Rights in Review 2010

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Welcome tojhrs

second installment

ofRights in

Review, our annual

peer-reviewed

academic journal:

through scholarship

addressing rights

awareness and

improving peace

and security, jhrlooks to provide a

forum for

dialogue and the

exchange of

ideas from a variety

of perspectives

regarding the

pressing human

rights and social

justice issues of our

day.

RIGHTS IN REVIEW2010

PEERR

EVIEWEDACADEMICJOUR

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jhr | Journalists for Human Rights 147 Spadina Avenue, Suite 206, Toronto, ON, M5V 2L7


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JOURNAL MISSION STATEMENTjhr is Canadas largest international media development organization.

Our goal - to make everyone in the world fully aware of his and her rights - is as

unique as it is powerful.

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Managed through jhrs Toronto Head Office,jhr:Rights in Reviewis an academicjournal that is rooted in and reflective of jhrs unique mandate: harnessing the power

of the Communications Age andRights Media - the central process of writing,

collecting, editing, producing, and distributing media to create societal dialogue

on human rights issues. In this spirit, the creation of Rights in Review is a

humanitarian adventure undertaken by jhr and studentswho wish to participate in

the enhancement of human rights knowledge and media mobilization.

With the aim ofmaking each and every individual in the world aware of his or

her rights,Rights in Reviewspecifically encourages the innovative discussion of

increasing rights awareness, improving peace and security, and strengthening the

democratization process both within Canada - as well as internationally. Central tojhrs aim of continually shaping and challenging human rights awareness and

discourse is our commitment to a comparative and interdisciplinary understanding

of various rights issues around the globe.

Rights in Reviewemploys a rigorous and transparent editorial policy to ensure that

contributions meet the highest academic standards. This is achieved by way of a

peer-review process and encouraging thought-provoking, original, and forward-

looking publications by students of all levels of study.


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SUBMISSION STANDARDSjournal criteria & review process

Student Submissions

jhr:Rights in Reviewis centered on student writing, and provides an excellent

opportunity to be published. Students are encouraged to submit written pieces in

the form of academic essays, a recent development commentary, or a book note.

Submission Guidelines

Rights in Reviewis looking to publish well-written and original scholarship about

human rights and related subjects. We are looking for articles addressing any issues

in line with jhrs mandate of increasing rights awareness, improving peace and

security, an strengthening the democratization process.

We request that contributors comply with the following standards:

1. Electronic Submission: we encourage authors to submit their manuscripts

electronically and preferably in Microsoft Word format.

2. All submissions must be original works.3. Articles will be accepted in English, and can be written by anyone.

4. While there is no limitation to the length of the articles, the editors do encourage

conciseness in wording.


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COPYRIGHT POLICY

Except as otherwise noted, copyright in all contributions remains with the authors.

jhr holds exclusive rights in respect of electronic publication and dissemination.

Rights in Review may not be posted or in any way mirrored on the world-wide

web or any other part of the internet without prior authorization.

Subject to this, permission is granted for downloading articles for off-line reading

subject to the following conditions:

1. If printed and passed on, no charge is made for the copy.

2. The authors names, places of publication, and any copyright notice remains

attached to any copies.

Please contact jhr [email protected] if you are in any doubt as to what this statement

of use covers.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS 2010

Blogging for Human Rights

Nicole Bergen 6United Students for Fair Trade

Leah Wong; Taylor Dickie 9 Human Rights For All: The Helsinki Accords and the Fall of Communism

Kate Bruce-Lockheart 13Examining the Theme of Disregard for Afghan Civilian Life by Foreign Forces

Sima Atri 17A Case Study of Radio Journalism in Ghana: The Newsroom at Kapital Radio

David Kumagai, Ghana Intern 2009 26Bad Medicine: A Look Into Ghanas Fake and Counterfeit Drug Problems

Mary MacLennan, Ghana Intern 2009 29


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Creating rights awareness is the first and most

necessary step to ending rights abuses.

IntroductionIn 1962, J.C.R. Licklider described a theoretical

concept of a galactic network, able to connect

computer users worldwide and facilitate the sharing

of data and programs (Leiner et al., 2009). Today,

the impact of such a network -- the Internet -- has

indeed reached every part of the globe, providing

infinite possibilities for new types of communication

exchanges. One such possibility, web logs, emerged

in the late 1990s. Web logs, or blogs, provide a

medium for expression, education, entertainment,

and social interaction. The act of blogging

permeates nearly every social class, race and age,

covering an array of topics limited only to the

boundaries of the human imagination.

The world of blogs -- the blogosphere -- is becoming

increasingly more accessible on a global scale due to

the expanded availability of the internet and the

development of user-friendly blog software. In

2009, about 1.7 billion people around the world used

the internet (Miniwatts Marketing Group [MMG],

2009). Between the years of 2000-2009, internet use

grew by over 1640% in the Middle East, 1390% in

Africa and 890% in Latin America/Caribbean.

Worldwide, Asia contributes the highest proportionof internet users (43%), followed by Europe (24%)

and North America (15%) (MMG, 2009). Blog-

creation software programs, such as LiveJournal,

Blogger, and Word Press, have simplified the

process of establishing and maintaining a blog;

content delivery tools, such as Really Simple

Syndication (RSS) has enabled the rampant

circulation of blog content (Hbert & Zalot, 2010).

It has been estimated that one new blog is born each

second, and 1.2 million blog entries are posted each

day, resulting in the blogosphere doubling in size

every six months (Sifry, 2006).

During situations of human rights violations --

violence, oppression, discrimination, genocide,

exploitation, etc -- the blogging community contains

unique potential to generate authentic awareness and

progressive social movements. A contemporary

take-on the 17th century coffeehouse, the

blogosphere can (and does) serve as an incubator for

political, intellectual and cultural thought. In his

book The Blogging Revolution, Loewenstein

described blogging as an alternative to the top-down

approach of corporate media, offering an outlet for

uncensored context, criticism and

cynicism (Loewenstein, 2008, pp. 4). Loewenstein

(2008) documented personal encounters withunderground blog creators and maintainers

(bloggers) in places like Egypt, rural China, Cuba

and Iran, pointing to the power of blogging

anonymity to give voice to those living in repressive

situations.

Recognizing certain limitations of this new-age

think tank, the blogging community holds potential

to serve as an important catalyst for the promotion

of human rights on a global scale. This paper will

explore two (of many) characteristics of the

blogosphere that belie its capacity to promote human

rights: anonymity and power and trust dynamics.

The strengths and limitations of blogging as a form

of advocacy will be highlighted, aiming to prompt a

wider dialogue about the use of online

communications to advance human rights.

Anonymity

By its very design, the digital world confers a sense

of anonymity. Paradoxically, the immensity of the

blogging community can dissociate bloggers from

their immediate, offline reality while, at the same

time, serve as a space to depict an unabashedly

honest portrayal of their life. Unlike the highlypersonal nature of traditional mainstream media

(such as television, print journalism and radio),

those who engage in online communication may opt

not to provide visual or verbal depictions of

themselves (or their true selves). In the

blogosphere, false or distorted identities or remarks

can be readily created and conveyed with no

ownership over ones words. The online community

has a looser -- and more ambiguously defined --

sense of legal accountability than the offline world

(Carroll & Frank, 2007).

The ramifications of such a masked medium arecomplex. The opportunity for expository and

emancipatory blogging exists alongside the potential

for vulgar and defamation. Ethio-Zagol (2007)

addressed the value of anonymous blogs in the

Ethiopian blogosphere. In 2006, amidst conditions

of a strictly censored press, the practice of blogging

became a channel through which to expose human

rights violations on a global scale. In a country

where journalists are routinely imprisoned and

tortured under accusations of treason or inciting

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genocide, the act of blogging is not

without risk (Ethio-Zagol, 2007). In the

blogosphere, these risks may be

lightened due to the difficulty of tracing

an unidentified informant, or the lack of

government resources to actively

regulate or pursue bloggers (Carroll &

Frank, 2007). The

justification for

undertaking this risk maybe balanced by the

potential for quick,

widely-spread

propagation of

information. In Ethiopia,

the power of blogging has been

successful at relentlessly chipped away

at the governments unchecked power

to the point that the government has

attempted to block political blogs (Ethio-

Zagol, 2007, pp. 62). (Note: the authors

blog The State of Ethiopia was active

throughout 2006 and 2007, with onlyeight posts in early 2008. Readers have

questioned the disappearance of Ethio-

Zagol from the blogosphere. This blog

can be accessed at http://

seminawork.blogspot.com.)

It is not difficult to find offensive or

defamatory blog remarks in the

blogosphere. Penrod (2007) described

the severe and negative impact that

preteen and teen-aged cyberbullies

caused in schools. These perpetrators,

often times undetected by authorities,

may not fit the description of the play-

ground bully, but are frequently least-

expected, seemingly well-adjusted

students. The author identified three

categories of cyberbullies: vengeful

angels (who use the power of anonymity

to defend those who have been

wronged), meangirls (who are bored

and create rumours for entertainment)

andpower-hungrynerds (often male

students, who attempt revenge on

traditional bullies) (Penrod, 2007).Doostdar (2004) characterized the type

of language used in Iranian bloggers

posts and comments. Shorter,

provocative comments were found to be

more impactful and effective at

capturing attention than longer, balanced

passages. In general, the type of

language used in the blogosphere was

more reckless and harsher than

traditional journalism media (Doostdar,

2004).

While the concept of anonymity may

give voice to oppressed populations and

spread awareness about human rights

issues, it simultaneously establishes a

stage for uncensored expression.

Power and Trust Dynamics

Lazarsfeld and Katz, 20th century

sociologists, proposed that information

is disseminated through opinion leaders,

who are responsible for shaping

messages and informing larger groups

(Rosenberry & Vicker, 2009). Theblogosphere, with its own distinct social

norms and practices, provides an

opportunity for participants to acquire

such an opinion leader status. The

increasing popularity of blogs and ease

of entry into the blogosphere position

this online community as widely

inclusive, at least to those with

reasonable access to the internet and

those who possess necessary computer

literacy skills. Due to the anonymous

potential of blogging, participants often

enter the blogging world with similarlyconstructed opportunities to attain

positions of power. (These opportunities

are inevitably dependant on a number of

other factors, such as the ability to write

engaging prose, time dedicated to

blogging activities, on- and off-line

social connections, etc.) The creation

and expression of ones online identity

is, for the unknown blogger, a

fundamental criterion upon which trust

is based and authority is built. An

exploration of the power and trustdynamics of the blogosphere necessitates

consideration of both bloggers and blog

readers (followers) -- as well as their

online interactions.

Bloggers might frame this discussion as

a process of acquiring authority, a

hallmark of popularity and influence.

Marlow (n.d.) assessed the strength of

blog connectedness to determine means

of gaining authority in the blogosphere.

Four types of links within the blogging

network were identified: blogrolls (a list

of blogs that the author regularly reads),

permalinks (reference points to specific

points of a blog), comments (follower

responses to blog posts) and trackbacks

(an automatic referencing system from

one blog to another). A blogs

popularity was characterized by

public affiliations, whereas itsinfluence was determined by its

frequency of citation. In a rich-

get-richer manner, established

blogs tended to be more

connected through blogrolls, bu

not necessarily other types of links. The

author concluded that authority as

measured by popularity cannot be

interpreted as authority of

influence (Marlow, n.d. pp. 7). Thus, a

bloggers potential to earn a sense of

authority may not be reliant on its

lifespan; a sense of authority is earnedthrough recognition within the

blogosphere.

The degree of trust that followers bestow

in bloggers may reveal telling

characteristics of online power-

relationships. The process of extending

and gaining trust in the blogosphere is

obscure, and unique from other types of

situations. At an interpersonal level,

thick trust is established through

constant validation and confirmation by

dense networks of contacts (Putnam,

2000). In business settings, deep trust

is built through successful ventures and

gradually acquired mutual dependency

(Lewis, 1999). Online, an equalitarian

atmosphere motivates a type of thin or

drive-by trust, where participation is

valued, and ideal characteristics of

contacts may waive contradiction

(Radin, 2006). Online personas are often

assumed to possess traits that are

similar-to-self (Radin, 2006).

Consequently, Blanchard & Horan posit:since it is assumed that little

information comes through the persons

social networks about other group

members (especially geographically

dispersed communities of interest),

highly active members of virtual

communities may be more trusting of

other group members than is observed in

face-to-face communities (as cited in

Duringsituationsofhumanrightsviolations --

violence, oppression, discrimination, genocide,exploitation, etc -- thebloggingcommunity

containsuniquepotentialtogenerateauthentic

awarenessandprogressivesocialmovements.

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Radin, 2006 pp. 594). Thus, trust and power may be shared

more freely online.

The consequences of power-dynamics on human rights

blogging may foster an increased sense of awareness and

departure from traditional sources of power. In the United

States, six corporations control the vast majority of mainstream

media-- a stark contrast to the millions of independent blogs

around the world (Lowenstein, 2008). These millions of blogs

serve as outlets for narratives, advocacy, expression and

enlightenment. Unlike traditional media, the blogosphereremains largely un-colonized by corporate interests; rather, it

disperses power to voices worldwide.

Conclusion

Amidst inherent limitations, blogging for human rights holds

potential as a means of advocacy. The anonymous and vast

nature of the blogosphere creates a responsive environment,

with limited tangible consequences for violators of

(subjectively-perceived) conduct. The norms governing trust

and power are obscured in the blogosphere, allowing

connections to reach deeper, uncensored levels.

Acknowledging the shortcomings inherent in the practice of

blogging and critically addressing its foundational elementswill strengthen the discourse around this emerging

communication form. As a call to action, I encourage you to

engage in regions of the blogosphere that expose human rights

issues.

Raising awareness of human rights is paramount to ceasing

rights abuses-- and the blogosphere may indeed be an effective

tool for this task.

WORKS CITED

Carroll, B. & Frank, B. (2007). Blogs without borders:

International legal jurisdiction issues facing bloggers. In M.

Tremayne (Ed.), Blogging, citizenship, and the future of media

(pp.205-224). New York: Routledge.

Doostdar, A. (2004). The vulgar spirit of blogging: on

language, culture, and power in Persian Weblogestan.

American Anthropologist, 106 (4), 651-662.

Ethio-Zagol. (2007). The hazards of dissent.Index on

censorship 2007, 36, 59-63.

Hebert, S. & Zalot, L. (2010). Entering the blogosphere:

Professional and ethical considerations for dietitians (Report

prepared for NC 8205, professor Judy Paisley).Ryerson

University.

Leiner, B.M., Cerf, V.G., Clark, D.D., Kahn, R.E., Kleinrock,

L., Lynch, D.C., Postel, J., Roberts, L.G. & Wolff, S. (2009).

A brief history of the Internet. Computer Communication

Review, 39(5), 22-31.

Lewis, J.D. (1999). Trusted partners: How companies build

mutual relationships and win together. New York: Simon &

Schuster.

Loewenstein, A. (2008). The blogging revolution. Carlton:

Melbourne University Press.

Marlow, C. (n.d.).Audience,structure and authority in the

weblog community. MIT Media Laboratory. Retrieved from

http://alumni.media.mit.edu/~cameron/cv/pubs/04-01.html

Miniwatts Marketing Group [MMG]. (2009).Internet usage

statistics: The Internet big picture, world Internet user andpopulation stats. Retrieved from http://

www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm

Penrod, D. (2007). Using blogs to enhance literacy: The next

powerful step in 21st-century learning. Lanham: Rowman &

Littlefield Education.

Putnam, R.D. (2000). Bowling alone: Americas declining

social capital. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Radin, P. (2006). To me, its my life: Medical

communication, trust, and activism in cyberspace. Social

Science and Medicine, 62, 591-601.

Rosenberry, J. & Vicker, L.A. (2009). Applied mass

communication theory: A guide for media practitioners.

Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.

Sifry, D. (2006). State of the blogosphere, April 2006 Part 1:

On blogosphere growth. Retrieved from http://www.sifry.com/

alerts/archives/000432.html

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What is fair trade?

There is a continuous growth in the availability of

fair trade products. Since the mid-1990s attention

related to the movement has grown, as consumers

choose to make both an ethical and moral choice to

support fair trade products. Fair trade is an

alternative to cheap products made at the cost of the

labourer those forced into poverty, as they have no

choice but to work for an unlivable wage. This

agreement, made between producers and consumers,

provides producers with fairer compensation for a

product. When a product bares a fair trade label, it

is a guarantee the producer received a minimumprice for that product. The goal of fair trade is the

promise of sustainable livelihoods for people in

developing nations. The terms set by fair trade

ensure producers receive a better price for the goods

and services they provide. With the exploitation of

workers in the global south, fair trade aims to

provide them with the means to create and maintain

their own livelihood. The fair trade movement not

only provides the producer with fairer prices, but

also acts to educate consumers in the north about the

negative consequences of conventional trade.

HistoryIn 2001, Oxfam received a grant from the Ford

Foundation to promote ethical consumer choice in

the United States. Under the CHANGE initiative,

Oxfam works to train university students in the US

to become actively involved in their social justice

mission. It is based on the importance of educating

the next generation of leaders that will garner social

change. Some of the initial participants in the

CHANGE program decided to go back to their own

campuses and organize Fair Trade groups. United

Students for Fair Trade officially started in March

2003, during Oxfam student coffee organizer

training held in Seattle. The students involved

discussed the possibility for a student version of

NGO coalitions around fair trade. In total 71

students from 47 campuses were present at either the

Seattle or New Orleans training sessions that year.

Since the creation of USFT, the organization has

sent delegations to several countries. For example,

in 2005, they sent a Womens Delegation to Chiapas,

Mexico to explore community development through

womens empowerment in indigenous communities.

Vision

United Students for Fair Trade is a collective of

students and youth working to promote policies of

fair trade, while collaborating with cooperative

communities. The organization aims to create a

global environment based on human relationships,

transparency, democracy, equitable access, and

shared access. Using principles of popular

education a participatory style of learning, which

builds on the experiences of the group the

organization raises awareness while working to

develop leadership skills of students and youth. It is

an organization based on the consolidation ofstudent Fair Trade organizations in the United

States. The goal of USFT is to empower students,

by giving them the opportunities to work together

and promote their common goals in regards to fair

trade. The actions of the USFT are guided by ten

values: fair trade, anti-oppression, listening to

understand, guidance by local knowledge, awareness

of context, diversity, mutual exchange, making

connections, sustainability, and celebration. These

values are all related to the idea of fair trade, and the

impacts other movements have on the promotion of

free trade.

Governance

The UFST is a large organization, as it is comprised

of over 150 affiliate groups. Additionally, there are

also eight regional coordinators and nine national

coordinators, all democratically elected to make up

the Coordinating Committee. Those on the

Coordinating Committee have a 16-month term;

elections are held each spring, but the previous

committee is responsible for supervising the

transition period in the implementation of a new

committee. Members of affiliate groups elect the

committee, following the self-nomination of those

interested in committee positions. The Coordinating

Committee is the decision making body of the

USFT. The Committee must reach a consensus

before passing a motion. During these votes, any

member of the group may be present, and comment,

though only individuals on the Coordinating

Committee may vote.

An important aspect of the USFT is their belief in

non-hierarchical structures. The stress on

maintaining a democratic organization is reflected in

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their horizontal leadership structure. The

UFST believes maintaining a non-

hierarchical structure will develop a

higher number of student leaders. As a

result, when a member leaves the group,

a common occurrence in student groups

as members graduate, there is still a

strong foundational structure to ensure

the continuation of the group.

Staff / Volunteers

The majority of members of the USFT

are from affiliate groups on campuses

around the United States. As members of

student groups, they are volunteers.

Members of the Coordinating Committee

volunteer to run for the positions, and are

elected democratically by affiliate

members. While the organization is

largely made up of volunteers, they also

hire a full-time National Coordinator.

This person works in connection with

both the Coordinating Committee andacts as a liaison with affiliate

organizations, including NGOs and

business allies.

Aims

There are three main goals outlined in the

2005-2008 USFT Strategic Action Plan:

to cultivate student

empowerment; to participate

in the empowerment process

by educating people in the

Global South of their humanrights, and shaping a global

economy based on principles

of equity, justice and integrity; and to

improve organizational structure and

effectiveness. The USFT uses the idea of

popular education to empower students

and youth by providing them with the

information to run their own Fair Trade

organizations on a local level.

Activities

United Students for Fair Trade run skill-

building conferences in attempts toincrease leadership skills of their

members. They act as a resource group

for their members and other student

affiliates, so that local groups have the

resources necessary to promote

principles of Fair Trade on their own

campuses. In the three-year Strategic

Action Plan, UFST created a set of

principles and campaigns that affiliate

groups can use to promote Fair Trade on

their own campuses. Based on the

democratic structure of the organization

as a whole, the affiliate groups have the

freedom to promote both these

campaigns, as well as their own

initiatives that fit within the values and

goals of the USFT.

The USFT has used principles about Fair

Trade to create a Domestic Fair TradeProgram that allows student groups to

support the rights of domestic farmers to

develop a more just agricultural system

nationally. Another program developed

in the 2005-2008 Strategic Action Plan is

called Empowerment Bananas. The aim

of this program is to raise awareness

about the history of banana trade, as well

as the recent economic pressures on

producers of bananas. Empowerment

bananas are fair trade; the goal of the

program is to ensure producers receive a

fair wage for their product. Anothercampaign drawn from this Plan is the

Fair Trade Full Monty Campaign. This

campaign tries to ensure students have

access to fair trade products around their

campuses. It expands on the success of

getting schools to serve Fair Trade coffee

around campus.

In 2007, USFT created a new program to

start affiliate groups in high schools, and

added two high school students to the

Coordinating Committee. The aim of the

program was to expand the base of the

USFT from university students to youth

in general. This supports the democratic

nature of the group, as it allows youth

that are not going to attend university to

get involved in the organization.

Additionally, having a high schoolprogram creates stronger ties with

communities as high school students,

unlike many university students, still live

with their parents. This expands the

knowledge of not only the youth, but of

their parents and their community as a

whole.

The main events held by the USFT are

convergences, either on a national or a

regional level. In 2008, a national

convergence was held in Seattle,

allowing players in the fair trade

movement to meet and share ideas.

Workshops are held during the event,

promoting discussion between

participants about the fair trade

movement. The USFT value of anti-

oppression is an important part of

convergences; the organization wants tochallenge oppression at a global level,

while ensuring their own organization

remains anti-oppressive.

Reaction to Globalization

The relationship between the fair trade

movement and globalization are

inimitable; holding both direct and

indirect links. The USFT's relentless

fight to promote fair trade policies and

relegate the fiscally and socially

oppressive tendencies of capitalism in

favour of hierarchic nations such as theUnited States have catapulted the fair

trade motion into the social movement

stratosphere. The rise of modern

capitalism saw the privatization of

property and the reappropriation of the

product- the commodification of every

facet of global culture merely accelerated

the spread of globalization. The

power of globalization is held in

the hands of the dominant nations,

and works in favour of such. Free

trade agreements such as NAFTAforced developing nations to meet

inequitable demands, which

impeded the welfare of the country. As a

response to this exploitation, fair trade

movements such as United Students for

Fair Trade were created to promote

equity in terms of trading products

marked as commodities by the

predominant nations.

Influence of Globalization

Despite its indirect efforts to limit it as

with almost any facet of global culture -globalization has had an impact on the

USFT. While the negative implications o

globalization over the fair trade

movement are seemingly limitless, the

USFT refuses to allow the power of

globalization to control their actions. The

effects of globalization upon movements

like USFT are palpable, the direct

correlations unparalleled. Those who

benefit from globalization largely the

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sustainablelivelihoodsforpeoplein

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western world- seek the cheapest and fastest way to attain such

commodities, and when small- scale manufacturers can no

longer meet these demands due to price or mass, they move

onto the next subordinate nation at which they can indirectly

exploit. This hinders fair trade movements and often acts as a

blockade to widespread exposure as they cannot produce on

such a mass level and cannot offer the lowest prices.

Yet due to the widespread manifestation of capitalist

consumerism and globalization, technological advances haveallowed for organizations such as United Students for Fair

Trade to increase their notoriety and become fixtures in the fair

trade movement. The Internet has increased communication

between members of the movement and has garnered vast

media attention, shedding light on the importance of

establishing fair trade policies for vendors and eliminating the

oppressive relationship between capitalist hegemony and

indigenous commodity producers.

Universal Fair Trade Movement

United Students for Fair Trade may have established itself as

one of the core social movements involving students today, but

it is only a fraction of a much larger movement. USFTstemmed as an auxiliary group from Oxfam, and has since

situated itself at the centre of the fair trade debate. The fair

trade movement, for its vast significance, is lead by not one

supreme organization, but a plethora of groups. While they

differ based on location, objective and demand, they all serve

the same purpose: to educate and implement fair trade policies

and to impede the disproportionate trade agreements between

developed and developing nations. Organizations such as

Fairtrade Labelling Organizations (FLO) and the Fairtrade

Federation target global poverty and creating a sustainable

model for a fair trade economy which would allot labourers in

indigenous nations such as Jamaica equal rights and equal pay

where exports include Bauxite, rum, sugar coffee, bananas and

clothing made from sweatshops. These organizations also place

focus on the intrinsic effects of imperialism and colonialism

upon these nations, as they have succeeded in maintaining a

hierarchical relationship, which thus allowed them to impose

inequitable tariffs and undemocratic trade agreements upon the

impoverished nations.

The movement is also broken into smaller, more specified

organizations based on location and proximity. TransFair USA

is the most recognizable group advocating fair trade in North

America. A non- profit organization, it is one of the twenty

members of the FLO and the only third- party certifier. Itseponymous black and white label, drawing discrete parallels to

the symbol of yin and yang can be seen on many products sold

in North America. This label, notifies the consumer that the

product is certified fair trade and been produced in an equitable

and environmentally sustainable way.

Use of Technology

As with most social movements today, technology has played a

crucial role in garnering widespread support and media

attention. The development of the Internet paved the way for a

new means of communication for members and supporters of

social movements and granted a great amount of accessibility

to these movements. Because the organization is comprised of

over 150 subsidiary organizations across North American

campuses, the Internet is a key tool in maintaining clear goals

and asserting their solidarity. USFT makes significant use of

the Internet, through the creation of highly informative web

site, which provides information on the organization and how

to get involved. The website is inordinately interactive,

providing frequent updates to the status of USFT. The USFThas also sought the assistance of popular websites such as

Facebook, a social networking tool that allows members to

become fans of the organization and share information with

their friends about the movement. As with any student-

governed group, membership is fluid as students graduate. To

regulate this, a Coordinating Committee was introduced to

ensure order and clarity. The Coordinating Committee consists

of 17 members eight regional and nine national- who serve

16-month terms. Elections are held each spring, and occur

online due to the widespread location of members. The

elections are done through an online ballot system, which

allows current members of the committee to select from a list

of nominees submitted by members of the 150 affiliateorganizations. The members are then chosen on an instant-

runoff selection system.

Role in Social Movements

Social movements are, by definition, a loosely organized but

sustained campaign in support of a social goal and although

size varies they are all essentially collective (Encyclopedia

Britannica 312). Though the role and the magnitude of the

social movement has evolved with time, the central premise

has remained the same: to challenge the oppressive nature of a

hegemonic regime. Whether the regime be cultural, racial,

economic or political, the aim has always been to implement

change and equality. The United Students for Fair Trade is no

exception to such, as it has revolutionized student movements

and played a critical role in propelling the fair trade argument

into the mainstream media. Structurally, social movements are

much like political revolutions. The masses feel subjugated by

the elite ruling class. Charles Tilly argues social movements as

having three major properties: campaigns, repertoire and

WUNC displays. Campaigns, he says, are a sustained

collaborative effort making collective claims on target

authorities; repertoire, combination of specific forms of public

action such as pamphleteering, coalitions and demonstrations

and finally participants concerted public representation of

Worthiness, Unity, Numbers and Commitments (Tilly 84).Although the USFT and the fair trade movement seem to have

only just begun, they fit the true paradigm of social movement.

USFT, though seemingly small in comparison to other

organizations, continues to grow in membership and support

due to their unwavering solidarity and sense of unity.

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12/3112

WORKS CITED

Bantjes, Rod. Social Movements in a Global Context:

Canadian Perspectives. Toronto, Ontario: Canadian Scholars

Press, 2007. Print.

USFT Strategic Action Plan. United Students for Fair Trade,

2005.

" Fair Trade Federation." Fair Trade Federation . Web. 19

Nov. 2009. .

"Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO)."

Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO). Web.

21 Nov. 2009. .

Murray, Douglas, Laura Raynolds, and John Wilkinson.Fair

Trade: The Challenges of Transforming Globalization. New

York: Routledge, 2007. Print.

Oxfam America. "CHANGE Initiative Oxfam America."

Oxfam America. Web. 18 Nov. 2009. .

Tilly, Charles. Social Movements, 1768-2004. Boulder:

Paradigm Publishers, 2004. Print.

"TransFair USA Certification Process." TransFair USA. Web.

19 Nov. 2009. .

"United Students for Fair Trade Page - Facebook." Facebook.

Web. 22 Nov. 2009. .

"United Students for Fair Trade." United Students for Fair

Trade. Web. 21 Nov. 2009. .

Black Coffee. Dir. Irene Lilienheim Angelico. Narr. Helen

King. National Film Board of Canada, 2005. DVD.

Life And Debt. Dir. Stephanie Black. Narr, Stephanie Black.

New Yorker Video, 2001. DVD.

The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 2007 Edition. New York:

Encyclopedia Britannica, Incorporated, 2007. Print.

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2010
http://www.usft.org/http://www.usft.org/http://www.facebook.com/#/group.php?gid=2205066635&ref=search&sid=733670493.1810749017..1http://www.facebook.com/#/group.php?gid=2205066635&ref=search&sid=733670493.1810749017..1http://www.facebook.com/#/group.php?gid=2205066635&ref=search&sid=733670493.1810749017..1http://www.facebook.com/#/group.php?gid=2205066635&ref=search&sid=733670493.1810749017..1http://www.transfairusa.org/http://www.transfairusa.org/http://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.oxfamamerica.org/whatyoucando/take-action/student-action/changehttp://www.fairtrade.net/http://www.fairtrade.net/http://www.fairtradefederation.org/http://www.fairtradefederation.org/


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HumanRightsforAll:TheHelsinkiAccordsandtheFallofCommunismKateBruce-Lockheart

How can one be against human rights nowadays?

Its the same to be against motherhood.

George Arbotov, 1983

The Conference on Security and Cooperation in

Europe was, in the mind of Kremlin leader Leonid

Brezhnev, a long awaited trophy in the game of

Cold War relations. For years, Brezhnev and his

Soviet colleagues had pressed for formal Western

recognition of the political divisions of Europe

entrenched since WWII. Essentially, the Kremlin

wanted their sovereignty in Eastern Europe to be

enshrined by agreements in the international

community. At the time, these concerns dominated

Soviet interests at the conference. Although

Brezhnev got what he came for, the echoes of

Helsinki would reverberate throughout the Soviet

Union for years to come. Historians see Helsinki

not only as the zenith of dtente, but also as a

critical fracture in Moscows authority, one that was

to end up legitimizing opposition to Soviet

oppression. As Tony Judt explains, Hoist by the

petard of their own cynicism, Leonid Brezhnev and

his colleagues had inadvertently opened a breach in

their own defenses. Against all expectation, it wasto prove mortal. 1 Ultimately, the acceptance of

international human rights norms embedded in the

Helsinki Accords was to send shockwaves through

the Soviet system, hastening its fall from power.

In July of 1973, thirty-five countries came together

in Helsinki, Finland to discuss European borders

and the improvement of East-West relations. 2 The

West had finally agreed to such hold the conference

after years of avoidance of the issue of the post-war

European frontiers. 3 This change of heart can

partially be attributed to moves by West German

Chancellor Willy Brandt to achieve functional

relations with East Germany in his strategy of

Ostpolitik. 4 In a broader sense, the conference

represented the overall move towards dtente being

pursued by US President Richard Nixon and his

Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, with new

President Gerald Ford picking up the reins. 5 The

conference went beyond the two superpowers to

include nations such as Canada, Austria, YugoslaviaFrance, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Italy and all

the states of the Eastern Bloc accept Albania. Thus i

was a truly international conference, fortifying the

final accords by nature of their widespread

acceptance amongst powerful nations. The Final

Act, agreed upon by all the signatories in August o

1975, was grouped into three baskets or

categories. 6 The first contained agreements for

guiding relations between states, including respect

for human rights (Principle VII) and measures

meant to promote military transparency. 7 Basket II

encompassed a wide range of accords concerning

cooperation in matters of economics, science, theenvironment, technology, labor and tourism. 8 The

final basket which along with Principle VII was to

cause tremendous grief for the USSR concerned

humanitarian cooperation in issues such as the freer

movement of people and freedom of information. 9

While the Final Act was composed of these three

groupings, the USSR was predominantly interested

in Principle I and VI of the first basket. These two

points represented the culmination of a process that

Kremlin leaders had sought since Yalta: the

recognition of Soviet sovereignty in Eastern Europe

The accords stated that all states would respect

each others sovereign equality, respect the right

of territorial integrity and refrain from any

intervention in internal or external affairs falling

within domestic jurisdiction. 10 Brezhnev was

overjoyed with his spoils, which he felt would

surely immortalize him in annals of history. He

gleefully anticipated the publicity he would gain

when the Soviet public learned of the final

settlement of the postwar boundaries for which they

had sacrificed so much. 11 The West, it seemed,

had received a paltry compensation for the

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1 Tony Judt,Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, (New York: Penguin Group, 2005) 503.2 ibid., 501.3 ibid., 501.4 ibid., 501.5 ibid., 501.6 Origin of the Helsinki Accords. Commission on Security & Cooperation in Europe, United States Helsinki Commission. http://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCE7 ibid.8 ibid.9 ibid.10 Tony Judt,Postwar, 501.11 Gaddis, John Lewis. The Cold War: A NewHistory, (New York: Penguin Group, 2005), 90.
http://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCE


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fortification of the Iron Curtain. 12

Besides from assurance of economic,

social and cultural cooperation and

dtente with the Soviet Union, little else

had been achieved. 13 American

President Gerald Ford was heavily

criticized over the conference outcomes.

Former CIA Director Robert Gates even

speculated that it might have cost him his

presidency: Ford paid a terrible pricefor going perhaps reelection itself. 14

Brezhnev swelled with pride while Ford

faced biting critics. The Helsinki Accords

seemed to have been more final for

Ford than anyone, while thrusting

Brezhnev into diplomatic supremacy. Yet

the same agreements that afforded the

USSR their most sought after victory

would also contribute to its demise.

The human rights component of the

Final Act proved to be the Achilles heel

of the USSR. During the conference,Brezhnev had paid them little heed,

assuming they were nothing more than

political window dressing. 15 In case

Brezhnev did have any lingering fears

over these agreements, Soviet Foreign

Minister Andrei Gromyko was quick to

assuage any doubts. Gromyko assured

Brezhnev of the triviality of the

principles regarding human rights,

claiming: We are masters in our own

house. 16 Despite his dismissive

attitude towards the human rights

component of the accords, Brezhnev had

committed his government to a host of

agreements incompatible with Moscows

style of rule. These included the freedom

of thought, conscience, religion; equality

of all races, sexes, languages and

religions; and the promotion of civil,

political, economic and cultural rights

and freedoms. 17 As historian John

Lewis Gaddis explains, Helsinki

became, in short, a legal and moral trap.

18 However, Brezhnev lacked the

foresight to understand the implications

of his actions. He was not alone. No

politician, from Kissinger to Gromyko,

could fully comprehend impact of their

agreement: Very few of the signatoriesof the Helsinki Accords foresaw the

challenge that such a soft issue as

human rights would eventually present to

the Cold War order. 19

By signing the Helsinki Accords, the

Kremlin had effectively legitimized

opposition to the regime. 20 The effects

of this were both profound and

unexpected. In the words of prominent

Soviet dissident Natan Sharansky: What

had been viewed derisively by many

Soviet observers as an insignificantSoviet concession to respect human

rights turned out to be one of the most

fateful decisions of the Cold War. 21

Soviet intellectuals, dissidents and

reformers were now given a solid

foundation on which to criticize the

abuses of Soviet power. Just as Brezhnev

was elated with Principles I and VI of the

accords, the dissidents felt their case for

reform had been practically gift-wrapped.

Brezhnev had handed his critics a

standard, based on universal principles of

justice, rooted in international law,

independent of Marxist-Leninist

ideology, against which they could

evaluate the behavior of his and other

communist regimes. 22

The dissident movement in the Soviet

Union swelled in both ranks and

legitimacy. Opposition to the regime had

gone beyond the realm of a limited elite:

thousands of individuals who lacked

the prominence of Solzhenitsyn and

Sakharov began to stand with them in

holding the USSR and its satellite states

accountable for human rights abuses. 23

The accords represented a manifesto ofthe dissident and liberal movement. 24

Eastern Europe became fertile ground for

Helsinki groups and grassroots activity

25 It was no coincidence that the first of

these groups formed in Moscow. 26 The

city gained the ironic paradox of being

the epicenter of both Communist

authority and human rights activism. The

Moscow activists the Public Group to

Promote Observance of the Helsinki

Accords - disseminated documentation

of human rights abuses by the Soviet

government throughout the USSR andthe international community. 27 Their

claims were broadcasted in Russia over

BBC, Voice of America and Radio

Liberty, reaching citizens throughout the

Eastern Bloc. 28 The calls for human

rights were rapidly gaining strength.

Moscow was dumfounded, finding itself

totally blindsided by the human rights

monster it had so inadvertently released.

To compound Moscows concern,

support for the implementation of

Helsinki norms was growing worldwide.

In the United States, a special committee

made up of Congressmen, Senators and

members of the Ford Administration was

set up to monitor compliance with the

Helsinki Accords. 29 They began to hold

hearings on Capitol Hill, often drawing

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2010

12 ibid., 502.13 ibid., 502.14 Thomas, Daniel C. The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism (Princeton: Princeton Universtiy Press, 2001),257.15 Tony Judt.,Postwar, 502.16 John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History, 188.17 Tony Judt.,Postwar, 502.18 John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History, 190.19 Odd Arne Westad, Reviewing the Cold War: approaches, interpretations and theories, (London: Frank Cass & Co, 2000), 355.20 ibid., 191.21Natan Sharansky, The Case For Democracy, (Green Forest: Balfour Books, 2005), 132.22John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History, 190.23 ibid., 190.24 ibid., 190.25 ibid., 191.26 ibid., 191.27 Natan Sharansky, The Case for Democracy, 130.28 ibid., 130.29 ibid., 130.


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on documents of the Moscow Helsinki

group. 30 In the election campaign, of

1975 presidential candidate Jimmy

Carter put respect for human rights at the

top of his priorities. 31 In a breach of

protocol, Carter even went as far as

answering a letter from prominent

dissident Andrei Sakharov, confirming

his commitment to honor the Helsinki

Accords. 32 These encouraging signsfrom the US only fueled the growing fire

that was now raging in Soviet society,

and elevated the legitimacy of the

dissidents demands for human rights.

The growing calls for human rights in the

USSR were crippling Moscows hold on

authority. A number of potent forces were

running rampant throughout Soviet

society, emanating from the promises of

the Final Act. In the political sphere,

leaders views on the methods of

Communist rule were beginning to shift.For many, reform was the only way

forward. As political analyst Daniel C.

Thomas argues, the pressure from the

public was taking its toll: The

expansion of civil society under the

banner of human rights, the corrosive

effect of dissent on the legitimacy and

self-confidence of the party-state, and

Western governments insistence on

linking diplomatic relations to

implementation of human rights norms

convinced a growing number of

Communist elites of the necessity of

political (rather than economic) reform.

33 Politicians, such as Mikhail

Gorbachev, began pursing a new way

forward. This path of reform would

prove both precarious and, ultimately,

fatal to the Communist system.

While the collapse of the Soviet Union

was a multi-faceted and complex

process, stemming from a host of

political, economic and social factors, the

Helsinki Accords played a critical role in

the undoing of Communist power. The

Accords established human rights as a

fundamental norm of the international

community and East-West relations. 34

These new norms, originally dismissed

by skeptics, created an environment

toxic to Soviet hegemony. 35 As human

rights became embedded in the tapestryof international relations, the Kremlins

power grew fragile. Both historians and

political scientists have stated

unequivocally the importance of the

Helsinki Accords in the collapse of

communism: the salience of

international human rights norms and the

mobilization of domestic and

transnational human rights movements

were critical to the demise of Communist

rule in eastern Europe and the Soviet

Union. 36

A telling example of the impact of the

Helsinki Accords on the collapse of

communism can be seen in the exodus of

East Germans from the German

Democratic Republic. In the fall of

1989, hundreds of thousands of East

German citizens were fleeing their

country and pouring into Hungary. 37On

September 10th, Hungary legalized this

emigration and opened the borders with

Austria, thereby allowing East Germans

passageway into the non-Communist

west. 38 The government in East Berlin

was, not surprisingly, furious. However,

the Hungarian government brushed aside

their complaints, stating their obligations

under the Helsinki Accords as

justification for their actions. 39 The

process, set in motion back in 1973, was

coming back to haunt the Soviet Union,

releasing a Pandoras Box of forces

that created irreparable fissures in the

Eastern Bloc.

One of the most important legacies of the

Helsinki Accords is the peaceful path

they created for the collapse of

communism. The bloodlessness of

communisms fall can largely be

attributed to the atmosphere in the

international community brought about

by a stronger commitment to human

rights. As Daniel C. Thomas argues: Neither the structural contradictions of

the party-state and centralized planning

nor generational changes in the Soviet

leadership would have brought about the

largely peaceful and rights-protective

political transitions of 1989 without the

changes in international norms and state-

society relations connected to the

Helsinki Final Act. 40 Although the

collapse was tumultuous and chaotic, the

Helsinki Accords had ensured it was

peaceful.

International covenants remain a

powerful force in world affairs. The 1948

Convention on the Prevention and

Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

was one such agreement that had a

significant impact on the international

community. 41 Like the Helsinki

Accords did with human rights, the

Convention bound signatories to

preventing and punishing genocide.

However, the most important potential

contracting nation the United States

refused to sign. Rather than ignoring the

inconvenient details of the Convention,

as the Soviet officials did with Helsinki,

the US government heaped criticism on

the document. American opposition

stemmed from a long-standing enmity

towards any infringement on US

sovereignty by the international

community. 42 Many senators worried

that ratifying the pact would invite both

foreign and domestic criticism over the

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30 ibid., 13031 ibid., 13132 ibid., 13133 Daniel C. Thomas, The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism , 221.34 ibid., 22135 ibid., 25536 ibid., 25537 Tony Judt,Postwar, 612.38 Daniel C. Thomas, The Helsinki Effect: International Norms, Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism, 249.39 ibid., 24940 ibid., 25541 Samatha Power,A Problem from Hell: American and the Age of Genocide , New York: Harper Perennial, 2007.57.

42 ibid., 69


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2010 American treatment of aboriginals and other marginalized

groups: It was hard to see how it was in the U.S. interest to

make a states treatment of its own citizens the legitimate

object of international scrutiny. 43 There was serious

concern that perhaps the US would be brought to trial in the

International Criminal Court. 44 While US President Ronald

Reagan did eventually ratify the Convention in 1988, it had

taken forty years for the US to come to terms with the

agreement. 45 In those forty years, the benefits of signing the

convention simply could not weigh up to the political costs.

With the Helsinki Accords, the opposite had been true.

Brezhnev and his colleagues had firmly believed that they

would gain nothing but praise and power. Yet the third

basket of agreements that the Kremlin officials had chosen

to ignore had ended up being the chink in their armor. As the

chains of communism were broken, the triumph of the

Helsinki Accords echoed around the world. Despite a long

reign of revolution, purges, oppression and violence, human

WORKS CITED

Origin of the Helsinki Accords. Commission on Security

& Cooperation in Europe, United States Helsinki

Commission. http://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?

FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCE

Gaddis, John Lewis. The Cold War: A New History. New

York: Penguin Books, 2005.

Judt, Tony.Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945. New

York: Penguin Books, 2005.

Power, Samantha.A Problem From Hel: America and the

Age of Genocidel. New York: Harper Perennial, 2007.

Thomas, Daniel C. The Helsinki Effect: International Norms,

Human Rights, and the Demise of Communism. Princeton:

Princeton University Press, 2001.

Roberts, Steven V. Reagan Signs Bill Ratifying UN

Genocide Pact.New York Times,November 5th 1988,

Opinion section, New York edition. http://

www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-

ratifying-un-genocide-pact.html

Sharansky, Natan. The Case For Democracy. Green Forest:

Balfour Books, 2005.

Westad, Odd Arne.Reviewing the Cold War: approaches,

integrations, and theory. New York: Routledge, 2000.

43 ibid., 6944 ibid., 6845 Steven V. Roberts, . Reagan Signs Bill Ratifying UN Genocide Pact,New York Times, November 5th 1988, Opinion section, New York edition.
http://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/1988/11/05/opinion/reagan-signs-bill-ratifying-un-genocide-pact.htmlhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCEhttp://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?FuseAction=AboutHelsinkiProcess.OSCE


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Part 1 - Canadas Implication in DetaineeTortureIn November 2009, Richard Colvin, a past Canadianofficial in Afghanistan, renewed attention on thetopic of Canadas possible involvement in prisonertorture in the failing state.2

Colvin was in Afghanistan from 2006 to 2007,serving 17 months as second in command. Duringhis testimony to the Canadian parliament inNovember, he stated that he warned the governmentthen and again now about the occurrence of torturein Afghanistan. Colvin reported that all Canadian-captured prisoners were subjected to torture, such aselectric shocks and beatings, early in the mission.

The first warnings of mistreatment arose in 2006,however MacKay's predecessor, Gordon O'Connor,gave blithe assurances that the Red Cross was on topof things. Yet in Kandahar, the army was pointedlyignoring Red Cross phone calls, Colvin testified.3

Colvin said that in May 2006 he and others beganinforming Ottawa through written reports and verbalbriefings to senior officials in both the foreignaffairs department and the Canadian Forces "aboutthe grave deficiencies in our detainee practices andgrave consequences." At first, Colvin was ignored.By April 2007, he was told to be quiet and wouldlater be called the whistle-blower who effectivelyended the chance that Canada would fight past 2011.

Colvin and other Afghan officials say that the harmhas been done to innocent Afghans, our war effort,and Canada's credibility in demanding that othercountries respect human rights and the rule of law.Colvin states that Canada took more prisoners thanother Allied countries: 6 times Britain and 20 timesthe Netherlands.Canada also didnt keep track ofprisoners whereabouts and didnt have exactnumbers.

Colvin gave dire warnings that prisoners were beingtortured with electricity, extreme temperatures,knives, open flames, and even sexually abused.

In 2006, the Globe and Mailpublished agovernment-censored report.4 The government hadinitially denied the existence of the document andwhen the Globe and Mailgot access to it, it wascensored.The censored passages included theassertions that extrajudicial executions,disappearances, torture and detention without trialare all too common and that the overall humanrights situation in Afghanistan deteriorated in 2006.The ease with which Globe and MailcorrespondentGraeme Smith was able to obtain firsthand evidenceof the abuse proves both the salience of torture andthe disinterest of the Canadian government inlearning the truth. Smith interviewed 30 prisonerscaptured in Kandahar province who reported thatthey were beaten, whipped, starved, frozen, choked

ExaminingtheThemeofDisregardforAfghanCivilianLifebyForeignForcesSimaAtri

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This research report responds to a number of questions surrounding the treatment of Afghan civilians byISAF forces in Afghanistan. Although it begins with a broad mandate, it focuses in on three important sub-topics: Canadas specific implication, civilian deaths caused by ISAF strategies, and counter-insurgency inAfghanistan.

1.1 Canadas Implication in Detainee Torture1.2 Kunduz Air Strike1.3 Uruzgan Air Strike1.4 2008 Wedding Bombing1.5 Special Operation Night Raids1.6 Drone Warfare1.7 Contradictions and Consequences of ISAF Strategies

Conclusion The State of Civilians in Afghanistan

1 Aaron Wherry. Colvins testimony to parliament, Macleans.ca. http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-within-the-limits-imposed-by-my-professional-obligations/2 See No Evil on Afghan Torture, Toronto Star. http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torture3 Lee Parsons. Report Confirms Canadas Complicity in Afghan State Torture, Global Research. http://www.globalresearch.ca /index.php?context=va&aid=5501
http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torturehttp://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torturehttp://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torturehttp://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torturehttp://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-torturehttp://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-http://www2.macleans.ca/2009/11/19/i-will-do-my-best-to-shed-light-


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2010 and subjected to electric shocks

during interrogation after havingbeen handed over to the NDS,Afghanistans intelligence police, bytheir Canadian Armed Forces captors.The NDS operates under almostimpenetrable secrecy.

The Afghan rights agency (AIHRC)documented 400 cases of torture

across Afghanistan.5 They uncovered47 cases of abuse in Kandahar,Canadas main operations province.They stated that iron rods, electricshocks, and beatings constituted thepreferred method of torture and thatthese were usually done to extractconfessions. "Torture and other cruel,inhuman or degrading treatment arecommon in the majority of lawenforcement institutions, and at least98.5 per cent of interviewed victimshad been tortured," said thecommission's April 2009 study. The

independent study, which trackedabuse claims between 2001 and early2008, shows most of the allegations 243 were leveled in 2006 and 2007.The Afghan commission report said14 per cent of the torture casesinvolved Afghanistan's notoriousintelligence service, the NationalDirectorate of Security.

The Canadian government shouldcarry out a full public inquiry into thealleged torture of detainees, saysHuman Rights Watch (HRW). 6

Canada has signed the ConventionAgainst Torture (1987). In thisconvention it is obligated to prevent,investigate, prosecute, and punishnationals that are complicit orparticipate in acts of torture.Independent human rights groupshave also legitimized Colvinsallegations, having raised concernsabout torture by Afghan securityforces for years.

Recently, claims of rendition haveemerged in the media as it has beendiscovered that Canadas spy agencyinterrogated captured Taliban.Officials claim that CSIS had beenquestioning detainees since 2006,according to censored witnesstranscripts filed with the MilitaryPolice Complaints Commission.7

CSIS would conduct a kind of pre-interview before rendition toauthorities implicated in torture. Themilitary only has 96 hours aftercapture so it is possible that they weresending innocent civilians to befurther questioned and potentiallytortured by Afghan authorities. Prime-minister Harper continues to giveCSIS blanket support.8

Knowingly transferring detaineeswhere there is a risk of torture is aviolation of the 3rd Geneva

Convention. The US StateDepartment, Amnesty Internationaland Human Rights Watch cite cases oftorture in Afghan jails. Despite theclarity of accounts, Harper continuesto deny claims, delay the release ofdocuments, and defame messengers.

Governments Discrediting ofColvins AllegationsThe conservative government hasbeen trying to discredit RichardColvins testimony.9 The governmenthas called his claim unsubstantiated

and simply not credible. DefenseMinister Peter MacKay, who has ledthe charge to discredit Colvin'sallegations, said he doesn't knowwhether the Foreign AffairsDepartment has looked at the prisonerinterviews cited in independentHuman Rights Reports.10

A former European Union diplomat,Michael Semple, a Harvard Carr

Center expert who spent years inAfghanistan with Colvin is mystifiedat Ottawa's insistence that there is no"first-hand" evidence of torture. Inaddition, NDP foreign affairs criticPaul Dewar said there is a mountainof evidence in reports from otheragencies, including the U.S.government. "It's Minister MacKay'sword against the facts reported by the

AIHRC, Amnesty International andeven the U.S. State Department," hesaid. The speaker of the House, PeterMilliken, recently called for therelease of documents to the House.

Significance for Canada inAfghanistanAlthough there have been no claimsthat Canadian soldiers committedtorture, they had knowledge of it. Ifthis is accurate, Canadians haveengaged in war crimes, not onlyindividually, but also as a matter of

policy.11 The torture allegations havealready inflicted grave damage on thearmy's campaign to win the "heartsand minds" of increasingly alienatedAfghans.12

Part 2 - Kunduz Air StrikeOn September 4th, 2009, the Talibanhijacked two trucks carrying NATOfuel supplies traveling from Tajikistanto the German NATO-base in KunduzWhen one of the tankers got stuck inthe river near the base, the Talibancalled to villagers to come and get

free fuel. Many villagers were stillawake past midnight because of awedding party and Ramadancelebrations. Kunduz is a poor areaand the word about free fuel quicklyspread to three villages in the area.Over 500 villagers came to the truckby foot and tractor. These were bothpoor civilians and fighters alikecoming to siphon free fuel. Thepresence of the tankers raised

4 Murray Brewster. Evidence of Afghan torture mounts, Toronto Star. http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/ 729402--evidence-of-afghan-torture-mounts5 Human Rights Watch calls for investigation, Human Rights Watch. http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/11/27/canadaafghanistan- investigate-canadian-responsibility-detainee-abuse.6 Aaron Wherry. CSIS in Afghanistan, Macleans.ca. http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/03/07/csis-in-afghanistan/ .7 Mike Blanchfield. Canuck spies grilling Afghan detainees prompts fresh calls for inquiry, Canadian Press. http://ca.news.yahoo.com /s/capress/100308/national/afghan_cda_documents .8 Murray Brewster. Evidence of Afghan torture mounts, Toronto Star. http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanm ission/article/729402--evidence-of-afghan-torture-mounts.9 Murray Brewster. Afghan Prisoner Transfers halted more than once, general says, Toronto Star. http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/arti cle/729311--afghan-prison-transfers-halted-more-than-once-general-says10 Lee Parsons. Report Confirms Canadas Complicity in Afghan State Torture, Global Research. http://www.globalresearch.ca /index.php?context=va&aid=5501.11 See No Evil on Afghan Torture, Toronto Star, http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afg han-torture.
http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/03/07/csis-in-afghanistan/http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/11/27/canadaafghanistan-http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/03/07/csis-in-afghanistan/http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/11/27/canadaafghanistan-http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://ca.news.yahoo.com/http://ca.news.yahoo.com/http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorials/article/728335---see-no-evil-on-afghan-http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.globalresearch.ca/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://ca.news.yahoo.com/http://ca.news.yahoo.com/http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/03/07/csis-in-afghanistan/http://www2.macleans.ca/2010/03/07/csis-in-afghanistan/http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/11/27/canadaafghanistan-http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/11/27/canadaafghanistan-http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/http://www.thestar.com/news/canada/afghanmission/article/


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2010 suspicion at the German base, and after hearing from one

witness that no civilians were near the tankers, they calledfor an air strike. At 2:30 am, US F-15 fighter jets droppedtwo 500 pound bombs on the truck stuck in the river. Thiscreated a fireball that incinerated everything surrounding thetruck, killing over 100 people.13 The final leaked Germanreport states 147 dead including over 40 civilian deaths.Claims are contentious because many were obliterated by theflames.

The German base is 6 km away from the river. Colonel Kleinfeared the hijackers would use the trucks to carry out asuicide attack against the nearby military base and thereforedeemed this a serious danger. Colonel Klein received agrainy live video transmitted from the US fighter jet showingblack dots around the hijacked fuel truck (this video hassince been leaked to the public14). The German intelligenceoffice also received a call from a single unnamed Afghaninformant insisting that all individuals at the site were in factinsurgents. This claim was taken to be the truth, leading tothe decision for the air strike. No NATO member visited thesite of the air strike till a day later.

NATO rules of war: NATO rules state that forces cannot

bomb residential buildings based on a sole source ofinformation. Troops must first establish a pattern of life toensure no civilians are in the target area before they bomb.Air strikes are also only allowed if troops feel they will beoverrun by the enemy and in active fights outside of apopulated area.

BILD (a news agency inGermany) has exclusiveaccess to the 42-documentreport that contradicts manyof the German authoritiesclaims. Notably, videofootage from the event proves that it would have been

impossible for Colonel Klein to confirm the informantsinformation (that all individuals near the fuel lorries wereterrorists). The report leaked to the public determined thatthe German Col. Klein acted inappropriately in ordering theattack, overstepped his authority, and poorly evaluated thesituation.15

NATOs Secret Report on the Air strikesThe 73 page secret report, headed by Canadian DuffSullivan, has 500 pages of attachments including many ofthe interviews with individuals such as Colonel Klein and theAmerican pilots that dropped the two bombs on the tankersand Afghan citizens.16

The Report concludes that the mission on the night ofSeptember 4th was the result of a combination of ineptnessand deliberate misinformation, without which the air strike

would not have occurred. This is clearly in contradictionwith many of the statements by German officials. Theactions were deemed inconsistent with ISAF procedures anddirectives. It is further noted that the intelligence provided byHUMINT (human intelligence) did not identify a specificthreat to the camp, the mandatory condition for an air strike.17 Klein also made a decision that should not have beenmade on his own, without the permission of individuals inhigher positions of command.

First of all, Colonel Klein deliberately misinformed theAmerican pilots by calling the situation an imminent threatAlthough there was no contact between Germans and theenemy, Klein said the troops were in contact. He told thepilots that those pax (people) are an imminent threat.Although this information is not apparent from videosreleased, Klein argued that the insurgents were trying to tapthe gasoline from the trucks, and when they were finished,they would regroup and have intelligence information aboutcurrent operations [and then probably attack] CampKunduz. NATO could only find information saying that theTaliban planned to take the trucks to a nearby village, butwhen they got stuck in the river, decided to strip the vehiclesinstead.

Secondly, the American pilots continuously attempted toavoid the air strike. They first asked to fly low in order toshow military force and act as a deterrent. The pilots werehesitant because they could not see an imminent threat. As

the pilots could not disobey theColonels orders they had tofollow through with the strike.When they asked whether theyshould target the trucks or thepeople, the German air controllersaid the people. The pilots werealso told to keep headquarters out

of the situation, as they were urged to treat the trucks as

time sensitive targets.

Finally, the report documents an interview with Klein. In it,he argues that he asked 7 times that night if there werecivilians on the scene, and was told no every time. However,to be safe, he decided to call for only 2 500-pound bombsinstead of 6 bombs. In his interview, Klein admits that heused false information to obtain American air support. Kleinstates that he intended to destroy both the fuel tankers andthe insurgents at the site.

Part 3 - Uruzgan Air StrikeUnrelated to the Marjah offensive came the greatest loss ofcivilian life since the Kunduz air strike in September. On

February 21st, 2010, a NATO air strike hit a suspectedinsurgent convoy in the Uruzgan province killing 27 andinjuring 14 civilians. NATO soldiers thought the convoy of

12 Stephen Farrell. NATO Strike Magnifies Divide on Afghan War, NewYork Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/05/world/asia/ 05afghan.html.13 At 1:49 the bombs hit the trucks, The BILD. http://www.bild.de/BILD/video/clip/english/2009/11/26/kunduz.html .14 John Goetz. Kunduz Affair Report puts German Defense Minister Under Pressure, SPEIGEL. http://www.spiegel.de/international/ germany/0,1518,672468,00.html.15 John Goetz. Kunduz Affair Report puts German Defense Minister Under Pressure, SPEIGEL. http://www.spiegel.de/international/ germany/0,1518,672468,00.html.16 Imminent threat must be present in order to call an air strike: Tony Paterson. German Colonel Breached Procedure, Belfast Telegraph. http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan- strike-14487704.html.

Wehaveshotanamazingnumberof

people, buttomyknowledge, nonehasever

proventobeathreat.

GeneralMcChrystal
http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.spiegel.de/international/http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/05/world/asia/http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/world-news/german-colonel-breached-procedure-by-ordering-the-disastrous-afghan-http://www.spiegel.de/international/http://www.spiegel.de/international/http://www.spiegel.de/international/http://www.spiegel.de/international/http://www.bild.de/BILD/video/clip/english/2009/11/26/kunduz.htmlhttp://www.bild.de/BILD/video/clip/english/2009/11/26/kunduz.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/05/world/asia/http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/05/world/asia/


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to attack Afghan and foreign military bases. However afterthe attack, everyone in the convoy was confirmed to becivilian, although they were traveling through Talibancontrolled territory. Among the dead included four womenand one child.

The latest air strike has had a significant impact throughoutthe country. Analysts have argued that air strikesbreedresentment amongst Afghans, and civilian casualties explain

the Talibans increased support. In the wake of the incident,all CFSOCC-A forces were ordered to stand down for 48hours in order to reread the tactical directives and the rules ofengagement.18 The Karzai government has called the airstrike unjustified and a major obstacle to counter-insurgency efforts. The cabinet has also called on NATO toclosely coordinate and exercise maximum care beforeconducting any military operation so that any possiblemistakes that can result in harming civilians can be avoided.General McChrystal has called for a full investigation intothe bombings.19 He also apologized on national Afghantelevision. He said:

We are extremely saddened by the tragic loss of innocent

lives. I have made it clear to our forces that we are here toprotect the Afghan people, and inadvertently killing or

injuring civilians undermines their trust and confidence inour mission. I pledge to strengthen our efforts to regain your

trust to build a brighter future for all Afghans. Mostimportantly, I express my deepest, heartfelt condolences to

the victims and their families. We all share in their grief andwill keep them in our thoughts and prayers.20

His apology was translated into Dari and Pashto and can befound online.21

An ArmyTimes article22 revealed a more detailed account ofthe air strike, emphasizing that miscommunication may

have led to civilian deaths. The air strike was called in bySpecial Forces A-Team (Operational Detachment Alpha3124), although they did not have eyes on their target. OnFebruary 21st, the A-team was clearing a bazaar in the townof Khod. The team leader received a call that a Predatorunmanned aerial vehicle flying overhead had spotted aconvoy of vehicles heading towards Khod. The Predatorpilot, flying the air craft remotely, said he had positivelyidentified weapons in the convoy. Team-A did not have thedevice that allows one to see the Predator footage it real timeso he took the Predator on his word. A scout weapons teamof two OH-58D Kiowa Warrior helicopters arrived tomonitor and possibly attack the convoy, but amiscommunication occurred and they both assumed they had

seen weapons when neither had seen them.

After a lengthy delay, the A-team lead

Rights in Review 2010

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