Research-policy dialogues in the risk society The case of...

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1 Research-policy dialogues in the risk society The case of migrant integration policy-making in Europe Working paper Please do not distribute without the authors’ consent Peter Scholten Associate Professor Public Policy & Politics Erasmus University Rotterdam PO Box 1738, NL 3000 DR, Rotterdam [email protected] www.peterscholten.eu Stijn Verbeek Postdoctoral Researcher Erasmus University Rotterdam PO Box 1738, NL 3000 DR, Rotterdam [email protected] Abstract This paper focuses on how research-policy dialogues evolve in areas characterized by social risks. The risk society literature asserts that in more complex, uncertain and uncontrollable problem situations, there is not only a process of scientification of politics but also politicization of science. This means that processes of knowledge production and –utilization have become increasingly entwined and that dialogue structures have become more and more ad-hoc. Migrant integration policymaking is taken as a revelatory case of a policy problem that has manifested itself as one of the most distinct social risks of this era. Our analysis of migrant integration policymaking in five EU countries (Austria, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the UK) and on the EU level indeed reveal profound changes in the nature of research-policy dialogues since migrant integration has manifested itself as a social risk. We found that dialogue structures became more ad-hoc, often established in response to distinct political or problem events. In addition, we found evidence that more indirect and symbolic forms of knowledge utilization prevailed: in almost all cases, knowledge was used primarily to legitimate government institutions or to substantiate government policies. Finally, analysis also provides evidence of the mutual conditional relationship between knowledge production and –utilization; the deinstitutionalization of research-policy dialogues and the politicization of science also contributed to a growing fragmentation of migrant integration research in terms of institutes involved as well as in terms of knowledge paradigms.

Transcript of Research-policy dialogues in the risk society The case of...

 

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Research-policy dialogues in the risk society The case of migrant integration policy-making in Europe

Working paper Please do not distribute without the authors’ consent

Peter Scholten

Associate Professor Public Policy & Politics

Erasmus University Rotterdam PO Box 1738, NL 3000 DR, Rotterdam

[email protected] www.peterscholten.eu

Stijn Verbeek

Postdoctoral Researcher Erasmus University Rotterdam

PO Box 1738, NL 3000 DR, Rotterdam [email protected]

Abstract  This paper focuses on how research-policy dialogues evolve in areas characterized by social risks. The risk society literature asserts that in more complex, uncertain and uncontrollable problem situations, there is not only a process of scientification of politics but also politicization of science. This means that processes of knowledge production and –utilization have become increasingly entwined and that dialogue structures have become more and more ad-hoc. Migrant integration policymaking is taken as a revelatory case of a policy problem that has manifested itself as one of the most distinct social risks of this era. Our analysis of migrant integration policymaking in five EU countries (Austria, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the UK) and on the EU level indeed reveal profound changes in the nature of research-policy dialogues since migrant integration has manifested itself as a social risk. We found that dialogue structures became more ad-hoc, often established in response to distinct political or problem events. In addition, we found evidence that more indirect and symbolic forms of knowledge utilization prevailed: in almost all cases, knowledge was used primarily to legitimate government institutions or to substantiate government policies. Finally, analysis also provides evidence of the mutual conditional relationship between knowledge production and –utilization; the deinstitutionalization of research-policy dialogues and the politicization of science also contributed to a growing fragmentation of migrant integration research in terms of institutes involved as well as in terms of knowledge paradigms.

 

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Introduction

Contemporary society is increasingly faced with social risks that challenge the nature

of policymaking, or at least the traditional image of it. The notion of social risk refers

to increasingly complex and unpredictable character of social problems (Beck,

1992a; Taylor-Gooby & Zinn, 2006). Scholars have attributed attention to the

changing role of social research in policymaking in relation to these social risks.

Society is moving beyond the traditional model of ‘science speaking truth to power’

(Wildavsky, 1979), which was based on a powerful belief in objective scientific

knowledge. Beyond the ‘scientification of politics’ that characterized the rational

approach to policymaking, the risk society is experiencing a simultaneous

‘politicization of science’ where the credibility of science is put on the line and

scientific disagreements increasingly surface (Gieryn, 1999; Weingart, 1999a).

This article deals with the issue of migrant integration and policies aimed at

promoting it. It is an interesting case, firstly, because the issue of migrant integration

experienced an extreme politicisation in many European countries. In the early

phases, migrant integration was not discussed politically at all, because the countries

did not perceive themselves as immigration countries. In reality, most Western

European countries (except the UK) organised labour recruitment schemes. These

immigrants were labelled 'guestworkers' however, who would return home after a

temporary stay. After the acceptance of historical or even ongoing immigration, the

integration of newcomers into mainstream society got more and more political

attention. In the early 2000s, international focus-events (9/11, London, Madrid) and

national focusing events seemingly showing that lack of migrant integration

threatened societal harmony triggered a new phase, in which the migrant integration

issue was perceived as one of the most important social problems to be 'solved' by

national politicians.

Migrant integration policy-making is interesting, secondly, because the relation

between migrant integration research and policy-making seems to have changed

significantly as well. In the Netherlands, for example, an intimate symbiosis between

social researchers and policymakers for a long time provided a technocratic motor for

policymaking and contributed significantly to the growth and institutionalization of

migration studies (Favell, 2003). Yet, this relationship between research and policy

has become more and more contested, in the public debate as well as amongst

 

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scholars themselves. Opposition to the use of academic expertise as the source of

policy making has grown as the public debate on migration and integration has

become increasingly politicized. On the one hand, the supposed 'failure' of the

migrant integration policies of the past is to a certain extent blamed on the scientists

who were involved in their formulation. In Netherlands, researchers in the migrant

integration domain are nowadays often accused of 'multicultural bias' and

'solidarising' too much with the immigrants. On the other hand, scholars have

expressed disenchantment with the impact of close relations between immigrant

integration research and policy making on the development of integration as a

research field in itself (Bommes & Morawska, 2005). In particular, they have

observed a strong ‘national disposition’ in knowledge production by researchers of

integration because of their connection to national policy settings (Lavenex, 2005;

Scholten, 2011; Thränhardt & Bommes, 2010). In other words: as the topic

politicised, the research-policy dialogues on migrant integration seem to have

politicised as well. In a reflexive fashion, the way the policies were made became the

object of political controversy itself.

This article relates the risk society literature with the literature from science and

technology studies (STS). In STS, scholars like Ezrahi (1990), Gieryn (1999),

Jasanoff (1994; 2013) have shown how knowledge utilisation and knowledge

production have changed and how both developments are connected. Hoppe's work

(2005) for example shows that there are structural differences between different

types of "boundary arrangements" between science and policy and that each

arrangement affects and is affected by patterns of knowledge utilisation and

knowledge production. Hence a solid understanding of the different types of research

policy dialogue structures is necessary to understand the politicisation of research

policy dialogues in the context of the politicisation of the issue at hand. In terms of

knowledge utilization, besides instrumental modes of knowledge utilization there is a

growing recognition and advancing theorisation of symbolic modes of knowledge

utilization as well (Boswell, 2009). In terms of knowledge production, it is increasingly

recognized that the production and validation of knowledge claims is a context-

dependent and power-driven process (Gieryn, 1995). As such, recognizing the

interactive relationship between knowledge production and knowledge utilization also

helps us to reach beyond the scientific exceptionalism that has characterized the

 

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rational policy analysis movement and study how the production of social scientific

knowledge is itself contextualized (Radin, 2000; A. L. Schneider & Ingram, 1997).

To this aim, this article explores the changing nature of research-policy dialogues in

the risk society. It takes migrant integration policy-making is a case study, while

adopting a long-term perspective to capture the development of research-policy

dialogues in the context of mounting political attention for the issue. It poses the

following central research question: how did research policy dialogues on migrant

integration in Europe develop in the context of the politicisation of the issue? In the

theoretical framework below, it will be argued that this question should be studied by

looking at three elements of research-policy dialogues (dialogue structures,

knowledge utilization, and knowledge production) and their interrelationships.

Social research and policymaking in the Risk Society

The Risk Society literature asserts that a shift is taking or has taken place from a

society oriented at ‘natural risks’ that can be controlled rationally to a complex late-

modern society oriented primarily at ‘manufactured risks’ produced by human

intervention (Adam, Beck, & Van Loon, 2000; Beck, 1992b; Lupton, 1999; Taylor-

Gooby & Zinn, 2006). Awareness of such ‘new risks’ would challenge the rational

mode of government, where knowledge and expertise are key resources for policy

development and problem-solving. In a risk society, knowledge itself is contested as

part of a broader process of ‘politicization of science’ (Weingart, 1999b). In fact, new

risks reveal the uncertainty and context-dependency inherent to knowledge claims.

Scholars like Hajer (1995) have revealed how researchers are often active parts of

specific ‘discourse coalitions’, whereas Rein and Schon (1996) argue that ‘intractable

policy controversies’ cannot be resolved by examining the ‘facts’ precisely because

there are disagreements about the nature of the facts and about their relevancy.

Recognizing the changing role of knowledge in the risk society also asks for a

reconfiguration of governance relations and of relations between knowledge

producers and policymakers in particular. Several scholars [Baumgartner and Jones,

1993, 2005] speak of responsive modes of governance as more fitting in a societal

context characterized by new risks. This still involves a central role for knowledge in

policymaking, but not in rationally steering of social problems but rather in responding

 

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to mostly unpredictable risks. Rather than proactively steering society according to a

medium- to long-term ‘masterplan', with the help of scientific 'planning agencies',

contemporary politicians would behave much more like risk managers, constantly

reacting to incidents and events that seem to call for instant action.

In order to study research-policy dialogues in the risk society, a distinction can be

made between three different but related aspects of such dialogues. First, this

involves the structural dimension of research-policy relations, or how the research-

policy nexus is organized and institutionalized. Second, it involves processes of

knowledge production as well, or how knowledge claims are framed and selected

within the realm of scientific research itself. Third, it involves patterns of knowledge

utilization, in policy as well as other spheres like politics and civil society.

A key assertion from both the risk society and the STS literature is that these three

facets of research-policy dialogues have become increasingly entwined. Shapin and

Shaffer (1985, 332) speak of a ‘conditional relationship between the nature of the

polity occupied by scientific intellectuals and the nature of the wider polity.’ This

means that there will be a conditional relationship between knowledge production

and –utilization, very much reflecting the simultaneous scientification of politics as

well as politicization of science that characterizes the risk society. Rather than

dialogue structures that create a linear relationship where research ‘enlightens’

policymaking, dialogue structures would increasingly condition this mutual

relationship. This assertion can be elaborated into three more specific hypotheses

concerning dialogue structures, knowledge utilization and knowledge production.

Dialogue structures

The structural shape of the ‘research-policy nexus’ refers to formal and informal

arrangements through which knowledge is exchanged between research and policy.

The rational model that has provided the basis for modern government involved a

strongly institutionalized research-policy nexus that enabled scientific experts a

relatively strong primacy in policymaking. In terms of research-policy relations, this

has often been described in terms of a technocratic model that enabled science to

‘speak truth to power’ (Hoppe, 2011b; Wildavsky, 1979). Technocracy involves

formal and direct forms of policy involvement of scientific experts and is usually

 

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associated with a culture of depoliticization. For instance, such technocratic relations

would involve a central role for relatively independent research committees with a

science-based and rational approach to policy problems, mostly operating beyond

the scope of public and political debate. Whereas the technocratic model emphasizes

in particular the process of ‘scientification of politics’, the risk society literature

emphasizes the simultaneous process of politicization of science (Beck, 1992b;

Weingart, 1999b). In this context, scholars like Wagner (1991) and Hoppe (Hoppe,

1999; Hoppe, 2011a; Hoppe, 2005b) claim that his technocratic model for the

research-policy nexus would increasingly make place for models that contextualize

the role of science and attribute more primacy to politics.

Boundary organisations often play a central role in research-policy relations (Guston,

2007; Miller, 2001). These are organisations that are situated in between the fields of

science and policy. Usually, they are explicitly designed to engage in specific sorts of

research-policy relations. Boundary organisations (Guston 2000, Miller 2001) can

come in many shapes and sizes, e.g. think-tanks, scienc-based advisory bodies,

expert committees, etc. Although such organisations are often portrayed as ‘bridges’

or ‘transmission belts’ between research and policy, they generally have a more

active role (and an interest) in research-policy relations that go both ways. They are

often hybrids of the structures of both fields, combining elements of both science and

politics (Miller 2001). However, they derive much of their credibility from clearly

demarcating science and politics, and from positioning themselves somewhere in

between; the so-called ‘two-worlds metaphor’ (Stone 1998, 121).

This leads to the first hypothesis inspired by the risk society literature, stating that

research-policy dialogue structures will deinstitutionalise as political attention for an

issue mounts. This means that they will be (a) less direct, (b) less closed or confined

to a small number of actors, and (c) less stable as before. Firstly, knowledge conflicts

are increasingly fought out in public, which means that knowledge producers and

knowledge utilisation increasingly communicate indirectly via the media. Secondly,

and relatedly, the increased public nature of research-policy dialogues gives other

actors the opportunity to participate - and, conversely, these other actors (NGOs,

lobby groups, public intellectuals, citizens - virtually anyone who can get a voice in

the media or can claim some kind of legitimacy in the 'border region' between

science and policy) 'open up' the existing research-policy dialogues in the first place.

 

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Thirdly, due to the rise of the responsive mode of governance, research-policy

dialogues will increasingly take place in an ad hoc fashion, depending on the

unpredictable and seemingly erratic mood swings of the polity. If an issue 'comes up',

after a focusing event for example, research-policy dialogues will be setup depending

on the perceived necessities of the moment. Rather than having a firmly

institutionalized research-policy nexus where one actor, mostly likely a government

associated research agency or committee, plays an enduring, key role in brokering

between knowledge and policy, in a risk society one would expect multiple boundary

organizations brokering between various knowledge providers and various

knowledge utilizers in various ways.

Knowledge utilization

Another facet of research-policy dialogues that would have changed in the context of

the transformation to a risk society, involves how knowledge is utilized in processes

of policymaking. The rational mode of government would be characterized by direct

(i.e. scientists communicating with policymakers directly) and immediate forms of

knowledge utilization, where knowledge was used conceptually for framing policy

issues as well as instrumentally for developing concrete policy responses. In

contemporary literature this form of knowledge utilization is often framed as ‘evidence

based policymaking’, with research and expertise as key sources for policy

development (Sanderson, 2002; Young, Ashby, Boaz, & Grayson, 2002). A modest

form of this rational model is proposed by Weiss (1977), who speaks of a more

gradual ‘knowledge creep’ where knowledge also frames and supports policy

measures but often in a more indirect (for example via the 'enlightenment' of the

general public) way and not immediately, but after a while.

Besides such instrumental knowledge utilization, Boswell (2009) distinguishes two

distinct symbolic forms of knowledge utilization. Rather than being used as input for

determining a concrete policy position, knowledge can also be used just to

substantiate pre-existing policy positions. In this substantiating function, research is

supposed to provide authority to policy decisions already taken by substantiating

these policy decisions with relevant (and supportive) knowledge and expertise.

Besides substantiating policy decisions, research can also be used to plainly

 

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legitimize individual actors or organisations. This legitimizing function of research and

expertise goes beyond substantive research findings, referring to the mere symbolic

act of signifying the 'capacity to make sound decisions' (Boswell 2009).

This leads to our second hypothesis, stating that in areas where social risks are

manifested, patterns of knowledge utilization will be symbolic rather than

instrumental. Rather than utilization of knowledge claims in policy formulation in a

depoliticized setting, scientific knowledge claims will be contested but will continue to

play a role in more symbolic ways. It remains to be seen, however, whether the

distinction between 'instrumental' and 'symbolic' knowledge utilisation may be too

simple to capture the complexities in knowledge utilisation in the migrant integration

issue domain (Caponio, Hunter & Verbeek). After all, from a reflexive awareness of

the existence of different kinds of knowledge logically follows that an analysis of

contemporary patterns of knowledge utilisation should distinguish between different

kinds of knowledge right from the start (ibid.). In the analysis below, we integrate

Hall's (1993) distinction between first order, second order, and third order learning

with Boswell's typology to build a slightly more elaborate theory to study knowledge

utilisation in research policy dialogues.

Knowledge production

The simultaneous ‘scientification of politics’ and ‘politicization of science’ also

involves a recognition of the impact of research-policy relations on knowledge

production in itself. The objectivist policy analytics movement led by Lasswell

(knowledge of policy, in policy and for policy) sustains what Schneider and Ingram

(A. Schneider & Ingram, 1993) describe as ‘scientific exceptionalism’; it preserves

that ‘blackbox’ of scientific knowledge production and the image that scientific

knowledge claims are objectivist and value-free. Ezrahi (1990) argues that this

scientific exceptionalism has played a central role in the modernisation of

government (Latour, 2012), providing an important political resource for

depersonalising and depoliticising ideological state control, and thereby legitimising

modern liberal democratic politics.

Science and technology studies (STS) have contributed significantly to

deconstructing scientific exceptionalism, by drawing attention to the many ways in

 

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which scientific claims making can be context-dependent and interest-driven.

Nowotny a.o. (Nowotny, 2003) and Jasanoff (2013) speak of the co-evolution or

coproduction of science and society, referring to the science-politics nexus as a key

axis for this coproduction which means that science not only speaks to society but

society also speaks back to science. As the boundaries between science and politics

have become increasingly transgressive and permeable, the impact of the broader

political setting on the choice of scientific methods, selection of evidence, framing of

research questions and findings has increased. Even for quantitative data, the choice

for variables to measure and indicators to use is contextualized (Porter, 1996).

Gieryn (1999) and Jasanoff (1995) have conceptualized this interaction between

science and politics in terms of ‘boundary work’, or the social construction of

‘boundaries’ that define some claims as scientific and others as non-science. These

boundary work practices may thus lead to the monopolization of specific knowledge

claims or ‘paradigms’ or for instance to the expulsion of others as non-science.

Boundary work can also involve expansion, which occurs when actors that support a

specific knowledge paradigm or specific values or ideas about proper science

manage to expand that paradigm, or it can involve strengthening the autonomy of

research versus other spheres like politics and policymaking.

Policy scholars like Majone (1989) Haas (2004), Hajer (1995), Fischer (1990a;

Fischer, 2003) and Sabatier (1987) have drawn attention to the policy context in

which such boundary work practices take place. Majone (1989) was one of the first

authors to draw attention to this argumentative role of science. He observed that

science produces evidence rather than factual descriptions. Such evidence is

“selected from the available stock [of facts and information, PS and SV] and

introduced at a specific point in the argument in order to persuade a particular

audience of the truth or falsity of a statement” [source]. This discards the image of

science as a somewhat distant producer of objective, value-free knowledge, for an

image of science as an engaged and value-oriented activity that provides the

intellectual argumentation for particular policy positions. It shows how the production

of scientific knowledge is affected by the political context and how it plays a role in

persuasion and argumentation in this political context. Hajer (1995) shows how

scientists are involved in the production of contextualised discourses that bring

together discourse coalitions. Furthermore, Fischer speaks a politics of expertise,

 

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where the production of specific knowledge claims should also be seen in the

broader political context (Fischer, 1990b). For instance, when focusing on the role of

think thanks in US politics, Fischer shows how the provision of expertise itself is

politicized and how research is not just used but also produced as forms of political

ammunition. As such, knowledge claims can lend authority to policy and political

claims, also within a politicized context.

This leads to our third hypothesis, stating that in cases of social risks where there is a

scientification of politics as well as a politicization of science, research fields will

become increasingly fragmented, both in terms of research paradigms and research

institutions. This hypothesis involves a clear step away from scientific exceptionalism

and a full recognition of the transgressiveness of science-policy boundaries and the

argumentative role of knowledge claims and scientists within discourse coalitions.

Methodology

This paper explores the abovementioned hypotheses concerning changes in the

research-policy nexus, knowledge production and knowledge utilization in the risk

society. It focuses on the case of migrant integration policies as a revelatory case of

a social risk that has been recognized as such in countries throughout Europe. As

migrant integration is primarily a national policy domain, the paper focuses on

migrant integration policies in five European countries with very different types of

migrant integration policies: Austria, German, Italy, the Netherlands and the UK. In

addition, we will also analyse the emerging research-policy relations on the EU level.

These are the embedded cases, meant to create a more general picture of how

research-policy relations change under specific conditions. These case-studies were

implemented as part of the DIAMINT project on ‘Science-society dialogues on

migrant integration in Europe.’ Throughout this comparative paper, references will be

made to the Austrian (Leipold and Borkert, 2012), Dutch (Verbeek, Entzinger and

Scholten, 2012), German (Heckmann and Wiest, 2012), Italian (Caponio and Quirico,

2012), UK (Hunter and Boswell, 2012) and EU (Geddes, 2012) country reports for

DIAMINT.

An analysis will be provided of migrant integration policymaking in various European

countries (the UK, the Netherlands, Germany, Austria and Italy) and on the EU level.

 

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This provides a broad coverage of policies in different parts of Europe (with new as

well as old migration countries) but also a selection that involves countries with very

different policy philosophies over the past decades (the more multiculturalist

approaches in the UK and the Netherlands, the more welfare-state oriented

approaches in Austria and Germany and the more recent ad-hoc and pragmatic

approach in Italy). The analysis is based on approximately 150 interviews conducted

with researchers and policymakers in the various countries, as well as an extensive

review of policy documents and secondary literature on migration studies as well as

migration policymaking.

Empirical analysis: migrant integration policy-making in the risk society

Migrant integration has distinctly manifested itself as a new social risk over the last

decades. Clearly to be distinguished from immigration policies that deal with entry

and exit regulations (Hammar, 1985), the integration of migrants in to their host

societies has been an issue for ages. However, it has become much more urgent,

complex and politicized over the past decades. Globalization, as a key force behind

the development of the risk society, has also brought about migration streams of

much larger scale than ever before (Castles & Miller, 2003). Whereas there has

always been some degree of ethnic, cultural and religious diversity in most societies,

late-modern societies have become ‘super-diverse’ or ‘hyper-diverse’ (Vertovec,

2007) in the sense the sum of ethnic cultural and religious minorities sometimes

make up for more than half of the population, especially in urban areas.

When immigration increased rapidly for most West-European countries in the 1960s

and 1960s, most countries responded by developing national policies aimed

achieving a multicultural societies in which the growth of diversity could be

accommodated. Though these policies contributed significantly to the integration of

migrants, in most European countries this multiculturalist approach has been

discarded as a failure over the last decade or so. Migrant integration has increasingly

become an issue of high politics, with disagreements not just about what migrant

integration actually is but also on how it has been or how it should be dealt with.

Migrant integration clearly appeared to be an issue not to be resolved through a

 

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rational multicultural approach, but instead a much more intractable issue where

policies and policy measures sometimes become just as contested as the social

problem of integration itself.

This contestation of migrant integration policies has also affected the role of social

research. Parallel to the development of migrant integration policies, the field of

migration studies evolved rapidly over the past decades (Bommes & Morawska,

2005; Favell, 2003; Vasta & Vuddamalay, 2006). Initially there was, in most

countries, a close relationship between researchers and policymakers on the national

level, some even speak of a symbiosis (Scholten, 2011). This would have contributed

to a ‘national disposition’ of migration scholars. Over the last decade or so the role of

migration scholars in policymaking appears to have changed significantly. Not only

has the field of migration research become increasingly fragmented, the role of

researchers in policymaking has also become more contested.

In the following we will examine how the politicization that manifested migrant

integration as a distinct social risk, has affected research-policy relations in Austria,

Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the UK and on the EU level. Rather than structuring

our analysis per (embedded) case, we will provide an analysis per hypothesis to see

to what extent it stands for the different (embedded) cases selected.

Austria

In the Austrian case, politicization occurred in the first half of the 2000s. This period

was characterized by a normalization of right-wing policies against immigrants in

Austria, also fuelled by international focus events like the 9/11 attacks in the United

States (Leipold & Borkert, 2012: p. 17). Before the 2000s, there was a consensus

that migrant integration was not an issue at all: immigrants were just seen as

workers. The politicization of migrant integration led to a focus on the assimilation of

migrants into Austrian society.

Before the 1990s, no dialogue structures existed in Austria. Informal research-policy

dialogues came into existence in the 1990s and they continue to exist. In the 2000s

however, “(…) a scientification and a politicization of integration seemed to go hand

in hand” (ibid: p. 17). There are now more stable dialogue structures than before (i.e.

there are more science-policy boundary organisations). Some of these structures are

 

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practically closed to the media and the general public. Recently, since 2010, in

Austria one can witness a move towards further institutionalisation of direct research-

policy relations (ibid: p. 48). However, the Austrian study notes that politicization in

the 2000s may have also contributed to the growth of informal dialogue structures,

i.e. de-institutionalisation. There are now more informal dialogue structures and they

are often ‘opened up’ (ibid: p. 39) (i.e. they involve the media and the public).

Researchers themselves played a strong role in the process of creating informal

dialogue structures, as in Germany. Often the same researchers participate in formal

and informal networks.

After the initial phase (before 1990), when migrant integration research was born and

scientific knowledge was not utilised, one can see a quite stable mixed pattern of

knowledge utilisation. In Austria, political institutions mainly use knowledge in a

substantiating fashion, with also strong examples of legitimising knowledge

utilisation. But, as in the German case, in the 1990s there was some ‘knowledge

creep’, i.e. some instrumental utilisation. This involves the recognition of the fact that

so-called Gastarbeiter were not 'guests' and also that they were not just workers, but

'people'. There is still some instrumental use of applied research (first and second

order, not third), but nowadays there is mainly substantiating knowledge utilisation.

Leipold and Borkert (2012: 45); “experts agree that ‘expertise’ is used according to

political rules not to scientific consideration”. (…) Furthermore, the development of in-

house research facilities at the Ministry of Interior points to a bias towards the

legitimizing function of knowledge”.

In terms of knowledge production, we see a significant growth in the scale of

migration research and continuity in terms of paradigmatic fragmentation within this

field: there is no trend towards increasing knowledge conflicts. Instead, "the Austrian

research landscape on migrant integration is characterised by enduring

fragmentation and isolation of individual researchers during the past four decades"

(ibid: p. 30, emphasis added). The analysis shows that the Austrian research

landscape on migrant integration cannot be divided by ‘schools of thought’ but rather

by certain ‘issue domains’ that dominate research, public debates and funding

schemes (ibid: p. 27). Overall, Austria is characterized by a strong “elite consensus”

which spans both the major politicians and the major scientists (Münz 2011, as cited

 

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in Leipold & Borkert, 2012: p. 28). At the same time, however, the Austrian case

displays a remarkable continuity in institutional fragmentation.

Germany

Politicization of migrant integration in Germany started in the late 1990s. Before, the

political consensus was that it was not an issue, as Germany would not be a country

of immigration (“kein Einwanderungsland”). Heckmann and Wiest (2012: 7) observe

that although German governments recognized the necessity to address the social

integration of migrants already in the 1970s, a systematic integration policy was

introduced only at the end of the 1990s. However, by the end of the 1990s, migrant

integration had become a key policy concern.

The German case does not show one clear trend in the development of research

policy dialogue structures, rather two separate trends. On the one hand there are

now more stable dialogue structures than before (i.e. there are more science-policy

boundary organisations). Some of these structures are more or less closed to the

media and the general public. In particular the “well funded research department of

the Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge (BAMF) is a very good example for

efforts to inform the polity and other parts of state and local administrations and a

broader public of NGOs.” (ibid: 14). On the other hand, there are now more ad hoc

dialogue structures and they are often ‘opened up’ (i.e. they involve the media and

the public). Researchers themselves played a strong role in the process of

deinstitutionalisation. Heckmann and Wiest (ibid): "For a long time [we thought] the

best way to attract politicians’ attention to our research results was to get in contact

with them directly […], but that was the wrong course. To critically follow political and

public debates means to use the media and the public in order to raise political

interest in findings and expertise from migration research.” (Interview with migration

scholar).

The German case study gives a rich and nuanced picture of knowledge utilisation in

the migrant integration issue domain. Firstly, the German case clearly shows that

before asking the question "is there a trend from instrumental to symbolic knowledge

utilisation, or vice versa?", one should ask the question "is there a trend from non-

use of knowledge to knowledge utilisation, or vice versa?". Knowledge may “(…) be

 

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ignored and not be utilized at all. This is true for the period of Ausländerforschung in

the 1970s and for most of migration research in the 1980s” (ibid: p. 16). But in the

1990s there was some ‘knowledge creep’, i.e. some instrumental utilisation after

more than 15 years. In particular, “[t]he ethnic minority approach (…) has greatly

influenced the process of recognizing Germany as a country of immigration” (ibid: p.

11). Nowadays, as in the Netherlands, in policy-making there is only instrumental use

of first or second order information: “Especially in the field of integration-monitoring,

there are some indications of “evidence-based” policy-making through the increasing

employment of expert knowledge from empirical social research to deliver

information and data on the state of the integration processes.” (expert interview). In

general, substantiating knowledge utilisation is the rule rather than the exception in

Germany: “Other experts argue that policy-makers often draw selectively on external

expertise and forms of consultancy by choosing the expertise which strengthens and

subsequently fosters their own positions and concepts. If it doesn’t, policy-makers

take note of the expertise but don’t use it. (various expert interviews: see Heckmann

and Wiest, p. 17).

In terms of knowledge production, German migration research has grown

enormously since the 1980s. This involved not just academic research, but

bureaucratic research funded by the political system as well” (ibid: p. 26).

Furthermore, as Heckmann and Wiest observe, “the institutional settings for such

research [academic and bureaucratic research on migrant integration] have greatly

expanded and differentiated” (ibid: 26). There is also increasing paradigmatic

fragmentation: nowadays, research on migrant integration in Germany can be

described as a very “differentiated and increasingly specialized field of research

which includes various disciplines of the social sciences such a sociology,

geography, history, linguistics, education, political science, economics, law,

psychology and social anthropology” (Bommes 2010: 127).

Italy

In Italy, politicisation already occurred in the 1990s, but international focusing events

and a national focusing event (in 2006) kept the issue of migrant integration high on

the political agenda. Politicisation went hand in hand with a decreasing political

consensus on the issue: in the earlier phase (mid 1970s-late 1980s), immigrants

 

16

were just seen as temporary workers. Before the 1990s most parties agreed that Italy

was not a country of immigration, but a transit country. In other words, there was

consensus that it was not an issue. In the 1990s, in the context of rising anti-

immigrant movements, there was a brief period of socio-economic framing in the

national migrant integration policy, though in terms of implementation it amounted to

very little. In the 2000s one can witness a conflict between the socio-economic frame

[promoted by CNEL for example] and the socio-cultural frame in official migrant

integration policies (Caponio & Quirico, 2012).

No clear trend could be observed in Italy towards institutionalisation or

deinstitutionalisation. Research-policy relations in general have been quite loose for

decades, and the issue domain of migrant integration is no exception to this rule.

There were two brief "technocratic experiments" (in 1993 and 2000-2001), but they

were effectively undone after the election of centre-right coalitions (ibid). After a

national focusing event in August 2006, a scientific ad hoc committee was

established. In this dialogue structure, political rather than scientific primacy was

secured (Caponio et al.).

The Italian case shows "very little knowledge utilisation whatsoever" (Caponio et al.)

until the 2000s. In Italy, there is a long tradition in politics of distrust towards expert

knowledge, in particular social-scientific knowledge. In the field of migrant integration,

this partly stems from “(…) the overlapping between expertise and pro-immigrant

activism that (…) has characterised the emerging of the migration research

infrastructure in Italy.” (ibid: p. 44). Incidentally, there is some instrumental use in the

2000s, but only of first or second order information. An example is the scientific

committee established in 2006 that advised on how to improve citizenship values of

immigrants (the preordained political goal of the committee). Apart from that, in the

2000s, knowledge was mainly used in a substantiating and legitimising way (Caponio

et al.). There would have been ”(…) a certain continuity in an essentially symbolic

function played by experts’ knowledge in Italian policymaking on immigrants

integration can be highlighted. Actually, research studies commissioned in order to

provide evidence for policymaking have been but a few, and their actual relevance in

decision making processes has been questioned by all the interviewed partners. ”

(ibid: p. 42; also see Cvajner and Sciortino 2011, cited in Caponio & Quirico, 2012: p.

42).

 

17

As in the other cases, knowledge production in Italy increased: from the 1990s till the

present day. In contrast to for example the Netherlands, Italian research on migrant

integration has never been characterised by a single dominant paradigm. There have

always been several schools of thought (ibid: p. 14-27). However, there was

increasing institutional fragmentation in the 1990s and 2000s: “ (…) the research

infrastructure has developed along two main directions: the consolidation of some of

the first independent research institutes (…), and in particular of those which

characterised for their Catholic background; the emerging of new, independent

institutes characterising less for their activism in favour of immigrants (see the case

of Caritas) but more for their academic profile (even when not directly linked to the

University) “ (ibid: p. 25).

The Netherlands

The Netherlands was one of the first European countries to embark on centrally

coordinated policy efforts to promote migrant integration. The Ethnic Minorities Policy

that was framed in the 1980s involved a clear attempt toward rational societal

steering, focusing in particular on the emancipation and participation of specific

immigrant minorities in the context of the Dutch multicultural society. Researchers

played a key role in the development of these policies, via a strongly institutionalized

research-policy nexus that has been framed by some as a ‘technocratic symbiosis’

(Rath, 2001). During the 1990s this Ethnic Minorities Policy was gradually reframed

into a more socio-economically oriented Integration Policy (Entzinger, 2003).

However, in a dramatic surge of politicization immediately after the turn of the

millennium, the Dutch multicultural project was discarded as a failure or ‘tragedy.’

From a relatively depoliticized issue, migrant integration became a central concern to

national politics in the early 2000s, triggered amongst others by the rise of a populist

party as well as several national and international incidents. This led to what has

become perceived as the assimilationist turn in Dutch policies, with policies focusing

not just on socio-economic participation but also a degree of socio-cultural adaptation

(Scholten, 2011).

This politicization had direct consequences in terms of the dialogue structures in the

2000s. Whereas policy developments in the 1980s and 1990s had influenced by very

 

18

directly research (Scholten, 2012), the relation between research and policy became

much more contested in the early 2000s. A clear gap emerged between research

and policy, manifest not just in a decrease of interaction between researchers and

policymakers but also in the public questioning of the credibility of scholars that had

previously been involved in this domain. The political and public debate, the alleged

multiculturalist bias of scholars put their credibility on the line. When a Parliamentary

Investigative Committee on the Integration Policy issued an advisory report from a

research institute that eventually concluded that the integration process was

relatively successfully, the parliamentary committee became itself subject to fierce

public and political controversy because of lack of political vision and relying too

much on ‘multiculturalist’ scientists (Scholten and Van Nispen, 2008). When the

Scientific Council for Government Policy, which had previously played a key role in

this policy domain, issued a new report in 2001 and another in 2006, these reports

were largely ignored.

In the context of this broader de-institutionalization of the research-policy nexus in

this area, what was maintained in this period involved a more bureaucratic nexus

between research and policy that fed a more symbolic type of knowledge utilization.

In particular the Social and Cultural Planning Office, a government-associated data-

provider, continued to play a key role in the provision of key data on the integration

process. These data, often involving indicators that were set in close relation to

government policies, are used to substantiate government policies by monitoring the

progress of integration in specific policy areas and providing a tool for

interdepartmental coordination. They provide a form of ‘mandated truths’ (Salter,

1988) that can be used as a soft means of coordination in the relation with policy

departments other than those responsible for integration per se. A part from this

substantiating form of knowledge utilization, the 2000s formed a period where

knowledge utilization decreased. This should be seen against the background of

what Duyvendak describes as the ‘articulation function’ of Dutch migration politics in

this period (or Prins: hyperrealism), where politics tried to regain popular legitimacy

by raising the voice from the street in matters of migrant integration.

Finally, in terms of knowledge production, the punctuation of the technocratic

symbiosis that had contributed to a rise of the Dutch ‘minorities research industry’

(Essed, 2000) in the 1980s and early 1990s, does not seem to have affected the

 

19

further growth of Dutch minorities research. It has however clearly contributed to a

growing fragmentation of minorities research, in institutional terms as well as in terms

of knowledge paradigms. Most Dutch universities nowadays have research groups

on minorities or migration research, and with the decreasing dependency on national

funds the Dutch research community has become strongly internationalized. This has

also contributed to a diversification in terms of methods as well as knowledge

paradigms. This is also manifested in open knowledge conflicts between scholars.

The UK

In the United Kingdom, politicisation of the migrant integration issue occurred already

in the late 1950s in response to a national focusing event ('race riots'). This initiatied

a period of relative continuity until well in the 1990s, with a dominant policy frame that

has been characterized as ‘multicultural race relations’ (Favell 1998, Bleich 2003)

However, a national focusing event (‘mill town riots’ 2001) and international focusing

events (9/11) led to renewed politicisation in the early 2000s. This led to a policy

reframing where rather than celebrating diversity, policy initiatives began to

emphasise activities and values shared in common, under the heading of ‘community

cohesion’.” (Hunter 2012)

The UK case (Hunter 2012) does not show a clear trend towards either

institutionalisation or de-institutionalisation of research-policy dialogue structures on

migrant integration. The early politicization (in the 1950s) was followed by research-

policy dialogues with independent commissions and informal networks. Informal

Research-policy dialogues were influential in period 1979-1997 and more formal

attempts failed. Interestingly, think tank researchers were more influential than

academics. Hence we witness a long term – stable - preference in UK for

government backed ‘independent commissions', headed by a 'safe pair of hands',

convened on a ‘one-off' ad hoc basis as a response to particular focusing events

(ibid: P. 56). Advisory bodies have at times been venues for research-policy

dialogues, but there is a low degree of institutionalisation overall (ibid: P. 56)

The UK case study does not reveal a clear trend in knowledge utilisation, though it

concludes that there was overall mainly substantiating knowledge utilisation after

2000 to promote the 'community cohesion' frame. In the earliest phases (1950s and

 

20

1960s), some indirect instrumental outcomes (‘knowledge creep’ or 'enlightenment')

can be observed. This holds in particular for the 'Race Relations'-frame which

originally was developed at universities. However, as Hunter (2012: 58-59) writes:

"(…) Bleich argues that “[s]ocial research (…) contributed directly to the formulation

of eventual dominant frames in Britain, but it was one of a number of influences

rather than constituting an overwhelming element” (Bleich 2011). There also was

some substantiating use, also in the period before 2000, and throughout the period

(from the 1950s until the present day) also legitimising use, because independent

commissions partly function as a "substitute for political action" (Scholten 2011).

Like the other cases, the UK shows trend towards increasing knowledge production:

from the 1950s till the present day. At the same time, we see increasing paradigmatic

fragmentation and increasing institutional fragmentation: research on migrant

integration in the UK is now being done in far more organisations than before: “[T]he

initial period of social scientific research on the question of integration was

characterised by consensus, with an agreement that the approach to the question

should focus on the concept of ‘race relations.’ (…) The 1970s and 1980s were

marked by a growing politicisation and fragmentation of the field, leading to the

emergence of rival schools of thought. (…) At the present time, at least three of the

five schools identified – multiculturalism, civic integrationism and comparativism – vie

for influence over policy.” (Hunter, 2012).

The EU

The politicization of migrant integration at the EU level cannot be compared with the

politicization in most of the national cases. Politicization in the context of EU

institutions rarely involves a similar scale of political attention as on the national level.

Furthermore, the politicization of migrant integration has been primarily indirect, so

via the nation states that declared migrant integration an important political priority

and have raised this issue within intergovernmental fora in particular (such as the

Dutch government during its presidency in 2004). Migrant integration has clearly

emerged on the EU policy agenda as well, especially after the Tampere meeting in

1999, but thus far EU institutions have developed very limited policy competencies in

this area (Geddes, 2005). Basically, EU competencies are restricted to anti-

discrimination and employment equality policies and to spill-overs from the common

 

21

immigration policy, such as the family reunification directive and the long term

residence directive. In 2004 the EU memberstates agreed to a list of Common Basic

Principles of Integration, which were elaborated into a common Integration Agenda.

However, the focus has remained limited to Third Country Nationals and has hardly

been elaborated into concrete policy tools and measures.

In spite of its limited policy competencies, the EU did develop a complex but very

extensive research-policy dialogue structure. This includes various organizations

aimed at facilitating the exchange between researchers and policymakers, such as

the European Migration Network (EMN) and the Migration Policy Group, but also

specific funding schemes such as the INTI program (preparatory actions for the

integration of third country nationals), the European Refugee Fund and the European

Integration Fund as well as of course the European framework programmes. As

Scholten and Geddes (forthcoming) observe, a trend can be observed from dialogue

structures aimed primarily at facilitate the horizontal exchange of knowledge and

expertise between countries (and between cities), to more ‘vertical structures’ that

mobilize research and expertise based on a clear EU policy agenda. For instance,

the EMN has becoming increasingly oriented at the vertical relations between

memberstates and EU institutions rather than on the collection and comparison of

national data, and the EIF funding scheme clearly reflects the policy priorities form

the European Common Integration Agenda.

Precisely in the absence of concrete policy tools, such efforts to mobilize expertise

played a key role in the ‘soft governance’ of migrant integration policies from the EU

level. The trend from horizontal to more vertical dialogue structures also reflects a

shift from legitimizing to more substantiating forms of knowledge utilization. Initially,

the EU attempted to acquire legitimacy for some for of involvement in this area, not

so much by formulating its own policy priorities but by bringing together data and

research in comparative projects with the aim of promoting some degree of policy

convergence. The more vertical structures reflect the formulation of specific EU

policy priorities and more direct efforts to mobilize policy action on the national level

to address these priorities. In this context, the EIF and ERF also directly fund

(especially local) policy measures that reflect EU policy priorities. Recently, the EU

has also supported the development of the Migration Policy Index (MIPEX), which

collects and compares data from various policy areas related to migration as well as

 

22

provides a ‘ranking’ of countries according to the fit with EU policy priorities. This

MIPEX has become increasingly used to monitor national compliance with EU

policies and mobilize national policy efforts by ‘blaming and shaming’ rather than by

hard governance structures.

EU level dialogue structures have, beyond doubt, had a very large impact on

knowledge production in the field of migrant integration. In a research field that had

long been known for its national focus and strong policy orientation, according to

some even ‘methodological nationalism’ (Favell, 2003: Glick-Schiller, XXX), the EU

has provided a key stimulus for comparative research and the internationalization of

migration research. Researchers from throughout Europe were brought together in

comparative EU-sponsored projects (such as INTI, EIF and ERF projects) and in

informal and formal networks like the IMISCOE network (network of excellence on

International migration, Integration and social cohesion in Europe, sponsored under

the EU 6th framework programme).

Comparative analysis

When comparing the findings from the various cases for the first hypothesis on the

de-institutionalization of research-policy dialogues in the context of politicization of

social risks, we found very mixed evidence in support of the hypothesis. Both the

Dutch, Italian and UK cases clearly show how in a politicized setting research-policy

relations obtained at most an more ad-hoc character. This seems less so for Austria

and Germany, where more effective efforts have been made to develop an

institutional nexus (such as the BAMF in Germany). The EU case does not seem to

support the hypothesis as it provides an example of how precisely in the politicized

setting of migrant integration it attempted to mobilize research as strategic boundary

work to support the Europeanization of migrant integration policies.

What does stand out from practically all cases in terms of dialogue structures is the

central role of ad-hoc and often government-associated committees in research-

policy dialogues at critical junctures in the policy process. In Germany, Italy, the UK

and the Netherlands, such committees were put in place in the aftermath of political

events (such as the Fortuyn revolt in Dutch politics or the political victory of the SPD

in Germany) or focus events (such as the milltown riots in the UK) and opened up a

 

23

temporary channel for research-policy dialogues. However, as the UK as well as

Dutch cases show, such committees were often very selective in their opening up to

researchers and knowledge claims and though their public profile was often high,

their policy consequences were not always very direct. In fact, the committees from

the UK (Cantle), the Netherlands (Blok) and Germany (Sussmuth) show how easily

the knowledge claims selected by these committees can lead to public controversy

and contestation of the committees’ authority itself. This suggests that the

establishment of these ad-hoc committees should be seen more as a political reflex

to intractable and immediate policy situations rather than as efforts to engage in

critical reflection based on research.

Furthermore, several of the cases suggest that media are playing an increasingly

important role in opening up dialogue structures to a broader set of actors and to the

public. Dialogue structures in the rational policy model were mostly closed to a

relatively small network of scholars and policymakers: the traditional route was then

to communicate with policymakers directly, for instance in private without media

coverage, in committees, boundary organisations, conferences, informal dinners etc.

Another route we observed especially in the Dutch, German and UK cases involved

communicating with policymakers indirectly, via the media. In the project we found

numerous examples of public intellectuals who have media strategies to influence

migrant integration policy-making.

A comparative analysis provides strong support for the second hypothesis on

symbolic knowledge utilization in the context of social risks. All the cases of how in

the context of politicization in the 2000s, knowledge utilization became primarily

symbolic and more in particular substantiating of nature. Some of the cases, such s

the Dutch case, show how initially (well before the 2000s) research did provide a

direct stimulus for policy development, such as in the UK and in the Netherlands in

the 1950s and 1980s respectively. In the 2000s the use of knowledge claims has

clearly become more selective, aimed at substantiating the policies as formulated in

the political arena. For instance, in the UK research was utilized for substantiating the

community cohesion frame that emerged in politics after the milltown riots.

A very specific form of more legitimating knowledge utilization was found in Germany

and in the Netherlands. These countries utilized in particular data produced by

government-associated data providers such as the BAMF in Germany and the SCP

 

24

in the Netherlands. The indicators on which data was provided are, in both countries,

determined together with government agencies. As such, these institutes provide a

sort of ‘mandated truths’ (Salter, XXX) that are used in the often complex inter-

departmental and multi-level governance of migrant integration; they provide

ammunition to raise problem awareness and trigger policy interventions by other

actors within the complex governance network of migrant integration policymaking.

Our analysis thus shows that politicization does not so much lead to the absence of

knowledge utilization (though the Italian case appears to approximate that position),

but rather to changing forms of knowledge utilization. In fact, the EU case shows that

precisely because of the politicized setting in which it operates and the absence of

concrete policy measures, the mobilisation and use of knowledge provide important

tools for the soft-governance of migrant integration policies.

Finally, a comparative analysis provides mild support for the third hypothesis on the

relation between politicization and the diversification of knowledge claims and the

rise of knowledge conflicts. Whereas research Austria and Italy had been fragmented

even before politicization, the German, Dutch and UK cases in particular show

growing fragmentation. Before politicization, migration scholarship in these countries

had revealed a relative consensus within their respective national context, leading to

what has been framed as distinct ‘national models of integration’ (German welfare

state model, Dutch multiculturalist model, British race relations model). Following

politicization (though at different paces, for instance much earlier in the UK than in

the other countries), these national models became contested and open knowledge

conflicts emerged in each of these countries. The EU case seems to be different in

this respect, especially as it stands out more in terms of the comparative method that

it promotes than in terms of a distinct knowledge paradigm that is mobilized.

Evidently, the trend that is signalled toward more ‘vertical’ dialogue structures and

knowledge use to substantiate EU policy priorities, may signal a first step towards

mobilizing a EU supportive knowledge paradigm.

Interestingly, the de-institutionalization of research-policy dialogues and growing

fragmentation of knowledge paradigms on the national level reflects a growing

alignment of knowledge paradigms between the countries. Whether an indirect effect

of EU involvement in this research area, the growing international and comparative

orientation has beyond doubt had an effect on national (and local) research as well.

 

25

Knowledge paradigms seem to be increasingly aligning along disciplinary lines

(political science, economics, sociology, anthropology, law) but in very similar ways

within the various countries that were examined.

Table 1: Summary of findings on the impact of politicization on research-policy

dialogues in the six examined cases.

Hypothesis I:

De-

institutionalization

of research-policy

nexus

Hypothesis II:

Symbolic

knowledge

utilization

Hypothesis III:

Diversification of

knowledge

paradigms

Austria +/- + +/-

Italy + + +/-

Germany - + +

The Netherlands + + +

The UK + + +

The EU - + -

Conclusions

This paper focuses on how research-policy dialogues evolve in areas characterized

by social risks. The rational model of ‘science speaking truth to power’ seems to

apply in particular to relatively well-structured problems. The risk society literature

asserts that in more complex, uncertain and uncontrollable problem situations, there

is not only a process of scientification of politics but also politicization of science.

This means that a rational position characterized by scientific exceptionalism and a

linear model of knowledge production and instrumental knowledge utilization cannot

be maintained. Rather, the risk society literature asserts that processes of knowledge

production and –utilization have become increasingly entwined and that dialogue

structures have become more and more ad-hoc and play a central role in the mutual

relation between research and policy.

 

26

Our analysis focused on migrant integration policymaking as a revelatory case. An

initial belief in the rational construction of a multicultural society, which had prevailed

especially in ‘old’ immigration countries like the UK and the Netherlands, has made

place for dramatic politicization and an almost European-wide rejection of

multiculturalism as a failure. As such, migrant integration has manifested itself as one

of the most distinct social risks of this era, inherently connected to the process of

globalization and the new opportunities technology offers for travel and

communication, but also seemingly uncontrollable in terms of the consequences of

migration for cultural and religious diversity, public attitudes toward migrants and

participation of migrants in society. Moreover, whereas migrant integration research

has co-evolved with the need for policy-relevant knowledge and expertise to engineer

a multicultural society, a wide disenchantment seems to have descended upon

research-policy dialogues. Policymakers as well as the broader public seem to have

lost faith in the rational steering of integration issues based on knowledge and

expertise, and have sometimes even cast doubt on the credibility of the researchers

involved. Researchers similarly have lost faith in the responsiveness of policymakers

to knowledge and information in the context of the dramatic politicization of

policymaking.

Our analysis of migrant integration policymaking in five EU countries (Austria,

Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the UK) and on the EU level indeed revealed

profound changes in the nature of research-policy dialogues since migrant integration

has manifested itself as a social risk. We found that dialogue structures became

more ad-hoc, often established in response to distinct political or problem events. A

striking similarity between the countries involved the establishment of ad-hoc

government committees to channel research-policy dialogues at critical junctures in

policy development, such as the Blok, Sussmuth and Cantle committees in the

Netherlands, Germany and the UK respectively. However, we also found that

politicization did not void all efforts to develop more institutional dialogue structures,

such as in Germany and Austria. Especially the EU case shows that ‘going technical’

or mobilizing specific types of research should not always be seen as a strategy of

depoliticization, but can also offer a form of ‘politics with other means.’

Whereas the rational model of government assumes direct and instrumental forms of

knowledge utilization, our case-study provides clear evidence that more indirect and

 

27

symbolic forms of knowledge utilization prevailed. In almost all cases, knowledge

was used primarily to legitimate government institutions or to substantiate

government policies. This involved amongst others the mobilization of specific data

that can be used as a soft-governance tool for policy coordination (BAMF, SCP,

MIPEX), as well as the establishment of expert committees to substantiate policy

frames (such as the community cohesion frame in the UK or the new immigration

country frame in Germany). This conclusion does put a big question mark to the

assertion in the risk society literature that research should play a key role in reflection

processes in response to new risks. Our analysis does not provide evidence of

reflection in response to new risks, rather of the absence of such reflection or

evidence-based policymaking.

Concerning the distinction between symbolic and instrumental knowledge utilization,

our analysis shows that the different types of knowledge utilization can in practice be

strongly entwined. For instance, third order instrumental knowledge utilisation (i.e.

using knowledge to change a policy position at the level of the ‘policy paradigm’)

always has a legitimising effect as well, because by changing one`s policy position

on the basis of knowledge, one also legitimises one`s agency as it signifies "the

capacity [of an actor] to make sound decisions” (Boswell 2009: []). First and second

order instrumental knowledge utilisation, i.e. changing a policy position at the level of

instruments or settings of instruments (Hall 1993), also have a legitimising effect.

Furthermore, first and second order instrumental knowledge utilisation have a

substantiating effect at the higher order(s), because they are not questioned but

reaffirmed. Good examples are the suggested policy instruments by the Italian

scientific committee (to promote ‘shared citizenship’) and the UK Cantle committee

(to promote ‘community cohesion’). Both committees proposed which policy

instruments could be used to attain a certain preordained policy goal. In other words,

by working within a specific policy paradigm, they reaffirmed – substantiated – it.

By combining insights from STS with the risk society literature, our analysis also

provides evidence of the mutual conditional relationship between knowledge

production and –utilization. The changing nature of dialogues structures and

changing forms of knowledge utilization disbanded the strongly national coproduction

of knowledge that had prevailed in a number of countries. As such, the

deinstitutionalization of research-policy dialogues and the politicization of science

 

28

also contributed to a growing fragmentation of migrant integration research in terms

of institutes involved as well as in terms of knowledge paradigms.

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