of gratitude which I ow eto my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confi

dence with which it has supported me ; and for theopportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifestingmy inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal . If

benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise , andas an instructive example in our annals

,that under

circumstances in which the passions,agitated in every

direction , were liable to mislead , amidst appearancessometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging , in situations in whi ch not unfrequentlywant of success has countenanced the spirit of eriticism , the constancy of your support was the essentialprop of the efforts, and a guaranty of the plans bywhich they were e fi e ct ed. Profoundly penetrated withthis idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as astrong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven maycontinue to you the choicest tokens of its bene fi cenc e ;that your union and brotherly affection may be perpe tual ; that the free constitution , which is the workof your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that itsadministration in every department may be stampedwith wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine

,the happiness

of the people of these States,under the auspices of

liberty, may be made comp lete , by so careful a presero


vation and so prudent a use of this blessing,as will

acquire to them the glory of recommending it to theapplause, the afle ct ion, and adoption of every nationwhich is yet a stranger to it .Here , perhaps, I ought to stop . But a solicitudefor your welfare

,which cannot end but with my life

9

and the apprehension of danger natural to that soliciutude, urge me , on an occasion like the present, toofi e r to your solemn contemplation

,and to, re com m e nd

to your frequent review, some sentiments, which arethe result of much reflection

,of no inconsiderable ob

servation, and which appear to me all-important tothe permanency of your felicity as a people . Thesewill be offered to you with the more freedom ,

as youcan only see in them the disinterested warnings ofa parting friend, who can possibly have no personalmotive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as anencouragement to it , your indulgent reception of mysentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion .

Interwoven as is th e love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts , no recommendation of mine isnecessary to fortify or confirm the attachment .The unity of government , which constitutes you onepeople , is also now dear to you. It is justly so for itis a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ,the support of your tranquillity at home , your eaabroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; ofthatvery liberty which you so highly prize . But as it iseasy to foresee that from different causes and fromdifferent quart ers much pains will be taken , manyart ifi ce s employed, to weaken in your minds the convietion of this truth ; as this is the point in your politicalfortress against which th e batteries of internal andexternal enemies will be most constantly and actively

it


South , protected by the equal laws of a common gove rnm ent , finds in the productions of the latter greatadditional resources of maritime and commercial e ut e rprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefitingby the agency of the North , sees its agriculture growand its commerce expand . Turning partly into itsown channels the seamen of the North

,it finds its

particular navigation invigorated ; and , while it con

tributes in different ways to nourish and increase thegeneral mass of the national navigation

,it look s for

ward to .the protection of a maritime strengt h, towhich itself is unequally adapted. The East, in alike intercourse with the West

,already finds

,and in

the progressive improvement of interior com m unica

tions by land and water will more and more find , avaluable vent for the commodities which it bringsfrom abroad , or manufactures at home . The Westderives from the East supplies requisite to its growthand comfort

,and

,what is perhaps of still greater con

sequence,it must of necessity owe the secure enjoy

ment of indispensable outlets for its own productionsto the weight, influence, and the future maritimestrength of the Atlantic side of the Union , directedy an indissoluble community of interest as one nation . Any other tenure by which the West can holdthis essential advantage , w hether derived from its ownseparate strength or from an apostate and unnaturalconnection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious .While

,then, every part of our country thus feels

an immediate and particular interest in union , all theparts combined cannot fail to find in the united massof means and efforts greater strength , greater resource,

FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE P EOPLE . 89

proportionably greater security from external danger,a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreignnations

,and

,what is of inestimable value, they must

derive from union an exemption from those broils andwars betw een themselves , which so frequently afflictneighboring countries not tied together by the samegovernments

,which their own rivalships alone would

be sufficient to produce,but which opposite foreign

alliances,attachments , and intrigues would stimulate

and embitter. Hence, likewise , they will avoid thenecessity of those overgrown military establishmentswhich

,under any form of government, are inau

spicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded asparticularly hostile to republican liberty. In thissense it is that your union ought to be considered asa main prop of your liberty, and that the love of theone ought to endear to you the preservation of theother .These considerations speak a persuasive language toevery reflecting and virtuous mind

,and exhibit the

continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire . Is there a doubt whether a commongovernment can embrace so large a sphere ? Let ex

pe rience solve it . To listen to mere speculation insuch a case were criminal . We are authorized to hopethat a proper organization of the whole

,w ith the aux

iliary agency of governments for the respective subdin

visions, will afi ord a happy issue to the experiment .It. is well worth a fair and full experiment. Withsuch powerful and obvious motives to union

,affecting

all parts of our country,while experience shall not

have demonstrated its impracticability,there will al

ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those whoin any quarter may endeavor to weaken its hands.


In contemplating the causes which may disturb ourUnion, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, thatany ground should have been furnished for charact e rizing parties by geographical discriminations Northe rn and Southern

,Atlantic and Western ; whence

designing men may endeavor to excite a belief thatthere is a real difi e rence of local interests and views .One of the expedients of party to acquire influence

,

within particular districts,is to misrepresent the opin

ions and aims of other districts . You cannot shield

(yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings .which spring from these misrepresentations ;they tend to render alien to each other those whoought to be bound together by fraternal affection .

Th e inhabitants of our western country have late lyhad a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen, inthe negotiation by the executive , and in the unanimousratification by the senate , of the treaty with Spain ,and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States

, a decisive proof how unfoundedwere

.

the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government and in the AtlanticStates unfriendly to their interests in regard to theMississippi ; they have been witnesses to the form w

tion of two treaties, that with Great Britain and thatw ith Spain , which secure to them everything theycould desire

,in respect to our foreign relations,

towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not betheir wisdom to rely for the preservation of these ad

vantages ou the Union by which they were procuredWill they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers,if such there are

,who would sever them from their

brethren and connect them with aliens ?To the efficacy and permanency of your union , 3


government for the whole is indispensable . No al

liance s, however strict, between the parts can be anadequate substitute ; they must inevitably experiencethe infractions and interruptions which all alliancesin all times have experienced . Sensible of this momentons truth

, you have improved upon your firstessay

,by the adoption of a constitution of govern

ment better calculated than your former for an intimate union , and for the effi cacious management ofyour common concerns. This government, the 0&

spring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed,a dopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation

,completely free in its principles, in the distribu

tion of its powers , uniting security with energy, andcontaining within itself a provision for its ow n amendment

,has a just claim to your confidence and your

support . Respect for its authority, compliance withits laws , acquiescence in its measures, are duties e n l/joined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty.

The basis of our political systems is the right of thepeople to make and to alter their constitutions of gove rnm ent . But the constitution which at any timeexists

,till changed by an explicit and authentic act

of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. V

The very idea of the power and the right of the pe ople to establish government presupposes the duty ofevery individual to obey the established government .All obstructions to the execution of thecom binations and associations, under whatever plausim

M o direct,control,

counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and ao

tion of the constituted authorities,are destructive of

this fundamental principle,and of fatal tendency.

They serve to organize faction,to give it an artificial

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of thedelegated will of the nation , the will of a party, oftena small but artful and enterprising minority of thecommunity and

,according to the alternate triumphs

of different parties, to make the public administrationthe mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous pro

je cts of fashion , rather than the organs of consistentand wholesome plans digested by common councils

,

and modified by mutual interests .However com binatM ssociations of the abovedescription may now and then answ er popular ends,they are likely

,in the course of time and things

,to be

come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, andunprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the powerof the people

,and to usurp for themselves the reins of

government ; destroying afterwards the very engineswhich have lifted them to unjust dominion .

Towards the preservation of your government,and

the permanency of your present happy state,it is

requisite,not only that you steadily discountenance

irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority,but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon it s principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in theforms of the constitution

,alterations , which will

impair the energy of the system , and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown . In all thechanges to which you may be invited, remember thattime and habit are at least as necessary to fix the truecharacter of governments as of other human institu

l/ t ions that experience is the surest standard by whichto test the real tendency of the existing constitutionof a country that facility in changes, upon the creditof mere hypothesis and opinion , exposes to perpetual

FAREWELL ADDRESS TO THE P EOP LE. 93

change,from the endless variety of hypothesis and

opinion ; and remember, especially, that, for the efficieW sts, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as muchvigor as is consistent with the perfect security of libe rty is indispensable . Liberty itself will find in sucha government, with powers properly distributed andadjusted, its sures t guardian . It is , indeed, little elsethan a name

,where the government is too feeble to

withstand the enterprises of faction , to confine eachmember of the society within the limits prescribed bythe laws , and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of e rson and property.

I have already intim atam r of parties in the State

,with particular reference to the

founding of them on geographical discrimination .

Let me now take a more comprehensive view, andwarn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful e fle c ts of the spiw ty, generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from ournature

,having its root in the st of the

human mind . It exists under s in allgovernments

,more or less stifled

,controlled , or re

pressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seenin its greatest rankness , and is truly their worstenemy.

Th e alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural toparty dissension

,which in different ages and countries

has perpetrated the most horrid enormities,is itself a

frightful despotism . But this leads at length to amore formal and permanent despotism . Th e disor

ders and miseries which result,gradually incline the

minds of men to seek security and repose in the abso


lute power of an individual ; and sooner or later thechief of some prevailing faction , more able or morefortunate than his competitors, turns this dispositionto the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins ofpublic liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of thiskind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirelyof sight) , the common and continued mischiefs of

are sufficient to m ake it the iatere a wise people t o discourage and re

strain it .It serves always to distract the public councils,and enfeeble the public administration . It agitatesthe community with ill-founded jealousies and falsealarms kindles the animosity of one part against another

,foments occasionally riot and insurrection . It

opens the doors to foreign influence and corruption,

which find a facilitated access to the government itselfthrough the channels of art assions . Thus thepolicy and the will of one country are subjected to thepolicy and will of another.There is an opinion, that parties in free countriesare useful check s upon the administration of the gove rnm ent , and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty.

This within certain limits is probably true , and ingovernments of a monarchical cast

,patriotism may

look with indulgence,if not with favor, upon the spirit

of party. But in those of the popular character, ingovernments purely elective

,it is a spirit not to be

encouraged . From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit forevery salutary purpose . And there being constantdanger of excess

,the effort ought to be , by force of

p ublic opinion to mitigate and assuage it . A fire not


pensable supports . In vain would that man claim thetribute of patriotism,

‘

who should labor to subvertthese great pillars of human happiness

,these fi rm e st

props of the duties of men and citizens . The merepolitician equally with the pious man ought to respectand to cherish them . A volume could not trace alltheir connections with private and public felicity. Letit simply be asked,Where is the security for property,for reputation, for life , if the sense of religious obligationdesert the oaths, which are the instrum ents of inve st igation in courts of justice ? And let us withcaution indulge the supposition

,that morality can be

maintained without religion . Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on mindsof peculiar structure

,reason and experience both for

bid us to expect, that national morality can prevail inexclusion of religious principle .It is substantially true that virtue or m oralit is anecessary spring of popular government. The rule ,indeed

,extends with more or less force to every species

of free government . Who, that is a sincere friend toit

,can look with indifi e rence upon attempts to shake

the foundation of the fabric ?Promote , then , as an object of primary importance ,

institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge .In proportion as the structure of a government givesforce to public opinion

,it is essential that public

Opinion should be enlightened .

As a very important source of strength and security

,cherish public credit. One method of preserving

it is, to use it as sparingly as possible avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace , but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare fordanger frequently prevent much greater disburse


ments to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumulationof debt

,not only by shunning occasions of expense

,

but by vigorous exertion in time of peace to dischargethe debts

,which unavoidable wars may have occa

sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity theburden which we ourselves ought to he ar. The execcution of these maxims belongs to your repre sentae

t ive s, but it is necessary that public opinion shouldco-operate . To facilitate to them the performance oftheir duty it is essential that you should practicallybear in mind

,that towards the payment of debts there

must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must betaxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are notmore or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that theintrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice ofdifficulties) , ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of th e government inmak ing it , and for a spirit of acquiescence in themeasures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencie s may at any time dictate .Observe good faith and justice towards all nationscultivate peace and harmony with all . Religion andmorality enjoin thi s conduct ; and can it be, that goodpolicy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthyof a free , enlightened, and at no distant period agreat nation, to give to mankind the magnanimousand too nove l example of a people always guided byan exalted justice and benevolence . Who can doubtthat in the course of time and things

,the fruits of

such a plan would richly repay any temporary advtages, which might be lost by a steady adh erence toit ? Can it be that Providence has not connected theperm anent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

experiment, at least, is recommended by every senti.ment which ennobles human nature . Alas I is it rendered impossible by its vices ?In the execution of such a plan, nothing is moreessential than that permanent

,inve terate antipathies

against particular nations , and passionate attachmentsfor others, should be excluded ; and that, in place ofthem, just and amicable feelings towards all should becultivated . The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, isin some degree a slave . It is a slave to its animosityor to its. affe ction, either of which is sufficient to leadit astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy inone nation against anothe r 'dispose s each more readilyto offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes ofumbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when aocidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence

,

frequent collisions,obstinate

,envenomed, and bloody

contests . The nation , prompted by ill-will and resentment

,sometimes impels to war the government, con

trary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes pam he national propensity, andQdopts through passion what reason wouldreject , at other times, it makes the animosity of thenation subservient to projects of hostility instigatedby pride

,ambition

,and other sinister and pernicious

motives . The peace often, sometimes perhaps the libe rty, of nations has been the victim .

So likewise,a passionate attachment of one nation

for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathyfor the favorite nation

,facilitating the illusion of an

imaginary common interest in cases where no realcommon interest exists, and infusing into one the enm itie s of the other, betrays the former into a partici

100/ GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and execssive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuateto see danger only on one side , and serve to veil andeven second the arts of influence on the other. Realpatriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite,are liable to become suspected and odious while itstools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence ofthe purpose

,to surrender their interests .

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to fore ign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations

,to have w ith them as little political connection

as possible . So far as we have already formed en

gage m ents, let them be fulfilled with perfect goodfaith . Here let us stop .

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to ushave none, or a very remote relation . Hence shemust be engaged in frequent controversies

,the causes

of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicateourselves, by artifi cial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudesof her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities .Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a difle rent course . If we remainone people, under an efficient government, the periodis not far ofl when we may defy material injury fromexternal annoyance ; when we may tak e such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any timeresolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belolige rent nations, under the impossibility of makingacquisitions upon us

,will not lightly hazard the giving

us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, asour interest, guided by justice , shall counsel.Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa


tion ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreignground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with thatof any part of Europe , entangle our peace and pros

pe rity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship,interest, humor, or caprice ?It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent al.

liance s with any portion of the foreign world ; so far,I mean

,as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me

not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelityto existing engagements . I hold the maxim no lessapplicable to public than to private aflairs

,that hon

esty is always the best policy. I repeat it , therefore,let those engagements be observed in their genuinesense . But, in m y opinion , it is unnecessary andwould be ‘unwise to extend them .

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitableestablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, wemay safely trust to temporary alliances for e xtraordi

nary emergencies .Harmony

, liberal intercourse with all nations, arerecommended by policy

,humanity, and interest . But

even our commercial policy should hold an equal andimpartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the naturalcourse of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentlemeans the streams of commerce , but forcing nothing ;establishing with powers so disposed

,in order to give

trade a stable course , to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them,

conventional rules of intercourse, the best that presentcircumstances and mutual opinion will permit, buttemporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoued or varied, as experience and circumstances shalldictate constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in


one nation to look for disinterested favors from an

other ; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself inthe condition of having given equivalents for nominalfavors , and yet of being reproached with ingratitudefor not giving more . There can be no greater errorthan to expect or calculate upon real favors from

l/nation to nation . It is an illusion,which experience

must cure, which a just pride ought to discard .

In Offering to you, my countrymen , these counselsof an old and afi e ctionat e friend, I dare not hope theywill make the strong and lasting impression I couldwish ; that they will control the usual current of thepassions, or prevent our nation from running thecourse which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations . But, if I may even flatter myself that theymay be productive of some partial benefit, some occasioual good ; that they may now and then recur tomoderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against themischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against theimpostures of pretended patriotism this hope will bea full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare,bywhich they have been dictated .

How far in the discharge of m y Official duties Ihave been guided by the principles which have beendelineated , the public records and other evidences ofmy conduct must witness to you and to the world. To

myself,the assurance of my ow n conscience is, that I

have at least believed myself to be guided by them .

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe,myproclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index of my plan . Sanctioned by your approving voice,and by that

,

Of your Representatives in both Houses


Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which theymay tend. I shall also carry with me the hope thatmy country will

,

never cease to View them with indalgence and that , after forty-fi ve years of my life dedicat ed to its service with an upright zeal, the faults ofincompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion , asmyself must soon be to the mansions of rest.Relying on its kindness ln this as in other things,and actuated by that fervent love towards it , whichis so natural to a man who views in it the native soilof himself and his progenitors for several generations,I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, inwhich I promise myself to realize

,without alloy, the

sweet enjoyment of partak ing,in the midst of my fel

low-citizens,the benign influence of good laws under a

free government,the ever favorite object of my heart,

and the happy reward,as I trust, of our mutual cares,

labors, and dangers .GEORGE WASHINGTON.

EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Born February 22 , 1732 .

Fathe r die s April 12, 1743.

Le aves school Autumn, 1747.

Goes on his first surveying expedition March, 1748.

Commissioned adjutant-ge neral, w ith rankof maj or

Sails for the W est Indie s w ith his brothe rLaw rence . Septembe r, 1751 .

Law rence die s, leaving GeOrge executor of1752 .

Is sent on a mission to the Ohio Country Novembe r 31, 1753.

Com m issioned lieut enant-colonel 1754.

Fights at Gre atMeadow s July 3, 1754.

Is appointed aid-de -camp toGene ralBraddock

Braddock ’s de fe atIs electe d re pre sentative to the House ofBurgesses 1758.

Marrie s Mrs . Martha Custis January 6 , 1759.

Is a membe r of the first Continental Congre ss

Is a membe r of the se condContinentalCongress 1775.

Appointe d Com mander in Chief of th e

American armiesTakes command at CambridgeSiege of Boston raisedDeclaration of IndependenceBattle of Long IslandBattle of White PlainsFort W ashington abandonedBattle of Trenton

June 15, 1775.

July 3, 1775.

March, 1776 .

July 4, 1776 .

August 22, 1776 .

October 28, 1776 .

Novembe r 16 , 1776 .

November 16 , 1776 .


Battle of P rince ton January 3, 1777.

Flag of stars and stripe s adopte d byCongre ss

Battle of the BrandywineBattle of Ge rm antow nRatification Of Tre aty w ith FranceBattle of Monm outh Court HouseArrivalof French fle e tArnold’s tre asonExe cution ofAndreCornwallis’s surrende r at Yorktow nTak e s le ave of the arm yRe signs his com m issionP re side s at the Constitutional Convention,Is chosen first Pre sident of the Unite dState s

His m othe r die sMake s a tour through theNorthe rn State s,Make s a tour through the Southern State s,Chosen for se cond te rmIssue s proclam ation of neutralityNom inate s JohnJayas envoy e xtraordinary

April.16, 1794.

Signs the JayTre aty August 18, 1795.

Issue s a Fare w ellAddre ss to the pe ople of

the United State s Septem be r 15, 1796 .

Re tire s from th e Pre sidencyIs nom inated Com m ande r-ia-Chie f of thearm ie s of the United State s July 2, 1798.

Die s De cem be r 18, 1799.

June 14, 1777.

Septembe r 10, 1777.

Octobe r 4, 1777.

May2 , 1778.

June 28, 1778.

July, 1778.

Septembe r, 1780.

Octobe r 2, 1780.

Octobe r 19, 1781 .

Nove m be r 2, 1783.

De cem be r 23,1787.

1789.

April30, 1789.

August, 1789.

1789.

1790.

1793.

April22, 1793.

A HISTORY OF

THE UNITED STATES

FOR SCHOOLS

JOHN FISKE, L1TT . D ., LL. D .

WITH TOP ICAL ANALYSIS, SUGGESTIVE QUESTIONSAND D IRECTIONS FOR TEACHERS.

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