(NACCL-32)

CONFERENCE ORGANIZER

PROCEEDINGS EDITOR

©Cover design and front matter by NACCL-32 2020 ©All papers copyrighted by the authors 2020

Proceedings of the 32nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-32)

Edited by Kaidi Chen

Published by:

University of Connecticut Storrs, CT, USA

Distributed by:

NACCL Proceedings Online Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures 398 Hagerty Hall 1775 College Road The Ohio State University Columbus, Ohio, USA

URL: http://naccl.osu.edu

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CONTENTS OF VOLUME

Page

Conference organizer’s remarks and acknowledgements ............................................................. vi Preface.......................................................................................................................................... vii

PART 1. PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY

1. Bihua Chen…........................................................................................................................... 1 The Fate of Rounded Vowels in Cantonese Varieties of Pearl River Delta — with a Focus on the Doumen Dialect

2. Yi Jen Chen ........................................................................................................... 13 The Moraic Structure of Taiwan Mandarin Contractions

3. 崔平,王韫佳 ......................................................................................................... 20 抚顺话声调的协同发音与连读变调

4. Jing Ji ................................................................................................................... 38 Formation of Reduplicative Polysyllabic Onomatopoeia in Mandarin

5. Yang Liu and Lori Repetti ....................................................................................... 48 Restrictions on Consonant + Glide (CG) Sequences in Chinese Varieties

6. Chenchen Xu ......................................................................................................... 54 Masked Phonological Contrast Maintained in Phonetics — Vowel Feature Remnant in Rugao Contracted Syllables

7. Yuhong Zhu .......................................................................................................... 66 Quantity-Sensitive Foot Formation in Suzhou: Evidence from Light-Initial Tone Sandhi

PART 2. MORPHOLOGY, SYNTAX AND SEMANTICS

8. Hanzhu Chen ............................................................................................................................84 (In)definiteness in a Language without Articles: A Study in Mandarin Chinese

9. Pin-His Patrick Chen............................................................................................................... 97 How Sub-Event Verbal Classifiers and Numerals are Related to Telicity in Taiwan Mandarin: From a Constructionist Perspective

10. Yunchuan Chen ..................................................................................................................... 115 An Experimental Investigation of Reconstruction Effects of the Head Quantifier Phrase in Chinese Relative Clauses

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11. Naiyan Du ............................................................................................................................. 127 Rethinking the Sentence-Final Particle (SFP) System in Mandarin: The Status of Le

12. Shengyun Gu ......................................................................................................................... 139 The Weak Hand in Verb Agreement and Argument Marking: A Study of Verbs with Weak Hand Classifier in Chinese Sign Language

13. Yuyin He ............................................................................................................................... 157 When NONFUT Tense Meets Perfective Aspect

14. Jiahui Huang ......................................................................................................................... 171 Finiteness as Anchoring: Evidence from Cantonese

15. Nick Huang, Annemarie van Dooren and Gesoel Mendes ................................................... 189 “Wanting” the Future: The Case of Future Yao

16. Kevin Kwong ........................................................................................................................ 206 Bare (Double) and Prepositional Objects in Cantonese Applicatives

17. Jing-Xi Lan and Li Yi ........................................................................................................... 224 The AABB-Like Reduplication of Disyllabic Adjectives and the Related Commendatory/Derogatory Senses

18. So Young Lee, Lei Liu and Hongchen Wu........................................................................... 239 Factive Island is not an Island in Mandarin

19. Tommy Tsz-Ming Lee .......................................................................................................... 247 Strength in Deontic Modals as Acceptability and Optimality

20. Pengfei Li .............................................................................................................................. 259 Focus but not Focus Movement: The Syntax of the Mandarin Lian...Dou Construction

21. Khai-in Lim ........................................................................................................................... 269 The Ergative Marker Revisited in Tangut

22. Khai-in Lim & Kamil Deen .................................................................................................. 275 Unaccusative and Unergative Verbs in Child Mandarin Chinese

23. Pei-Jung Kuo ......................................................................................................................... 277 The Peripheral Applicative Gei in Mandarin Chinese

24. Yina Patterson and Yoshihisa Kitagawa ............................................................................... 289 On the So-Called Gapless Relative Clauses in Chinese

25. Ling Sun ................................................................................................................................ 307 The Role of Polarity in Measure Phrase Constructions: Evidence from Mandarin, German,

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Dutch and English

26. Shuyan Wang ........................................................................................................................ 322 A Prosodic Analysis of Mandarin Classifiers

27. Taijing Xiao .......................................................................................................................... 331 On the Mandarin Distributive Marker Gezi

28. Ka-Fai Yip and Tommy Tsz-Ming Lee ................................................................................ 345 Generalized Scope Economy

29. Xuetong Yuan and Hiroaki Saito .......................................................................................... 361 Matrix Shuo in Mandarin

PART 3. HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS

30. Andrew Allard ...................................................................................................................... 371 The Origins of Sino-Khmer Numerals: A Historical-Linguistic Analysis

31. Ming Huang .......................................................................................................................... 379 Chinese Concessive Mechanism in a Semantic-Diachronic Perspective: Case of 哪怕 Nǎ Pà

32. Tian Li ................................................................................................................................... 397 Why Er is not the Ancestral Form of Ne

PART 4. LANGUAGE PROCESSING AND LEARNING

33. 边旭....................................................................................................................................... 411 汉语个体量词认知功能的研究

34. Shaohua Fang and Alan Juffs ............................................................................................... 422 Offline Processing of Ba- and Bei-Constructions in Mandarin Chinese

35. Jiang Liu and Seth Wiener… ................................................................................................ 438 CFL Learners’ Mandarin Syllable-Tone Word Production: Effects of Task and Prior Phonological and Lexical Learning

36. Jie Liu and Mingzhe Zheng .................................................................................................. 450 Are Pants Clothes or Long Objects: Exploring the L2 Acquisition of Chinese Classifiers

37. Liya Tan and Hailong Chen .................................................................................................. 464 An Analysis of the Errors and Teaching Strategies in the Acquisition of Chinese Diphthongs /uo/ and /ua/ by Thai Students

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38. Wang Xia and Tang Li .......................................................................................................... 474 Processing Phonetic Radicals of Chinese Characters in a Sentence: Data from Mandarin Native Speakers

39. Yadong Xu and Kevin Russell… .......................................................................................... 487 How Mandarin Bidialectal Listeners Recognize Words when Their Two Tonal Systems Are Diametrically Opposed?

40. 张爱丽................................................................................................................................... 505 汉语第三人称显性代词加工实证研究

PART 5. SOCIOLINGUISTICS

41. Robert Squizzero ................................................................................................................... 521 Attitudes toward L2 Mandarin Speakers of Chinese and Non-Chinese Ethnicity

42. Yunting Gu............................................................................................................................ 539 Mandarin Self-Referential Expressions: A Sociolinguistic Study

PART 6. CORPUS LINGUISTICS

43. 黃博雅，烏雲賽娜............................................................................................................... 555 “這麼一 V”與“這麼 V 來”篇章表現差異及成因分析

44. Yihan Zhou ........................................................................................................................... 570 Research Trends in Chinese Linguistics from 2000 to 2020: Combining Bibliometric Analysis and Expert Opinions

45. Nozomo Tanaka, Alessia Cherici and Yung-Yung Chang ................................................... 581 Estimating Cue Strengths in Child Chinese Input and Output: A Competition Model Approach to Corpus Data

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CONFERENCE ORGANIZER’S REMARKS

AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The 32nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-32) was originally scheduled for April 24th to 26th, 2020. The breakout of the COVID-19 pandemic in the US and the rest of the world in March 2020 has presented many unprecedented challenges and we had to make one after another tough decision regarding the schedule and modality of NACCL-32. After several rounds of online polls among the conference presenters, we decided not to cancel the conference but turn it into a virtual conference on September 18th to 20th, 2020, to ensure the safety and health of all participants. Despite all these complications, the final program included over 100 presentations and more than 300 people from all over the world registered and attended the two-and-a-half- day virtual conference. NACCL-32 could not have been possible without all the support and assistance that I had received. First, I would like to thank my previous department head, Dr. Gustavo Nanclares, and my current department head, Dr. Jennifer Terni, who both strongly supported the conference and granted me a course release and a half TA position. Second, I would like to acknowledge the generous support from various departments and centers at UConn; they are CLAS Dean's Office, Humanities Institute, The Office of Global Affairs, The Connecticut Institute for the Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Asian and Asian American Studies Institute, Department of Linguistics, and Department of Literatures, Cultures and Languages. Third, I would want to thank my five keynote speakers, Prof. Marjorie K. M. Chan, Prof. James Huang, Prof. Nan Jiang, Professor Ming Xing, and Prof. Yi Xu, for their support of NACCL-32. Last but not the least, I would like to extend my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to my organizing committee at UConn: Prof. Nan Meng, Kaidi Chen, Shengyun Gu, Danwei Li and Juntao Li, as well as all the reviewers of NACCL abstracts. Again, thanks to all for your support and assistance in making NACCL-32 (virtual) possible and a huge success. I would also like to thank Kaidi Chen for “squeezing” time from his busy schedule of teaching and learning to edit the proceedings of NACCL-32. Wish everyone safe and healthy in this difficult and challenging time! Chunsheng Yang

NACCL-32 Program Chair

Associate Professor of Chinese and Applied Linguistics

The University of Connecticut

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PREFACE

The 32nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-32) was held virtually at University of Connecticut on September 18-20, 2020.

After the conference ended, the presenters were invited to submit their revised papers for publication in the Proceedings of the 32nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics. Forty-five of the presented papers were submitted and included in the proceedings. The papers have been divided into six parts: Part 1 contains papers on phonetics and phonology; Part 2 pertains to morphology, syntax and semantics; Part 3 is on historical linguistics; Part 4 concerns language processing and learning; Part 5 is on sociolinguistics; Part 6 deals with linguistic studies using corpus data.

Proceedings of the 32nd North American Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL-32). 2020. Edited by Kaidi Chen. University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT. Pages 48-53.

Restrictions on Consonant + Glide (CG) Sequences in Chinese Varieties

Yang Liu and Lori Repetti

Stony Brook University

Restrictions on CG onsets involve both OCP and anti-OCP constraints: dissimilation of major articulator features for distinctiveness of phonetic cues, and agreement of dependent features like backness for ease of articulation. In some languages (Mandarin and Shangfu) the feature [back] plays a key role, while Putian ranks CG backness agreement relatively low.

1. Introduction

Some languages, like Korean, allow any consonant + glide (CG) combinations, while other languages, like Kirundi, avoid all CG sequences. Many languages have restrictions on CG onsets: for example, some varieties of Italian disallow palatals preceding [j] and [w], and some varieties of American English disallow coronals followed by the glide [j]. In Chinese varieties, consonant + glide (CG) combinations are allowed, but with a relatively complex system of restrictions. We examine restrictions on CG clusters in Mandarin Chinese, Shangfu Chinese, and Putian Chinese, and investigate the features that play a role in restricting CG onsets. We argue that both OCP (in particular, No Lab + Lab) and CG [back] agreement constraints are needed to explain onset grammaticality in Chinese varieties.

According to Liu & Repetti (2019), in Mandarin, no fricatives or affricates can precede [j, ɥ], except the palatals [t͡ ç, t͡ çʰ, ç]. In contrast, all fricatives and affricates can precede [w], except the palatals. Furthermore, Mandarin velars are disallowed before [j, ɥ], yet can occur before the velar glide [w], and labials cannot combine with labial glide [ɥ, w] as onsets. [tɥ] and [thɥ] are also banned, but all other CG sequences are legal. Overall, two principles are needed to explain Mandarin CG onset restrictions: *LabLab (1)1 and various [back] agreement constraints (2-4). The three backness agreement constraints require the two segments of certain consonant + glide sequences to be both

1 Duanmu’s (2000: 32) Articulator Dissimilation Principle (“Identical articulators cannot occur in succession”) can account for some but not all of the restrictions on Mandarin CG onsets.

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[+ba] or both [-ba]. If the word-initial consonant is [0ba], then the relevant Agree[back] constraint is violated.2

(1) *LabLab – A labial consonant cannot occur with a labial glide [ɥ]/[w] (2) Agree[back]: C[-son, +cont] j – A [-son, +cont] consonant (affricate or fricative) and the following glide [j] must have the same backness value: [-back] (3) Agree[back]: C[-son] ɥ – An obstruent and the following glide [ɥ] must have the same backness value: [-back] (4) Agree[back]: DorG – A dorsal consonant (palatal or velar) and any following glide ([j ɥ w]) must have the same backness value

This study analyzes CG patterns in two other varieties of Chinese: one that is

similar to Mandarin (Shangfu Chinese) and one that is quite different (Putian Chinese). Shangfu, as part of Central Plains varieties, is geographically closer to and differs minimally from Standard Chinese (Mandarin). Spoken in southern Henan and northern Anhui in eastern China, Shangfu’s consonant inventory is similar to Mandarin Chinese, except that Shangfu has the voiced fricative [z]. The first author is a native speaker of this variety. In contrast, Putian, spoken in the central area of Fujian Province, differs maximally from Mandarin. It belongs to the coastal Min language group with approximately 5 million native speakers. Without palatals [tç, tçh, ç] or retroflexes [tʂ, tʂh, ʂ, ʐ], its consonant inventory includes the lateral fricative [ɬ] and velar nasal [ŋ] which Mandarin and Shangfu lack. The Shangfu data in the following discussion come from Compilation Commission of Chorography of Putian (1964, 2001). We analyze Cj (§2), Cɥ (§3), and Cw (§4) sequences in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian, and conclude (§5) that Shangfu imposes even stricter backness agreement requirements on CG sequences than Mandarin does, while Putian is less restrictive. 2. C+j in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian

In (5), we see that Putian allows all Cj sequences, whereas Shangfu and Mandarin behave similarly to each other regarding Cj sequences.3

2 The backness feature specification of [j] and [ɥ] is [-back], while [w] is [+back]. Furthermore, we analyze the labial consonants and non-palatal coronals as [0 back], the palatal consonants as [-back], and the velars as [+back] (Riggle 2011, Kenstowicz 1994, Hayes 2011, etc.). 3 The “—” symbol is used when a consonant is not present in the inventory. Labiodental [f], palatals [tç, tçh, ç] and retroflexes [tʂ, tʂh, ʂ, ʐ] are not in Putian’s consonant inventory, nor are [s] and [z]. The lateral fricative [ɬ] and velar nasal [ŋ] are absent in Mandarin and Shangfu, and [z] is not found in Mandarin.

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(5) Cj in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian Cj Shangfu Mandarin Putian

labial

p √ √ √ ph √ √ √ m √ √ √ f * * —

non-palatal coronal

t √ √ √ th √ √ √ n √ √ √ l √ √ √ ts * * √ tsh * * √ s * * — ɬ — — √ z * — — tʂ * * — tʂh * * — ʂ * * — ʐ * * —

palatal

tç √ √ — tçh √ √ — ç √ √ —

velar

k * * √ kh * * √ x * * √ ŋ — — √

The Shangfu and Mandarin data can be accounted for with the constraints in (2)

and (4): fricatives and affricates, as well as and palatals and velars, must have the same backness value as the following glide [j]: [-back]. However, Putian allows fricatives and affricates, as well as velars to precede [j]. An interesting effect of Putian’s tolerance for Cj sequences can be found in its consonant inventory. Duanmu (2000: 31) claims that Mandarin combinations [tsj, tshj, sj] could be palatalized and became [tç, tçh, ç]. The present study argues that this sound change can be interpreted as an effect of the backness agreement constraint in (2). Since Putian does not require backness agreement of these sequences, they were not palatalized, and palatal consonants are not present in the Putian consonant inventory.

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3. C+ɥ in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian In (6), we see that only labial + [ɥ] groups are penalized in Putian. Shangfu and

Mandarin are more restrictive and behave similarly to each other.

(6) Cɥ in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian Cɥ Shangfu Mandarin Putian

labial

p * * * ph * * * m * * * f * * —

non-palatal coronal

t * * √ th * * √ n √ √ √ l √ √ √ ts * * √ tsh * * √ s * * — ɬ — — √ z * — — tʂ * * — tʂh * * — ʂ * * — ʐ * * —

palatal

tç √ √ — tçh √ √ — ç √ √ —

velar

k * * √ kh * * √ x * * √ ŋ — — √

The Shangfu and Mandarin facts are accounted for with the constraints in (1) and (3): the labial consonants are banned before [ɥ] because of (1), and the non-palatal obstruents + [ɥ] are penalized by (3).4 In Putian, on the other hand, only the labial + [ɥ] clusters are penalized; all other sequences of non-labials (coronals or velars) plus [ɥ] are permitted: 强[kɥauŋ] ‘strong’, 却[khɥau] ‘but’, 仰[ŋɥauŋ] ‘look up’, 靴[xɥau] ‘boot’. The only relevant constraint for Putian is defined in (7).

4 The constraint in (4) can also account for the ban on dorsal consonant + [ɥ] sequences, but since all dorsal consonants in Mandarin and Shangful are obstruents, the constraint in (3) is sufficient.

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(7) Putian constraint: *Cɥ-LabLab - A labial consonant cannot occur with [ɥ]

4. C+w in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian

In (8), we see that Putian allows any consonant to precede [w], while Mandarin is more restrictive, and Shangfu even more so. (8) Cw in Shangfu, Mandarin, and Putian

Cw Shangfu Mandarin Putian

labial

p * * √ ph * * √ m * * √ f * * —

non-palatal coronal

t √ √ √ th √ √ √ n √ √ √ l √ √ √ ts * √ √ tsh * √ √ s * √ — ɬ — — √ z * — — tʂ * √ — tʂh * √ — ʂ * √ — ʐ * √ —

palatal

tç * * — tçh * * — ç * * —

velar

k √ √ √ kh √ √ √ x √ √ √ ŋ — — √

In Putian, the labial velar glide [w] can co-occur with all consonants, including a

labial consonant [p, ph, m], as in 杯[pwai] ‘cup’, 泼[phwa] ‘splash’ and 满[mwaŋ] ‘full’. The adjacent labial features in onset are not banned here, while they are before the glide [ɥ] (§3), highlighting the restricted nature of [ɥ] as compared to [j, w]. The Shangfu and Mandarin patterns are accounted for by constraints (1) and (4): a labial consonant cannot precede the labial glide [w] (1), and a dorsal consonant can precede [w] because they

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share the [+back] feature specification (4). The differences between Shangfu and Mandarin can be found among non-palatal coronal fricatives and affricates, which Shangfu bars before [w], whereas Mandarin does not. Thus, sequences like [tsw, tshw, sw, zw, tʂhw, tʂw, ʂw, ʐw] are missing in Shangfu, which indicates that Shangfu requires backness agreement not only with C[-son,+cont]+j and C[-son,+cont]+ɥ sequences, but also C[-son,+cont]+w sequences. We can account for this restriction with the constraint in (9) requiring affricates and fricatives to agree in backness with any following glide, not only [j, ɥ], but also [w].

(9) Shangfu constraint: Agree[back]: C[-son,+cont]G – A [-son, +cont] consonant (affricate or fricative) and any following glide ([j ɥ w]) must have the same backness value

5 Summary

We have seen that Putian is very tolerant of CG sequences, banning only labial consonants before [ɥ]. Mandarin and Shangfu are more restrictive, banning labial consonants + [ɥ] or [w]. Furthermore, unlike Putian, Mandarin and Shangfu also require backness agreement between fricatives/affricates and [j], obstruents and [ɥ], and dorsal consonants and any glide. Shangfu is even more concerned with backness agreement than Mandarin, requiring all fricatives and affricates to have the same backness value as any following glide. In conclusion, phonotactic constraints on CG sequences differ in these three varieties of Chinese with Putian being the most permissive and Shangfu the least, but all impose some restrictions that can be characterized as both OCP and anti-OCP constraints.

REFERENCES COMPILATION COMMISSION OF CHOROGRAPHY OF PUTIAN. 1964. PU TIAN XIAN ZHI 莆田

县志 ["CHOROGRAPHY OF PUTIAN"]. COMPILATION COMMISSION OF CHOROGRAPHY OF PUTIAN CITY. 2001. PU TIAN SHI ZHI 莆

田市志 ["CHOROGRAPHY OF PUTIAN CITY"]. BEIJING: FANGZHI CHUBANSHE. ISBN 7-80122-669-0.

DUANMU, SAN. 2000. The Phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

HAYES, BRUCE. 2011. Introductory Phonology. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. KENSTOWICZ, MICHAEL. 1994. Phonology in generative grammar. Cambridge, Mass.:

Blackwell. LIU, YANG, and LORI REPETTI. 2019. Backness Agreement in Consonant + Glide Onsets in

Mandarin. Proceedings of WECOL, 2019. RIGGLE, JASON. 2011. Phonological Feature Chart – University of Chicago version

11.02. http://hum.uchicago.edu/~jriggle/