Relative clauseA relative clause is a kind of subordinate clause that contains the element whose interpretation is provided by an antecedent on which thesubordinate clause is grammatically dependent; that is, there is an anaphoric relation between the relativized element in the relative clause andantecedent on which it depends.[1]

Typically, a relative clause modifies a noun or noun phrase,[1] and uses some grammatical device to indicate that one of the arguments within therelative clause has the same referent as that noun or noun phrase. For example, in the sentence I met a man who wasn't there, the subordinateclause who wasn't there is a relative clause, since it modifies the noun man, and uses the pronoun who to indicate that the same "man" is referredto within the subordinate clause (in this case, as its subject).

In many European languages, relative clauses are introduced by a special class of pronouns called relative pronouns,[2] such as who in theexample just given. In other languages, relative clauses may be marked in different ways: they may be introduced by a special class ofconjunctions called relativizers; the main verb of the relative clause may appear in a special morphological variant; or a relative clause may beindicated by word order alone.[3] In some languages, more than one of these mechanisms may be possible.

TypesBound and freeRestrictive and non-restrictiveFinite and non-finite

Formation methodsStrategies for indicating the role of the shared noun in the relative clause

Gapped relative clauseRelative pronoun typePronoun retention typeNonreduction type

Strategies for joining the relative clause to the main clausePosition of the head noun with respect to the relative clause

Accessibility hierarchy

ExamplesIndo-European languages

EnglishFrenchGermanSpanishLatinAncient GreekSerbo-CroatianCeltic languages

Semitic languagesHebrewArabic

Literary ArabicColloquial Arabic

Japonic languagesJapanese

Caucasian languagesGeorgian

Austronesian languagesTagalogHawaiian

Contents

Andean languagesAymara

ChineseMandarin

CreolesHawaiian Creole EnglishGullah

See also

References

External links

A bound relative clause, the type most often considered, qualifies an explicit element (usually a noun or noun phrase) appearing in the mainclause, and refers back to that element by means of some explicit or implicit device within the relative clause.

The relative clause may also function as an embedded clause within a main (or higher-level) clause, thereby forming a matrix sentence.[4] Thenoun in the main clause that the relative clause modifies is called the head noun, or (particularly when referred back to by a relative pronoun) theantecedent.

For example, in the English sentence "The man whom I saw yesterday went home", the relative clause "whom I saw yesterday" modifies thehead noun man, and the relative pronoun whom refers back to the referent of that noun. The sentence is equivalent to the following twosentences: "I saw a man yesterday. The man went home." Note that the shared argument need not fulfill the same role in both clauses; in thisexample the same man is referred to by the subject of the matrix clause, but the direct object of the relative clause.

A free relative clause, on the other hand, does not have an explicit antecedent external to itself. Instead, the relative clause itself takes the placeof an argument in the matrix clause. For example, in the English sentence "I like what I see", the clause what I see is a free relative clause,because it has no antecedent, but itself serves as the object of the verb like in the main clause. (An alternative analysis is that the free relativeclause has zero as its antecedent.)

Bound relative clauses may or may not be restrictive. Whereas a non-restrictive or non-defining relative clause merely provides supplementaryinformation, a restrictive or defining relative clause modifies the meaning of its head word (restricts its possible referent). For example:

The man who lives in this house has not been seen for days. This (who lives in this house) is a restrictive relative clause,modifying the meaning of man, and essential to the sentence (if the clause were omitted, it would no longer be known whichman is being referred to). If the bold part is deleted the remaining part does not provide the sense.The mayor, who lives in this house, has not been seen for days. This is a non-restrictive relative clause, since it providessupplementary information about the mayor, but is not essential to the sentence – if the clause were omitted, it would still beknown which mayor is meant. If the bold part is deleted the remaining part provides the sense.

In speaking it is natural to make slight pauses around non-restrictive clauses, and in English this is shown in writing by commas (as in theexamples). However many languages do not distinguish the two types of relative clause in this way. Another difference in English is that onlyrestrictive relative clauses may be introduced with that or use the "zero" relative pronoun (see English relative clauses for details).

In colloquial speech, a non-restrictive relative clause may have a whole sentence as its antecedent rather than a specific noun phrase; forexample:

The cat was allowed on the bed, which annoyed the dog.

Here, the context of the sentence (presumably) indicates that which refers not to the bed or the cat but to the entire proposition expressed in themain clause, namely the circumstance that the cat was allowed on the bed. Such constructions are discouraged in formal usage and in textswritten for nonnative speakers because of the potential for ambiguity in parsing; a construction more accepted in formal usage would be The cat'sbeing [or having been] allowed on the bed annoyed the dog.

Types

Bound and free

Restrictive and non-restrictive

Relative clauses may be either finite clauses (as in the examples above) or non-finite clauses. An example of a non-finite relative clause inEnglish is the infinitive clause on whom to rely, in the sentence "She is the person on whom to rely".

Languages differ in many ways in how relative clauses are expressed:

1. How the role of the shared noun phrase is indicated in the embedded clause.2. How the two clauses are joined together.3. Where the embedded clause is placed relative to the head noun (in the process indicating which noun phrase in the main

clause is modified).

For example, the English sentence "The man that I saw yesterday went home" can be described as follows:

1. The role of the shared noun in the embedded clause is indicated by gapping; that is, a gap is left in the object position after"saw", implying that the shared noun phrase ("the man") is to be understood to fill that gap and to serve as the object of theverb "saw".

2. The clauses are joined by the complementizer "that".3. The embedded clause is placed after the head noun "the man".

The following sentences indicate various possibilities (only some of which are grammatical in English):

"The man [that I saw yesterday] went home". (A complementizer linking the two clauses with a gapping strategy indicating therole of the shared noun in the embedded clause. One possibility in English. Very common cross-linguistically.)"The man [I saw yesterday] went home". (Gapping strategy, with no word joining the clauses—also known as a reduced relativeclause. One possibility in English. Used in Arabic when the head noun is indefinite, as in "a man" instead of "the man".)"The man [whom I saw yesterday] went home". (A relative pronoun indicating the role of the shared noun in the embeddedclause—in this case, the direct object. Used in formal English, as in Latin, German or Russian.)"The man [seen by me yesterday] went home". (A reduced relative clause, in this case passivized. One possibility in English.)"The man [that I saw him yesterday] went home". (A complementizer linking the two sentences with a resumptive pronounindicating the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause, as in Arabic, Hebrew or Persian.)"The man [that him I saw yesterday] went home". (Similar to the previous, but with the resumptive pronoun fronted. This occursin modern Greek and as one possibility in modern Hebrew; the combination that him of complementizer and resumptivepronoun behaves similar to a unitary relative pronoun.)"The [I saw yesterday]'s man went home". (Preceding relative clause with gapping and use of a possessive particle—asnormally used in a genitive construction—to link the relative clause to the head noun. This occurs in many Sino-Tibetanlanguages and possibly developed from "relative clause + noun" > "nominalized clause + noun" > "genitive construction".[5][6])"The [I saw yesterday] man went home". (Preceding relative clause with gapping and no linking word, as in Japanese.)"The man [of my seeing yesterday] went home". (Nominalized relative clause, as in Turkish.)"[Which man I saw yesterday], that man went home". (A correlative structure, as in Hindi.)"[I saw the man yesterday] went home." (An unreduced, internally headed relative clause, as in Tibetan or Navajo.)

There are four main strategies for indicating the role of the shared noun phrase in the embedded clause. These are typically listed in order of thedegree to which the noun in the relative clause has been reduced, from most to least:

1. Gap strategy or gapped relative clause2. Relative pronoun3. Pronoun retention4. Nonreduction

In this strategy, there is simply a gap in the relative clause where the shared noun would go. This is normal in English, for example, and also inChinese and Japanese. This is the most common type of relative clause, especially in verb-final languages with prenominal relative clauses, but isalso widespread among languages with postnominal externally headed relative clauses.

Finite and non-finite

Formation methods

Strategies for indicating the role of the shared noun in the relative clause

Gapped relative clause

There may or may not be any marker used to join the relative and main clauses. (Note that languages with a case-marked relative pronoun aretechnically not considered to employ the gapping strategy even though they do in fact have a gap, since the case of the relative pronoun indicatesthe role of the shared noun.) Often the form of the verb is different from that in main clauses and is to some degree nominalized, as in Turkishand in English reduced relative clauses.[7][8]

In non-verb-final languages, apart from languages like Thai and Vietnamese with very strong politeness distinctions in their grammars, gappedrelative clauses tend, however, to be restricted to positions high up in the accessibility hierarchy. With obliques and genitives, non-verb-finallanguages that do not have politeness restrictions on pronoun use tend to use pronoun retention. English is unusual in that all roles in theembedded clause can be indicated by gapping: e.g. "I saw the man who is my friend", but also (in progressively less accessible positions cross-linguistically, according to the accessibility hierarchy described below) "... who I know", "... who I gave a book to", "... who I spoke with","... who I run slower than". Usually, languages with gapping disallow it beyond a certain level in the accessibility hierarchy, and switch to adifferent strategy at this point. Classical Arabic, for example, only allows gapping in the subject and sometimes the direct object; beyond that, aresumptive pronoun must be used. Some languages have no allowed strategies at all past a certain point—e.g. in many Austronesian languages,such as Tagalog, all relative clauses must have the shared noun serving the subject role in the embedded clause. In these languages, relativeclauses with shared nouns serving "disallowed" roles can be expressed by passivizing the embedded sentence, thereby moving the noun in theembedded sentence into the subject position. This, for example, would transform "The man who I gave a book to" into "The man who was givena book by me". Generally, languages such as this "conspire" to implement general relativization by allowing passivization from all positions —hence a sentence equivalent to "The man who is run slower than by me" is grammatical. Note also that gapping is often used in conjunction withcase-marked relative pronouns (since the relative pronoun indicates the case role in the embedded clause), but this is not necessary (e.g. Chineseand Japanese both using gapping in conjunction with an indeclinable complementizer).

This is in fact a type of gapped relative clause, but is distinguished by the fact that the role of the shared noun in the embedded clause is indicatedindirectly by the case marking of the marker (the relative pronoun) used to join the main and embedded clauses. All languages which use relativepronouns have them in clause-initial position: though one could conceivably imagine a clause-final relative pronoun analogous to an adverbialsubordinator in that position, they are unknown.

Note that some languages have what are described as "relative pronouns" (in that they agree with some properties of the head noun, such asnumber and gender) but which do not actually indicate the case role of the shared noun in the embedded clause. Classical Arabic in fact has"relative pronouns" which are case-marked, but which agree in case with the head noun. Case-marked relative pronouns in the strict sense arealmost entirely confined to European languages, where they are widespread except among the Celtic family and Indo-Aryan family. Theinfluence of Spanish has led to their adaption by a very small number of Native American languages, of which the best-known are the Keresanlanguages.[9]

In this type, the position relativized is indicated by means of a personal pronoun in the same syntactic position as would ordinarily be occupiedby a noun phrase of that type in the main clause—known as a resumptive pronoun. It is equivalent to saying "The man who I saw him yesterdaywent home". Pronoun retention is very frequently used for relativization of inaccessible positions on the accessibility hierarchy. In Persian andClassical Arabic, for example, resumptive pronouns are required when the embedded role is other than the subject or direct object, and optionalin the case of the direct object. Resumptive pronouns are common in non-verb-final languages of Africa and Asia, and also used by the Celticlanguages of northwest Europe and Romanian ("Omul pe care l-am văzut ieri a mers acasă"/"The man who I saw him yesterday went home").They also occur in deeply embedded positions in English, as in "That's the girl that I don't know what she did",[10] although this is sometimesconsidered non-standard.

Only a very small number of languages, of which the best known is Yoruba, have pronoun retention as their sole grammatical type of relativeclause.

In the nonreduction type, unlike the other three, the shared noun occurs as a full-fledged noun phrase in the embedded clause, which has the formof a full independent clause. Typically, it is the head noun in the main clause that is reduced or missing. Some languages use relative clauses ofthis type with the normal strategy of embedding the relative clause next to the head noun. These languages are said to have internally headed

Relative pronoun type

Pronoun retention type

Nonreduction type

relative clauses, which would be similar to the (ungrammatical) English structure "[You see the girl over there] is my friend" or "I took [you seethe girl over there] out on a date". This is used, for example, in Navajo, which uses a special relative verb (as with some other Native Americanlanguages).

A second strategy is the correlative-clause strategy used by Hindi and other Indo-Aryan languages, as well as Bambara. This strategy isequivalent to saying "Which girl you see over there, she is my daughter" or "Which knife I killed my friend with, the police found that knife". Itis "correlative" because of the corresponding "which ... that ..." demonstratives or "which ... she/he/it ..." pronouns, which indicate the respectivenouns being equated. Note that the shared noun can either be repeated entirely in the main clause or reduced to a pronoun. Note also that there isno need to front the shared noun in such a sentence. For example, in the second example above, Hindi would actually say something equivalentto "I killed my friend with which knife, the police found that knife".

Dialects of some European languages, such as Italian, do use the nonreduction type in forms that could be glossed in English as "The man justpassed us by, he introduced me to the chancellor here."

In general, however, nonreduction is restricted to verb-final languages, though it is more common among those that are head-marking.

The following are some of the common strategies for joining the two clauses:

Use of an indeclinable particle (specifically, a relativizer) inserted into the sentence, placed next to the modified noun; theembedded clause is likewise inserted into the appropriate position, typically placed on the other side of the complementizer.This strategy is very common and arguably occurs in English with the word that ("the man that I saw"), though thisinterpretation of "that" as something other than a relative pronoun is controversial (see below). In the modern varieties of Arabic(using illi placed after the modified noun); in Chinese (using de placed before the modified noun).Use of a relative pronoun. Prototypically, a relative pronoun agrees with the head noun in gender, number, definiteness,animacy, etc., but adopts the case that the shared noun assumes in the embedded, not matrix, clause. This is the case in anumber of conservative European languages, such as Latin, German and Russian. Many languages also have similar linkingwords commonly termed "relative pronouns" that agree in some way with the head noun, but do not adopt the case role of theembedded clause. In English, for example, the use of who vs. which agrees with the animacy of the head noun, but there is nocase agreement except in the formal English contrast who vs. whom (which is often used incorrectly, if at all, in speech).Similarly, in Classical Arabic, there is a relative pronoun that agrees in number, gender, definiteness and case with the headnoun (rather than taking the case role of the noun in the embedded clause). Languages with prototypical relative pronounstypically use the gapping strategy for indicating the role in the embedded clause, since the relative pronoun itself indicates therole by its case. (Classical Arabic, where the case marking indicates something else, uses a resumptive pronoun.) Somelinguists prefer to use the term relative pronoun only for the prototypical cases (but in this case it's unclear what to call the non-prototypical cases).Directly inserting the embedded clause in the matrix clause at the appropriate position, with no word used to join them. This iscommon, for example, in English (cf. "The man I saw yesterday went home"), and is used in Classical Arabic in relative clausesthat modify indefinite nouns.By nominalizing the relative clause (e.g. converting it to a participial construction). Generally, no relative pronoun orcomplementizer is used. This occurs, for example, in reduced relative clauses in English (e.g. "The man seen by me yesterdaywent home" or "The man planning to go home soon is my friend"). Formal German makes common use of such participialrelative clauses, which can become extremely long. This is also the normal strategy in Turkish, which has sentences equivalentto "I ate the potato of Hasan's giving to Sina" (in place of "I ate the potato that Hasan gave to Sina"). Note that this can beviewed as a situation in which the "complementizer" is attached to the verb of the embedded clause (e.g. in English, "-ing" or "-ed" can be viewed as a type of complementizer).

The positioning of a relative clause before or after a head noun is related to the more general concept of branching in linguistics. Languages thatplace relative clauses after their head noun (so-called head-initial or VO languages) generally also have adjectives and genitive modifiersfollowing the head noun, as well as verbs preceding their objects. French, Spanish and Arabic are prototypical languages of this sort. Languagesthat place relative clauses before their head noun (so-called head-final or OV languages) generally also have adjectives and genitive modifierspreceding the head noun, as well as verbs following their objects. Turkish and Japanese are prototypical languages of this sort. Not all languagesfit so easily into these categories. English, for example, is generally head-first, but has adjectives preceding their head nouns, and genitiveconstructions with both preceding and following modifiers ("the friend of my father" vs. "my father's friend"). Chinese has the VO order, withverb preceding object, but otherwise is generally head-final.

Various possibilities for ordering are:

Relative clause following the head noun, as in English, French or Arabic.

Strategies for joining the relative clause to the main clause

Position of the head noun with respect to the relative clause

Relative clause preceding the head noun, as in Turkish, Japanese, or Chinese.Head noun within the relative clause (an internally headed relative clause). An example of such a language is Navajo. Theselanguages are said to have nonreduced relative clauses. These languages have a structure equivalent to "[I saw the manyesterday] went home".Adjoined relative clause. These languages have the relative clause completely outside the main clause, and use a correlativestructure to link the two. These languages also have nonreduced relative clauses. Hindi is the most well known such language,and have a structure similar to "Which man I saw yesterday, that man went home" or (with non-fronting of the relativized nounin the relative clause) "I saw which man yesterday, that man went home". Another example is Warlpiri, which constructs relativeclauses of a form similar to "I saw the man yesterday, which he was going home". However, it is sometimes said theselanguages have no relative clauses at all, since the sentences of this form can equally well translate as "I saw the man whowas going home yesterday" or "I saw the man yesterday when/while he was going home".

The antecedent of the relative clause (that is, the noun that is modified by it) can in theory be the subject of the main clause, or its object, or anyother verb argument. In many languages, however, especially rigidly left-branching, dependent-marking languages with prenominal relativeclauses,[11] there are major restrictions on the role the antecedent may have in the relative clause.

Edward Keenan and Bernard Comrie noted that these roles can be ranked cross-linguistically in the following order from most accessible to leastaccessible:[12][13]

Subject > Direct Object > Indirect Object > Oblique > Genitive > Object of comparative

Ergative–absolutive languages have a similar hierarchy:

Absolutive > Ergative > Indirect Object > etc. (same as above)

This order is called the accessibility hierarchy. If a language can relativize positions lower in the accessibility hierarchy, it can always relativizepositions higher up, but not vice versa. For example, Malagasy can relativize only subject and Chukchi only absolutive arguments, whilst Basquecan relativize absolutives, ergatives and indirect objects, but not obliques or genitives or objects of comparatives. Similar hierarchies have beenproposed in other circumstances, e.g. for pronominal reflexes.

English can relativize all positions in the hierarchy. Here are some examples of the NP and relative clause usage from English:

Position With explicit relative pronoun With omitted relativepronoun In formal English

Subject That's the man [who ran away]. — That's the man [who ran away].Directobject

That's the man [who I sawyesterday].

That's the man [I sawyesterday].

That's the man [whom I sawyesterday].

Indirectobject

That's the man [who I gave theletter to].

That's the man [I gave theletter to].

That's the man [to whom I gavethe letter].

Oblique That's the man [who I wastalking about].

That's the man [I wastalking about].

That's the man [about whom Iwas talking].

Genitive That's the man [whose sister Iknow]. — That's the man [whose sister I

know].Obj ofComp

That's the man [who I am tallerthan].

That's the man [I am tallerthan].

That's the man [than whom I amtaller].

Some other examples:

Position ExampleSubject The girl [who came late] is my sister.Direct object I gave a rose to the girl [that Kate saw].Indirect object John knows the girl [I wrote a letter to].Oblique I found the rock [which the robbers had hit John over the head with].Genitive The girl [whose father died] told me she was sad.Obj of Comp The first person [I can't run faster than] will win a million dollars.

Accessibility hierarchy

Languages that cannot relativize directly on noun phrases low in the accessibility hierarchy can sometimes use alternative voices to "raise" therelevant noun phrase so that it can be relativized. The most common example is the use of applicative voices to relativize obliques, but in suchlanguages as Chukchi antipassives are used to raise ergative arguments to absolutive.

For example, a language that can relativize only subjects could say this:

The girl [who likes me] came to visit.

But not:

The girl [whom I like] came to visit.The girl [whom I gave a rose to] came to visit.The girl [whom I watched a movie with] came to visit.The girl [whose father I know] came to visit.The girl [whom I know the father of] came to visit. (equivalent to previous)The girl [whom I am taller than] came to visit.

These languages might form an equivalent sentence by passivization:

The girl [who was liked by me] came to visit.The girl [who was given a rose by me] came to visit.The girl [who was watched a movie with by me] came to visit.The girl [who was known the father of by me] came to visit.The girl [who was been taller than by me] came to visit.

Note that these passivized sentences get progressively more ungrammatical in English as they move down the accessibility hierarchy; the lasttwo, in particular, are so ungrammatical as to be almost unparsable by English speakers. But languages with severe restrictions on which rolescan be relativized are precisely those that can passivize almost any position, and hence the last two sentences would be normal in thoselanguages.

A further example is languages that can relativize only subjects and direct objects. Hence the following would be possible:

The girl [who I like] came to visit.

The other ungrammatical examples above would still be ungrammatical. These languages often allow an oblique object to be moved to the directobject slot by the use of the so-called applicative voice, much as the passive voice moves an oblique object to the subject position. The aboveexamples expressed in an applicative voice might be similar to the following (in not necessarily grammatical English):

The girl [who I gave a rose] came to visit.The girl [who I with-watched a movie] came to visit.The girl [who I (of-)know the father] came to visit.The girl [who I out-tall] came to visit.

Modern grammars may use the accessibility hierarchy to order productions—e.g. in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar the hierarchycorresponds to the order of elements on the subcat list, and interacts with other principles in explanations of binding facts. The hierarchy alsofigures in Lexical Functional Grammar, where it is known as Syntactic Rank or the Relational Hierarchy.

In English, a relative clause follows the noun it modifies. It is generally indicated by a relative pronoun at the start of the clause, althoughsometimes simply by word order. If the relative pronoun is the object of the verb in the relative clause, it comes at the beginning of the clauseeven though it would come at the end of an independent clause ("He is the man whom I saw", not "He is the man I saw whom").

The choice of relative pronoun can be affected by whether the clause modifies a human or non-human noun, by whether the clause is restrictiveor not,[14] and by the role (subject, direct object, or the like) of the relative pronoun in the relative clause.

Examples

Indo-European languages

English

For a human antecedent, "who", "whom", or "that" is usually used ("He is the person who saw me", "He is the person whom Isaw", "He is the person that I saw"). For a non-human antecedent, only "that" or "which" is used.For a non-human antecedent in a non-restrictive clause, only "which" is used ("The tree, which fell, is over there"); while either"which" or "that" may be used in a restrictive clause ("The tree which fell is over there", "The tree that fell is over there")—butsome styles and prescriptive grammars require the use of "that" in the restrictive context.Of the relative pronoun pair "who" and "whom", the subjective case form ("who") is used if it is the subject of the relative clause("He is the policeman who saw me"); and, in formal usage, the objective case form ("whom") if it is the object of the verb orpreposition in the relative clause ("He is the policeman whom I saw", "He is the policeman whom I talked to", "He is thepoliceman to whom I talked"); but in informal usage "whom" is often replaced by "who".

In English, as in some other languages (such as French; see below), non-restrictive relative clauses are set off with commas, but restrictive onesare not:

"I met a man and a woman yesterday. The woman, who had a thick French accent, was very pretty." (non-restrictive—does notnarrow down who is being talked about)"I met two women yesterday, one with a thick French accent and one with a mild Italian one. The woman who had the thickFrench accent was very pretty." (restrictive—adds information about who is being referred to)

The status of "that" as a relative pronoun is not universally agreed. Traditional grammars treat "that" as a relative pronoun, but not allcontemporary grammars do: e.g. the Cambridge Grammar of the English Language (pp. 1056–7) makes a case for treating "that" as asubordinator instead of a relative pronoun; and the British National Corpus treats "that" as a subordinating conjunction even when it introducesrelative clauses. One motivation for the different treatment of "that" is that there are differences between "that" and "which" (e.g., one can say "inwhich" but not "in that", etc.).

The system of relative pronouns in French is as complicated as, but similar in many ways to, the system in English.

When the pronoun is to act as the direct object of the relative clause, que is generally used, although lequel, which is inflected for grammaticalgender and number, is sometimes used in order to give more precision. For example, any of the following is correct and would translate to "Italked to his/her father and mother, whom I already knew":

J'ai parlé avec son père et sa mère, laquelle (f. sing.) je connaissais déjà.J'ai parlé avec son père et sa mère, lesquels (m. pl.) je connaissais déjà.J'ai parlé avec son père et sa mère, que je connaissais déjà.

However, in the first sentence, "whom I already knew" refers only to the mother; in the second, it refers to both parents; and in the third, as in theEnglish sentence, it could refer either only to the mother, or to both parents.

When the pronoun is to act as the subject of the relative clause, qui is generally used, though as before, lequel may be used instead for greaterprecision. (This is less common than the use of lequel with direct objects, however, since verbs in French often reflect the grammatical number oftheir subjects.)

Contrary to English, the relative pronoun can never be omitted in French, not even when the relative clause is embedded in another relativeclause.

Here is what I think Ø happened.Voilà ce que je crois qui est arrivé. (literally: "Here is what I think that happened.")

When the pronoun is to act in a possessive sense, where the preposition de (of/from) would normally be used, the pronoun dont ("whose") isused, but does not act as a determiner for the noun "possessed":

J'ai parlé avec une femme dont le fils est mon collègue. ("I spoke with a woman whose son I workwith." - lit., "I spoke with a woman of whom the son is my colleague.")

This construction is also used in non-possessive cases where the pronoun replaces an object marked by de:

C'est l'homme dont j'ai parlé. ("That's the man of whom I spoke.")

More generally, in modern French, dont can signal the topic of the following clause, without replacing anything in this clause:

French

C'est un homme dont je crois qu'il doit très bien gagner sa vie. ("That's a man about whom I believethat he must make a lot of money.")

When the pronoun is to act as the object of a preposition (other than when dont is used), lequel is generally used, though qui can be used if theantecedent is human.

Ce sont des gens sur lesquels on peut compter. ("These are people that can be depended on.")[literally: "on whom one can depend"]Ce sont des gens sur qui on peut compter.

C'est une table sur laquelle on peut mettre beaucoup de choses. ("This is a table on which you canput a lot of things")*C'est une table sur qui on peut mettre beaucoup de choses.

There exists a further complication when the antecedent is a non-human indefinite pronoun. In that case, lequel cannot be used because it mustagree in gender with its head, and an indefinite pronoun has no gender. Instead, quoi, which usually means "what", is used.

C'est manifestement quelque chose à quoi il a beaucoup réfléchi. ("This is obviously something thathe has thought a lot about .")*C'est manifestement quelque chose à laquelle il a beaucoup réfléchi.

The same happens when the antecedent is an entire clause, also lacking gender.

Il m'a dit d'aller me faire voir, à quoi j'ai répondu que... ("He told me to get lost, to which I replied that...")

The preposition always appears before the pronoun, and the prepositions de and à (at/to) contract with lequel to form duquel and auquel, or withlesquel(le)s to form desquel(le)s and auxquel(le)s.

Aside from their highly inflected forms, German relative pronouns areless complicated than English. There are two varieties. The morecommon one is based on the definite article der, die, das, but withdistinctive forms in the genitive (dessen, deren) and in the dative plural(denen). Historically this is related to English that. The second, whichis more literary and used for emphasis, is the relative use of welcher,welche, welches, comparable with English which. As in most Germaniclanguages, including Old English, both of these varieties inflectaccording to gender, case and number. They take their gender andnumber from the noun which they modify, but the case from theirfunction in their own clause.

Das Haus, in dem ich wohne, ist sehr alt.

The house in which I live is very old.

The relative pronoun dem is neuter singular to agree with Haus, but dative because it follows a preposition in its own clause. On the same basis,it would be possible to substitute the pronoun welchem.

However, German uses the uninflecting was ('what') as a relative pronoun when the antecedent is alles, etwas or nichts ('everything', 'something','nothing'.).

Alles, was Jack macht, gelingt ihm.

Everything that Jack does is a success.

In German, all relative clauses are marked with commas.

Alternatively, particularly in formal registers, participles (both active and passive) can be used to embed relative clauses in adjectival phrases:

German

Intonation of German restrictive relative clauses

Die vom ihm in jenem Stil gemalten Bilder sind sehr begehrt

The pictures he painted in that style are highly sought after

Die Regierung möchte diese im letzten Jahr eher langsam wachsende Industrie weiter födern

The government would like to further promote this industry, which has grown rather slowly overthe last year

Unlike English, which only permits relatively small participle phrases in adjectival positions (typically just the participle and adverbs), anddisallows the use of direct objects for active participles, German sentences of this sort can embed clauses of arbitrary complexity.

See Relative pronouns in the Spanish pronouns article.

In Latin, relative clauses follow the noun phrases they modify, and are always introduced using relative pronouns. Relative pronouns, like otherpronouns in Latin, agree with their antecedents in gender and number, but not in case: a relative pronoun's case reflects its role in the relativeclause it introduces, while its antecedent's case reflects the antecedent's role in the clause that contains the relative clause. (Nonetheless, it ispossible for the pronoun and antecedent to be in the same case.) For example:

Urbēs, quae sunt magnae, videntur. (The cities, which are large, are being seen.)Urbēs, quās vīdī, erant magnae. (The cities, which I saw, were large.)

In the former example, urbēs and quae both function as subjects in their respective clauses, so both are in the nominative case; and due to genderand number agreement, both are feminine and plural. In the latter example, both are still feminine and plural, and urbēs is still in the nominativecase, but quae has been replaced by quās, its accusative-case counterpart, to reflect its role as the direct object of vīdī.

For more information on the forms of Latin relative pronouns, see the section on relative pronouns in the article on Latin declension.

Ancient Greek follows the same rule as Latin.

αἱ πόλεις, ἃς εἶδον, μεγάλαι εἰσίν.

hai póleis, hàs eîdon, megálai eisin.The cities that I saw are large.

The Ancient Greek relative pronoun ὅς, ἥ, ὅ (hós, hḗ, hó) is unrelated to the Latin word, since it derives from Proto-Indo-European *yos: inProto-Greek, y before a vowel usually changed to h (debuccalization). Cognates include Sanskrit yas, yā, yad (where o changed to short a).[15]

The Greek definite article ὁ, ἡ, τό (ho, hē, tó) has a different origin, since it is related to Sanskrit sa, sā and Latin is-tud.[16]

Information that in English would be encoded with relative clauses could be represented with complex participles in Ancient Greek. This wasmade particularly expressive by the rich suite of participles available, with active and passive participles in present, past and future tenses. This iscalled the attributive participle

Serbo-Croatian uses exactly the same principle as Latin does.[17] The following sentences are the Latin examples translated to Serbo-Croatian(the same sentences apply to the Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian, and Montenegrin standard variants of the pluricentric language):

Gradovi, koji su veliki, vide se.the cities:NOM.m.PL which:NOM.m.PL are:PR.3.PL large:NOM.m.PL see:PR.3.PL itself:Refl

"The cities, which are large, are being seen."

Spanish

Latin

Ancient Greek

Serbo-Croatian

Gradovi, koje sam vidio, bili su veliki.thecities:NOM.m.PL

which:ACC.m.PLIam:AUX.1.SG

saw:AP.m.SG were:AP.m.PL are:AUX.3.PL large:NOM.m.PL

"The cities, which I saw, were large."

In the first sentence, koji is in the nominative, and in the second koje is in theaccusative. Both words are two case forms of the same relative pronoun, that isinflicted for gender (here: masculine), number (here: plural), and case.

An alternative relativizing strategy is the use of the non-declinable word što 'that'to introduce a relative clause.[18] This word is used together with a resumptivepronoun, i.e. a personal pronoun that agrees in gender and number with theantecedent, while its case form depends on its function in the relative clause.[19]

The resumptive pronoun never appears in subject function.

Onaj poznanik što si ga pozdravio...that:NOM.m.SG acquaintance:NOM.m.SG that be:AUX.2.SG him:ACC greet:AP.m.SG

"That acquaintance that (whom) you have said 'hello' to..."

Relative clauses are relatively frequent in modern Serbo-Croatian[18] since they have expanded as attributes at the expense of the participlesperforming that function.[20] The most frequently used relative pronoun is koji.[21] There are several ongoing changes concerning koji. One ofthem is the spread of the genitive-accusative syncretism to the masculine inanimate of the pronoun.[22] The cause lies in the necessity todisambiguate the subject and the object by morphological means. The nominative-accusative syncretism of the form koji is inadequate, so thegenitive form kojeg is preferred:[23]

Nominative-accusative syncretism:

Auto koji je udario autobuscar:NOM/ACC.m.SG which:NOM/ACC.m.SG be:AUX.3.SG hit:AP.m.SG bus:NOM/ACC.m.SG

Genitive-accusative syncretism:

Auto kojeg je udario autobuscar:NOM/ACC.m.SG which:ACC/GEN.m.SG be:AUX.3.SG hit:AP.m.SG bus:NOM/ACC.m.SG

"Car hit by bus"

The Celtic languages (at least the modern Insular Celtic languages) distinguish two types of relative clause: direct relative clauses and indirectrelative clauses. A direct relative clause is used where the relativized element is the subject or the direct object of its clause (e.g. "the man whosaw me", "the man whom I saw"), while an indirect relative clause is used where the relativized element is a genitival (e.g. "the man whosedaughter is in the hospital") or is the object of a preposition (e.g. "the man to whom I gave the book"). Direct relative clauses are formed with arelative pronoun (unmarked for case) at the beginning; a gap (in terms of syntactic theory, a trace, indicated by (t) in the examples below) is leftin the relative clause at the pronoun's expected position.

Irish

an fear a chonaic (t) méthe man DIR-REL saw me"the man who saw me"

Welsh

Frequency of relativizers in Serbo-Croatian

Celtic languages

y dyn a welaisthe man DIR-REL I saw"the man whom I saw"

The direct relative particle "a" is not used with "mae" ("is") in Welsh; instead the form "sydd" or "sy'" is used:

y dyn sy'n blewog iawnthe man DIR-REL + is hairy very"the man who is very hairy"

There is also a defective verb "piau" (usually lenited to "biau"), corresponding to "who own(s)":

y dyn piau castell anferththe man DIR-REL + owns castle huge"the man who owns a huge castle"

Indirect relative clauses are formed with a relativizer at the beginning; the relativized element remains in situ in the relative clause.

Irish

an fear a bhfuil a iníon san ospidéalthe man IND-REL is his daughter in the hospital"the man whose daughter is in the hospital"

Welsh

y dyn y rhois y llyfr iddothe man IND-REL I gave the book to him"the man to whom I gave the book"

Note that although both the Irish relative pronoun and the relativizer are 'a', the relative pronoun triggers lenition of a following consonant, whilethe relativizer triggers eclipsis (see Irish initial mutations).

Both direct and indirect relative particles can be used simply for emphasis, often in answer to a question or as a way of disagreeing with astatement. For instance, the Welsh example above, "y dyn a welais" means not only "the man whom I saw", but also "it was the man (and notanyone else) I saw"; and "y dyn y rhois y llyfr iddo" can likewise mean "it was the man (and not anyone else) to whom I gave the book".

In Biblical Hebrew, relative clauses were headed with the word asher, which could be either a relative pronoun or a relativizer. In later times,asher became interchangeable with the prefix she- (which is also used as a conjunction, with the sense of English that), and in Modern Hebrew,this use of she- is much more common than asher, except in some formal, archaic, or poetic writing. In meaning, the two are interchangeable;they are used regardless of whether the clause is modifying a human, regardless of their grammatical case in the relative clause, and regardless ofwhether the clause is restrictive.

Further, because Hebrew does not generally use its word for is, she- is used to distinguish adjective phrases used in epithet from adjective phrasesused in attribution:

Ha-kise l'-yad-kha. ("The chair is next to you." - lit., "The-chair [is] to-hand-your.")Ha-kise she-l'-yad-kha shavur. ("The chair next to you is broken."—lit., "The-chair that-[is]-to-hand-your [is] broken.")

(This use of she- does not occur with simple adjectives, as Hebrew has a different way of making that distinction. For example, Ha-kise adommeans "The chair [is] red," while Ha-kis'e ha-adom shavur means "The red chair is broken"—literally, "The chair the red [is] broken.")

Semitic languages

Hebrew

Since 1994, the official rules of Modern Hebrew (as determined by the Academy of the Hebrew Language) have stated that relative clauses are tobe punctuated in Hebrew the same way as in English (described above). That is, non-restrictive clauses are to be set off with commas, whilerestrictive clauses are not:

Ha-kise, she-ata yoshev alav, shavur. ("The chair, which you are sitting on, is broken.")Ha-kise she-ata yoshev alav shavur. ("The chair that you are sitting on is broken.")

Nonetheless, many, perhaps most, speakers of Modern Hebrew still use the pre-1994 rules, which were based on the German rules (describedabove). Except for the simple adjective-phrase clauses described above, these speakers set off all relative clauses, restrictive or not, withcommas:

Ha-kise, she-ata yoshev alav, shavur. ("The chair that you are sitting on is broken," or "The chair,which you are sitting on, is broken.")

One major difference between relative clauses in Hebrew and those in (for example) English is that in Hebrew, what might be called the"regular" pronoun is not always suppressed in the relative clause. To reuse the prior example:

Ha-kise, she-ata yoshev alav, shavur. (lit., "The chair, which you are sitting on it, [is] broken.")

More specifically, if this pronoun is the subject of the relative clause, it is always suppressed. If it is the direct object, then it is usuallysuppressed, though it is also correct to leave it in. (If it is suppressed, then the special preposition et, used to mark the direct object, is suppressedas well.) If it is the object of a preposition, it must be left in, because in Hebrew—unlike in English—a preposition cannot appear without itsobject. When the pronoun is left in, she- might more properly be called a relativizer than a relative pronoun.

The Hebrew relativizer she- ‘that’ "might be a shortened form of the Hebrew relativizer ‘asher ‘that’, which is related to Akkadian ‘ashru ‘place’(cf. Semitic *‘athar) Alternatively, Hebrew ‘asher derived from she-, or it was a convergence of Proto-Semitic dhu (cf. Aramaic dī) and ‘asher[...] Whereas Israeli she- functions both as complementizer and relativizer, ashér can only function as a relativizer."[24]

In Modern Standard and Classical Arabic there is a relative pronoun (in Arabic: الاسم الموصول al-ism al-mawṣūl) allaḏī (masculine singular),feminine singular allatī, masculine plural allaḏīna, feminine plural allawātī, masculine dual allaḏānī (nominative) / allaḏayni (accusative andgenitive), feminine dual allatānī (nom.) / allataynī (acc. and gen.).

Its usage has two specific rules: it agrees with the antecedent in gender, number and case, and it is used only if the antecedent is definite. If theantecedent is indefinite, no relative pronoun is used. The former is called jumlat sila (conjunctive sentence) while the latter is called jumlat sifa(descriptive sentence).

الولد الذي رأيته في الصف أمس غائب اليوم

al-waladu (a)lladhi ra’aytuhu fī (a)ṣ-ṣaffi ’amsi ġā’ibun al-yawma"The boy I saw in class yesterday is missing today". (relative pronoun present)

هذا ولد رأيته في الصف أمس

hāḏā waladun ra’aytu-hu fī (a)ṣ-ṣaffi ’amsi"This is a boy I saw in class yesterday". (relative pronoun absent)

In Colloquial Arabic the multiple forms of the relative pronoun have been levelled in favour of a single form, a simple conjunction, which inmost dialects is illi, and is never omitted. So in Palestinian Arabic the above sentences would be:

alwalad illi shuftō fi (a)ssaff embārih ghāyeb alyōmhāda walad illi shuftō fi (a)ssaff embārih

Arabic

Literary Arabic

Colloquial Arabic

As in Hebrew, the regular pronoun referring to the antecedent is repeated in the relative clause - literally, "the boy whom I saw him in class..."(the -hu in ra'aituhu and the -ō in shuftō). The rules of suppression in Arabic are identical to those of Hebrew: obligatory suppression in the casethat the pronoun is the subject of the relative clause, obligatory retention in the case that the pronoun is the object of a preposition, and at thediscretion of the speaker if the pronoun is the direct object. The only difference from Hebrew is that, in the case of the direct object, it ispreferable to retain the pronoun rather than suppress it.

Japanese does not employ relative pronouns to relate relative clauses to their antecedents. Instead, the relative clause directly modifies the nounphrase as an attributive verb, occupying the same syntactic space as an attributive adjective (before the noun phrase).

この おいしい 天ぷらkono oishii tempura"this delicious tempura"

姉が 作った 天ぷらane-ga tsukutta tempurasister-SUBJ make-PAST tempura"the tempura [that] my sister made"

天ぷらを 食べた 人tempura-o tabeta hitotempura-OBJ eat-PAST person"the person who ate the tempura"

In fact, since so-called i-adjectives in Japanese are technically intransitive stative verbs, it can be argued that the structure of the first example(with an adjective) is the same as the others. A number of "adjectival" meanings, in Japanese, are customarily shown with relative clausesconsisting solely of a verb or a verb complex:

光っている ビルhikatte-iru birulit-be building"an illuminated building"

濡れている 犬nurete-iru inuget_wet-be dog"a wet dog"

Often confusing to speakers of languages which use relative pronouns are relative clauses which would in their own languages require apreposition with the pronoun to indicate the semantic relationship among the constituent parts of the phrase.

紅茶を 淹れる ために お湯を 沸かした やかんkōcha-o ireru tame ni oyu-o wakashita yakantea-OBJ make purpose for hot-water-OBJ boiled kettle"the kettle I boiled water in for tea"

Here, the preposition "in" is missing from the Japanese ("missing" in the sense that the corresponding postposition would be used with the mainclause verb in Japanese) Common sense indicates what the meaning is in this case, but the "missing preposition" can sometimes createambiguity.

天ぷらを 作った 人tempura-o tsukutta hitotempura-OBJ made person(1) "the person who made the tempura"(2) "the person [someone] made the tempura for"

Japonic languages

Japanese

In this case, (1) is the context-free interpretation of choice, but (2) is possible with the proper context.

僕が 記事を 書いた レストランboku-ga kiji-o kaita resutoranI-SUBJ article-OBJ wrote restaurant(1) "a restaurant about which I wrote an article"(2) "a restaurant in which I wrote an article"

Without more context, both (1) and (2) are equally viable interpretations of the Japanese.

Note: Spaces are not ordinarily used in Japanese, but they are supplemented here to facilitate parsing by non-speakers of the language.

In Georgian, there are two strategies for forming relative clauses. The first is similar to that of English or Latin: the modified noun is followed bya relativizer that inflects for its embedded case and may take a postposition. The relativized noun may be preceded by a determiner.

(ის) კაცი, რომელიც პარკში წავიდა, გაზეთს კითხულობს

(is) ḳac-i, romel-i-c ṗarḳ=ši cavida, gazet-s ḳitxulobs(that.NOM) man-NOM which-NOM-REL park=to he.went newspaper-DAT he.reads.it"the man who went to the park is reading the newspaper"

(ის) ქალი, რომელსაც წერილს დავუწერ, თბილისში ცხოვრობს

(is) kal-i, romel-sa-c ceril-s davucer, tbilis=ši cxovrobs(that.NOM) woman-NOM which-DAT-REL letter-DAT I.will.write.it.to.her Tbilisi-in she.lives"the woman who I will write a letter to lives in Tbilisi"

ნინომ (ის) სკამი, რომელზეც ვზივარ, იყიდაNino-m (is) sḳam-i, romel=ze-c vzivar, iqidaNino-ERG (that.NOM) chair-NOM which=on-REL I.sit she.bought.it"Nino bought the chair I am sitting in"

A second, more colloquial, strategy is marked by the invariant particle რომ rom. This particle is generally the second word of the clause, andsince it does not decline, is often followed by the appropriately cased third-person pronoun to show the relativized noun's role in the embeddedclause. A determiner precedes the relativized noun, which is also usually preceded by the clause as a whole.

წერილს რომ მას დავუწერ, ის ქალი თბილისში ცხოვრობს

ceril-s rom mas davucer, is kal-i tbilis=ši cxovrobsletter-DAT REL 3S.DAT I.will.write.it.to.her that.NOM woman-NOM Tbilisi-in she.lives"the woman who I will write a letter to lives in Tbilisi"

მე რომ მასზე ვზივარ, ის სკამი ნინომ იყიდა

me rom mas=ze vzivar, is sḳam-i Nino-m iqida1S REL 3S.DAT=on I.sit that.NOM chair-NOM Nino-ERG she.bought.it"Nino bought the chair I am sitting in"

Such relative clauses may be internally headed. In such cases, the modified noun moves into the clause, taking the appropriate declension for theits role therein (thus eliminating the need for the third person pronouns in the above examples), and leaves behind the determiner (which nowfunctions as a pronoun) in the matrix clause.

ქალს რომ წერილს დავუწერ, ის თბილისში ცხოვრობს

kal-s rom ceril-s davucer, is tbilis=ši cxovrobs

Caucasian languages

Georgian

woman-DAT REL letter-DAT I.will.write.it.to.her 3S.NOM Tbilisi-in she.lives"the woman who I will write a letter to lives in Tbilisi"

Tagalog uses the gapping strategy to form relative clauses, with the complementiser, na / =ng 'that', separating the head, which is the noun beingmodified, from the actual relative clause. In (1a) below, lalaki 'man' serves as the head, while nagbigay ng bigas sa bata 'gave rice to the child' isthe relative clause.

(1) a. lalaki =ng nagbigay ____ ng bigas sa bataman COMP ACT.gave ACC rice DAT child"man that gave rice to the child"

b. Nagbigay ang lalaki ng bigas sa bata.ACT.gave NOM man ACC rice DAT child"The man gave rice to the child."

The gap inside the relative clause corresponds to the position that the noun acting as the head would have normally taken, had it been in adeclarative sentence. In (1a), the gap is in subject position within the relative clause. This corresponds to the subject position occupied by anglalaki 'the man' in the declarative sentence in (1b).

There is a constraint in Tagalog on the position from which a noun can be relativised and in which a gap can appear: A noun has to be the subjectwithin the relative clause in order for it to be relativised. The phrases in (2) are ungrammatical because the nouns that have been relativised arenot the subjects of their respective relative clauses. In (2a), the gap is in direct object position, while in (2b), the gap is in indirect object position.

(2) a. * bigas na nagbigay ang lalaki ____ sa batarice COMP ACT.gave NOM man DAT childfor: "rice that the man gave to the child"

b. * bata =ng nagbigay ang lalaki ng bigas ____child COMP ACT.gave NOM man ACC ricefor: "child that the man gave rice to"

The correct Tagalog translations for the intended meanings in (2) are found in (3), where the verbs have been passivised in order to raise thelogical direct object in (3a) and the logical indirect object in (3b) to subject position. (Tagalog can have more than one passive voice form for anygiven verb.)

(3) a. bigas na ibinigay ng lalaki sa batarice COMP PSV.gave GEN man DAT child"rice that the man gave to the child"(or: "rice that was given to the child by the man")

b. bata =ng binigyan ng lalaki ng bigaschild COMP gave.PSV GEN man ACC rice"child that the man gave rice to"(or: "child that was given rice to by the man")

Tagalog relative clauses can be left-headed, as in (1a) and (3), right-headed, as in (4), or internally headed, as in (5).

(4) nagbigay ng bigas sa bata na lalakiACT.gave ACC rice DAT child COMP man"man that gave rice to the child"

(5) a. nagbigay na lalaki ng bigas sa bata

Austronesian languages

Tagalog

ACT.gave COMP man ACC rice DAT child"man that gave rice to the child"

b. nagbigay ng bigas na lalaki sa bataACT.gave ACC rice COMP man DAT child"man that gave rice to the child"

In (4), the head, lalaki 'man', is found after or to the right of the relative clause, nagbigay ng bigas sa bata 'gave rice to the child'. In (5), the headis found in some position inside the relative clause. Note that when the head appears to the right of or internally to the relative clause, thecomplementiser appears to the left of the head. When the head surfaces to the left of the relative clause, the complementiser surfaces to the rightof the head.

There are exceptions to the subjects-only constraint to relativisation mentioned above. The first involves relativising the possessor of a nounphrase within the relative clause.

(6) bata =ng nasugatan ang daliri ____child COMP injured.PSV NOM finger"child whose finger was injured"

In (6), the head, bata 'child', is the owner of the injured finger. Note that ang daliri 'the finger' is the subject of the verb, nasugatan 'was injured'.

Another exception involves relativising the oblique noun phrase.

(7) a. ospital (na) kung saan ipinanganak si Juanhospital COMP Q-COMP where PSV.bore NOM Juan"hospital where Juan was born"

b. Nagtanong siya kung saan ipinanganak si Juan.ACT.asked 3SG.NOM Q-COMP where PSV.bore NOM Juan"She asked where Juan was born."

c. Ipinanganak si Juan sa ospital.PSV.bore NOM Juan LOC hospital"Juan was born at the hospital."

d. Saan ipinanganak si Juan?where PSV.bore NOM Juan"Where was Juan born?"

When an oblique noun phrase is relativised, as in (7a), na 'that', the complementiser that separates the head from the relative clause, is optional.The relative clause itself is also composed differently. In the examples in (1a), and in (3) to (6), the relative clauses are simple declaratives thatcontain a gap. However, the relative clause in (7a) looks more like an indirect question, complete with the interrogative complementiser, kung 'if',and a pre-verbally positioned WH-word like saan 'where', as in (7b). The sentence in (7c) is the declarative version of the relative clause in (7a),illustrating where the head, ospital 'hospital', would have been "before" relativisation. The question in (7d) shows the direct question version ofthe subordinate indirect question in (7b).

Relative clauses in Hawaiian[25] are avoided unless they are short.

If in English a relative clause would have a copula and an adjective, in Hawaiian the antecedent is simply modified by the adjective: "The honestman" instead of "the man who is honest". If the English relative clause would have a copula and a noun, in Hawaiian an appositive is usedinstead: "Paul, an apostle" instead of "Paul, who was an apostle".

If the English relative pronoun would be the subject of an intransitive or passive verb, in Hawaiian a participle is used instead of a full relativeclause: "the people fallen" instead of "the people who fell"; "the thing given" instead of "the thing that was given". But when the relative clause'santecedent is a person, the English relative pronoun would be the subject of the relative clause, and the relative clause's verb is active andtransitive, a relative clause is used and it begins with the relative pronoun nana: The one who me (past) sent = "the one who sent me".

Hawaiian

If in English a relative pronoun would be the object of a relative clause, in Hawaiian the possessive form is used so as to treat the antecedent assomething possessed: the things of me to have seen = "the things that I saw"; Here is theirs to have seen = This is what they saw".

thuquñap punchudance-INF-3POSS poncho"the poncho he is dancing with"

In Mandarin Chinese, the relative clause is similar to other adjectival phrases in that it precedes the noun that it modifies, and ends with therelative particle de. If the relative clause is missing a subject but contains an object (in other words, if the verb is transitive), the main-clausenoun is the implied subject of the relative clause:[26]

种水果的农人 (種水果的農人。)zhòng shuǐguǒ de nóngréngrow fruit (particle) farmer"the fruit-growing farmer" or "the farmer who grows fruit"

If the object but not the subject is missing from the relative clause, the main-clause noun is the implied object of the relative clause:

他们种的水果 (他們種的水果。)tāmen zhòng de shuǐguǒthey grow (particle) fruit"the by-them-grown fruit" or "the fruit that they grow"

If both the subject and the object are missing from the relative clause, then the main-clause noun could either be the implied subject or theimplied object of the relative clause; sometimes which is intended is clear from the context, especially when the subject or object of the verbmust be human and the other must be non-human:

(用)今天赢的钱來付房租((用)今天贏的錢來付房租。)jīntiān yíng de qián fù fáng zūtoday win (particle) money pay house rent"the won-today money pays the rent" or "the money that was won today pays the rent"

But sometimes ambiguity arises when it is not clear from the context whether the main-clause noun is intended as the subject or the object of therelative clause:

昨天批评的人都不在这里(昨天批評的人都不在這裡。)zuótiān pīping de rén dōu bu zài zhèlǐyesterday criticize (particle) person all not at here"the people who criticized [others] yesterday are all not here" or "the people whom [others] criticizedyesterday are all not here"

However, the first meaning (in which the main-clause noun is the subject) is usually intended, as the second can be unambiguously stated using apassive voice marker:

昨天被批评的人都不在这里 (昨天被批評的人都不在這裡。)zuótiān bèi pīping de rén dōu bu zài zhèlǐyesterday (passive marker) criticize (particle) person all not at here"the people who were criticized yesterday are all not here"

Andean languages

Aymara

Chinese

Mandarin

Sometimes a relative clause has both a subject and an object specified, in which case the main-clause noun is the implied object of an impliedpreposition in the relative clause:

我写信的毛笔(我寫信的毛筆。)wŏ xiě xìn de máobǐI write letter (particle) brushpenthe brushpen that I write letters with

It is also possible to include the preposition explicitly in the relative clause, but in that case it takes a pronoun object (a personal pronoun with thefunction of a relative pronoun):[27]

我替他画的人(我替他畫的人。)wŏ tì tā huà huà de rénI for him/her draw picture (particle) person"the person for whom I drew the picture"

Free relative clauses are formed in the same way, omitting the modified noun after the particle de. As with bound relative clauses, ambiguity mayarise; for example, 吃的; chī de "eat (particle)" may mean "that which is eaten", i.e. "food", or "those who eat".[28]

In Hawaiian Creole English, an English-based creole also called Hawaiian Pidgin or simply Pidgin, relative clauses work in a way that is similarto, but not identical to, the way they work in English.[29] As in English, a relative pronoun that serves as the object of the verb in the relativeclause can optionally be omitted: For example,

Ai neva si da buk daet Lisa wen baiI never see the book that Lisa (past) buyI didn't see the book that Lisa bought

can also be expressed with the relative pronoun omitted, as

Ai neva si da buk Lisa wen baiI never see the book Lisa (past) buyI didn't see the book Lisa bought

However, relative pronouns serving as the subject of a relative clause show more flexibility than in English; they can be included, as ismandatory in English, they can be omitted, or they can be replaced by another pronoun. For example, all of the following can occur and all meanthe same thing:

Get wan nada grl hu no kaen ste stilThere's one other girl who no can stay stillThere's another girl who cannot stay still

Get wan nada grl no kaen ste stilThere's one other girl no can stay still

Get wan nada grl shi no kaen ste stilThere's one other girl she no can stay still

In Gullah, an English-based creole spoken along the southeastern coast of the United States, no relative pronoun is normally used for the subjectof a relative clause. For example:

Duh him cry out soIt him cry out soIt's he who cries out so

Creoles

Hawaiian Creole English

Gullah

Enty duh dem shum dey?Ain't it them saw_him there?Isn't it they who saw him there?

Long-distance dependenciesReduced relative clause

1. Rodney D. Huddleston, Geoffrey K. Pullum, A Student's Introduction to English Grammar, CUP 2005, p. 183ff.

2. Kurzová, Helena (1981). Der Relativsatz in den indoeuropäischen Sprachen [Relative Clauses in the Indo-EuropeanLanguages] (in German). Hamburg: Buske. p. 117. ISBN 3-87118-458-6. OCLC 63317519 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/63317519).

3. Lehmann, Christian (1984). Der Relativsatz [Relative Clauses]. Language universals series; vol. 3 (in German). Tübingen: G.Narr. p. 438. ISBN 3-87808-982-1. OCLC 14358164 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/14358164).

4. Matrix Sentence, http://www.glossary.sil.org/term/matrix-sentencer

5. http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/files/publication/j2008_4_03_2641.pdf

6. http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/files/publication/j2008_4_05_5653.pdf

7. Carrol, David W (2008). Psychology of Language (5 ed.). Belmont: Thomson & Wadsworth.

8. Townsend, David J; Thomas G Bever (2001). Sentence Comprehension: The Integration of Habits and Rules. Cambridge: MITPress. pp. 247–9.

9. "WALS Online - Language Acoma" (http://wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_aco). wals.info. Retrieved 8 April 2018.

10. McKee, Cecile; McDaniel, Dana (2001), "Resumptive Pronouns in English Relative Clauses", Language Acquisition, 9 (2): 113–156, doi:10.1207/s15327817la0902_01 (https://doi.org/10.1207%2Fs15327817la0902_01).

11. Lehmann, Christian (1986). On the typology of relative clauses. Linguistics, 24(4), 663-680. doi:10.1515/ling.1986.24.4.663 (https://doi.org/10.1515%2Fling.1986.24.4.663)

12. Keenan, Edward L. & Comrie, Bernard (1977). Noun phrase accessibility and Universal Grammar, Linguistic Inquiry, 8(1), 63-99

13. Comrie, Bernard; Language Universals and Linguistic Typology; pp. 156-163; ISBN 0-226-11434-1

14. Kordić, Snježana (1996). "Pronomina im Antezendenten und Restriktivität/Nicht-Restriktivität von Relativsätzen imKroatoserbischen und Deutschen" (http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/426662.PRONOMINA_IM_ANTEZEDENT.PDF) [Pronouns inantecedents and restrictive / non-restrictive relative clauses in Serbo-Croatian and German] (PDF). In Suprun, Adam E;Jachnow, Helmut (eds.). Slavjano-germanskie jazykovye paralleli/Slawisch-germanische Sprachparallelen. Sovmestnyjissledovatel'skij sbornik slavistov universitetov v Minske i Bochume (in German). Minsk: Belorusskij gosudarstvennyjuniversitet. p. 165. OCLC 637166830 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/637166830). Archived (https://www.webcitation.org/6AHPw0DET) from the original on 29 August 2012. Retrieved 14 July 2015.

15. ὅς (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0057:entry=o(/s1). Liddell, Henry George; Scott,Robert; A Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project

16. ὁ (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0057:entry=o(1) in Liddell and Scott

17. Gallis, Arne (1956). The syntax of relative clauses in Serbo-Croatian: Viewed on a historical basis. Oslo: I Kommisjon Hos H.Aschehoug. p. 186. OCLC 601586 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/601586).

18. Kordić, Snježana (1999). Der Relativsatz im Serbokroatischen [Relative Clauses in Serbo-Croatian]. Studies in SlavicLinguistics ; vol. 10 (in German). Munich: Lincom Europa. p. 330. ISBN 3-89586-573-7. OCLC 42422661 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/42422661). OL 2863535W (https://openlibrary.org/works/OL2863535W). Contents (http://d-nb.info/956417647/04)

19. Auwera, Johan van der; Kučanda, Dubravko (1985). "Pronoun or conjunction - the Serbo-Croatian invariant relativizer što".Linguistics. 23 (6): 917–962. ISSN 0024-3949 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0024-3949).

20. Kordić, Snježana (1997). Serbo-Croatian. Languages of the World/Materials ; vol. 148. Munich & Newcastle: Lincom Europa.pp. 57–60. ISBN 3-89586-161-8. OCLC 37959860 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/37959860). OL 2863538W (https://openlibrary.org/works/OL2863538W). Contents (http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/exlibris/aleph/a21_1/apache_media/I2FGYMHULBDSMDXPPEFDGV9ELUGDN2.pdf)

21. Maček, Dora (1986). Relativization in English and Serbo-Croatian. The Yugoslav Serbo-Croatian - English contrastive project,New studies; vol. 3. Zagreb: Institute of Linguistics, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Zagreb. p. 91. OCLC 14710495 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/14710495).

See also

References

Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum (2002). The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge; New York:Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-43146-8.A.J.Thomson & A.V.Martinet (4th edition 1986). A Practical English Grammar. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-431342-5.§72-85. (For the basic "rules" of the English relative pronoun in a presentation suitable for foreign learners.)Keenan & Comrie, "Data on the Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy", Language, vol. 55, No. 2 (Jun., 1979), pp. 333–351 [1](https://www.jstor.org/pss/412588)

SIL Glossary of linguistic terms - What is a relative clause? (http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsARelativeClause.htm)Relative Clause: Does it specify which one? Or does it just describe the one and only? (http://writingforresults.net/Acro_3/4_msg/4_grammr/relative.pdf)Using relative clauses (http://www.englishgrammar.org/relative-clauses-2/), by Jennifer Frost

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22. Browne, Wayles (1986). Relative clauses in Serbo-Croatian in comparison with English. The Yugoslav Serbo-Croatian - Englishcontrastive project, New studies; vol. 4. Zagreb: Institute of Linguistics, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Zagreb. p. 165.OCLC 14368553 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/14368553).

23. Kordić, Snježana (1995). Relativna rečenica (http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/426507.Kordic_Relativna_recenica.pdf) [RelativeClauses] (PDF). Znanstvena biblioteka Hrvatskog filološkog društva; vol. 25 (in Serbo-Croatian). Zagreb: Matica hrvatska &Hrvatsko filološko društvo. pp. 113–128. ISBN 953-6050-04-8. LCCN 97154457 (https://lccn.loc.gov/97154457).OCLC 37606491 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/37606491). OL 2863536W (https://openlibrary.org/works/OL2863536W).Archived (https://www.webcitation.org/690B8xaDu) from the original on 8 July 2012. Retrieved 1 August 2014.

24. A quote from p. 79 of Zuckermann, Ghil'ad (2006), "Complement Clause Types in Israeli", Complementation: A Cross-LinguisticTypology, edited by R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 72-92 (Chapter 3).

25. Alexander, W. D., Introduction to Hawaiian Grammar, Dover, 2004 (originally 1864): 45-47.

26. The examples in this section are from Li, Charles N., and Thompson, Sandra A., Mandarin Chinese: A Functional ReferenceGrammar, Univ. of California Press, 1981: 579-585.

27. This example is from Chaofen Sun, Chinese: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 189.

28. Sun (2006), p. 187.

29. Sakoda, Kent, and Siegel, Jeff. Pidgin Grammar, Bess Press, 2003: pp. 102ff.

External links