Report Gender Analysis of Two Components of the World Bank...

Report

Gender Analysis of Two Components of theWorld Bank Transport Projects in Lima, Peru:Bikepaths and Busways

August 2000

DRAFT

Lara M. Gó[email protected](412) 421-9130

Gender Analysis of World Bank Transport Projects in Lima, Peru: Bikepaths and Busways / Lara M. Gómez 2

Acknowledgements

The Gender Group at the World Bank had the initiative for the production of this analysis, which wasfinanced by the Gender and Transport Thematic Group. The LCSPR Gender Team for Latin America and theCaribbean Region contributed additional resources that allowed for an expansion of the scope of theresearch.

This report was completed thanks to the collaboration of several people and institutions that offered theirtime and support at different stages of the process, both in Washington D.C., and in Lima, Peru.

In Washington, D.C.:Paulus Guitink World Bank / Senior Transport Specialist, LCSFTMichael Bamberger World Bank /Senior Sociologist, PRMGEMaria Correia World Bank /Sector Manager, LCSPGGerhard Menckhoff World Bank / Consultant, INFTDJerry Lebo World Bank / Senior Transport Specialist, INFTDSanthadevi Meenakshy World Bank / Consultant, LCSERLuis Gutierrez World Bank / Consultant, LCSFTLucia Fort World Bank / Gender Specialist, PRMGESusanne Holste World Bank / Senior Transport Specialist, AFTT2

In Lima, Peru:Maria Elizabeth Dasso World Bank /Social Development Specialist, LCSEOLuis Rosales Proyecto de Transporte Urbano - PROTUMJuan Tapia G. Centro de Investigacion y Asesoria del Transporte Terrestre - CIDATTAmelia Fort CENTROJuan Carlos Dextre Facultad de Ingenieria Civil, Pontificia Universidad Catolica del PeruJorge Seghelmeble Direccion Municipal, Municipalidad Metropolitana de LimaFernando Gordillo Direccion de Desarrollo Urbano, Municipalidad Provincial del CallaoJenny Samanez Programa Metropolitano de Transporte No Motorizado, MMLLuis Hernandez Programa Metropolitano de Transporte No Motorizado, MMLOrlando Caminada INVERMETMiguel Angel Torres Autoridad Autonoma del Tren Electrico - AATEMaria del Pilar Novoa Caja MetropolitanaJose Dellepiane CORDELICAJeannine Anderson Programa de Estudios de Genero, Pontificia Universidad Catolica del PeruAna Vasquez CESIP


Table of Contents

Executive Summary 4

Introduction 6

1/ Background: Urban Transport in the Metropolitan Area of Lima-Callao: From the1980s to the 1990s

9

• The 1980s: An Overly Regulated Period 9• The 1990s: Deregulation and New Challenges 10

2/ Use and Attitudes toward Public Transportation in Lima-Callao 13• 1997 Household Survey on Use and Attitudes toward Public Transportation in Lima-

Callao and Findings of Focus Group Sessions13

• Attitudes and Opinions on Public Transportation In the Metropolitan Area of Lima-Callao

13

Destination, Means of Transport, Schedules, Frequency of Use of Public Transportation, WaitPeriods and Places, Travel Times, Number of Vehicles Boarded, Transport-related Expenses,Most Valued Attributes of Public Transportation, Road Safety, Personal Security- Theft,Personal Security- Sexual Harassment, Comfort, Speed, Treatment, Specific Women’s Issueson the Use of Public Transportation, Satisfaction With the Current Transport System, TheIdeal Means of Transport

3/ Proposed Separated Busway –“Corredor Vitrina” 38• Evaluation of Proposed Separated Busway – “Corredor Vitrina” 38

Positive aspects, Male-Female Mixed Teams in CV Buses, Negative Aspects, Suggestions

4/ Pilot Project of Non Motorized Transport of Metropolitan Lima (PPTNM) 42• Focus Groups 43• General Attitude Towards the Use of Bicycles in Lima-Callao 43

Bicycle Ownership, Positive and Negative Aspects on the Use of Bicycles, Use of Bicycles byWomen, Perception of Women who Ride Bicycles

• Bikepaths 48• Promotion and Educational Campaigns 51• Bicycle Credit Program (PlanBici) 59• Monitoring and Evaluation 61

5/ Conclusions and Recommendations 63• Proposed Separated Busway - “Corredor Vitrina” 63• Pilot Project of Non Motorized Transport of Metropolitan Lima 64

ANNEX 67A1/ Methodology

1 Focus Groups2 Profile of Socioeconomic Levels in Lima-Callao

A2/ Supporting Materials1 Filter Form (© APOYO Opinion y Mercado S.A.)2 Discussion Guide: All-Male or All-Female Groups (© APOYO Opinion y Mercado S.A.)3 Discussion Guide: Male + Female Mixed Groups (© APOYO Opinion y Mercado S.A.)4 Concept Sheets: Corredor Vitrina and Bikepaths5 MapA3/ Group Interviews to PlanBici Clients


Executive Summary

This is a pioneer work on the relationship between public transport services and gender in urban settings.Traditionally, improvements in transport infrastructure and services have been thought to benefit men andwomen (generically referred to as “users”) equally. A well-built road or bridge, or an efficient bus serviceare unquestionably beneficial for their users, but the way and the extent in which men and womenparticipate from these benefits will vary according to several factors, such as the purpose for travel, thebudget available, or the risks involved in the trip.

This report is not a comprehensive study, but rather a case analysis based on two components of World Banktransport projects in Lima, Peru: busways and non motorized transport. The trends and patterns identified,however, will raise the awareness of transport specialists, urban planners and policy makers about criticalissues that shape user’s behavior with respect to their choices and possibilities of transport. It is intendedto show the relevance of learning more about the specific needs of men and women users in order toincorporate these into the design of transport infrastructure or service interventions in cities.

Transport is a key matter for people of all socioeconomic levels in Lima-Callao. Although it does not occupyfirst place in terms of household expenditures, it constitutes a permanent worry for families, for it is ameans for carrying out every productive and reproductive activity, from going to work or to the market, totaking the children to school. As one man interviewed clearly put it, “If you don’t have money for the fareto go to work, how will you pay for services and food?” Being able to travel is the precondition to satisfyingbasic needs. But the conditions and circumstances in which travel takes place in Lima-Callao today, aredefinitely not the best.

In Lima-Callao, the worsening of the quality of the public transport service is unquestionably a matter ofweak institutional framework and poor service, more than of infrastructure deficiencies. These limitationshave generated the deterioration of accessibility and mobility that affect men and women users in differentways. Any proposed solution to these critical problems that Lima-Callao is confronting with regard to themobility of its more than seven million inhabitants will have to address these issues. Recent studiessponsored by the World Bank have indicated that an estimated $500 million are lost every year in man-hoursand operational costs due to congestion and to the inefficiencies of the system. Over-combustion of 13.2million liters of gasoline and over-emission of 1,000 metric tons of air pollutants by an obsolete fleet are aconstant health threat. Finally, 3-4 persons are killed daily as a result of traffic-related accidents.

As the chart below shows, men and women have different priorities in their valuation of transportattributes, although road safety appears significantly high on both lists. While men value speed -sometimesat the expense of treatment or personal security- women’s worries are centered on personal security andaspects related to their well-being while on the vehicle, such as comfort, courteousness and hygene. Thequickness in reaching their destination may not be as important to women as these other issues. Also, whileexpenses holds third place for women, it is doesn’t even appear among men’s priorities.

Women Men

(+) (+)-most important- -most important-

Personal security (theft, harassment) 1. 1. Speed (get to destination fast)Road safety (accidents) 2. 2. Road safety (accidents)

Expenses 3. 3. Order (schedules, routes, stops)Comfort 4. 4. Single fare

Courteous treatment 5. 5. Personal security (thefts)Hygiene 6. 6. Courteous treatment

Order 7. 7. Hygiene-least important- -least important-

(-) (-)


Safety is precisely the area where the experiences of each gender group differ the most. Yet this is a vastarea, for “safety” is a multidimensional attribute. This is one of the key findings of the study. From theperspective of the users, safety encompasses not only road safety, a classical concern in the design oftransport interventions, but also personal safety issues, that shape the way in which users- speciallywomen, make use of the system. To the users, road safety concerns the passengers in a public transportvehicle and pedestrians. Personal safety, on the other hand, refers both to the constant risk of theft orassault while on the bus stop or vehicle, and to the threat of being sexually harassed, either physically orverbally. For women, all of these dimensions are a constant source of stress. To the hazard of theft andassault, they add the constant fear of being sexually harassed. In order to cope with these difficulties, theydevelop a series of strategies, ranging from refraining from traveling on certain routes, or at night alone, tocarrying pins while traveling on the bus in order to keep molesters away.

For the separated busway, this paper suggests that this initiative will beguin to address the pressing needfor a reliable and safe means of transport in Lima-Callao. The implementation of this project would addressthe major concerns of both male and female users, providing increased speed and road safety, morecomfort, increased personal security and courteous operators. Although the proposed busway covers onlyone of the routes that will be necessary to furnish a complete network of service throughout the city, usersperceive that it will be beneficial for the city as a whole.

The possibility of having mixed teams of male and female operators on the busway buses was specificallyevaluated, and male and female users of all socioeconomic levels regard this as a highly positive initiativethat would attend to the personal security and treatment issues. Furthermore, women saw on this idea aninteresting employment opportunity.

In terms of non motorized urban transport interventions, this document is also fundamental input for thepreparation of future projects. The issues which emerged from the analysis of the Non Motorized Transportof Metropolitan Lima experience point to some key lessons that must be taken into consideration.

The existance of bikepaths is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the use of bicycles in a city such asLima-Callao. Bikepaths protect bikers from traffic, but they do not provide security against theft or –in thecase of women- sexual harassment.

Whenever the use of bikepaths needs to be combined with cycling along other main avenues wherebikepaths are not present, and bikers share road space with motorized traffic, this represents a seriousdeterrent of bicycle usage for both men and women.

The impact of bikepath construction on neighbors and residents needs to be taken into consideration intheir design. Furthermore, a participatory approach is necessary to this intervention, in order to generategoodwill toward the project and contribute to the creation –or strengthening- of a bicycle culture.

Finally, the promotional and educational efforts are a critical component for the success of a non-motorizedtransport project. The communications campaigns needs to address the specific issues that concern menand women with respect to bicycle riding and handling, and to the use of bicycles and bikepaths.

Methodologically, this paper also constitutes a contribution for future studies, given its multi-methodapproach. A quantitative household survey, focus group sessions, in-depth interviews and participantobservation were used as sources for the ellaboration of the analysis. While the survey outlined some of thegeneral trends in the use of public transportation, the focus group sessions allowed for in-depthexamination of each issue, and the asessment of its significance for each age and socioeconomic level bygender. Focus group sessions were carefully planned and executed by professionals, following a rigorousselection process of the participants, and preparation of the discussion guides. These features haveensured the quality of the information gathered through this technique.


Introduction

Transport services are not an end in themselves, but rather means to access other goods and services. Thetransport system in a city is thus an “intermediate” service, in the sense that it can facilitate or obstructaccess to services that directly satisfy human needs. The existence of urban services such as medical posts,markets or schools, is proved meaningless if –for any reason- the beneficiaries cannot get from their homesto the places where these are located. This is something that often slips the interventions in areas such ashealth or education. Access is often the key to participation and benefit from services.

Direct experience and available statistics brought about the idea that women and men are affecteddifferently by the deterioration of accessibility and mobility in Lima-Callao. The distinct choices anddecisions about transport that women make are shaped by their appraisal of the costs and benefits(material, social and psychological) that the existing supply provides. The same holds true for men.Furthermore, this is a two-way process: not only does the supply shape the demand, but the demand for theservice is also shaped by the nature of the available supply.

Gender refers to the socially constructed roles and rights of males and females in a community. Thebiological differences between the sexes are elaborated by all cultures into a set of social expectationsabout what is appropriate and desirable for each gender group, and about the power differences andrelationships that develop between men and women. Gender –like age- is a basic construct on which allsocieties and economies are organized, but unlike age, gender is fixed for life, and gender roles andbehavior will vary with age. Gender cross-cuts all other dimensions of the life of an individual1.

This gender analysis seeks to provide some insights and evidence on the nature of these differences and theextent to which they affect transport choices and possibilities for each gender group for the specific case ofLima-Callao.

Considering the demand for public transport service, the differences between the reasons why men andwomen travel, begins to outline some of the variations on their approaches to the different optionsavailable for their transportation. While men’s destinations are concentrated greatly around theworkplace, women’s travel has more varied goals, where motifs such as visits to family and friends, orjourneys to the market, are as frequent as work trips. The location of these destinations with respect totheir homes makes most women’s travel patterns inherently different from that of their male counterparts,who tend to travel longer distances.

In terms of the provision of services, such as public transportation in an urban environment, genderdifferences appear also in terms of access. In Lima-Callao, the issue of when to ride a bus, or whether totake a taxi, have become decisions that are shaped more by the perception of the safety issues involved(road and personal safety), than by an evaluation of the efficiency of each type of vehicle in terms ofreaching the desired destination with a given time and monetary investment. Even worse, many timespersonal safety and road safety will become conflicting goals in the public transportation choices, especiallyfor women.

Ultimately, the patterns of use of the service reveal to the observer the definitions that a given culturalgroup makes about the contexts in which its use is appropriate for each age and gender group. Bicycleridership is an example of such use. Apparently, riding a bicycle has been “defined” in Lima-Callao as arather risky recreational activity, undertaken mainly by young men. It is not seen as appropriate that awoman –specially a married one, or a mother- should ride a bicycle, for she would have to face not only thedangers of the street (thieves, cars and buses), but also the social sanction of the community, who expectsa somewhat more discreet behavior from women.

1 Gender Strategy Concept Note. World Bank, May 17, 2000


The following Report is the result of research conducted on the gender impact of two components of theLima-Callao Transport Rehabilitation Project and Urban Transport Project:

• The “Corredor Vitrina” (CV) separated bus-corridor. This is the main component of the Lima UrbanTransport Project under preparation. It comprises 18.4 km of existing avenues stretching from the NE(San Juan de Lurigancho) to the SE (Chorrillos) of Lima. Financed by a PHRD grant, an operational studyand a basic engineering design study have been completed for the CV. This busway is a pilot projectwithin a proposed Integrated Transport System for Lima, which includes a network of other similarbusways.

• The Non-Motorized Transport Pilot Program (PPTNM). It consists of the construction of bikepaths, theprovision of loans for the purchase of bicycles, promotional and educational campaigns, and monitoringactivities. The PPTNM, managed by the Metropolitan Municipality of Lima, concluded on June 30, 2000.

The purpose of the study is to understand how various projects underway or at their planning stages areacknowledging the different needs of diverse groups of users, in this case men and women. For the case oftransport interventions, the idea is to assess how these gender groups are performing as users of the currentpublic transport service – including the bikepaths and bicycle credit program- and what they would expectof a project such as the Corredor Vitrina.

The first section of this report provides some background information on the characteristics of the publictransport service in the 1980s (prior to the deregulation of the system), followed by a succinct descriptionof the current characteristics of urban transport in the metropolitan area of Lima-Callao. These accountsand data not only provide necessary parameters to understand the scope and nature of the problem, theyalso furnish the reader with a context where the experiences and opinions of the users of the service can beplaced.

The second section presents the gender analysis of the use and attitudes toward public transportation inLima-Callao, based on a 1997 Household Survey conducted among users of the public transport service2 andon qualitative research conducted mainly through a set of focus group discussions3 held in Lima in June-July2000. Issues such as the differences in destinations, schedules for travel and concerns about safety willoutline basic differences as to what men’s and women’s experiences are with public transportation today.

The third and fourth sections also build on the evidence gathered from the focus groups, in-depthinterviews and on-site observations. The evaluation of the separated bus corridor by the prospective users isshown in the third section, while the fourth section presents the findings on the habits and attitudesrelative to the use of bicycles, along with the evaluation of the Pilot Project of Non Motorized Transport ofMetropolitan Lima, assessing its four sub-components: bikepaths, promotional and educational campaign,bicycle credit program and monitoring and evaluation.

Finally, a set of conclusions and recommendations for each of the evaluated components are presented onthe fifth section at the end of the document.

The Annex contains a presentation of the methodology followed for the different stages of research, withspecial emphasis on the Focus Group technique of qualitative research and its tools for selection of thefocus group participants and for the conduction of the sessions. The map and “concept sheets” used for thediscussion sessions are also included.

2 APOYO Opinion y Mercado S.A., Encuesta de Opinion sobre Transporte Urbano en Lima Metropolitana”, December1997.3 See Methodology Annex


Information on the characteristics of the A, B, C, D and E socioeconomic levels is also provided in theAnnex, to help the reader understand some objective characteristics of these groups in a comparativefashion.

Finally, the Annex contains the transcription of two group interviews with male and female PlanBici clientsin Lima. These interviews provide information about their experiences as cyclists on the program’sbikepaths and as clients of the credit program.


1/ Background: Urban Transport in the Metropolitan Area of Lima-Callao: From the1980s to the 1990s

This section presents a review of public transportation service in the 1980s, before the deregulation of thesystem as well as several key facts about the current situation (1990s). These will provide comparativegrounds between the two moments and will allow the reader to better understand the way users evaluatespecific issues about public transportation in Lima-Callao today.

• The 1980s: An Overly Regulated Period

The migratory processes and the intense industrial centralization trend contribute to the growth of the city,which in 1981 reached 4.6 million of a total of 17 million in Peru. The rapid population growth determinedthe fast urbanization of vast desert areas along the coast, especially towards the north and south of thecity.

The completely regulated urban transport services in Lima in the 80s were scarce, slow, unreliable, insecureand very badly maintained4. Service was provided by large omnibuses (80 to 100 passengers), privatemicrobuses (40 to 100 passengers), “colectivos” (large cars that accommodate 5 or 6 passengers) and taxis.While buses had set stops along well-defined routes, micros made their stops trying to accommodate theneeds of the passengers on board.

In July 1980, the registered fleet of vehicles was 1,574 buses, 7,101 microbuses, 560 colectivos and 718taxis –plus an unknown number of private cars (estimated to be higher than that of registered units) thatalso operated as taxis. As of 1985, public transportation accounted for 74% of motorized trips, with anaverage of 6 million trips daily, of which 4.4 million (three out of every four trips) were served by publictransportation5.

The biggest buses belonged to the largest bus firm –ENATRU- which operated more than 600 units with asingle driver-collector. These buses were generally in better condition than the other types of units. Mostof the microbuses were small units, and more than 70% had 26 seats or less. They also tended to be oldervehicles: 35% were more than 15 years old. The physical condition of these units was inadequate, althoughthey had to pass a technical inspection every six months. Microbuses were operated by two men: driver andcollector, with passengers paying as they exit the micro.

Taxis also played an important role in public transportation, with three main variants: official taxis, withlicense to operate from fixed stops, such as hospitals and hotels, independent taxis, and pirate taxis as themost numerous. Taxi tariffs were negotiable, as the cars were not equipped with meters.

In terms of service, several slums (“pueblos jovenes”) in Lima were not served by public transportation,forcing users to walk considerable distances to board the buses, and from the bus stops to their homes.

According to a working paper6 published in 1987, women in poor neighborhoods, in general, used transportservices less than others, and when they did, it was to satisfy the needs of their family members (such astaking the children to school), and scarcely for their own good.

4 Consejo de Transporte de Lima y Callao, Estudio de Transporte Urbano para el Area Metropolitana de Lima y Callao5 All data for this section from CEPAL, “ Pistas exclusivas para omnibus en la Via Expresa del Paseo de la Republica:Lima, Peru”, 1985 – unless otherwise noted.6 Barrig, Maruja and Amelia Fort, La Ciudad de las Mujeres: Pobladoras y Servicios. El Caso de El Agustino, Lima, July1987.


Urban transport routes were conceived in terms of connecting the slums with the economic centers wheremost formal employment was located (businesses, industrial district), rather than connecting theseresidential areas to the places where services (health, education, etc.) were provided. The informaloccupations, often carried out by women, take place in areas that don’t necessarily coincide with theseroutes. This was the case of house maids who worked in residential neighborhoods, for instance.

Therefore, low-income women didn’t appear to be intensive users of public transportation, and only half ofthem used the service once a week or more. Another study of the same period had also indicated that ingeneral, these women made little use of public transportation, mainly walking relatively short distances7.The main complaint on the part of women users seemed to be the uncomfortable travel conditions in thebuses, and not so much their insecurity. All these are features that will dramatically change in the 1990s.

On the other hand, many aspects have remained the same. As today, the use of public transport wasviewed by women in the 80s as an escape to the insecurity in the streets, and as a means to shorten theperiods that they were away from their homes, when home robberies were likely to occur. But there wasalso fear of what could happen inside the public transport units, and of the danger in the bus stops.

Women that worked outside the home were reported to have a fatalistic view of the public transportservice, and accepted the uncomfortable vehicles and ill-treatment resignedly. None of the working womenmentioned the bad service as an impediment for their work. This would confirm the idea that they viewedthe characteristics of public transport service as a given, and didn’t criticize it very much.

Women who need to use public transportation, for instance those who work outside their neighborhood, doso despite these difficulties, through the development of various coping strategies, such as waiting for non-peak hours, when the buses are not so full, or making arrangements with other women to travel in groups.

• The 1990s: Deregulation and New Challenges

In the 1990s, the Lima-Callao metropolitan area further consolidated its status as the critical hub of Peru’seconomic, political and social life. It currently concentrates about one third of the country’s totalpopulation (about 7’700,000), half of the national production, and 68% of the motorized vehicles.

The trade liberalization and economic recovery measures adopted in 1992-93 brought about a shift towardsthe privatization and de-regulation of the transport sector. This change, along with the lifting of theimports ban (which limited new vehicles imports) and the massive layoff of public sector workers, causedmixed results in the provision and quality of public transport services.

Between 1990 and 1999, Lima doubled the number of motorized vehicles in the city, and lowered the tripsin public transport units from 89% to 81%. Still, more than nine million trips are made daily on motorvehicles in Lima, of which 80% are made using public transportation8.

The number of units dedicated to public transport rose from 10,500 to 47,000, and the number of publictransport license holders grew from 150 to 411. However, 98% of the public transport vehicles areindependently owned and operated, at a ratio of 1.25 vehicles per owner.

7 Anderson, Jeaninne and Nelson Panizo, Limitaciones Para el Uso de los Servicios Urbanos por Mujeres de BajosIngresos: Transporte y Seguridad. Lima, 1984.8 Figures taken from Booz-Allen&Hamilton, Barriga Dall’Orto y Wilbur Smith, “Asistencia Tecnica en Estudio deTransporte Urbano para el Area Metropolitana de Lima y Callao: Informe Final”, 1999.


In a parallel fashion, the number of units dedicated to provision of taxi service jumped from 10,000 toapproximately 100,000 cars and 45,000 motorcycles (mototaxis)9, most of which offer this serviceinformally, and are not registered or licensed in any way.

From the perspective of the user, the general effect of the de-regulation has been perceived as animprovement in many areas of the public transport service. Whereas in the 80s and early 90s large crowdsof people were observed at the bus stops, the increase in the number of units and routes caused waitingtimes to be reduced to 5-8 minutes. Almost all buildings are now within 500 meters of a bus stop, and morethan 80% of passengers reach their final destination without having to transfer.

Most of the over-crowded buses of the past have been replaced by small minivans (“combis”) that travelalmost always with empty seats. The ENATRU buses no longer exist as a single company, and its large unitswere sold to individuals and transport cooperatives that now operate independently.

Finally, the slums that were previously disconnected from the network of public transportation are nowfairly well served, except for the areas where the slopes are too steep making it difficult for vehicles toreach all neighborhoods.

The current public transport system in Lima is defined by the following characteristics:

Legal institutional:

• Lack of transparency in the definition of responsibilities for public transport in urban areas in general.This is translated into weak public management and inefficient enforcement of the inconsistentregulatory framework. The General Transportation Law, passed in 1999, has not yet been developedinto a framework of operational regulations.

• Lack of political willingness to coordinate on urban transport matters between the relevant authoritiesof the national government (Ministry of Transport, Communications, Housing and Construction – MTC,Ministry of Finance – MEF, and the Ministry of the Interior –MI which controls the police) and the localgovernments (Metropolitan Municipality of Lima – MML and the Provincial Municipality of Callao - MPC).

Operational:

• Operation of the system through concessionary firms that do not own the vehicles that operate on theirassigned routes.

• Over-supply of transport services in urban routes, where the individual units often have trouble makingany profit. In turn, this results in deficient or non-existing maintenance of the units, and in very poorservice.

• An estimated 300,000 people are directly employed in public transportation in Metropolitan Lima and anadditional 50,000 are indirectly involved, making any policy change an employment issue with politicalunderpinnings.

• Obsolete public transport units, with an average age of 19 years for omnibuses, 15 years for smallerbuses, and 11 years for “combis”.

• One of the most expensive public transport services in real terms in Latin America, with an adult farebetween $0.30 and $0.4010.

9 Tapia, Juan (CIDATT), “Iniciativa para mejorar la calidad del transporte público en Lima Metropolitana” June 2000document.10 The exchange rate in Peru as of June-July 2000 was $1.00 = S/.3.45


Externalities:

• An estimated $500 million lost annually in man-hours and operational costs due to inefficiencies of thesystem and to traffic congestion11.

• Over-combustion of 13.2 million liters of gasoline and over-emission of 1,000 metric tons of airpollutants12.

• 3-4 persons killed daily (1998-1999) in traffic-related accidents13.

All of the above points raise the need for immediate action in several fronts. Meanwhile, users of publictransport, women and men of all ages, are left to travel using the existing system, facing traffic,congestion, and ill-treatment every day.

11 Consejo de Transporte de Lima y Callao, Estudio de Transporte Urbano para el Area Metropolitana de Lima y Callao.12 Gutierrez, Luis, “Transporte Urbano en el Area Metropolitana de Lima y Callao” January 2000 document.13 Data from the Peruvian Ministerio Público, Instituto de Medicina Legal, 1999.


2/ Use and Attitudes Toward Public Transportation14

• 1997 Household Survey on Use and Attitudes toward Public Transportation in LimaCallao, and 2000 Focus Group Evaluation of Bus Corridor and Bikepaths

The starting point for the analysis of use and attitudes toward public transportation is to understand wheremen and women want to go. Once the differences in the main destination points by gender are outlined, itwill be useful to review the strategies users employ in order to reach these places: what are their primarytransportation means, their schedules for use of public transportation, frequencies, wait periods and places,travel times, number of vehicles taken and weekly expenditures in transportation. Security issues will beexplored as a special section on the value given to various attributes of public transportation. Finally, thereis an appraisal of the overall satisfaction with the current service.

Household SurveyIn 1997 the World Bank, through the Proyecto de Transporte Urbano Metropolitano PROTUM, requestedAPOYO Opinion y Mercado S.A. to conduct a household survey15 to evaluate use and attitudes toward publictransportation in Metropolitan Lima among male and female users of public transport in households of allsocioeconomic levels (A being the highest and E the lowest level)16. The results of the survey werefurnished in a compounded report, and also –per our request- in two separate but complementarydocuments that summarize the findings for men and for women, with detailed results by socioeconomiclevel and age, respectively. In this report, results are shown through charts and tables by gender andsocioeconomic level.

Focus GroupsThe following section presents findings of 14 Focus Group sessions conducted in Lima in June-July 2000relative to the general habits of use and opinions about public transportation among users of different agegroups and socioeconomic levels.

The analysis of the focus groups findings underscores the patterns that emerge around specific topics, alongwith quotations from the responses of the Focus Group participants about the different subjects. Theseexcerpts offer a window into the personal feelings of the users about their daily experiences with publictransportation. The testimonies are often provoking, and they provide a realistic view of what it means toundertake a journey in Lima-Callao using public transport, from the day-to-day experience of the users.The quotations have been presented with the profile of the speaker in parentheses next to his or heropinion, indicating gender, socioeconomic level, and age.

• Attitudes and Opinions on Public Transportation in the Metropolitan Area of Lima-Callao

Destination

All participants in the focus group sessions utilize public transportation to fulfill their travel purposes.Housewives are the group with the most diverse travel destinations, and more flexible schedules. Thisfeature allows them to reduce their use of public transport during peak hours. Many young people of level Bare dedicated to studying, while others, as most C and D level young, work and study or only work. Oldermen of all levels are dedicated to work, either as employees, or independently.

14 This section draws on the results of both the household survey and the focus group sessions, as well as on analysis ofthe interviews and the review of documents.15 The design and size of the sample (557 interviews) allow for estimations with an error margin of +4.2% with a 95%confidence interval (z=1.96) and a completely probabilistic selection of the persons interviewed.16 For a description of the characteristics of each socioeconomic level in Lima-Callao, see Annex.


The survey findings for both socioeconomic groups show men’s destinations are concentrated mainly aroundthe workplace, followed by visits to friends and family and school. On the other hand, women’s keydestinations are market and visits, where they hold significantly higher percentages than the men of theircorresponding socioeconomic levels. Trips to the market are outstandingly frequent for C+D women, whogenerally can’t afford to shop weekly, and need to buy the necessary foodstuffs on a daily basis. Women’strips to the health center (hospitals and clinics) are also more frequent than men’s.

Their different destinations will define travel patterns that will prove unique to men and women. Whilemen and women who work outside the home will tend to travel longer distances to their workplaces, mostwomen will generally make trips to places that tend to be clustered in their neighborhoods and districts.This fact will affect the type of transport chosen for each kind of trip.

Means of Transport

The use of the different types of urban transport units17 depends on the purpose of the trip, on thedestination, and the distance to be covered.

For trips considered long –15 to 60 minutes- where travel is done using main avenues, generally for purposeof work or study, to go shopping or to go out at night (younger people), the most popular vehicles used are

17 Combis are vans that seat between 12-16 passengers. Custers are larger combis where passengers can stand. Microsare small, older buses. Colectivos are large cars that transport six seated passengers, and buses are the largest units,which can hold 50-100 passengers. The “ENATRU” are large buses which used to belong to this firm that no longerexists.

Destination of Trips Made Using Public Transportation (multiple answers)

05

101520253035404550556065

Work

Educa

tion

Visits

Market

Health

Ctr.

Recrea

tion

Children

's Sch

ool

Errand

s/Pay

ments

Other

% o

f res

pond

ents

A+B Male A+B Female C+D Male C+D Female


combis, custer, micros or buses. For the same type of trip taxis are preferred when users are pressed fortime or traveling with children or bulky packages.

Type of vehicle utilized(%) Men Women

Combi 92 93Micro/Bus 66 66

Taxi 23 24Colectivo 9 12Mototaxi 6 13

Private Car 4 1Walk 2 2Bike 3 1

This table summarizes the preferences for each type of transportmeans by gender. However, the habits of use of the different means oftransportation in the city by men and women shown in the table can bebetter understood if compared across socioeconomic levels as well.Through this finer data, key trends are outlined: while men and womenof all levels are intensive users of combis and micros or buses,significant differences appear for the use of taxis, mototaxis and cars,as well as for walking and riding bicycles as a means of transport.

As the graph shows, women of A+B level are by far the most intensive users of taxi services, followed by A+Blevel men. The use of taxi by C+D people is about half that of A+B users.

Taking taxis is most frequent among A+B level women, although some C and D level users also take them,because the cost is not that high, specially when taken as groups. According to focus group participants,other instances where taxis are popular are night excursions (when people are dressed up, and don’tconsider it proper to ride public transportation) or for workers such as painters or carpenters, who need totransport their tools and working materials to their client’s location. Finally, taxis are also used in theevent of emergencies.

“In the weekends, bus fares go up, and it might be cheaper to take a taxiwith several people, in a group” (Man, C, 18-24)

Means of Transport by Socioeconomic Level and Sex (multiple answers)

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100

Combi Micro/Bus Taxi Colectivo Mototaxi PrivateCar

Bike Walk

% o

f res

pond

ents



“To come back home at night you can take a taxi, but never alone” (Woman,B, 18-24)

“To come home with children, they can fall asleep in the taxi” (Man, C, 30-50)

“To take a sick child to the hospital” (Man, D, 30-50)

C+D women are the most frequent users of mototaxis, followed by C+D men. These vehicles are analternative for short trips particularly in low-income neighborhoods, where they are used for shorter tripswithin the neighborhood, generally avoiding main avenues where traffic is intense. This means of transportis popular specially among level C and D users, because of their low cost and flexibility. They are used tocome and go from the market, to take the children to school, to go to the medical post, and for social visitswithin a relatively short distance.

Women utilize mototaxis frequently especially when they are carrying heavy bags (as when they return fromthe market) or when they have their children with them. The use of mototaxis will prove to be a majordeterminant in the reduction of walks at this level.

Mototaxis are not generally available in the center of the city, but rather in the slums and poorerneighborhoods.

“There are places [neighborhoods in the city] where you are forced to takemototaxi because public transport doesn’t come close to your house” (Man,D, 30-50)

“We take mototaxi to come back from the market, when we are carryingheavy bags” (Woman, C, 30-50)

The use of private cars follows the expected pattern on the graph, where male users outnumber femaleusers in both groups of socioeconomic levels.

Bicycles are scarcely used, and male users in both levels outnumber females. According to the participantsin the focus groups, walking and riding bicycles are not considered means of transport, but rather ways toexercise, take a stroll, window shop and relax, preferably in groups.

“Cycling is just for exercise” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“To walk is a way to relax, if you’re not carrying weight” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“People don’t have to walk anymore” (Woman, C, 18-24)

In general, walking doesn’t appear to be an attractive alternative in Lima, specially for the members of thelower socioeconomic groups. This is due both to the large supply of public transportation, and to theconcern with personal security issues.

Schedules

As shown in the graphs that follow, the demand for public transportation by men and women results indifferent patterns, where the transportation needs for women are more spread throughout the day thanthose of men. In fact, women’s trips between 9am and 6pm, exceed those of men for all socioeconomiclevels. Men’s travel tends to be concentrated around the morning and evening peak hours.


The graph above can be further disaggregated into four simpler graphs comparing socioeconomic levels bygender, and comparing males vs. females across socioeconomic levels.

The comparison by gender at each socioeconomic level shows that for the A+B group, men make more useof public transport than women until 9am in the morning, and after 7pm at night, while women tend totravel more than men at all other times.

Schedules for Use of Public Transportation by Sex and Socioeconomic Level

(multiple answers)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Before

6:00a

m

6:00-6

:59am

7:00-7

:59am

8:00-8

:59am

9:00-9

:59am

10:00

-10:59

am

11:00

-12:59

am

1:00-1

:59pm

2:00-2

:59pm

3:00-4

:59pm

5:00-5

:59pm

6:00-6

:59pm

7:00-7

:59pm

8:00-8

:59pm

9:00-9

:59pm

After

10:00

pm

% o

f res

pond

ents

A+B Male C+D Male A+B Female C+D Female

Schedules: A+B Users of Public Transportation(multiple answers)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Before

6:00a

m

6:00-6

:59am

7:00-7

:59am

8:00-8

:59am

9:00-9

:59am

10:00

-10:59

am

11:00

-12:59

am

1:00-1

:59pm

2:00-2

:59pm

3:00-4

:59pm

5:00-5

:59pm

6:00-6

:59pm

7:00-7

:59pm

8:00-8

:59pm

9:00-9

:59pm

After 1

0:00p

m

% o

f res

pond

ents

A+B Male A+B Female

Schedules: C+D Users of Public Transportation (multiple answers)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Before

6:00a

m

6:00-6

:59am

7:00-7

:59am

8:00-8

:59am

9:00-9

:59am

10:00

-10:59

am

11:00

-12:59

am

1:00-1

:59pm

2:00-2

:59pm

3:00-4

:59pm

5:00-5

:59pm

6:00-6

:59pm

7:00-7

:59pm

8:00-8

:59pm

9:00-9

:59pm

After 1

0:00p

m

% o

f re

spon

dent

s

C+D Male C+D Female


For the C+D group, however, men also overtake women but only until 8am, and from 5pm onwards. Thisshows there is a tendency for C+D women to travel at earlier times, and also to return to their homes at anearlier time that A+B women.

The comparison by gender across socioeconomic groups confirms the above statement. C+D women starttheir travel earlier and finish traveling later than A+B women. During the morning hours, C+D women tendto make more trips until 9am, when they are overtaken by A+B women. However, in the middle of the dayC+D women are found to travel more. This may be reflecting the fact that many of these women preparethe lunches for their husbands and take them to the men’s workplaces (such as factories, or constructionsites) at these times. Between 3pm and 7pm, there is a marked increment in the travel of A+B women.This may be linked to afternoon and evening education or training, an area where the A+B women have alarger participation than the C+D group.

For men, again C+D users have higher travel frequencies at the earlier and later hours than their A+Bcounterparts. Most A+B men arrive at their workplace between 7am and 9am, whereas C+D men seem tohave a more spread distribution, centered around the 7-8am bracket.

Frequency of Use of Public Transportation

In general, women are less intensive users of public transportation. While only 24% of women utilize publictransportation daily, 31% use it five to six times a week. The values for these categories are consistentlyhigher for men. In the “three to four times a week” bracket, however, we find 27% of women, and only 17%of men. These observations point at the differences in travel purposes by gender. While men’s travel isstrongly related to work outside the home, women’s travel often responds to domestic responsibilities.Therefore, even though we find that one-fourth of women do travel every day, 45% of them travel less than4 times a week.

Schedules: A+B vs C+D Male Users of Public Transportation(multiple answers)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

Before

6:00a

m

6:00-6

:59am

7:00-7

:59am

8:00-8

:59am

9:00-9

:59am

10:00

-10:59

am

11:00

-12:59

am

1:00-1

:59pm

2:00-2

:59pm

3:00-4

:59pm

5:00-5

:59pm

6:00-6

:59pm

7:00-7

:59pm

8:00-8

:59pm

9:00-9

:59pm

After 1

0:00p

m

% o

f res

pond

ents

A+B Male C+D Male

Schedules: A+B vs C+D Female Users of Public Transportation (multiple answers)

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Before

6:00a

m

6:00-6

:59am

7:00-7

:59am

8:00-8

:59am

9:00-9

:59am

10:00

-10:59

am

11:00

-12:59

am

1:00-1

:59pm

2:00-2

:59pm

3:00-4

:59pm

5:00-5

:59pm

6:00-6

:59pm

7:00-7

:59pm

8:00-8

:59pm

9:00-9

:59pm

After 1

0:00p

m

% o

f res

pond

ents

A+B Female C+D Female


In terms of the days of the week in which public transportation is required, the frequency of use by men isconsistently higher than that for women for every day of the week, irrespective of socioeconomic level.Mondays (82%) and Fridays (80%) are the weekdays most mentioned by men, with Friday being the leastmentioned weekday for women (66%). In general, there is a decrease in the demand for publictransportation by women as the week progresses, which may be related to more scarce resources towardsthe end of the week.

Public Transportation: Frequency of Use (%)

29 24

3831

1727

16 18

Male Female

Every day 5-6 times a w eek 3-4 times a w eek 1-2 times a w eek

Weekly Usage of Public Transportation by Socioeconomic Level and Sex

(multiple answers)

0102030405060708090

Monda

y

Tues

day

Wedne

sday

Thurs

day

Frida

y

Saturda

y

Sunda

y



Wait Periods and Places

Currently, the wait times for public transportation in Lima are minimal, irrespective of socioeconomic level.A majority of participants on the focus groups mention that on the contrary, many units are waiting forpassengers, specially very early in the morning or at night –whenever it is not peak hours.

“I take my bus in the Paseo Colon at 5am. There the combis are waiting forme, as are the pirañitas [street children who rob for a living] and the girls[prostitutes] who are just finishing their work” (Man, B, 18-24)

“I can choose now -I take the one I like best by its color, or by whether itsplaying my favorite music” (various groups)

“I take it right away, now there are lots of units” (various groups)

Wait periods for men and women reported on the survey range between 1 to 5 minutes, with A+B womenwaiting the least –which is probably tied to the fact that they take taxis more frequently. C+D womenusually have immediate and inexpensive access to mototaxis, so their longer wait periods are probablylinked to their use of buses for long routes, where they have to wait for a specific bus to take them to theirdestination without having to transfer.

At peak hours the wait periods can go up to around twenty minutes. This would be true specially whenpassengers wish to wait for a specific route to avoid making connections. Users reportedly prefer to takeonly one vehicle. Making connections is considered uncomfortable because they are generally made in verycongested places, and they multiply the cost of the trip.

“I’d rather take only one” (various groups)

“Only if it gets late, I take two combis” (Woman, D, 18-24)

“To go to the Callao University, I have to take three each way, they are longstretches, and I cannot walk” (Man and Woman, C, 18-24)

“It doesn’t matter if I need to take one or two, but I have to get to work ontime, the thing is whether I will get there fast enough.” (Man, D, 30-50)

Wait Periods for Public Transportation by Socioeconomic Level and Sex

010

20304050

6070

1 to 5 6 to 10 11 to 15 16 to 20 Over 20 N/R

Minutes

% o

f res

pond

ents



People generally wait for public transportation at the corners or just anyplace, because most vehicles –except the large buses that have set bus stops- stop wherever people flag them. This makes the walkingdistances to the bus stops usually very short, from just a few meters to a block. Some people in the poorerlevel C and D neighborhoods walk a maximum of 7 blocks.

“I take it just two steps away from my house” (various groups)

“I live on the hill, so I have to walk down some seven blocks [to take thebus]” (Woman, D, 30-50)

Bus stops (“paraderos”) are mentioned by participants in all focus groups, but the significance these havefor members of each group depends on the areas where they live. Among level B participants, the stops inthe main avenues are generally built structures, with roof, a small bench and advertising panels on thesides. In smaller streets, stops are plainly the corners, without any signs.

Many of the level C and D participants agree that in their neighborhoods stops are basically identified bysome known feature or landmark, like a well-known store, a park or a building. In some cases, pedestrianbridges serve as stops.

“ … ‘get off in the pharmacy!’, ‘get off in the park!’… It is passengers thatgive the names to their stops” (various groups)

“There were stops before, but they were torn off” (various groups)

Many of the existing stops are dirty and deteriorated. In some cases they are being used by men to urinate.Some level B participants mention that the advertisements on the sides of the built bus stops don’t allowone to see if the bus is coming and one may miss the bus. Thieves also hide behind these publicity panels,making the bus stops dangerous.

“They [thieves, gangs] rob the fluorescent lights, the roof, destroy thebenches” (Man, C, 18-24)

“The municipality should keep them clean, but it doesn’t” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Travel Times

Travel Times to Most Frequent Destination

05

1015

20253035

1 to 10 11 to20

21 to30

31 to40

41 to50

51 to60

71 to80

81 to90

Over90

N/R

minutes

% o

f res

pond

ents



According to the survey, women of all socioeconomic levels are the ones who travel the fastest to theirdestinations (1 to 10 minute bracket). This may be due to the fact that women’s destinations are oftenlocated within their neighborhoods, where the distances are not very large. A+B people of both sexes arethe largest group in the 11-20 minute bracket, possibly because of their access to private cars and taxis fortravel, while the percentage of C+D respondents is relatively larger in the 51 to 60 minute bracket, andlargest for the 81 to 90 and over 90 minute brackets.

Although most of the participants in the focus groups have trips of 30 minutes on average, they agree thatthe way back home –in the evenings- is generally longer and more complicated than the morning trip.

Number of Vehicles Boarded

Most passengers, men and women, board only one public transportation vehicle to reach their finaldestination. The proportion of travel in one vehicle among women of all levels is fairly consistent (84% forA+B and 86% for C+D), while C+D men are the group where this difference is the largest. C+D men areprobably the group that works further away from their homes, and thus needs to travel longer distances,and would need to change buses in order to reach their destination more quickly. While A+B women arewilling to pay more for their transportation, C+D women generally can’t afford to do so, and they wouldremain in one single vehicle for the duration of the route, until they reach their destination, even if this isvery time consuming.

Transport-related Expenses

The money to be spent in transportation holds an important relative weight in the family budget, especiallyfor the level C and D households, although level B participants also seek to control these expenditures.

For married people, the couple generally shares the administration of the money, but there is some biastoward delegating the administration on the woman, and often the husbands hand over their salary to theirwives, and she later gives them an “allowance” for their weekly expenses, including transportation, or hekeeps this agreed allowance in advance. In general, it is preferred that the woman be the one to managethe family earnings, especially in the C and D socioeconomic levels.

“The woman stretches the money” (Man, D, 30-50)

“He gives me all the money and I give him a daily allowance for hisexpenses” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Take only one vehicle to reach your destination? (%)

0

20

40

60

80

100

Yes No



During the focus group sessions, participants were asked to rank order their household expenses, fromgreatest to smallest. For the C and D groups, the most important expense is food, followed by services(water, electricity and telephone if they have one). For level B participants, and in some level C cases,education holds the third place, but for most C and D level participants, transport expenses hold the thirdplace after food and services.

The concern for transport expenses, however, is fairly large, because they constitute a daily issue, andbecause they are understood to be a pre-condition for obtaining the necessary income for the support of thefamily. In the personal budget of the younger participants, transport expenditures hold first place in theirranking of expenses, or second place after the money for their lunch.

“We spend more in food, but transport is most important, because it is whatwill give you the money to buy the food and everything else!” (Man, C, 30-50)

“If you don’t have the money for the fare to go to work, how will you payfor services and food?” (Man, D, 30-50)

“The money for the fares is there [separated in advance], and can’t be usedfor anything else” (Man, C, 18-24)

Cost in all units varies between S/.1.00 and S/.1.20 for full fare, S/.0.60 for half fare and a cheaper schoolfare. Therefore, the evaluation of the cost element is defined in terms of the respect for the reducedfares, the relation between the cost of the fare and the length of the trip, and the possibility to negotiatethe fare.

In fact, there is a chance to negotiate fare prices with the collector based on supply and demand, and it iscustomary for many passengers offer to pay S/.0.50 for short trips.

“Some [collectors] are mindful and let the older people who can’t pay fullfare, travel for less” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“Now there’s so much competition, you say how much you’d pay, andsomeone is bound to accept” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“For short trips you offer “quina” [S/.0.50] and they let you on” (Woman, B,18-24)

There is no agreement as to where passengers can better negotiate for fare prices. Some participants thinkthat combis are better for negotiating, others say that the micros are better. However, there is consensusthat the ENATRU-type buses would be more expensive because they never negotiate for short trips, and thuswould be preferred for longer trips.

Mototaxis are cheap means of transport where passengers can also negotiate the fare. Reportedly, thecheapest fare for a mototaxi trip costs S/.0.30. Taxis are more expensive but their prices have alsodropped, and there would be no significant difference with other means of transport when taken as a group.

“Now the taxis are cheap” (Man, C, 30-50)

“In the weekends, when bus fares go up, it is best to take a taxi” (Man, C,30-50)

According to the survey, women tend to be concentrated around the lower end of the transportationexpense curve, with most C+D women found at the “S/.5 or less” and “S/.5 to S/.9.99” categories. 80% ofwomen spend less than S/.20 on transportation, compared to 66% of men. At the same time, only 3% ofwomen spend more than S/.40, compared to 8% of men. These figures are consistent with the previousdiscussions about travel destinations, means of transportation and wait times for women vs. men.


The focus groups accounts tell that family members who spend the most on transportation are those whowork outside the home, followed by those who study, irrespective of gender. Since men tend to be theones who work far from their houses, however, their expenses are greater.

Housewives and men who have their workshops at home report to be the ones who spend less ontransportation within their households. Those who spend the most are the ones who have jobs that demandthat they be travelling all day (salespeople, collectors, etc.). For this group their expense in publictransport is an investment that may or may not prove beneficial, depending on the outcome of their day.

“ I am a collector, sometimes they don’t pay me, but I still have to spend inmy bus fare” (Man, C, 30-50)

“I do paperwork for a notary public’s office, I have to run around all ofLima” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Transport expenses of university-level students have a lower price because of the “half-fare” they areentitled to18. However, this benefit is not being fully enjoyed because many micro and combi lines don’tabide by it, and in some others the students are subject to ill-treatment when they don’t pay full fare.Transport expenses of children are a high priority, and there are cases, where the parents rather pay aspecial transportation, or have somebody escort the children on the bus, especially in the case of girls.

“My daughter prefers to pay full fare, because if she pays half-fare theytreat her badly” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“I am constantly afraid that my children travel in combi, they treat thembadly” (Woman D, 30-50)

The weekly amounts spent on public transportation vary from S/.5 in all socioeconomic levels (for thepeople that don’t travel much), to S/.70 for C and D levels and S/.100 in level B. These reports of focusgroup participants are consistent with the survey.

18 National Law # 13406 (January 1st, 1994) established discounted fares for university students and for students ofhigher education institutes whose program of studies has a duration of more than six academic semesters, and forschoolchildren. The same law indicates that the price of student fare cannot exceed 50% of the regular adult fare.

Weekly Transport Expenditure

0

10

20

30

40

5 or less 5 to 9.99 10 to 14.99 15 to 19.99 20 to 24.99 25 to 29.99 30 to 34.99 35 to 39.99 40 to 44.99 45 to 49.99 Over 50

Soles (S/.)



Most Valued Attributes of Public Transportation

The survey asked the respondents to name the two aspects they valued the most in the public transportservice. The graph shows men and women have different priorities. However, driver’s ability and securityissues are the two primary concerns for all groups, which leads to the question about the different featuresof security. This issue was further explored through the focus group discussions, where participants wereasked to elaborate on it in order to qualify the survey information, which appraised security as a bulktheme.

According to the survey, A+B men value driver’s ability and security as the most important aspects,although they also assign a very high priority to speed in terms of how quickly they will reach theirdestination. This is an indication of the value placed on their own time. C+D men also value speed, butsecurity is a slightly higher concern for them than for the A+B men. Overall, quickness is the categorywhere the differences between the genders are more acute. Level C+D men seem to be sacrificing service(in the way they are treated by the driver and collector) for speed and shorter wait times.

Surveyed women’s priorities were basically centered around driver’s ability (specially for A+B), security,and about the way driver and collector treat passengers. This seems to be a particularly keen concern forC/D women, as is vehicle maintenance and fare price.

Most of the participants in the focus groups consider that the city itself is a dangerous place, and thatpublic transport units are no exception. But security as related to transport is a multidimensional issue. Itcan be divided into two aspects: road safety, and personal safety. Personal safety, in turn, includes the riskof being robbed, and the risk of being sexually harassed, verbally or physically; while road safety includesthe concern for physical integrity as a pedestrian and as a passenger in a public transport vehicle.

What are the two most important aspects in the public transport service?

(multiple answers)

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

Driver'

s abili

ty

Securi

ty

Way dr

iver/c

ollecto

r trea

t pas

seng

ers

Vehicle

main

tenan

ce

Fare

price

Comfor

t

Quickn

ess to

reac

h des

tinati

on

No unn

eces

sary

stops

mad

e

Wait tim

e at st

ops

Route

varie

ty

% o

f res

pond

ents



Dimensions of Security While Using Public Transportation:

Road Safety

Combis are the worse evaluated means of transport in terms of road safety, followed by mototaxis andbicycles. The size and frailty of combis makes these particularly vulnerable in case of a crash, and this riskincreases because of the way the drivers operate the vehicles. Combis are driven excessively fast, withoutrespect for the traffic signals, competing with each other for passengers and stopping anywhere to pick upand leave passengers.

“I travel with my heart in my throat” (several groups)

“Sometimes you are forced to ride the ‘killer combis’” (several groups)

“Combis flip over easily. They’re like tin cans” (several groups)

“They drop you in the middle of the road, they don’t even come close to thesidewalk” (several groups)

With mototaxis the risk decreases because the length of their trips is shorter and because they travel awayfrom the main avenues, but these are vehicles that easily flip over, specially on unpaved roads or in theevent of a crash. Additionally, mototaxi drivers are often very young and inexperienced.

“Mototaxis flip over easily” (several groups)

“I once flipped over when I was pregnant!” (Woman, D, 30-50)

“Mototaxi drivers are underage” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Bicycles are viewed as very dangerous in terms of road safety, by both men and women. Cyclists would beat great risk because drivers don’t respect them at all, and except in avenues where there are bikepaths,they have to share the road with the motorized vehicles.

“Bicycles are very dangerous” (several groups)

“Drivers don’t respect cyclists” (several groups)

Microbuses are ranked as more secure than combis because of their heavier body, larger size and slowerspeed. But the best evaluated means of transport in terms of security are the large buses, colectivos andtaxis –as long as these are not the widespread tiny Daewoo “Ticos” – for their greater stability, prudenceand respect of transit rules.

SECURITYTheft, Assaults

PersonalSafety

Road Safety

Sexual HarassmentVerbal

Physical

As a pedestrian

Aboard the vehicle


“Micros and buses are more secure because they are slower” (severalgroups)

“[Micros and buses] are older, and their bodies are stronger” (severalgroups)

“Buses drop you off on the sidewalk” (several groups)

“Bus drivers are more prudent, they are professionals” (several groups)

“I never take Tico” (several groups)

Road safety is an ever-present worry. In fact, 10% of men and 9% of women surveyed had been victims ofaccidents happened when using public transportation in the 6 months previous to the survey.

In terms of socioeconomic levels, A+B respondents have reported to be victims of accidents more frequentlythan C+D users. This may be related to the fact that A+B people travel more frequently.

When asked about the reasons why it is difficult for pedestrians to cross main avenues, A+B men tend toconcentrate their responses around “no lights/traffic signals”. In general C+D men are found to shareresponses with women of both socioeconomic groups, but they also mention the need for more pedestrianbridges. Women mention aspects related to the behavior of drivers and to congestion.

% o f R e s p o n d e n t s T h a t H a d A c c i d e n t s U s i n g P u b l i c T r a n s p o r ta t i o n i n t h e 6 M o n th s

P r e v i o u s t o t h e S u r v e y

0 5 1 0 1 5 2 0

A + B M a le

A + B F e m a le

C + D M a le

C + D F e m a le

Why is it Difficult for Pedestrians to Cross Main Avenues?

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Personal Security - Theft

Large buses are the worst rated with regard to the risk of being a victim of robbery or assault. This isbecause these are large units that get rather full, where people often travel standing up and there is nocontrol. In the micros, it seems like the collectors are sometimes in agreement with the robbers, or don’tface them for fear of retaliation.

“In the micro they rob you shamelessly” (several groups)

“You have to watch your wallet, or your cap” (Man, D, 18-24)

“Drivers know who they are [thieves], but are afraid” (several groups)

In the combis, where one travels sitting down, there is less people and the rides are shorter, it would beless likely to be the victim of a robbery. Some level B participants think that on the combis the passengersare of a somewhat higher socioeconomic level. However, in the combis it is easy to get robbed even fromthe outside, through the open windows, that lie at a lower height.

“In a combi you won’t get robbed” (several groups)

“My sister had her chain stolen through the combi window” (Man, D, 18-24)

“They took my hat through the window” (several groups)

In the taxis, the risk is to be swindled by the driver, who might give out counterfeit bills as change.

“I don’t take taxis when I return at night, because the next day I always findI have counterfeit bills” (Man, B, 30-50)

Personal Security – Sexual Harassment

Women add the fear of being sexually harassed -verbally or physically- to the risk of being robbed. In allvehicles, as on the street –specially in the most populous districts- women are exposed to verbal harassmentthrough comments or “compliments” with sexual overtones that are very uncomfortable and shameful towomen.

Additionally, in the units where they have to travel standing up, women –specially younger ones andadolescents- are exposed to fondling and molestation that can reach grave extremes specially from oldermen. Finally, women –more so than men- are at risk of being raped in the taxis, or in any public transportwhere they are left alone with other male passengers or with the driver and collector alone.

“When I went to school I traveled with pins in my hands and on mybackpack” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“I always travel with a safety pin” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“That’s my fear, that my daughter will be left alone with men on the combion her way home” (Woman, D, 30-50)

Comfort

Opinions about comfort in the different kinds of vehicles are also related to the discussion about safety andsecurity, because often the more comfortable vehicles will also be the more secure, at least in terms ofroad safety.

For many focus group participants, combis are more comfortable because one can sit down, and most ofthem are newer vehicles. For others, combis are too short, forcing passengers to hunch up in order to


board and get off. Seats are also uncomfortable because owners try to fit more passengers in the vehicle byaltering the seats. They even create a row of “seats” directly behind the driver –facing backwards- so thatthe passengers traveling there have to share leg space with the passengers facing forward on the first rowof seats, which is quite uncomfortable for everyone.

“In the combis you can sit down” (several groups)

“You have to hunch up to travel” (several groups)

“Where there’s space for two they fit four” (several groups)

“Seats are little boards where you can’t fit” (Man, C, 30-50)

“To sit down in the front row you have to open your legs, and the legs of theperson traveling in front of you have to fit between yours” (Man, C, 30-50)

For the majority, micros and large buses are more comfortable because there is more room, which alsoallows to travel with children and packages. But on the buses one often has to travel standing up, theseats are in bad shape, and street vendors and beggars are continuously getting on to sell things or ask formoney.

“There’s more room, you can get on with packages and you don’t have topay more” (Woman, D, 30-50)

“They’re old, the seats are all ripped off” (several groups)

An element that was frequently mentioned by both men and women are the foul smells inside the vehicles.These would come from other passengers as well as from the motor of the vehicle itself. This problem ismade worse because the windows have to be kept closed because of the cold weather (during winter) or toprevent thefts.

Mototaxis are considered very comfortable because they take passengers to their doorstep, and can be usedto carry packages. Potholes and bumpy unpaved roads make travel uncomfortable. Taxis are the mostcomfortable means of transport, because one travels sitting down and without any strangers.

Speed

Combis are doubtlessly the fastest vehicles, other than taxis. Being small units, they fill up fast, and thedrivers don’t respect traffic signals when driving. They are newer than buses and so there is less risk thatthey will break down.

“Combis are faster because their routes are more straight” (several groups)

“There’s a lot of combis, you don’t have to wait for them” (several groups)

“They are small and get filled up quickly so they don’t take long at thestops” (several groups)

Micros and buses are slowest, except in the case of large buses that operate in the Via Expresa-Paseo de laRepublica busway and stop only at their stops. Mototaxis are fast because their trips are short.

In general, greater speed is associated with greater insecurity, because speed is related to recklessness anddisrespect for the traffic signals.

“Micros are old and go very slowly” (several groups)

“[Micros] are slow but secure” (several groups)


“In the Via Expresa the ENATRU go fast because they only stop at their stopsand there’s no traffic” (several groups)

Treatment

Quality of transport is also evaluated in terms of the treatment that driver and collector give to theirpassengers. Ill treatment is identified with rudeness, not giving a ticket, or starting before the people havefinished boarding the bus. The most frequent victims of ill treatment are school children, the elderly, andpeasants from the highlands – those who can’t defend themselves well, or who may not have money to paythe full fare.

There is consensus in mentioning that ill treatment is more frequent in combis, while it is more courteousaboard the old ENATRU buses. In the combis the drivers and collectors tend to be younger, and treatpeople worse, while in the ENATRU buses the drivers are better dressed, older and more courteous. Someof these type of units have female collectors, who are very positively evaluated, because they are moresensitive to children and older people.

“Combi collectors are the rudest” (several groups)

“Combi drivers are young and without drivers license, often they drivedrunk” (Women, D, 30-50)

“There are routes with buses where the drivers are uniformed, they arecourteous” (several groups)

“Drivers and collectors are low class, uncultured people” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“It is also our responsibility for not complaining” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Opinions are divided as to who receives the worst treatment. For some, women are treated worse, becauseof the sexual harassment they have to endure. For others, women would receive a more respectfultreatment.

“Treatment is bad for all” (Man, D, 18-24)

“On the contrary, they sometimes behave better with women” (Woman, D,18-24)

“Women have other risks” (Man, C, 18-24)

“They don’t respect anything, not even my pregnancy” (Pregnant Woman, D,18-24)


The following diagram presents a graphic summary of the user’s perceptions about the different publictransport means relative to the most important attributes evaluated, based on their experiences:

Means of transport by attribute

The continuous arrows show perceived contradictory or opposing relationships. Thus, speed is opposite tosecurity, and comfort is opposite to cost. These are also the strongest relationships that structure thediagram. Although speed and security are not necessarily opposite if the appropriate measures are taken(as proved by successful bus corridors in several cities), in Lima-Callao this is not the case. The combis, forinstance, are the fastest public transport vehicles available (except for taxis), and they are also the mostinsecure in terms of road safety- as illustrated by their nicknames “killer combis” or “combis of death”.Cost and comfort don’t have to be opposites either (again, well managed metro and bus systems providelow-cost, comfortable and reliable service) but they are now for limeños.

The dotted vertical arrows indicate mutually implying relationships. Comfort and security are the two sidesof a common issue, as speed and cost: when travel takes longer, you incur higher costs. Again, these arethe perceptions of the users of the Lima-Callao public transport services, and they point out some importantdistortions of the perceived characteristics of the different vehicles available for public transportation.

The results of the survey have so far outlined some basic tendencies in terms of the use made of the publictransport services in Lima and about the ways in which men and women differ in their destinations,schedules, expenditures and use of different transport alternatives, as well as on their travel and waittimes.

Results from the focus groups have helped enrich the concept of security as related to publictransportation, showing its multidimensionality. Focus Groups confirmed that women value more thetreatment received and the security aspects of the vehicles, while men value the promptness in reachingtheir destination as their first priority. Men usually travel longer distances relative to women (probablydue to their more frequent work outside the home), and many women still tend to structure their travelpatterns around the household and around their social reproduction roles.

The focus groups also pointed to the fact that women have specific issues related to their use of publictransportation, tied to widespread sexual harassment. This topic was also explored in further detail duringthe focus group sessions.

SPEED

SECURITY(personaland road)

COST

COMFORT

Combi

Mototaxi

Bici

Micro

Bus

Taxi


Specific Women’s Issues on the Use of Public Transportation

Women –specially younger ones- face greater risks when using public transportation. This is recognized byall the groups interviewed, especially among level B younger men, who are specially careful with theirmothers, sisters and girlfriends, and try to have them take special registered taxis.

In general, women are perceived as more vulnerable to all types of insecurity. Because of their dress(skirts, heels) they have greater difficulty in moving in traffic, and to get on and off of the buses, so theysuffer more with the sudden starts and stops. Because they are perceived as physically less strong thanmen, they wouldn’t be able to defend themselves as well upon an assault by a male aggressor pulling herpurse. These characteristics make women more likely victims of robberies than men. Finally, women arealso victims of sexual harassment.

Just for their being female, women –specially younger ones- suffer verbal harassment constantly, to thepoint that this has come to be regarded as “normal” by most people, and even women don’t “register” thismany times. Verbal sexual harassment has come to be part of the “noise” of the city life, and many womendon’t bother themselves by this, except when it is too vulgar.

“It’s more [often] what they say to you” (Woman, B, 18-24)

Collectors often create uncomfortable situations for women by rubbing themselves against women as theyexit the bus. In the larger vehicles, at peak hours, women are subject to fondling and touching by mencalled “mañosos” (perverts) who often board the buses and molest younger women. The presence ofthese men forces women to take precautions such as positioning themselves at the back of the vehicle,leaning against a window, or trying to avoid any type of close contact.

“How the collector looks at you, it’s insulting” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“I hate the fact that they feel like they have the right to say rude pervertedthings to you” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“Collectors stand on the doorway when you have to get in or out and you areforced to touch them” (Woman, C, 18-24)

Older people seem to think that this type of behavior has been moderated because of the increment in thenumber of units that has lessened the number of people aboard each unit.

“It was worse before, because the buses were more full” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Young level D men consider that a woman wearing a short skirt in a public transport unit is a provocation torude comments. In a way, they hold women responsible for the harassment situation. To feel more secure,then, women have developed a series of behaviors that include wearing “adequate” clothing while travelingon the bus, in order to avoid obscene comments or expressions.

“They provoke you when they wear short skirts” (Man, D, 18-24)

“My daughter was going to wear shorts, and I had her change clothes to goon the micro” (Woman, B, 30-50)

“Women who work as secretaries have to take their skirts in a bag and ridethe bus wearing pants” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“A drunk person made a rude comment to me – now I don’t wear short skirtsif I take the bus” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“I wear pants with pockets, I don’t wear a purse, I feel more secure thatway” (Woman, D, 18-24)


These situations have come to be so uncomfortable for women, that the younger ones feel ashamed orafraid and don’t quite know how to react. Later, girls develop coping mechanisms, such as carrying pins tokeep molesters away, or they learn not to be quiet and complain –especially level B girls. This would not somuch be the case for C and D girls, where older women sometimes need to get involved.

“I say something to them [men with vulgar or obscene behavior]” (severalgroups)

“I make a scandal” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“I always travel with an unsmiling look on my face” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“I always have pins in my hands and on my backpack just in case anyone triesto get ‘too close’” (Woman, B, 18-24)

“Sometimes you want to say something but you’re afraid of what the manmight do to you if you do” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“In the micro, I saw a man was standing behind a young girl, maybe 13 or 14years old. He had pulled up her skirt from the back, and was fondling her. Icould see that the girl wasn’t doing anything, she was just standing realstill, with her face red and sweating. I pulled her to my side and had herstand next to me. A 14 year old girl!” (Woman, C, 30-50)

These situations happen in buses generally without any reaction on the part of the driver, the collector, orthe other passengers. Often, other passengers pretend like the theft or the harassment are not happening,because they fear being victims themselves, or plainly because they don’t care.

“When someone says something rude to you on the bus, the driver andcollector just laugh” (Woman, D, 18-24)

“Sometimes you say something out loud to the person who is bothering you,so that other people will hear it… but people are indifferent, so are thedriver and collector” (Woman, B, 18-24)

Women –much more than men- are also at risk of being raped on the public transport units. They are alsoperceived as less able to defend themselves in a situation like this. Risk is greater when they take a taxialone, specially at nighttime. Or when they ride a combi or micro where there are only a few men, and attimes of low ridership. Women have developed a preventive strategy: they never ride taxis alone, or theytry to only take yellow taxis (registered by the MML) or special company taxis that you call on the phone.Women never take a public transport unit with only a few passengers or where only men are traveling.

“Rape happens in taxis” (several groups)

“You should never get on a micro or combi where there’s only a few people,and worse if they’re all men!” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“I never take a taxi alone, or I take only registered taxis” (Woman, B, 30-50)

“For my mother I prefer a registered taxi” (Man, B, 18-24)

Often, parents do not want to send their children alone to school –particularly their daughters- so if theycan’t ride in a group, they have some adult family member take them, generating a greater expense in busfares for the family.

In general, women don’t need to ask for permission from their husbands or male family members to go out.But they do need to tell them where they are going, mainly because of the general insecurity in the city.Similarly, men and young people also need to tell where they are going and when they will be back.

Summary Chart: Means of Transport by Attribute

Means ofTransport

AttributesCombi Custer

(big combis) Micro Bus Mototaxi Colectivo Taxi

Road Safety

The worstDrive too fastDriving styleFlip over easilyBody: “tin cans”Drop off anywhere

Average

More secureSlowerMore stableStronger bodyDrop off onsidewalk

Most secureVery insecureFlips over easilyUnderage drivers

More secureBig cars

Generallysecure, exceptfor the smallTicos

Personal Safety Less theft Theft More theft TheftNo collector No theft Theft - can get

off route

Risky - speciallyat night, exceptfor registeredand radio taxis

Speed

Very fastDrive fastFills quicklyShorter, direct routesCompete againstthemselves – too many

Take longer tofill upStop more

SlowOldLong routesTake long to fillup

SlowLargeDirect routeBus stops

Fastshorter routes Fast Fastest and

most direct

Comfort

SeatedLittle leg roomHunched upMore people than it fits

More roomNewerCan travel withpackages

More roomCan travel withpackagesMore peopleTorn seatsBad smell

MorecomfortableWith packagesWith childrenCleaner

Door to doorWith packages Seated

Not much room

The bestWith packagesWith childrenClean

Expense

CheapSometimes cannegotiate fareDon’t take half-fare orschool fare

More expensive

CheapSometimescan negotiatefare

More expensivebecause faresnot negotiableSaves time ondirect routesand busways

Cheap Moreexpensive

MostexpensiveWorthwhilewhen in groupsor with thefamily

TreatmentThe worseYounger driver andcollector

It depends It depends

The bestOlder, moreprofessionaldrivers

Risk for Women

SeatedLess risk except whenonly men are riding

Somewhat riskywhen standingand if too full

Greatest riskbecause ofperverts

Risky whenstanding and iftoo full

Risky if onlymen aboard

Risky aloneand specially atnight, except forregistered andradio taxis

Gender Analysis of World Bank Transport Projects in Lima, Peru: Bikepaths and Busways / Lara M. Gomez 35

Satisfaction with the current transport system

Respondents to the Household Survey were asked to rank their satisfaction with the current public transportservice, on a scale from one to seven, where one is “not satisfied at all” and seven is “very much satisfied”.The results by gender and socioeconomic level are summarized on the graph below:

A majority of both men and women appear to be fairly satisfied with the service they receive now, as shownby their average satisfaction ratings (men: 3.7, women: 3.4). A higher proportion of socioeconomic levelA/B respondents are found to be dissatisfied than respondents from the lower levels, who may assign theservice higher ratings.

This “average” rating assigned to the service may be explained by the comparison made by users with theprevious situation (1980s), when units were very scarce and unreliable, and when buses traveled completelyfull, often not stopping at their assigned bus stops because they could not carry any more people. Whenasked if the ease of transportation had increased or decreased as compared to the previous two years, 77%of men and 80% of women responded it had increased.

This relatively “mild” evaluation of the current transport service is consistent with the results of a gameplayed during the focus group sessions, called “The ideal means of transport”.

The Ideal Means of Transport

Through this exercise, male and female focus group participants were asked to freely describe their idealtransport means: the vehicles and system that would best satisfy their transport needs as men or women,respectively.

Throughout the different groups, the level of demands from the users for their ideal transport was not veryhigh, but rather limited, centered on security issues, speed and general order.

Most of the participants agree on the fact that transport has improved over the past decade particularlybecause of the increase in the number of units available, because units now reach most of theneighborhoods and because now passengers usually need to board only one vehicle to get to theirdestinations. According to the participants, the problems with traffic in Lima are due to congestion,generated by the demographic growth of the city.

Satisfaction With Current Public Transport Service (on a scale from 1=low to 7=high)

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1:"not satisfied at all" to 7:"very much satisfied"

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A/B Male A/B Female C/D Male C/D Female


On describing their ideal transport, women pay special attention to aspects linked to comfort, but thatultimately result in more security and reduce ill treatment. Women ask for:

• Larger, cleaner buses.

• To travel seated.

• To be driven by professional, uniformed, courteous drivers/collectors.

• Routes well marked and respected.

• Respect for passengers, specially children and elderly.

• Negotiable fare, according to distance traveled.

These few characteristics would ensure that there is no violence in the buses, that they are not mistreatedverbally or physically, and that their security against sexual harassment and theft is guaranteed. Thesewould also help prevent road accidents. Women pay particular attention to the grooming of thedrivers/collectors. In their opinion, all these elements would contribute to provide them a better publictransport service.

“That we all travel seated” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“That they are spotless, both the vehicle and the driver and collector”(Woman, C, 18-24)

“That they have set bus stops, and that they pick up school children”(Woman, B, 18-24)

Men, on the other hand, focus their description of the ideal transport around the concepts of speed, andhow quickly they can reach their destination. In that sense, they stress the importance of the reform andmaintenance of the roads, and in the order necessary to reduce congestion. Men ask for:

• Direct routes.

• Fixed routes.

• Stops conveniently set apart so vehicles don’t stop at every corner.

• Signaling

• Fixed schedules for buses.

• Single fare

For men, order and respect of the law are fundamental changes needed for better and faster travel.

“From the moment there’s no authority, everyone does whatever theywant” (Man, C, 30-50)

“The problem of transport is all of us, and there’s trouble at every level –from the authorities, to the drivers, to the police- There’s no authority.”(Man, B, 18-24)

The following graph summarizes the most important attributes of public transport mentioned by eachgender group:


ATTRIBUTES OF “THE IDEAL MEANS OF TRANSPORT”

Women Men

(+) (+)-most important- -most important-

Personal security (theft, harassment) 1. 8. Speed (get to destination fast)Road safety (accidents) 2. 9. Road safety (accidents)

Expenses 3. 10. Order (schedules, routes, stops)Comfort 4. 11. Single fare

Courteous treatment 5. 12. Personal security (thefts)Hygiene 6. 13. Courteous treatment

Order 7. 14. Hygiene-least important- -least important-

(-) (-)

The value scales shown in this graph support the findings of the Household Survey. In fact, the graph aboveshows that while both men and women assign very a high priority to road safety (#2), they assign quitedifferent rankings to personal security (#1 for women vs. #5 for men). For women, personal securityincludes not only the risk of theft, but also the risk of being sexually harassed or molested while on thepublic transport unit. It means not being able to wear the clothes they choose, but having to wear specialclothes in order to ride the bus, and for younger girls, traveling with pins and safety pins in order to defendthemselves from pervert men.

Expenses occupy #3 for women, and they are not registered as a great concern for men. This may berelated to the fact that –as has been shown- men usually have a set allowance for their transport, which isrespected within the household and will not be used for other purposes.

Comfort is another area where differences arise. As has been shown, women link comfort to the idea oftraveling seated, so that the risk of being molested will be reduced, and to the ease with which they cantravel with children or packages. Finally, men stress the importance of speed and the need for order(schedules, routes and stops) that will help them reach their destination more quickly.


3/ Proposed Separated Busway – “Corredor Vitrina”

Many of the issues on the evaluation of the use and attitudes toward public transportation examined in theprevious section provide valuable insights on the features that users value on a transport system such as theone proposed for the Corredor Vitrina (CV). It is thus worthwhile to briefly review some of these aspectsrelative to the positive and negative features of large buses that operate on exclusive busways.

Large buses are rated high on security and comfort issues. They are regarded as safer, more reliable unitsin terms of road safety, due to their heavier, more sturdy bodies. Larger buses have drivers are morecourteous and respect the traffic rules.

On the other hand, buses rate low with respect to personal security, both in terms of theft and sexualharassment. Their being large units, which travel rather full, makes them more likely scenarios for both ofthese events. In a way, it is impossible for the driver to notice what is going on inside the bus, or to doanything about it while driving. For women, the risk is also to be sexually molested, specially when theytravel standing up in a rather full unit. When buses are not so full, however, they are considered to be themost comfortable type of vehicle because there is more room, which also allows to travel with children andlarge bundles or packages.

The following chart summarizes the focus group participants’ experience of travel on large buses:

TRAVEL EXPERIENCE ON LARGE BUSES

Road Safety • Most secure, mainly because of its larger, heavier bodyPersonal Safety • Risk of theft. No collector to notice what happensSpeed • Slow, except for those on the Via Expresa busway

• More direct routes• Respect for bus stops

Comfort • More comfortable• Better for travel with bundles, children• Usually cleaner

Expense • More expensive fare because of non-negotiable fares• Savings on time and connections on express routes

Treatment • The best of all means of transport• Older, more professional, courteous drivers

Risk for Women • Risk of sexual harassment when standing and if too full

Focus group participants were presented with the Corredor Vitrina concept sheet (see Annex) where the CVproject’s core characteristics and main benefits are described. Upon reading it, and observing the CV routeon the map, they were asked to mention what positive and negative aspects they perceived in the project,insisting upon their being male/female respectively.

Positive Aspects

The project is evaluated by most of the participants as an interesting infrastructure project, and some evenregard it as essential, and wish for similar projects to be undertaken in other avenues in Lima-Callao. Theparticipants perceive this project as a way to organize and modernize the city.

The main advantage of the project is that it would ease the traffic congestion making the flow faster andeasier, and allowing passengers to get to destinations that are far away in a shorter time. This result wouldbe brought about by the elimination of the small units (combis) –for level B men this is a necessary conditionfor the project’s success.


A project such as this one is also perceived to contribute to personal and road safety, given that the buslanes would be completely separate from the outside lanes, preventing other vehicles or pedestrians fromcrossing over the lanes.

“When public transport is separate from the rest of traffic, this isexcellent and works very well” (Woman, B, 30-50)

The possibility that a project such as this would contribute to improve the air quality in Lima reducingpollution was only mentioned as an isolated opinion by two groups of older participants of level B and C.This problems apparently are not a concern for the users.

“There would be less pollution” (Woman, B, 30-50)

“It [the CV] would help get rid of the vehicles that burn oil andcontaminate” (Man, C, 30-50)

The issue of bus fares did not appear spontaneously when discussing the project. When questioned, someconsidered important that bus fares not be raised. If they are raised, the users would choose to ride thecombis on alternate roads, invalidating the project.

However, other participants believe that even if the fares are set at S/.1.20 or S/.1.50, it would mean asignificant savings for the users, considering the long route and the speed at which the buses would travel.

“We have to think of how economic this would be, because S/.0.20 is twopieces of bread… ” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“We would be better off, not having to make connections, and because ofthe greater security” (Woman, D, 30-50)

“If it costs S./1.50, it is better than taking two combis” (Man, C, 30-50)

Male-Female Mixed teams in CV buses

The idea of having mixed teams of men and women working in the CV buses was generally considered apositive aspect of the project. Although for some this would be an innovation, others tell of lines wheresome female collectors are found. They say they contribute to a more polite atmosphere in the vehicle, aswell as to a more secure ride.

“It would be an innovation” (Man, C, 18-24)

“It would help to eradicate some of the machismo there is” (Woman, C, 18-24)

“There’s lines where there are female collectors, and they are doing a verygood job” (Man, C, 18-24)

“Male collectors take too many liberties with female passengers” (Woman,C, 18-24)

Many women view the mixed teams as an interesting employment opportunity, and many think it wouldensure a more courteous environment. Also, it would improve road safety because women are morecautious.

“Women are more cautious” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“Women are more strict” (Man, C, 18-24)


“You will receive better treatment if [the collector] is a woman” (Man, C,30-50)

Some women, and more so men, think there are some risks involved in having women work in publictransportation. These risks are linked to the possibility of theft and assaults on the vehicle. Some menthink that the woman has less dynamism to face some of the problems that arise in this type of work andthat they would not be as efficient as men.

“Women are not as astute, as fast as a man” (Man, C, 30-50)

“There would always need to be a man present to carry weight if someoneis trying to get on with heavy packages” (Man, D, 18-24)

Specially among level C men, there is a general attitude against female work in the CV. It appears as if theroles in this segment are more strictly defined, and the men presented themselves as quite protective ofthe women around them. Several participants mentioned they wouldn’t like their girlfriends or wives towork on the buses, because it would be risky for them, as they would be exposed to vulgar comments frompassengers and from their own co-workers.

“Not my wife, no. I wouldn’t like her to work there” (Man, C, 18-24)

“They would be playing and joking with the driver” (Man, D, 18-24)

Finally, some young women consider that it would be more difficult for them to negotiate the fares with afemale collector than it is with male collectors, with whom they can flirt a little to get their discountedfare.

“A woman can’t negotiate with a female collector” (Woman, C, 18-24)

Negative Aspects

Upon the presentation of the project, several doubt were also raised. These refer to the congestion thatwould form along the alternate and crossing roads, the bottlenecks that would be created at both ends ofthe corridor, and the slow rate at which larger units get filled up. This is linked to their currentexperience, where units usually wait until they are filled to depart.

Although a majority of participants consider that having set bus stops would make transit more orderly,some users that usually take public transportation while carrying packages consider this an inconveniencebecause they would not be able to board the units wherever they like.

“We have to consider how connections would be made” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“It would form a bottleneck at the ends, and that would make thingsslower than they are now” (Man, B, 30-50)

“The stops far apart from each other would be inconvenient. Because Ileave my house with boxes, and I can’t carry those a large distance” (Man,D, 30-50)

“At the ends there would be great congestion” (Man, C, 30-50)

Among level C women, there is the idea that this sort of project would have negative consequences in termsof the number of jobs lost. Additionally, some men –specially level B- think that all bidding processes, suchas the one they envision for the CV, can cause problems.

“There would be more jobless” (Woman, C, 18-24)


“What will they do with all those combis?” (Man, D, 30-50)

“The people who work in transport are going to be against this, but it isnecessary for us to improve.” (Man, C, 30-50)

“It sounds too romantic, bids don’t work, I have lost faith on institutions”(Man, B, 30-50)

Some of the participants fear greater congestion during the works, so they hope these will not be long andwill be done in an orderly fashion, because the experience in other public infrastructure works like thisdemonstrates that they are worth the inconvenience.

“It would be a problem if the works take long” (Man, D, 18-24)

“The Javier Prado Trebol [exchange] –who would’ve thought it would be souseful and worthwhile!” (Woman, B, 30-50)

Suggestions

Among the suggestions offered by the participants is the need for adequate lighting and surveillance toensure security. Women insist on the politeness of the drivers and collectors, while some men would liketo see projects like this done all over the city.

“A corridor like this should have surveillance, it should be well lit”(Woman, D, 18-24)

“We would need corridors like this all over Lima in order for this to beuseful” (Man, D, 30-50)

The following chart summarizes the opinions of men and women about the different aspects of the CorredorVitrina:

CORREDORVITRINA

In general Women Men

ü Positiveaspects

ü Reduce congestionü Needed modernizationü More comfortü Separated busways as good designü Personal and road safety

ü More security (road andpersonal)

ü Uniformed, courteous,professional operators

ü Will eradicate old,small public transportvehicles

û NegativeAspects

û Bottlenecksû Congestion in crossings and

alternate waysû Inconvenience during worksû More expensive fares

û Unemployment forthose working intransport

û Maybe slowerû Bus stops far from each

other

As for the presence of male-female teams of workers in the CV buses:

CORREDORVITRINA

In general Women Men

Mixedmale/femaleteams in CVbuses

ü More order and respectü More cautiousnessü Interesting

ü Work opportunitiesü Cleaner unitsû Can’t negotiate fares

û Risky for womenû Women can’t carry

weight


4/ Pilot Project of Non Motorized Transport of Metropolitan Lima 19

The Metropolitan Municipality of Lima (MML) created the Programa Metropolitano de Tranporte NoMotorizado (Non-motorized Transport Metropolitan Program) PMTNM in 1990 seeking to promote the use ofbicycles as an alternative and complementary means of transport intended to mitigate the problem of urbantransport in Lima.

The MML, through a donation from the Government of the Netherlands, commissioned an initial study toexplore the possibilities of implementing an experimental project on non motorized transport in Lima-Callao. The elaboration of the plan (1991-1992) by the Metropolitan Planning Institute (InstitutoMetropolitano de Planificacion – IMP) included the identification of possible areas for the construction ofbikepaths, and the analysis of their suitability in promoting the use of bicycles. The resulting “Plan integralde transporte vehicular no motorizado y construccion de ciclovias” provided the basis for the constructionof the bikepaths.

The plan was intended to provide a transport alternative for poor people in Lima, and one of the coreconsiderations for its implementation was that “public transport service to the low-income areas isirregualr, has insufficienta capacity or is non-existing, especially to new settlements of the poorest [… andthat] the growing demand for cheap transport in the outlying areas cannot be met and existing publictransport services are limited and unreliable”.20 According to a survey conducted in July1993 by CUANTOS.A.21, 88 percent of young workers were willing to use the bicycle for their work trips.

Two major factors were identified as constraints to the use of bicycles at the time the project wasdesigned:• The high price of bicycles (ranging from $160.00 to $300) and no access to credit for the poor to

purchase bicycles; and• The absence of safe bicycle ways

Based on the above mentioned plan, loan 3717-PE, signed by the World Bank and the government of Peru onJune 3rd 1994, included the Non-Motorized Transport Pilot Program (Proyecto Piloto de Transporte NoMotorizado - PPTNM) as one of its components. This component was to be executed by the MML, with$3’100,000 financed by the Bank, and $1’000,000 from municipal funds. This project component wascompleted on June 30, 2000.

The PPTNM was made up of four sub-components:1. Construction of bikepaths along main arteries (Oscar R. Benavides – Guardia Chalaca, Universitaria and

Tomas Valle).2. Promotion and educational campaigns.3. Provision of credits for the purchase of bicycles: PlanBici.4. Monitoring and evaluation of the program.

This section seeks to analyze the role gender considerations have played in the design, development andresults of each of the sub-components of this project. Many of the conditions identified initially wouldchange rather quickly on the following few years, affecting the results of the program. For instance,coverage and access to public transportation are not a problem anymore for Lima residents, especially infully urban areas such as the industrial district of Lima-Callao where the PMTNM bikepaths wereconstructed.

19 The following section draws on information from World Bank project documents, monitoring reports prepared by thePontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru, the evaluation study prepared by Raul Moreano Mejia in 1999, the focus groupdiscussions, personal interviews with local authorities and experts, and from interviews with PlanBici clients.20 World Bank Staff Appraisal Report – PERU Transport Rehabilitation Project, Feb 17, 1994.21 CUANTO S.A., Encuesta de opinion a empleadores y trabajadores sobre transporte no motorizado (opinion survey ofemployers and workers on non-motorized trnasport), Lima, July 1993.


• Focus Groups

The focus group findings to which this section makes reference concern the sessions conducted in Lima inJune-July 2000 relative to attitudes and opinions about cycling in general, and of use of the bikepaths.

As in the previous sections, the focus groups results call attention to the general opinions about certainissues, including quotations from the responses of participants. Again, quotations have been presented withthe profile of the speaker in parentheses next to his or her opinion, indicating gender, socioeconomic level,and age.

In Lima-Callao, bicycles would be generally used by young men to exercise, go for rides with friends, or torun small errands around the neighborhood. In many families, children would go for rides close to theirhouse, always under adult supervision to avoid theft.

There are some cases where men use the bicycle to go to work. This is the case of employees who need togo from door to door, such as collectors, private mail company postmen, or gas distributors. Also, self-employed workers such as painters, plumbers or carpenters use the bicycle to go to their client’s homes orbusinesses, whenever they don’t need to transport bulky or heavy equipment. The gardeners (“jardineros”)carrying the lawn mower on the back of their bicycle are perhaps the most classic example of this user.

The cases where women utilize the bicycle for work, shopping or errands are referred to as exceptional.Among the participants, a minority of men and an even smaller minority of women use bicycles. Somefemale participants refer having used bicycles in the province cities of the coast.

• General Attitude Towards The Use of Bicycles

Bicycle ownership

Not all focus group participants –specially level D- own bicycles in their household22. For level C, mostparticipants have bicycles that were given to them as children and that are currently used by other childrenin the house, or not used at all.

In most cases, the bicycle is a sort of toy given to children at around the age of two. Only exceptionallysome participants –young men and women- have bought bicycles for themselves, for exercise or to play, andonly a small minority with the intention of using it to go to work. This last use has been abandoned byalmost all the respondents due to accidents, thefts or broken bicycles. Very few women have bicycles oftheir own.

Positive and negative aspects on the use of bicycles

The main advantages mentioned for the use of bicycles are that riding it keeps you fit, and that it allows forsavings in transport expenses. Additionally, the exercise would help combat the stress which is typical oflife in the big cities. Only a small minority of the younger participants mentions that it helps avoid trafficcongestion and that it would contribute to lessen pollution.

“It is healthy, you can relax” (several groups)

“You are not stuck in traffic” (Man, C, 18-24)

“It does not contaminate” (Man, C, 18-24)

“My father uses the bikepath, takes him 5 to 10 minutes, and he saves S/.2daily. That’s a can of milk!” (Woman, D, 18-24)

22 14 focus groups were held, with 8 participants each, for a total of 112 men and women.


Given those advantages, however, the majority insists in the characteristics of Lima-Callao, which make theuse of bicycles as a means of transport very difficult. The most sensitive issue seems to be the risk ofphysical injuries caused by accidents when sharing the street with motorized vehicles. The participantsinsist in the fact that public transport drivers don’t respect cyclists, and some participants have beenvictims of such accidents themselves.

“It is too dangerous” (several groups)

“A bus hit me, and I hit a bridge. The bicycle was useless” (Man, D, 30-50)

“I had an accident with a combi. I never used the bicycle again.” (Man, D,30-50)

“To me, the bicycle would be useful for the travel I make. The problem isits horrible to ride among the killer combis!” (Woman, D, 30-50)

A second kind of risk –generalized in the whole city- is theft. All of the participants agree that there is apattern of bicycle theft in Lima, specially if the bikes are new, good quality ones. Women and children areat greater risk of being robbed, because it only takes one thieve to steal their bicycles. But there are alsogangs of three to four youngsters that dare to rob men’s bicycles.

“I would have to go by an area where drug addicts hang out – my bicyclewould be stolen the first day!” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“We gave a bicycle to our son, but it was stolen” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“If they’re three men, they’ll take it away, even if you’re a man yourself”(several groups)

Among the dangers of using bicycles for women, is sexual harassment –specially verbal- on the part of youngmen, gangs or groups of male children.

Finally, all participants agree that the use of bicycles does not allow for well-groomed appearance whengoing to work. Women wouldn’t be able to ride bicycles wearing heels and skirts, not even with dresspants. All participants feel like you can only ride a bicycle appropriately and comfortably when wearingsports clothes or shorts –in the case of men-. Other than the clothes, they say riding makes you sweat,ruining the appearance required for work or studies.

“I think I would convey too sporty an appearance. That would not be goodfor my work” (Woman, B, 8-24)

“[To ride a bicycle] you would need to wear loose sweat pants, and youcan’t go to work like that” (Woman, C,18-24)

“I can’t get [to work] all sweaty, or wearing sports clothes” (Man, C, 18-24)

“I can’t imagine a woman dressed like her [points to one of the participantswearing dress pants] riding a bicycle.” (Man in Mixed Groups, C, 30-50)

In general, there is the view that the use of bicycles can work well for other realities –as in the case of theSouth Africa video shown- but not in Lima-Callao because of its characteristics: chaos, violence, lack ofappropriate parking, need of a bicycle culture.

“Our country is not adapted for biking. Go to the bank on a bike?” (Man, C,30-50)

“In Lima: impossible. In the provinces it is used more” (Woman, C, 30-50)

“They don’t let you go to school riding a bicycle” (Man, D, 18-24)

“At the [education]Institute there’s no place to park it” (Man, C, 18-24)


The following graph presents the advantages and disadvantages for the use of bicycles:

(+)Keeps you in shape

Advantages SavingsRelaxing

(-)

SlowerSexual harassment for women

Disadvantages Untidy appearance / PerspirationRisk of TheftRisk of Accidents(+)

Currently, there is not a culture favorable to the use of bicycles as a means of transport, especially bywomen. According to the graph, perceived disadvantages would outweigh advantages in number andrelative importance. While the advantages are mainly fringe benefits of using the bicycle as a means oftransportation, the advantages deal with issues such as personal security and road safety.

Use of bicycles by women

The above issues point out to the fact that it is more problematic for women to ride bicycles, because oftheir greater vulnerability on traffic, in the event of assault, because of their clothing, and because of therisk of verbal sexual harassment. In fact, very few women ride bicycles in Lima23. In the C and D focusgroups, most of the older women don’t have bicycles, and don’t know how to ride them. On the contrary,most men know how to ride.

Women express fear of being hurt while riding the bicycle, of falling and getting bruised or hurt in any way.They say it would not be proper for them to appear at their work or study place with a scratch or bruise.

The use of bicycles by women is also thought to cause health problems specific to their gender. Someyoung women believe it can cause problems to the sexual organs and urinary tract, a young level D manbelieves it can cause women to be deflowered.

“[riding a bicycle] causes discomfort in your intimate parts, you getcystitis” (Woman, D, 18-24)

“If you ride it a lot, you get scalded” (Woman, D, 18-24)

“There’s the myth that they lose their virginity” (Man, D, 18-24)

Because of the body position on the bike, some men consider that women riding bicycles look sexy andprovocative, generating comments from men on the street. This is another reason why women feel theyneed to wear special clothing when they ride bicycles: they feel they can’t wear sleeveless shirts, or shirtswith a low neck, or shorts. This is also the reason why some level C older men don’t want their wives tobike.

“Because of their position on the bicycle, women look very provocative”(Man, C, 18-24)

“They look sexy” (Man, C, 30-50)

23 According to the monitoring reports, only 2-3% of bikepath users are women.


In view of these difficult scenario, focus group participants were asked to think of the arguments theywould use to promote the use of bicycles by women (“What would you tell your sister/wife/mother if youwanted her to ride a bicycle?”), and also the arguments they would use to prevent them from riding (“Whatwould you tell your sister/wife/mother if you wanted her not to ride a bicycle?”). The following chartsummarizes the arguments for and against the use of bicycles by women, as expressed by men and bywomen, respectively:

USE OFBIKES BYWOMEN

Arguments to PROMOTE the use ofbicycles by women

Arguments to PREVENT the use of bicyclesby women

Women’sideas

ü I would save moneyü I would look good / be in good shape

û I don’t want to spend on a bicycleû I get too nervous riding a bikeû I could hurt myself, get on an accidentû What will people think of me? – It is not well

seen that a woman rides a bicycle.

Men’s ideasü You would look good, you would relaxü It’s good for your healthü You can use what you save to buy clothesü You could go to the market faster

û Too riskyû You look uglyû Use threats

Perception of women who ride bicycles

In order to evaluate the perception of women who do ride bicycles by the community, focus groupparticipants were made to play a role-playing game. They were presented with sketch drawings of twofictitious 30-40 year old women: Rosa and Maria. They were told that Rosa is an enthusiastic bike rider whouses her bike to go to the market, to pick up her son from childcare, and to run almost all her errands. Onthe other hand, Maria would never ride a bicycle, she is afraid to, and has never learned to.

The following are the comments made by participants of both genders about the women who –like Rosa-ride bicycles, and of the women who –as Maria- do not.

Initially, there is a strikingly positive opinion of women who ride bicycles, voiced by both men and women.Women bike riders are perceived as healthy people, of joyful and active personality, free from stress, withnice bodies, happier and nicer than women who use public transportation. Some men mention that thesewomen would have better sex lives and marriages due to their greater vitality.

“She [Rosa] will have a better [sex] relationship with her husband – shewould never be tired!” (Man, C, 30-50)

These women, however, are also perceived as risk seeking, as people who don’t respect the rules, who haveto go out on the street and fight the traffic.

“They will say she is more liberal, loose” (Man, D, 18-24)

“She’ll be stressed because of the traffic” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Rosa Maria


Although some participants, specially younger, think that the people in her neighborhood will see Rosa as anormal person, the majority thinks that her neighbors will necessarily comment about a woman –specially ifshe already has children- who uses the bicycle for her daily chores.

Men believe she would get compliments from men on the street about her nice body and her good legs;that other women will gossip but that they will consider her smart and thrifty, justifying her use of thebicycle as a savings for her household. Thus, the use of the bicycle as a means for work apparentlylegitimizes it.

“ They will compliment her on her nice body” (Man, D, 18-24)

“If it [her use of the bicycle] is because of work, then they will say it is ok”(Man, D, 18-24)

The women believe she would be criticized for doing something that is characteristic of young people ormen.

“They’ll say she thinks of herself as a girl” (Woman, C, 30-50)

Maria, the woman who does not use a bicycle, is regarded as a traditional housewife: more discreet,serious, timid and with the problems typical of her age. Some people consider her to be stressed andcomplaining all the time. Others think she likes to be well dressed and not be subject to an accident orassault.

The following chart presents the a summary of the general perception of the participants about the womanwho rides bicycle (Rosa) and the one who doesn’t (Maria):

WOMEN ASCYCLISTS

Woman who bikes (Rosa) Woman who doesn’t bike (Maria)

Positive

ü Enthusiastic, not tired, strong, youngü Happy, friendly, niceü Less stressed, relaxedü Healthy life, vitalityü Intelligentü Nice body

ü Well dressed, like a secretaryü Home-lover

Negative

û Worried because of insecurity in thestreets

û Liberal, looseû Risk seeking

û Lazyû Home-loverû Serious, boring, grouchyû Achy, fearful, a “nun”û Fat

Reasons

• Liking, therapeutic use• Sports• Savings

• Fear of being robbed• Fear of an accident• Doesn’t know how to ride a bike• Thinks biking is for men• Fear of runs on her stockings

What menwould say

• Good legs, men compliment her• Gossip• She’s a hard-working woman

Whatwomenwould say

• She’s crazy• She thinks she’s a young girl• She looks masculine

Rosa Maria


• Bikepaths

The initial feasibility study24 determined that most of the workers employed in the industrial area of Lima-Callao resided on the northern cone of Lima and Callao. Thus, it was determined that the industrialdistrict25 constituted an interesting zone where a pilot project for the use of bicycles as means of transportfrom homes to workplaces could be implemented.

The infrastructure component of the PPTNM included the construction of bikepaths along four mainavenues. The Tupac Amaru bikepath was never built, however, and those resources were added to thepromotional campaign funds.

Avenue Between Roadand Sidewalk

On theMedian

Length ofAvenue (Km)

Total length ofBikepaths (Km)

1. Oscar R. Benavides-Guardia Chalaca

2 0 11 22

2. Universitaria 2 0 10 203. Tomas Valle 0 1 3 34. Tupac Amaru 2 0 17.5 35

TOTAL built 24 45

The Oscar R. Benavides- Guardia Chalaca bikepath connects the districts of Lima Cercado with Bellavistaand Callao Cercado. It starts in Plaza Dos de Mayo (Lima), using Av. Oscar R. Benavides, which connectswith Av. Guardia Chalaca to get to Plaza Garibaldi (Callao). This bikepath was built between the road andthe sidewalk, using a curb wall to separate the bikepath from traffic.

The Universitaria bikepath connects Av. La Marina, Av. Venezuela, Av. Oscar R. Benavides and Av.Argentina, joining the districts of Lima Cercado, San Martin de Porres and Los Olivos. This bikepath wasalso built at the sides of the road.

24 A study by CUANTO S.A. in 1993 determined that the origin of about half of the workers found in the industrial zoneof Lima-Callao was Callao, Lima Cercado , San Martin de Porres and from Comas, Carabayllo, Independencia and LosOlivos, all in the northern cone of Lima.25 On the axis of Av. Oscar R. Benavides and Guardia Chalaca and its extension to Av. Universitaria, Av. Tomas Valle andAv. Tupac Amaru

Origin of Industrial District Workers

17%

16%

7%

12%

48%

Callao

Lima Cercado

San Martin de Porres

Comas, Independencia,Los Olivos, CarabaylloOther districts in Lima


The Tomas Valle bikepath connects Av. Tupac Amaru with Av. Universitaria, joining the districts ofIndependencia with San Martin de Porres and Los Olivos. This bikepath was built on the median, with anaverage width of 3m.

Most of the focus group participants26 knew of the bikepaths in Av. Arequipa and Av. Salaverry. Those wholive in the area, also knew those in Av. Universitaria and Av. Tomas Valle. These two would be used by portworkers and factory workers to get to work.

“When I was employed as a factory worker, I used to take the bikepath, wehad parking there [at the factory]” (Woman, D, 18-24)

“Those who work in the port use it, it takes them straight there” (Man, D,30-50)

Most participants think favorably of the bikepaths, in that they provide shelter from traffic and the lack ofrespect from the public transport drivers. In that sense, they would be useful and contribute to the savingsthat the bicycle brings when used in place of public transport.

“There’s no cars, it is more secure” (several groups)

“You save” (several groups)

As can be noted in the map provided (Annex), however, the bikepaths do not form a network. It is rather agroup of longitudinal routes along main avenues that always needs to be combined with the use of otheravenues where there are no bikepaths. There are very few users who travel exclusively along theseavenues. Other main avenues in the area, such as Av. Argentina, or Av. Faucett hold very heavy traffic, andhaving to cross these avenues or share them with the motorized vehicles –even if for a short distance- is apowerful deterrent for bicycle usage.

“There’s not many [bikepaths] and when they end, you have to use theroad, you can’t get anywhere just using the bikepaths” (Man, D, 18-24)

“If there were [more] bikepaths, bicycles could be used” (several groups)

The municipal Instituto Metropolitano de Planificacion (IMP) was designated as the consultant in charge ofthe engineering design of the bikepaths, following the identification of routes by CUANTO and the team ofDutch consultants.

During the construction and afterwards, the residents and neighbors of the selected avenues reportedlyopposed the construction of the bikepaths27 on the area between the road and the sidewalks. Theirresistance stemmed from the claim that the bikepaths affected parking space and areas destined forgardens. In commercial and industrial areas, the design did not adequately allow for the necessary parkingspace and ready access of vehicles to businesses. In this industrial area there is a need for maneuver andparking space for large trucks as well as private cars.

Residential and commercial areas alike viewed the project as an invasion, and felt as if the front of theirhouses or businesses was being affected without prior consultation or participation on their part. Thisoversight entailed significant costs for the project, both monetary (bikepath curb walls have been destroyedby neighbors at several points to allow for passage to their garages) and in terms of image and acceptanceby the intended beneficiaries.

“They [bikepaths] reduce the sidewalk” (Woman, C, 18-24)

26 Only groups of socioeconomic levels C and D were asked about their knowledge and experience with the bikepaths,because the existing bike lanes were built in neighborhoods of these socioeconomic levels.27 Moreano Mejia, Raul, Estudio de Evaluacion Proyecto Piloto de Transporte No Motorizado, 2000, and personalinterviews with Fernando Gordillo (Municipalidad Provincial del Callao) and Luis Hernandez (PMTNM).


Another feature that was not considered is appropriate space for bus stops where public transport users canwait for their buses without occupying the bikepaths. This is one reason why bikepaths are continuouslyinvaded by pedestrians, who are unsure as to how to behave with respect to the bikepaths. Often,pedestrians act as if the bikepaths were an extension of the sidewalk. Also, street vendors utilize this spaceto park their carts and sell to by passers who are using the sidewalks, and motorists may use this space topark their cars.

“Motorcycles use the bikepaths” (several groups)

“Cars block the intersections” (Man, D, 30-50)

“Pedestrians cross them” (Man, C, 30-50)

The perception of safety by users of the bikepaths depends upon whether these are constructed on themedian, or on the sides of the road. While the construction of the latter encountered resistance on thepart of residents and users, because of the use of space and because of safety concerns with respect tomotorized vehicles; the construction of bikepaths on the median has been widely accepted. Thesebikepaths are considered more secure, even though they force the cyclist to cross before the flow of trafficin order to get to a side street.

“They are too close to the sidewalk, and the little curb wall is too short.Bikepaths that on the median are better” (Woman, C, 18-24)

Maintenance and cleaning of the bikepaths is an area where responsibilities were not well-defined.Maintenance works had to be undertaken due to the problems with the neighbors mentioned above. It wasnecessary to create access to garages and businesses, and to repair portions of the bikepath curb wall thatthe neighbors had destroyed in order to allow for access to their garages. Signaling was also provided orreplaced where necessary.

“They are dirty and full of potholes” (Man, C, 18-24)

Cleaning of the bikepaths was incorporated as part of the infrastructure sub-component of the project inorder to allow for disbursements. The bikepaths that fall on the districts of San Martin de Porres, Los Olivosand Independencia did not have cleaning services, or the district municipalities were not willing to providethese for the bikepath. Therefore, the PMTNM and the World Bank agreed to contract these services, whichwould prevent the bikepaths from looking abandoned and unattractive. The annual cost of providing thismaintenance cleaning in the bikepaths in these districts is estimated to be $30,00028. Again, the attitudeof the municipal governments in the districts towards the project is non-collaborative, evidencing theselocal authorities don’t feel as part of the project, even though it is intended to benefit their communities.

The avenues and districts crossed by the bikepaths are a particularly insecure area of the city, wheredelinquency is very high. The risks of theft and sexual harassment is high, especially for women, andbikepaths do not provide any kind of protection against this.

“Drug addicts are there, and they’ll rob you” (Man, C, 18-24)

“A woman is at risk or being molested or harassed” (Woman, D, 18-24)

28 Moreano, Raul, Estudio de Evaluacion Proyecto Piloto de Transporte No Motorizado, 2000.


The following chart presents a summary of the key positive and negative opinions on the use of bikepaths:

BIKEPATHS General Women Men

Positive aspects • Security • Savings

Negative aspects

• Not very many• When they end, you are

forced to share the roadwith motor vehicles

• Motorcycles, pedestriansinvade it

• Dirty, garbage• No signals

• Risk or sexualharassment, verbal andphysical

• Reduces the sidewalk• Too close to the road

• Badly maintained• Parked cars block it• Telephone booths

obstruct it

• Promotional and Educational Campaigns

This sub-component of the PPTNM was intended to publicize among actual and potential users of bicycles,as well as among authorities and policymakers and society in general, the characteristics and advantages ofthis means of transport. Also, specific messages directed to the identified target groups in the area ofinfluence29 were to be identified.

The promotional and educational component had two phases:

• Initially, the promotional campaign was entrusted to the Civil Engineering School of the UniversidadNacional de Ingenieria, located in the influence area of the bikepaths, in July 1996. The work wasperformed using promoters, pamphlets and brochures, visits to factories and businesses, radioadvertising and through a forum. This consultant eventually failed to deliver the services requested,and the contract had to be rescinded.

• After this experience, in 1998, it was agreed within the PMTNM that a social communications campaignheaded by an advertising agency needed to be launched. The campaign would not only promote theuse of bicycles as an alternative means of transport, but also develop a credit access campaign amongpeople who live or work in the area of influence of the bikepaths. Clear credit allocation benchmarkswere set for this contract, and the contractor was in charge of engaging clients for the credit program.

Only two firms submitted proposals to carry out the campaign. The fact that the terms of referenceindicated that the firm selected to carry out the campaign was to develop the credit access campaign(6,000 credits in 1 year’s time) to workers who resided in the influence areas of the bikepaths by hiring ateam of promoters who would gather credit applications probably discouraged many advertising agenciesfrom competing.

On November 1998, after a series of administrative delays, a year’s contract was signed between the MMLand Centro EURO RSCG. Meanwhile, given the fact that there were no significant advances in the promotionof bikepaths or the number of credits awarded during the first stage of promotion, it was decided that thebalance left in 1998 for the infrastructure component of the PPTNM (which would not cover the cost ofbuilding the 35Km Tupac Amaru bikepath) would be derived to reinforce the promotional campaign.

On January 1999, Centro EURO started its campaign through radio and newspaper advertising, while onFebruary 1999 the PlanBici credit program promotional campaign was launched.

29 The area of influence of the project is defined as 2Km on each side of the avenues where the bikepaths were built.


The social communications campaign was mainly carried out through ads in newspapers and radio stationsidentified by EURO as those preferred by the beneficiaries.

The managers of businesses that could have an interest in signing an agreement to benefit their workerswere contacted directly after a census of all businesses in the influence areas was prepared. This census ofbusinesses was conducted by four promoters hired by Centro EURO. They registered 9,771 total workers in231 firms, without recording how many male or female workers there are on each firm. The informationgathered included: name of the business, address, type of business, number of workers, and averageworker’s income.

Messages and Images Used on the Social Communications Campaign

This section evaluates the “gender sensitivity” of the social communications campaign launched by CentroEURO to promote the bicycle credit program. This analysis is based on the examination of the images andcontents present in a sample of the graphic and radio material30 used in the campaign.

The objective of the advertising campaign was stated by Centro EURO in their proposal for the advertisingcampaign, as:

“To encourage the massive use of bicycles, as an alternative means of popular transport,utilizing the municipal bikepaths, with purchase at low prices and easy terms for payment.

Its use provides personal benefits, increases independence and promotes good health”

The campaign would be structured in three stages:• To generate and promote the purchase of bicycles• To instill in the population the use of bikepaths• Awareness campaign

Apparently, Centro EURO is still working on the first stage of their proposed strategy, for there is noevidence of work in the second or third stages.

The creative approach submitted by EURO proposed the use of well-known TV characters who are widelyknown by the popular segments of the Lima-Callao population to be the spokespersons of the campaign.Centro EURO proposed the utilization of “Los Amigos de la Risa” (Friends of Laughter), TV characters whoimitate well-known public figures, such as the Mayor of Lima, Alberto Andrade (“el alcalde”) or TV talk-show host Laura Bozzo (“Laura Chozo”).

The characteristics of these characters that, according to the advertising agency, would make themappropriate for the campaign are:

• Great opinion impact• Messages presented in a clear, simple fashion• Promote high motivation among the target segment.• Original and entertaining• Fully identified with popular sectors• Represent valid characters.

A sample of the communication pieces (flyers, brochures) used in the campaign will be analyzed in terms oftheir gender sensitivity. The flyers were distributed in the streets at the districts where the program isbeing offered, while the brochure was distributed at the businesses visited by the promoters.

30 Centro EURO proposal, graphic material and transcription of the radio messages aired provided by Jenny Samanez,PMTNM.


The brochure is very similar to the press ads which appeared in the newspapers of highest readership forthis segment31. A focus group study contracted by Centro EURO found that press ads had greater impacton the target group than radio ads, and this determined that a greater effort be placed on newspaperadvertising.

Piece #1: Flyer

31 According to the media plan for 1999, between January and July132 press ads had been contracted in the followingnewspapers: “El Chino”, “Aja”, “El Bocon”, “Todo Sport” and “El Comercio”. 4,547 radio ads had also been contractedat the following radio stations: “Comas”, “Inca”, “Pirata”, “Callao”, “Star” and “Ke Buena”.


Elements of the communications piece Observations

Amigo del cono norte y Callao

Friend of the northern cone and Callao

• Uses the masculine form of “friend”

Te presentamos la manera mas cómoda desacar plan

We present the best way of getting yourself aplan

• This phrase plays with the word plan, which is part ofthe name given to the bicycle credit program PlanBici.

• In popular slang, “sacar plan” means for a man to findhimself a girl to spend some time with. This is anexpression which applies only to men.Te

xt

Plan Bici

… bici nueva, pagando sencillo!

Plan Bici

… new bike, paying with change!

• This phrase plays with the word sencillo, which meanseasy, simple, and also means coins, change.

Photo of a blue mountain bike with no rider.The background photo shows a well-maintainedbikepath lined by trees and a garden thatseparate it from the flow of traffic to the left.There is a service road to its right.

• Although the fact that there is no rider might imply thatanyone could ride the bicycle, the fact that it is a man’sbicycle gives a hint as to the kind of rider that will usethe bicycle on the bikepath.

Imag

es

Logo of PlanBici: freehand drawing of male andfemale riders with the words Plan Bici.

• Contrary to the wording of the flyer, and to the presenceof the men’s bicycle, the logo shows a male and afemale bicycle riders.

The analysis of the flyer evidences a clear bias toward male users of bicycles, and toward prospective maleclients of the Plan Bici. Not only does the flyer exclusively address male users through the use of the word“amigo”, but also it uses an expression such as “sacar plan” which is typical of men, and is only used amongmen. In a sense, riding the bicycle would appear associated to courtship or flirtation of men towardwomen. By using a bicycle, the flyer states, it will be easier for men to get themselves a girl.

Finally, the message appears somewhat contradictory, as it presents the logo of PlanBici, where a male anda female rider are shown. This issue, however, could be counterbalanced if there were othercommunications pieces that addressed women specifically, but there are none.


Piece #2: Brochure

The brochure analyzed has two pictures which have been labeled (1) and (2) for the purpose of the analysis.In the first photo, the four characters appear standing behind a red men’s mountain bike and pointingtowards it. The second page of the brochure shows the four characters again, this time each with a men’sbicycle. None of the bicycles shown have baskets.

Brochure, side (1)

Gender Analysis of World Bank Transport Projects in Lima, Peru: Bikepaths and Busways / Lara M. Gomez

Brochure, side (2)


Character Text (1) Text (2) Observations

“Lalo”(TV sports commentatorLalo Archimbaud)wearing shorts anddressed like a young boy

Atención, chocherita delcono norte… !!!

Listen up, northern conepal… !!!

Primicia-primicia!!! Todastienen dos ruedas!!!

Get the scoop!!! They all havetwo wheels!!!

• Uses the slang word“chocherita”, used by amongmen as an affectionate wayto address each other.

“El Alcalde”(Mayor Andrade) -wearing a tie,businesslike.

Arma la jarana con elPlanBici…

Start the party withPlanBici…

Saca el modelo que quierasal credito desde 20 soles al

mes!!!

Get whichever model you likeon credit, and pay about 20

soles a month!!!“Brother Pablo”TV preacher “HermanoPablo” wearing a suitand holding his bible.

Pagando sencillo…

Paying with change…

Como caídas del cielo!!!

Heaven sent!!!

• Both “El Alcalde” and“Brother Pablo” are well-dressed, businesslike,middle-aged characters whosport a generous belly.

“Laura Chozo”(TV host Laura Bozzo) –portrayed by a malecharacter dressed as awoman, wearing a shortskirt and high heels.

… Y llévate tu bicinueva, jo-jo-jo!!!

And get yourself a newbike, ha-ha-ha!!!

Para que ahorres y montesfeliz de la vida !!! Jo-jo-jo!!!

So you can save and ridehappily!!! Ha-ha-ha!!!

• This character appearsraising her skirt up to thethigh, and showing her hairyleg.

Upon a preliminary observation, we observe that only “Lalo”, who is a sports commentator and is portrayedas a young boy, is shown riding a bicycle, while “El Alcalde”, “Brother Pablo” and “Laura Chozo” arestanding next to parked bikes. The necessary comparison between these two groups of characters indicatesthat while well-dressed people may approve of the use of bicycles and find it positive, they will not ride thebicycles themselves, as it would not be appropriate for their dress and appearance.

The “Laura Chozo” character deserves a separate analysis of its own. It is a man dressed as a woman,therefore a woman with masculine characteristics, such as her hairy legs. The gesture of pulling up herskirt and showing her leg conjures up the sexual implications of a woman riding a bicycle that have beenmentioned before. She seems to be reminding the recipients of the message that if a woman rides abicycle, her legs will show. At the same time, being a masculine woman promoting the use of the bicycle,this character reinforces this negative perception of female bike riders by the community.

The effects of this careless communications campaign have been made evident by the results of the PlanBicicredit allocation campaign. In fact, one of the main questions posed by the World Bank with regard to thebicycle credit program was the discrepancy between the number of bicycle credits awarded to women (955credits to July 2000, or 22% of all credits) and the number of women actually riding bicycles on thebikepaths as recorded on the monitoring documents, which ranges between 18 and 40. In fact, out of thetotal number of bikepath users, women represent only 2%. This percentage has held constant for the pastcounts as well 32.

Part of the discrepancy between these two percentages, which has held constant for the past two years,may be explained by the fact that the messages utilized in the social communications campaign wereclearly not sensitive to prospective women bicycle riders. Not only did they not address the issues thatwomen are concerned with, but they portrayed an image of a masculine woman as a bicycle rider, and thathighlighted the sexual overtones that some men attribute to women bike riders.

32 Monitoring document, Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru Transport Engineering Area in June of 2000.


According to the Caja Metropolitana33, which administers the credits, out of a total of 4427 credits awardeduntil July 2000, 21.57% have been awarded to women. On the other hand, only 2 to 3% of the users of thebikepaths are women34.

These and other issues pertaining the PlanBici campaign and credits will be explored in the followingsection.

33 Information provided by Maria del Pilar Novoa, Business Manager at the CM.34 Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru – Area de Transporte, Monitoreo del Proyecto de Transporte No Motorizado,Junio 2000.

Total Credits Awarded by Gender

22%

78%

Male

Female

Total Credits Awarded by Gender by Year

2175

16201

642

91

515

49

594

99450

250500750

1000125015001750200022502500

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000

num

ber o

f cre

dits

Male Female


• Bicycle Credit Program (PlanBici)

The provision of low-cost credit for the purchase of bicycles constituted a high priority on the project. Itwas meant to ensure that low-income groups had access to affordable mobility. The proposed Bank loanprovided credit facilities up to $600,000 through a revolving fund (Fondo Rotatorio). The credits would beof up to $91.00 which would enable provision of approximately 17,800 during the first 24 months. Theprincipal objectives of the credit scheme, according to the Staff Appraisal Report prepared by the Bank,were to:

• Enable the poor to purchase a bicycle, thus increasing their mobility and reducing theirtransport costs; and

• Introduce popular, low-cost bicycle through credit conditions (maximum bicycle price of$100 including tax) which will create demand in this market segment.

The bicycle credit program was implemented as “PlanBici”. It provides credits for the acquisition ofbicycles for low-income people who work and/or live in the area of influence of the bikepaths project. Itsobjective is to increase the number of users of the bikepaths, focusing on a specific target group, definedby income and area of residence.

Credits were promoted by the promoters hired by Centro EURO, and approved the Caja Metropolitana (CM),an independent financial entity related to the MML that manages the credits. In 1996 the CM and the MMLsigned the Convenio de Administración del Fondo Rotatorio, funded with World Bank resources of up to$600,000 to be disbursed in three installments of approximately $200,000 each.

The CM understands the project’s intent to reach low-income workers in the areas of influence of thebikepaths. To them, however, this is an objective that conflicts with their goal to minimize risk in the loansthey administer. They can achieve this second intention by working with established businesses that canact as intermediaries between their workers and the CM. In 1999, only 5% of the new credits approved weremade to individuals, while 95% were extended through agreements with firms. Only 42.5% of individuals’credit applications were approved, while 78.1% of contracts through agreements with firms wereapproved35, evidencing the fact that the latter is the CM’s preferred approach.

If an enterprise engages in the program, employers withhold the portion of the workers earnings thatcorresponds to their monthly quota for their bicycle credit, and pay it to the CM. Doing this, however, wasnot as easy as it seems, for often formal workers (even low-skilled) earn more than the establishedminimum monthly earnings to qualify for PlanBici. In the beginning, the maximum earnings were set at$150/month or less, and were later raised to $200/month or less, a change that allows to capture more ofthese formally employed workers.

The proportion of formally employed workers in Lima, however, is quite low, and informality in Peruremains at a constant rate of about 45% of urban employment36. If the logic of contacting formal workers isfollowed as a preferred policy, a significant number of urban residents who work independently would beleft out of the credit program. Surprisingly, households in Peru are found to be more likely to advance iftheir income stems from the informal sector than from the formal sector37. Apparently, the formula toinclude these individuals into the credit program without increasing the debt ratio of the Fondo Rotatorioadministered by the CM has not been found yet.

This is a source of concern for the respondents who participated in the focus group discussions. Althoughsome showed interest in credit programs such as PlanBici, many consider it would only be available to

35 Moreano, Raul, Estuido deEvaluacion Proyecto Piloto de Transporte No Motorizado, 2000.36 World Bank Country Study 19651: “Poverty and Social Developments in Peru, 1994-1997”37 Ibid.


formally employed workers, with stable jobs, which is the case of only a few. None of the focus groupparticipants had previous knowledge about PlanBici.

“You can’t buy a bike if you don’t have a stable job” (Man, D, 30-50)

During the first stage of the program, two individual credits were awarded to so-called “Grupos Solidarios”–groups of around 10 people that spontaneously come together and act as each other’s guarantors in orderto get bicycles. One of these groups paid all quotas satisfactorily, while in the other one of the groupmembers swindled the others and ran away with their money.

An important source of concern is the fact that the women’s grassroots organizations of the concerneddistricts, such as Vaso de Leche or Comedores Populares have not been considered as possible “GruposSolidarios” who could be beneficiaries of PlanBici. CESIP, an NGO working in the norhern cone of Lima,reports that in San Martin de Porres, none of the Comedores or Vaso de Leche women’s commitees had beencontacted. Whenever these women knew about PlanBici, it was because they had learned about it throughthe radio or newspaper ads, but not because they had been invited to participate directly.

Currently, the eligibility criteria, as advertised by the promoters of the program, are as follows:

Eligibility for the programIndividuals• Must live or work in Cono Norte districts, or Callao, close to the bikepaths.• Monthly income below S/800.00 (about $200.00).• Co-signer is homeowner or owns other property.• Light, water or telephone receipts paid up to date.• Photocopy of DNI (national identification card).• Sketch of the location of their home• Credit request form correctly filled out and signed by the wife (married men).• Income and patrimony declaration of the co-signer.

Individuals employed by businesses• Must live or work in Cono Norte districts, or Callao, close to the bikepaths.• Monthly income below S/800.00 (about $200.00).• Light, water or telephone receipts paid up to date.• Photocopy of DNI (national identification card).• Sketch of the location of their home• Credit request form correctly filled out and signed by the wife (married men).• Letter of the employer to the CM agreeing to withhold the monthly payments for the bicycle from theworkers paycheck, or to pay for the client in case of defection.

Businesses• Buy the bicycles exclusively for workers who live or work in the Cono Norte districts or Callao.• Letter of the employer to the CM agreeing to withhold the monthly payments for the bicycle from theworkers paycheck, or to pay for the client in case of defection.• Photocopy of DNI (national identification card).• Credit request form correctly filled out and signed by the wife (married men).• Sketch of the location of their home.• Workers can access this credit only if their monthly income is below S/.800.00.• Light, water or telephone receipts paid up to date.

As can be noted, the wording used in the eligibility criteria is directed toward male clients, not only asshown by the use of masculine nouns in the Spanish version, but more directly through the indication thatmarried men need to have their wives also sign the credit request form. This is a clear signal that theprogram has been conceived to serve male clients as the primary beneficiaries.


According to CM officials, administration of PlanBici has so far meant a loss for them. Initially, theycharged 6% of the amount of the credit, which for a $90 bicycle came to a little over $5. Apparently, thisdidn’t cover the costs they incurred, specially during the first stage of the project, when they were also incharge of promotion (1996-1998). Since 1999, and through an addenda to the contract, the CM charges aflat $10.00 commission for each credit approved, intended to cover the transaction costs that the CMincurs.

The default rate on loans has lately gone down, due to the fact that all credit information from all financialinstitutions is being registered in a single database in the privately managed Centrales de Riesgo (CreditInformation). Anytime an individual wishes to ask for a credit, his credit history will be looked up in theseCentrales. This new situation has determined that many times debtors will come back and pay their duesbecause they want to ask for a new loan or credit somewhere else.

For the CM, chasing after debtors is not worth the effort. According to their officials, the $1.00 commissioncharged monthly for every overdue payment is not even enough to pay for the official notification to bemade through a notary public, which costs $15.00, regardless of the amount of the credit. This $15.00 costis charged to the person’s debt, and the CM does not make any additional charges for this.

From the client’s perspective, the purchase of a bicycle is an expense they often can’t afford. Speciallybecause people believe that a bicycle should be of good quality, in order to survive continuous use.According to focus group participants,

“The bike has to be a good one so that it doesn’t give any trouble, andbecome more expensive in the end” (Man, C, 30-50)

“Monark is a guaranteed brand for bicycles” (Man, C, 30-50)

• Monitoring and Evaluation

The objective of the periodic monitoring by the Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru is to follow up andevaluate the different project components, and verify the fulfillment of the commitments stipulated in thecontract and its addends.

The consultant evaluates the different parameters of the project according to the following:• Count and classification of project’s bikepath users• Socioeconomic indicators of the users• Analysis of use and road safety in the project’s bikepaths• Inventory of the most common problems in the bikepaths

The consultant delivered monitoring documents on the following dates: August 1996, February 1997, July1997, November 1997, May 1998, September 1998, April 1999, July 1999, September 1999, November 1999,and June 2000. As can be seen, data was gathered on different months each year, thus making it difficultto make comparisons across years.

The consultant seeked to provide disaggregated information where possible, indicating not only the numberof users on each count, but also their gender on each case (such as type of vehicle utilized, hours, etc.) .This inclusive approach provides valuable data with which to compare the results of other components ofthe PPTNM, such as the bicycle credit program.

The monitoring reports serve as an independent evaluation on the positive and negative aspects of thebikepaths. The consultant has pointed out on each report the improper uses of the bikepath, and recordsthe maintenance problems on each of the routes.


The surveys conducted as part of the monitoring reports could be made to include some additional feedbackinformation, by questioning the users as to their needs in terms of the bikepaths and use of bicycles.Current users could provide regular information as to what their most common problems are while using thebikepaths, what kind of services they need, and how the bikepaths could be improved. This data should beprovided in separate groupings by gender.

Finally, it would also be userful to gather information from neighbors and residents of the areas where thebikepaths have been built, in order to asess the impact of this intervention in the community. Interviews tonon-users of the service would also be needed, to raise awareness about the issues that act as barriers tothe access of a larger number of users to this service.


5/ Conclusions and Recommendations

• Proposed Separated Busway - “Corredor Vitrina”

Conclusions1. The CV is an initiative that will beguin to address the pressing need for a reliable and safe means of

transport for the more than 9million trips made daily in Lima-Callao. The successful implementation ofthis pilot project will contribute to lay the way for a sustainable, sensible solution to the problems oftransportation of Lima-Callao, where women and the poor are the most hurt.

2. The implementation of the CV would be highly beneficial for male and female users of publictransportation in Lima-Callao. It would address the major concerns of both of these groups: increasedspeed and road safety, more comfort, increased personal security, and courteousness of the operators.

3. The proposed route of the CV is viewed by public transport users as valuable for the city as a whole,even by respondents who do not use this route for their usual trips.

4. The CV route would mainly be used by travelers who make longitudinal trips. Men and women who workoutside the home or those who study would be prime beneficiaries from this route.

5. Benefits would also accrue insofar as household expenditures for transport would decrease for familieswhere one or more family members make use of this route.

6. The characteristics of the CV are very positively evaluated by focus group participants. In fact, most ofthe CV features (larger, safer buses, professional, courteous drivers, fixed routes, stops and schedules)were mentioned spontaneously by male and female participants as attributes of their “Ideal Means ofTransport”.

7. The possibility of having male-female mixed teams working in the CV buses was very favorably receivedby male and female groups, specially by young (18-24) C and D level women, who saw this as aninteresting employment opportunity. Mixed teams of bus operators would help alleviate theft andsexual harassment within the public transport vehicles.

8. CV buses, being “formal” would also be perceived as “expensive”, because of their set fares and theimpossibility of negotiating fares with the collector. There is, however, a high willingness to pay faresthat are over those currently paid at buses, because of the recognized savings in time and transfers.

9. There is concern about the social consequences of this project on current public transport workers whowould be unemployed once the CV is implemented.

10. Some of the benefits from the CV (such as reduction in sound and air pollution levels) would not bedirectly noticeable to the users.

Recommendations1. Security concerns are vital for all users, and specially for women. Well lit, clean bus stops, uniformed

professional drivers and collectors and surveillance will be necessary to ensure the quality of theservice.

2. The existance of mixed teams of bus operators is perceived as one of the most positive aspects of theCV. The use of such teams should be promoted, implemented and publicized as an added value of theproject.

3. The CV should be presented as part of a larger initiative to construct similar bus corridors on otheravenues in Lima-Callao. Users wish this initiative to be a starting point for a network of busways thatwill provide quality service to the different cones of Lima-Callao.

4. An educational campaign will need to be launched with the project. Users of public transportation inLima-Callao are not used to waiting for buses, to schedules or to walking to and from the bus stop.


Also, there is a “bargaining culture” that is being applied to the transport service. Users will need to beeducated on the rules of the new service, emphasizing its benefits, improvements and savings.

5. The educational campaign should raise the users’ consciousness about other dimensions of the servicethat are improved by the CV, and that would not be easily perceived, such as reduction of noise and airpollution levels. This project should serve as an opportunity to enhance the user’s perception of thedimensions of their quality of life.

6. Collecting information on the performance of the CV and its buses from the users will be usefulfeedback for the project. It will be valuable to collect disaggregated information for male and femaleusers, and not treat users as a single, uniform group.

7. The CV will –at least for some time- cohabit with the combis, custer and micros. The management ofthe CV will help shape the future of the transport system in Lima-Callao, and the decisions thatnecessarily will have to be made about the different types of units and routes.

• Pilot Project of Non Motorized Transport of Metropolitan Lima (PPTNM)

ConclusionsGeneral1. The PPTNM sought to create demand for the use of bicycles in Lima-Callao and was not a response to a

latent existing demand. The intent to generate this demand, however, was not accompanied by acoherent communications campaign, and the results have not been as positive as expected.

2. The existence of bikepaths is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the use of bicycles in Lima-Callao. Bikepaths protect bikers from traffic, but they do not provide security against theft or –in thecase of women- sexual harassment.

3. Jobs in the industrial zone of Lima-Callao, where the bikepaths were constructed, are mainly held bymen. This fact restricts the number of women who would use these bikepaths to transport themselvesto work, or use these bikepaths for work-related purposes. This helps explain the minimal presence ofwomen on the bikepaths.

4. The bikepaths cross along a particularly insecure area of the city, where delinquency is very high. Thisnaturally limits the attractiveness of the bikepaths for women –who feel more at risk of theft andharassment- and helps explain the low female usage.

Bikepaths

5. The design of the bikepath routes does not form a network. It is rather a group of longitudinal routesthat always needs to be combined with the use of other avenues and roads where there are nobikepaths. Sharing road space with motorized traffic along main avenues acts as a deterrent of bicycleusage.

6. Bikepaths in Lima-Callao are not being properly maintained, due to insufficient resources from the MMLand to the lack of collaboration of the district municipalities involved. Therefore, bikepaths havegarbage, construction residues, and potholes that diminish their appeal and usefulness. Women areparticularly sensitive to the state of the bikepaths.

7. The impact of the bikepaths on the neighbors and residents was not properly assessed, and notadequately taken into consideration for their design. This resulted in a disapproving attitude of theneighbors, who felt threatened by the project, rather than part of it. The PPTNM did not make themost of the opportunity for creating goodwill toward the project through the participation of theneighbors as beneficiaries.


Promotion and Educational Campaigns

8. Currently, there is not a culture of use of the bicycle as a means of transport, especially by women.This requires of specific efforts on education and promotion –both for the general population andtargeted to women- that have not taken place.

9. Bicycles are quite unfamiliar machines for women, who often feel unconfident as to how to handle andrepair them.

10. The promotional efforts undertaken for the PPTNM have been centered solely around the PlanBicibicycle credit program. They have not designed communications pieces targeted to female audiencesand do not address the specific issues and concerns of women with respect to bicycle riding.

Bicycle Credits: Plan Bici

11. PlanBici has not yet found a way to reach informal workers –male and female- who would be primesubjects for the Program. There is a need to create mechanisms that allow the credit program toengage these subjects without incurring in high loan default rates.

12. PlanBici did not design a strategy with women as the target group. Women’s organizations such as Vasode Leche or Comedores Populares were not approached as beneficiaries of this credit program.

Monitoring and Evaluation

13. Monitoring is a valuable activity to provide continuous feedback for the project. This has beenadequately performed by the selected consultant, although additional data on bicycle usage by womencould be collected.

14. Monitoring surveys are only responded by actual users of the bikepaths, while potential users are notbeing reached. Thus, the project is not receiving feedback information about why these non-users whoare residents of the area of infuence of the bikepaths, refrain from riding bicycles. The reasons posedby men and women should be analyzed separately.

Recommendations

General

1. The bikepath network and the bicycle credit program need to be conceived within a holistic approach tothe solution of the public transport problem in Lima-Callao. This is, the use of bicycles needs to beconceived as a complement to other transport interventions that need to be adressed. For instance, ifsafe parking spaces were available at strategic locations, users could enjoy multi-modal transport, usingbicycles to reach the buses that will take them in longer trips.

2. It is necessary to work with public and private organizations in order to raise their awareness of thebenefits of cyclin and create a favorable environment for bicycle riderhood. This commitment will betranslated –for instance- in the construction of secure bicycle parking in public buildings, municipalities,police stations, markets, health centers, businesses, banks and schools, among others.

Bikepaths

3. Because of their design and location, current bikepaths are useful mainly for men. Women wouldbenefit from the construction of bikepath circuits that join destinations that are commonly visited bywomen, such as schools, health centers, stores and markets. Adequate parking is necessary at thesedestinations.

Promotion and Educational Campaigns

4. Since bicycles have commonly been regarded as a sort of “toys” used mainly by boys, many women arenot familiar with them and have never learned how to ride. Even for those women who do know how to


ride, the handling and maintenance of the bicycle is something foreign. The educational campaign mustaddress these issues, especially for women.

5. The promotional and educational campaign needs to be very careful with the type of messages beingspread, in order to avoid being discriminatory against women, or giving sexist messages that discouragethem from getting involved in the program.

6. The promotional and educational efforts should be launched even before the works start on the street.It is necessary to create ownership for the project from its beneficiaries, and to make the most of thegoodwill that can be created through this process. Failure to engage the population and the localauthorities will result in antagonism toward the project and will threaten its sustainability.

Bicycle Credits: Plan Bici

7. Credit culture is very incipient in Peru, especially among the lower socioeconomic levels, whohistorically haven’t had access to credit. PlanBici must include an educational component designed toinform the clients about what it means to get a personal credit, and what responsibilities and liabilitiesit entails.

8. Bicycle credit programs should design a specific strategy with women as the target group. This shouldinclude the ellaboration of messages tailored to women’s worries and concerns, as well as workingdirectly with women’s organizations such as Vaso de Leche or Comedores Populares as organizationswhose members can benefit from the program.

9. The bicycles being offered through PlanBici should include models that are more comfortable for women(for instance, models where the woman can sit up straight and not lean forward so much) equipped withbaskets and seats for carrying children.

10. In order to reach the poor in a widespread fashion, the bicycle credit program must devise a way toreach the informal sector, men and women. It will also be necessary to create a strategy to work withthe women’s organizations that exist on each district.

Monitoring and EvaluationMonitoring and evaluation activities should include surveys to potential users as part of the monitoring ofthe different sub-components of the project. This will indicate whether and how the promotional effortsare being successful in expanding the number of bicycle riders and improving the bicycle culture in Lima-Callao.

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