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Reconstructing Community from Broken Pots and Ruined Churches on Cyprus
William Caraher, University of North Dakota
Delivered at the University of Texas, Austin
Workshop on Late Antiquity
September 27, 2013
Introduction
About a year ago, a friend and Texas Alumnus Dimitri Nakassis, asked me an informal,
but not uninformed question: why does no one pay attention to archaeology on Cyprus?
After telling him that strictly speaking this was not true, it got me thinking about the
archaeology of Cyprus more broadly and what we need to do to draw Cyprus more fully into
ongoing conversations in Mediterranean archaeology. As this talk is being presented as part of
series on Late Antiquity, I’ll largely limit my remarks to the Late Antique period on thisisland, but the Roman and Late Roman periods work well for a consideration of archaeology
on the island in a larger Mediterranean context. More specifically, I’ll bracket the paper with
two sites on the island of Late Roman date where I have done field work over the last decade:
Polis-Chrysochous and Pyla-Koutsopetria. [SLIDE]
Part of my goal of working at these sites (and I can’t speak necessarily for my collaborators) is to use Late Antique Cyprus as a way to think regionally both on Cyprus and
in the Eastern Mediterranean [SLIDE] When I say that I want to use Cyprus to think in a
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in the Eastern Mediterranean [SLIDE] When I say that I want to use Cyprus to think in a
Do not cite without author’s permission. © 2013
Polis
Since 2010, I’ve been working with an amazing team of scholars at the site of Polis-
Chrysochous, ancient Arsinoe, in the northwestern corner of the island. Settled during the
Neolithic and called Marion during the Iron Age, Ptolemy Philadelphus refounded the city as
Arisnoe during the chaotic Hellenistic period on the island. During the Late Roman period
the city was the seat of a bishop and had at least three basilica style churches, two of which
were excavated by the Princeton Polis Expedition in the 1980s and 1990s. Amy
Papalexandrou, Scott Moore, Brandon Olson and I are working to publish the churches from
the site. [SLIDE] We have so far focused on the church that we’ve designated the South
Basilica. The remains of this church stands in a built up zone of the Late Antique city called
by the excavators E.F2. It included several phases of architecture, numerous burials, elaborate
water works, and city streets.
Methodological Interlude
[SLIDE] Before we proceed with my analysis, I feel like I should include a brief word on
method. Amy Papalexandrou and I with the support of long time project director Willie
Childs and Joanna Smith have re-studied the architecture of the South Basilica which was
originally studied by Danny Curcic in a series of papers in the mid-1980s. We planned to
bring greater attention to the stratigraphic record to bear on Curcic’s largely typological,architectural analysis with a particular interest in producing archaeological dates for the
various modifications to the church’s plan and structure Over the past three years a team of
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trenches in immediate vicinity of the South Basilica. This allowed us to reorganize the data
according to stratigraphic relationship and to produce Harris Matrixes for each trench.
[SLIDE] We also prepared a digital site plan for the area of the South Basilica based on the
state plans produced by the project’s architects and the regular trench plans produced over the
course of excavation. This allowed us to relate walls removed over the course of excavation or
across several trenches (or even years) and begin to correlate certain stratigraphic units across
the entire site. All this was done in ArcGIS which provided us with a flexible workspace for
the analysis of horizontal relationships. The digitized notebooks and GIS have allowed us to
produce georeferenced descriptions of the excavation process. Our work is not quite done,
but we hope that this opens the doors to unique opportunities for publishing both the
excavation data and our analysis. We are particularly sanguine about the prospects of
integrating 3D photogrammetry with our digitized notebook data, but our work along these
lines remains in its early stages.
[SLIDE] At the same time that we worked to organize the excavation notebooks and
plans, we set about studying the context pottery from the excavations. During the
excavations, trench supervisors and specialists identified and recorded separately highly
diagnostic pottery and other individually significant artifacts (coins, lamps, architectural
fragments, et c.). The remaining pottery was quickly documented, undiagnostic sherds
discarded, and a representative sample kept for future study. This sample included mostfeature sherds, rims, handles, bases, and some examples of distinct fabrics. These artifacts had
not been studied systematically for the area around the South Basilica and in 2010 R Scott
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basilicas. What is somewhat more remarkable, however, is that two of these churches, the
South Basilica and the yet unnamed basilica in the area named E.G0, were excavated
stratigaphically. These join a disappointingly small group of churches that enjoyed careful
stratigraphic excavation and study on Cyprus. More interestingly, both of these buildings
appear to have enjoyed a rather long-life span. The South Basilica, which we have studied
most extensively, appears to have stood at least as late as the 10th or 11th century with
significant modifications throughout its history. My paper today will look at some of the
byproducts of these modification as a way to understand the decisions made by individual
communities on the island.
I’m going to focus my discussion the first two major phases of the church. The first phases
consisted of only the central nave and two flanking aisle terminating in apses [SLIDE]. Such
simple churches were common on Cyprus and across the Eastern Mediterranean. Our efforts
we have not yet been able to date the first phase as the foundation cuts for the main apse did
not produce any diagnostic pottery. We were, however, able to date levels below the church.It appears that the entire area around the South Basilica was leveled prior to the construction
of the church and the ceramics in this leveling course, which were produced by deep
soundings below the south nave and south aisle wall. [SLIDE] The latest ceramics in the fills
below the foundations of the nave and aisle walls are the inelegantly-named Cypriot Red Slip
forms 9B, 11, and 2 tend to date to the second half of the 6th century. This ceramic material
dates to about a century later than 4th
and 5th
century coins found in levels associated with thefirst phase of the church. The appearance of later 6th century material in lower fills around the
south nave and aisle walls provides a terminus post quem In other words we can probably date
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that they probably supported a wood roof, and we can expect that the aisles, which would
have been lower and than the main nave, probably kept their wooded, shed roofs even in the
second phase.
The way we dated this phase was pretty exciting (from an archaeological perspective). It
involved a careful study of both the architecture and the ceramics found in trenches
associated with the modifications to the building. [SLIDE] The most dramatic feature that we
have associated with the second phase of the South Basilica is a vast leveling course of cobble
sized stones and rubble along the south wall of the church. While I’ll return to discussing this
feature later in my paper today, it is important to understand that there was no foundation cut
visible in this level for the south aisle wall. In other words, the south aisle wall predated this
rubble fill which because the foundation for the south portico. [SLIDE] The south portico, in
turn, is contemporary with the narthex, and these two features are structurally and
architecturally dependent upon one another. Moreover, excavation along the west wall of the
narthex and in the large cobble and rubble fill near the south aisle and under the southportico produced a very similar assemblage of pottery. [SLIDE] Both trenches produced
Cypriot Red Slip shapes called “well forms” after their discovery in a sealed well deposit at
Anemurium in Cilicia dating to around 630. Moreover the trenches included the usual array
of other contemporary and earlier Cypriot Red Slip forms including 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11.
Coins in the cobble and rubble fill include a coin of Maurice (582-602) reinforce the 7th
century date for the south portico and narthex.
This is where things get really cool [SLIDE] Nassos Papalexandrou excavated the
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Peninsula studied in the mid-20th century by Megaw and, most recently, by Charles Stewart.
Unfortunately, the walls are not preserved above the level of the foundation making it
difficult to understand the exact modifications that the church endured. For example, it
would be useful to know whether the nave walls received arches or solid walls between the
buttresses. Despite these limitations, it seems fair to assume that the builders at Polis had
some familiarity with the kind of modifications of churches taking place at around the same
time on the Karpas Peninsula on the opposite corner of the island.
[SLIDE] More striking, however, is the similarities of the church at Polis with theelaborate basilica set atop the acropolis of the Amathus some xxx km to the east. Both
churches had arched southern porticos. At Amathus this southern portico joined with a
arched exonarthex; [SLIDE] at the South Basilica at Polis, the portico joined with the narthex
itself. The nave and aisles of the acropolis basilica form a rough square measuring 13 x 13
meters. The nave and aisles of the South Basilica at Polis are remarkably close to these
dimensions. Both churches share a five-sided exterior to the main apse. Finally, the church atAmathus was either contemporary or slightly earlier than the second phase of the South
Basilica. While the acropolis basilica awaits final publication, numismatic evidence dates this
church to the end of the 6th century or the beginning of the 7 th century placing it among the
last large-scale wood-roofed basilicas constructed on the island.
[SLIDE] The decision of the community (or some part of it) to construct a church similar to the acropolis church at Amathus with modifications evoking a group of churches in the
distant Karpas peninsula appears odd The parallels between the Amathus acropolis church
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[SLIDE] If architecture hints at ties ties between Polis and the neighboring city of Soloi to
the north, the far northeastern corners of Cyprus, and the central coast, the ceramic evidence
from Polis tells a slightly broader story. The substantial rubble and cobble level associated
with the second phase of the basilica produced a massive assemblage of Roman and Late
Roman period pottery. Archaeologists refer to assemblages found in fills as residual or in
secondary context. This group of pottery, then, does not reflect activities associated with the
intended use of the pottery, but rather discard practices that collected pottery from a wide
range of areas across the site and dumped indiscriminately into a rubble fill. This residual
assemblage, then, represents a wide range of activities up until the point when it dumped intothe leveling fill of the south portico and atrium.
Residual Pottery at Polis
[SLIDE] This residual assemblage produced over 3000 sherds of pottery and a substantial
amount of diagnostic material. Historical periods from the Iron Age to the Late Roman arerepresented in this residual assemblage, but nearly 80% (or 2000 sherds) of the diagnostic
material dates to the Roman or Late Roman period. Sherds dating to the Late Roman period
(4th-7th century AD) make up nearly half the Roman assemblage and provides us with a
substantial cross-section of functions ranging from trade to domestic life at Polis.
[SLIDE] The most substantial (and perhaps most interesting) group of material in the fill were fine wares, which accounted for close to 40% of the total assemblage of Late Roman
material We encountered an overwhelming quantity of Cypriot Red Slip This is a tableware
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present in our assemblage tend to feature large folded rims with a distinct groove on the
outside of the vessel where the rim folds over the body. This is similar to number 206 from
Anemurium but less square, and there are few examples of this form from elsewhere on
Cyprus (Williams 1992). Form 7 and 8 tend to feature flat rims with multiple grooves and do
not show the range of related shapes present elsewhere on the island. The substantial presence
of these larger forms of Cypriot Red Slip may hint at the presence of a production site in the
far west of the island. Some scholars have suggested that large vessels tend to travel less
distance from their production sites, and the relatively utilitarian character of these larger
basins might make this even more the case.
[SLIDE] We can add a little more to this argument: The form does not appear among the
types associated with the kilns recently published in Pamphylia in Asia Minor. It may also
speak to the rather late date of activity at our site, as CRS11 and CRS8 represent two of the
latest forms of this ware. The fill from the rooms southeast of the basilica also produced
several shards of "well form" CRS which were produced as late as the first half of the 7thcentury, confirming the rather late date of the fill and the activities that its residual pottery
represented.
[SLIDE] It is notable, however, that in the nearby Canadian-Paliopaphos Survey Project
(CPSP), these three shapes (7, 8, and 11) make up less than 3% of the total assemblage of
CRS. At Polis, these three forms account for almost half of our assemblage of CRS. Whilethis might be explained, partially, by the slightly later character of our residual assemblage
(making some of the earlier material in tertiary context rather than simply secondary) this
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from the coast to the copper mining regions in the Troodos Mountain foothills. [SLIDE]
The nearly contemporary coastal site of Maroni-Petrera which stood near the mouth of the
Kalavassos valley produced significantly lower percentage of imported ceramics with over
80% of the assemblage being CRS. Unfortunately they do not reveal the percentages of the
various forms of CRS.
Moving further west on the island and remaining inland, the proportion of CRS to other
finewares appears to declines. At the inland site of Panayia-Ematousa west of modern
Larnaka, Phocaean Ware accounts for close to 60% of the total assemblage of Late Romanfine ware, and Cypriot Red Slip in contrast amounted to just a little over 20% and African
Red Slip at around 15%. The massive supply of Phocaean ware in the eastern half of the
Mediterranean (particular such long lived forms at the Form 3 plate) may account for the
significant presence of PHW at Panayia-Ematousa, but does not necessarily explain why
quantities of CRS, which was also well-supplied to the island, are so proportionately low.
Pyla-Koutsopetria
[SLIDEx5] Moving back to the coast, the site of Pyla-Koutsopetria on Larnaka Bay
provides the final case study for consideration of the distribution of ceramics on the island of
Cyprus. Since 2003, I conducted a survey and excavation at the site of Pyla-Koutsopetria on
the east side of Larnaka bay about 10 km east of the ancient city of Kition (now Larnaka).Our work documented a thriving coastal community of Late Roman date stretching along a
kilometer of the south Cyprus coastline The site benefited from a now infilled embayment
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This presence of fine ware provides a more useful source for understanding the site’s
broader engagement with the broader Mediterranean world. Of the three most common
wares, CRS constitutes 70%, PHW 19%, and ARS 11%. The majority of this material is
contemporary with the types present in the Polis assemblage with a slightly larger quantity of
earlier sherds (particularly CRS 1 and 2). [SLIDE] Like at Polis, the most common form of
CRS is the long-lived Form 9. There is very little CRS 7 and 8 and CRS 11 accounts for
only 14% of the assemblage at PKAP rather than 35% at Polis. In other words, the
assemblage at the coastal site of Pyla-Koutsopetria is very different from the assemblage atPolis.
Conclusions
To return to my conversation with Prof. Nakassis, I’d like to show how these rather
preliminary comparisons of Late Roman sites across island of Cyprus can contribute to larger issues in the archaeology of the Late Roman world.
This differences between the contemporary assemblages at Pyla-Koutsopetria and Polis
reflect the complexity of local economic realities and taste. Separated by less 100 miles as the
crow flies and 150 miles by sea, the sites are basically similar. Both have basilica style
churches, robust assemblages of fine table wares and transport vessels, and developed “urban”infrastructures. The artifact assemblages, as we have seen, differ significantly.
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In 2000, Horden and Purcell published a book called The Corrupting Sea that argued that
the ancient Mediterranean sea consisted of a series of semi-autonomous microregions. These
microregions engaged their neighbors in trade, adapted to their local environmental
conditions, and cultivated social and political networks designed to allow these communities
to thrive. The fineware assemblages across Cyprus demonstrate variable access to the web of
economic relationships that crisscross the Mediterranean sea.
Similar networks of local preferences may provide a context for the design and
construction techniques manifest in the basilica at Polis. Drawing at least some inspirationfrom elaborate acropolis basilica at Amathus and the vaulted basilicas on the Karpas peninsula,
the church at Polis appears to draw on a different network of relationships.
The value of observing these connections across the island of Cyprus is not so much to
argue that ceramics or church architecture hold any distinct significance, but to set the stage
for a larger consideration of how the relationships between these microregions reflect practiceat the level of individual communities. If we accept that microregions form the basic unit for
social practices in the ancient Mediterranean (and the jury is still out on this, but the evidence
from Cyprus does show remarkable variation), then the decision making present at these
relatively small, local communities is the activity that produces what archaeologists
understand as culture in the ancient world.
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Reconstruc*ngCommunityfrom
BrokenPotsandRuinedChurcheson
Cyprus
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R.Maguire,LateAn(queBasilicasonCyprus:sources,contexts,history .
(Unpub.Ph.d.Diss.EastAnglia2012)
Fig.1.1
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C.A.Stewart,“TheFirstVaultedChurchesinCyprus”
JournaloftheSocietyofArchitecturalHistorians69(2010)
Fig.1
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C.A.Stewart,“TheFirst
VaultedChurchesinCyprus”
JournaloftheSocietyof
ArchitecturalHistorians69
(2010)Fig.1
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R.Maguire,LateAn(que
BasilicasonCyprus:
sources,contexts,history .
(Unpub.Ph.d.Diss.EastAnglia2012)
Fig.6.1,6.2
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C.A.Stewart,“TheFirst
VaultedChurchesinCyprus”
JournaloftheSocietyof
ArchitecturalHistorians69
(2010)
Fig.6and7
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FromAnemurium
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Anemurium
CRSKilns(Gebiz)
Polis
PKAPCPSPKalavasos-Kopetra
Maroni-Petrera
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CypriotRedSlipfromPolis
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http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/reconstructing-community-from-broken-pots-and-ruined-churches-on-cyprus 50/54
7/29/2019 Reconstructing Community from Broken Pots and Ruined Churches on Cyprus.
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/reconstructing-community-from-broken-pots-and-ruined-churches-on-cyprus 51/54
7/29/2019 Reconstructing Community from Broken Pots and Ruined Churches on Cyprus.
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/reconstructing-community-from-broken-pots-and-ruined-churches-on-cyprus 52/54
7/29/2019 Reconstructing Community from Broken Pots and Ruined Churches on Cyprus.
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/reconstructing-community-from-broken-pots-and-ruined-churches-on-cyprus 53/54
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