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U N E S C O INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL

P U B L I S H E D Q U A R T E R L Y V O L . X V , N O . 4 , 1963

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN AMERICA

Introduction: social change and comparative studies, by Wilbert E . Moore 519 'Research models' for Latin America, by Peter Heintz . . . . 528 T h e socialization of attitudes toward political authority, by Robert D . Hess 542 National values, development, and leaders and followers, by K . H . Silvert 560 Training and adaptation of the labour force in the early stages of industrial

ization, by Guillermo Briones 571 Entrepreneurs in Latin America and the role of cultural and situational pro

cesses, by Louis Kriesberg 581

THE WORLD OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

I. CURRENT STUDIES

T h e teaching of sociological methodology in the United States, by H a n a n C . Selvin 597

International Political Science Association: Freudenstadt round-table meetings, September 1962, by Helmut Ridder and R . McCloskey . . . 6 1 6

n. REVIEWS OF BOOKS AND DOCUMENTS

Book reviews 621 Shorter notices 626 Books received 634 Documents and publications of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies 635

III. NEWS

Seminar on the problems of economic and scientific assistance to the developing countries, Vienna, M a r c h 1963 652

Fifth World Conference of the Society for International Development . 653 First Spanish Congress of Psychology 654 Third International Congress of Cybernetic Medicine 654 Ministry of Scientific Research in the United Arab Republic . . . 655

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE PRESENT ISSUE

G U I L L E R M O BRIONES, Unesco Expert, Department o Sociology, Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Peru.

P E T E R H E I N T Z , Unesco Expert, Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, Santiago, Chile.

R O B E R T D . HESS, Chairman, Committee on H u m a n Development, University of Chicago.

Louis K R I E S B E R O , Youth Development Centre, Syracuse University. R O B E R T M C C L O S K E Y , Professor, Havard University. W I L B E R T E . M O O R E , Professor of Sociology, Princeton University. H E L M U T R I D D E R , University of Cologne.

H A N A N C . SELVIN, Survey Research Centre, University of California, Berkeley. K . H . SILVERT, American Universities Field Staff, Dartmouth College.

SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN AMERICA

Beginning with this n u m b e r , select articles from the International Social Science Journal will also appear, in Spanish, in América Latina, the quarterly review of the Latin American Centre for Research in the Social Sciences (Rio de Janeiro).

INTRODUCTION: SOCIAL CHANGE AND COMPARATIVE STUDIES

WILBERT E. M O O R E

It is both true and false that w e have no general theory of social change. It is true that no singular first cause or monistic determinism has proved valid, and no single formula will encompass small-scale and large-scale changes, the short run and the long, the persistent trend and the chance fluctuation. Yet the negative position surely has been overstated. C o m p a r ative studies of modernization yield a set of related generalizations concerning transformation of societies as they join the contemporary world system; and even notions of long-term social evolution turn out to have merit if m a d e less comprehensive and pretentious than earlier evolutionists were wont to imagine them.

GENERAL COMMENTS

T h e magnitude of contemporary social change, particularly in the structure of societies and their major institutions, and the involvement of virtually the entire world in rapid change that reverberates from one part to another —these set the contemporary era apart from previous periods.1 Though change is a universal characteristic of h u m a n societies, the modern world provides differences in magnitude and rate, as just indicated, and in another respect as well: the high proportion of changes that are either deliberate—a product of purposive intervention in the modes of action and organization—or the secondary and tertiary consequences of such deliberate change.

It is not primarily for the analysis of these sweeping social transformations that sociology and its closely related fields have been accorded a measure of scientific respectability in Europe and the United States. That hardly w o n and barely recognized respectability rests primarily on refinements in theory and measurement used in the study of cross-sectional

i. See Wilbert E . Moore, Social Change, Englewood Cliffs, N.J . , Prentice-Hall, 1963, especially Chapter 1. The same points have been made independently by Gino Germani. See his Política y Sociedad en una Época de Transición, Buenos Aires, Editorial Paidos, 1963.

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relations. Just at the time w h e n scholars in Latin America and other developing areas of the world are attempting to push forward in scientific studies of the social order, the order itself is threatening not to hold still enough to be studied. T h o u g h the inference that all is in flux is clearly an exaggeration, there is enough truth in it to add a temporal query to the usual spatial one: h o w applicable are 'established principles' in different settings?

T h e second Inter-American Sociology Seminar,1 of which this symposium is an outgrowth, was intended to explore substantive interests, particularly the 'sociology of development', rather than primarily matters of professional training and organization, to which the first seminar was devoted. T h e subject was quite obviously broad enough to allow for theoretical orientations ranging from studies of attitudes to studies of structural transition, and research orientations ranging from the most specific to the most general. Sociologists, psychologists and political scientists were well represented but the economic aspects of development were somewhat neglected which m a y be an indication of a counter-trend in the study of modernization.

O f particular note in the seminar was the more or less general acceptance of the interrelated character of theory and research. This was taken by some of the Latin Americans to indicate the increasing sophistication of their sociology, which has been marked by a strong and perhaps excessive empiricist reaction to its background in social philosophy. Theory, however, usually meant the middle-range concerns c o m m o n in North America: for example, m a n y references were m a d e to a theory 'for Latin America'. Only occasionally was mention m a d e of very general theory, which would deal with 'all societies at all times'.

Perhaps the most consistent agreement between principle and practice came in the general enthusiasm for comparative work and the actual use of comparative data in most of the papers presented. Conclusions based on data from only one society were immediately questioned as to their m o r e general applicability. O n e c o m m o n form of this challenge was the charge that North American sociology did not fit Latin American conditions, and had to be modified. It was not altogether clear whether the result of such modification would be one more general theory or two special theories.

There was also broad agreement that sociologists must be concerned with social change in general and with changing patterns of behaviour in particular. Despite this, the most c o m m o n research project presented was a cross-sectional study of attitudes. T h e studies were comparative cross-

i. The second Inter-American Sociology Seminar met at Princeton University, Princeton, N.J. (U.S.A.) in September 1962. The first seminar, with many of the same members, met at the Center for Advanced Study in Behavioral Science, Stanford University, Palo Alto, Calif. (U.S.A.) in August 1961.

I wish to thank Robert M . Cook of Princeton University who served as rapporteur for the second seminar, and whose notes on the discussion were indispensable in the preparation of this Introduction.

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culturally but, with notable exceptions, were not temporally comparative. T h e attempt to push forward a 'sociology of development' applicable

to Latin America provides an excellent example of several interrelated problems. W e m a y start from the particular and proceed to the general.

T h e need for more systematic and extensive data-gathering in Latin America was stressed in the seminar, with particular emphasis upon improving and using census materials. At the same time, it was pointed out that there is available m u c h material that remains unexploited owing to a shortage of sophisticated sociologists. But what would be the reasonable and proper aim of such intensified effort? If there is indeed a general pattern that encompasses modernization everywhere, would filling in local details be of great significance? Put the other w a y around, h o w could the theory of modernization possibly apply to the substantially different economic and political régimes and cultural conditions that characterize so diverse a region as Latin America?

Partially satisfactory answers to these questions can be derived from comments on 'levels of generalization'. If phenomena generalized about are highly diverse in other, neglected particulars, the generalization m a y be valid, but lacking in the required specificity for predicting outcomes in rich detail. Taking account of other variables m a y force reduction of the level of generalization, for example, by constructing typologies. Application of generalizations to cases not previously included m a y in fact force modification of the principles, as neglected variables turn out to be crucial conditions.

These methodological considerations form part of the rationale for comparative studies. They are quite within the province of 'pure science', and have only a partial coincidence with problems of applying general principles to particular policies and strategies of action, for such application always implies taking the particularities of situations into account.

It m a y indeed turn out that not one but several special 'Latin American sociologies' will be needed for predicting the consequences of modernization in a region with great heterogeneity despite some c o m m o n cultural traditions.1 Yet modernization has its c o m m o n features too, in more than a definitional sense,2 but the exact lines and ratios a m o n g the general, the typological and the particular remain to be clarified by comparative studies.

There is another use for comparative studies that m a k e repeated observations through time as well as under differing conditions from one social setting to another. O u r knowledge of the 'social consequences of industri-

i. See, for example, Roger Vekemans and J. L . Segundo, 'Essay of a Socio-Eco-nomic Typology of the Latin American Countries', in: Egbert de Vries and Jose Medina Echavarria (eds.), Social Aspects of Economic Development in Latin America, Vol. I, Paris, Unesco, 1963, Chapter III.

2. See Bert F. Hoselitz and Wilbert E . Moore (eds.), Industrialization and Society, Paris and The Hague, Unesco and Mouton, 1963, especially Chapter 15. by Moore: 'Industrialization and Social Change'.

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alization' rests on a rather extensive use of comparative empirical materials representing the c o m m o n structural features of highly industrialized societies and the emerging characteristics of newly developing areas. T h e principles, moreover, have been enriched by theoretical inferences, using 'social systems' models, of the structural changes that 'must' ensue from major alterations in the structure of production and distribution. Yet the temporal dimensions of change, and particularly the rates and the sequences, the probable leads and lags, remain largely u n k n o w n .

T h e great challenge, therefore, of comparative temporal studies in Latin America is not simply the application and a m e n d m e n t of general theory. In effect, such general theory does not exist. At least it does not exist with adequate empirical grounding. In this respect the 'underdeveloped' state of Latin American social science is shared by North America and Europe as well. T h e challenge consists of starting with certain developments in theoretical orientations, which lead to the asking of significant questions in a prospectively fruitful w a y , and thus developing a 'sociology of development' that would contribute to social sciences everywhere.

THE USES A N D ABUSES OF DICHOTOMIES

T h e 'classical' tradition in sociological theory does in fact provide the basis for comparative studies. T h e major theoretical works are replete with the exposition of a fundamental dualism in social organization, which in the currently acceptable m o d e of discourse m a y be called the contrast between the 'traditional' and the 'modern'. T h e criteria or indexes for classification have varied from one author to another, and these variations have some significance. Yet, from a slightly more generalized view, they appear to be variations on a c o m m o n theme: virtually all attribute to what w e n o w call the 'traditional' type of social organization a prominent emphasis on affectivity, consensus and informal controls and attribute to 'modern' forms impersonality, interdependent specialization and formal controls. T h e actual dichotomies, of course, differ—for example, c o m m u nity and society (Toennies) or community and association (Maclver) or folk and urban communities (Rodfield); status and contract (Maine); mechanical and organic solidarity (Durkheim); sacred and secular societies (Becker). Dichotomies have also figured in more specialized or analytical contexts: for example, the contrast between formal and informal organization that is standard in industrial sociology, or alternative normative principles such as Parsons' 'pattern variables'.1 These latter uses, however, figure only indirectly in the analysis of large-scale social change: either in terms of relative incidence of one or another form in traditional or modern

i. See Talcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe, 111., Free Press, 1951, especially p. 188 ff; see also Parsons, 'Pattern Variables Revisited: A Response to Robert Dublin', American Sociological Review, N o . 25, August i960, p. 467-83.

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societies, taken as given, or as omnipresent dialectical alternatives that constitute points of tension and thus probable sites of change.1

Virtually every theorist w h o has used a dichotomous classification of whole societies or cultures has also m a d e m o r e or less explicit use of the comparative analysis for discussion of the direction of social change. Whether the direction has been viewed with pleasure, dismay, or neutrality, the m o d e r n complex social order is seen as contrasting with but emerging from more traditional forms of social organization.

Although the safest assumption is that dichotomy is an extremely primitive form of classification, that is, that all dichotomies are in some measure false, the use of such constructed types m a y still be defensible. In the hands of Germani2 the global types, traditional and industrial, are dissected into numerous sectors and elements, with the result that a fairly comprehensive check-list for comparative description emerges.

There is a major hazard in this form of comparative analysis, and a major shortcoming in its application to social change. T h e hazard is that the similarity of concrete societies at both ends of the scale m a y be exaggerated. (Germani distinguishes, here and there, sub-types of traditional society, and uniformly distinguishes industrial societies following the 'liberal' model—approximately that of Western Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century—and 'recent transformations'.3) As a corollary, even if the diversity of pre-modern societies, richly documented by historians and ethnographers, is given due recognition, the forces of modernization m a y be depicted as leading to a uniform destination: the creation of a c o m m o n culture.4 N o w although this hazard m a y simply illustrate once more the level-of-generalization problem, the ways in which industrial societies differ and are likely to continue doing so are partly at a very general level. Specifically, such societies differ in characteristic modes of tension-management and especially in the political, as distinct from administrative, structure of the state.

T h e principal shortcoming of the dichotomous classification in the analysis of social change is that it relies primarily on 'comparative statics' rather than on processes and procedures, rates and sequences. This is not to say that before-and-after comparisons have no place in dynamic analysis, for at the very least they provide a kind of generalized predictive model for major structural changes that accompany modernization. Such comparisons do not provide either intermediate or terminal time-tables of transformation. A n d the 'final' terminus is arbitrary in a special sense and degree, for once a society moves far enough along the scale to be classed as

i. This is the approach of Moore, op. cit. 2. Germani, op. cit., especially, p. 117-26. 3. ibid. 4. See Wilbert E . Moore, 'The Creation of a C o m m o n Culture', Confluence, N o . 4,

July 1955, p. 229-38. For a later statement critical of this position, see Arnold S. Feldman and Wilbert E . Moore, 'Industrialization and Industrialism: Convergence and Differentiation', Transactions of the Fifth World Congress of Sociology, 1962, Vol. II, p. 151-69.

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modern or industrial it will almost certainly, along with others of the class, experience continuing rapid change.

T H E MODELS FOR CHANGE

T h e challenge to sociological theory which efforts to modernize traditional societies represent has been partially concealed by the development of before-and-after models and by an important additional circumstance: the primary source of change could be viewed as external to the traditional structure. Modernization then becomes a datum, and comparative analysis is used to elucidate systematically the social consequences of this given change.

This procedure has required the suppression of certain otherwise relevant knowledge, or the treatment of certain questions essentially in terms of historical accident rather than in terms of general principles. Thus , little note is taken of the intrinsic sources of change in all societies, or of the circumstance that social change is actively promoted by elements internal to m a n y of the underdeveloped countries. T h e sources of the original industrial revolutions have been subject to sociological interpretation, but with little applicability to the contemporary world except in the form of special attitudes (for example, towards achievement) and special aptitudes (for example, towards entrepreneurship) .*

If, however, the destination of modernization is neither uniform nor stable and if the trajectory of transformation differs in space and time, taking account of these variables requires a fairly serious examination of conventional theoretical models.

Conceptions of social systems

T h e model of society that is in most general use by those social scientists interested in comparative social structure m a y be characterized as the 'functional equilibrium system'. Representing a departure from global, simplifying theories of social evolution, and, in certain forms, a departure also from a simple relativism that emphasized diversity, the functional equilibrium model has been the main source of propositions concerning relationships and interdependencies. This model thus is the actual mainstay for the impressive body of generalizations concerning the consequences of modernization.

In its relatively pure form the functional equilibrium conception of society results in certain distortions and certain important omissions w h e n applied to modernization. T h e distortions and omissions are related, for both stem from the circumstance that the model does not attend to intrinsic sources of change, does not predict changes that have persistent

I. See, for example, Everett E . Hagen, On The Theory of Social Change: How Economic Growth Begins, Homewood, 111., Dorsey, 1962.

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directionality (but only those that restore balance if that is disturbed), and thus does not readily handle past changes that clearly affect the current state of the system.

O n this point, the distortion m a y take the extreme form of the 'socio-logistic fallacy', the view that societies n o w undertaking rapid modernization were until 'yesterday' both intrinsically static and lacking in any prior contact with European civilization.

T h e conception of society as a functional equilibrium never reigned unchallenged, particularly by some variants of the Marxist tradition. Recently the questioning seems to have become more widespread, with some theorists emphasizing 'conflict' models of the social order,1 and others the view of society as a tension-management system.2 T h e tension-management conception emphasizes intrinsic sources of change and views change as possibly tension-producing—for example, the lack of synchronization in development measures—as well as possibly tension-reducing.

It would be improper, however, to view the tension-management conception of society as frontally opposed to the functional equilibrium conception, or as virtuous as opposed to evil. Rather it appears proper to view the notion of tension-management as an a m e n d m e n t to the commonest form of functional analysis. If users of functional analysis tend to neglect conflict and change, users of tension analysis m a y tend to neglect consensus and continuity.

T h e tension-management approach does not abandon the important conception of social action in systems, but it makes the order of those systems problematical rather than definitional. T h o u g h by no means rejecting the clear evidence of major structural features that modern societies have in c o m m o n , it also permits recognition of the fact that the characteristic tensions arising in relations between structures (for example, the economy and the polity) are likely to differ, and it invites attention to the continuing dynamics of industrial societies.

A conception of society that makes change normal and posits no steady state for its cessation does not as such tell us anything about the course of modernization. It simply permits thinking in terms of a course rather than a transitory interlude.

Stages: a partial solution

Attempts to improve on a simple before-and-after analysis of modernizations m a y take several forms, including both cross-sectional and temporal typologies. For example, a cross-sectional typology might take into account differences in the relations between populations and resources in pre-industrial societies, or differences in the complexity of social organization.

i. See, for example, Lewis A . Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1956; Rals Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society, Stanford, Calif., Stanford University Press, 1959.

2. See Moore, op. cit., especially p. 10-11, 70-84.

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A temporal typology might compare and contrast historically 'early' and 'late' modernization or use a m o r e elaborately graded scale of historical sequences. T h u s it has been suggested that the speed of social transformation is correlated with historical time, that is, approximately with position in the ordinal sequence of the start of industrialization,1 and further that the relative role of the State as an agency of change shows a similar correlation, late arrivals being more political than their predecessors.2

Other attempts to enrich the understanding and prediction of modernization involve the notion of 'stages' of development. Perhaps the simplest form is the distinction a m o n g conditions, concomitants and consequences of industrialization.3 M o o r e has also suggested a sequence in the rates of most rapid growth by different sectors of the economy, 4 and Germani has suggested a six-stage sequence of political participation in the course of modernization.6

Since lack of synchronization is the normal state in industrializing and industrial societies,8 and since some changes m a y be continuous rather that discontinuous or singular, approximately valid stages m a y be difficult to detect. Several alternatives are possible: limitation to a single major structure or functional area of society, the use of statistical distributions and rates rather than attributes present or absent, or the use of highly generalized stages with consequent loss of information. N o one of these alternatives is categorically superior to the others. T h e choice can only be exercised in terms of the scientific purpose at hand.

Sequential patterns: the challenge

Although it m a y appear to the harried official of an underdeveloped country that he must seek to change everything at once, this was certainly not the historic pattern and will certainly not occur even under revolutionary régimes in the contemporary world. Whether for practical policy or for scientific generalization and prediction, the temporal rate and sequence of events need closer identification, along with a distinction a m o n g the necessary, the probable and the unnecessary or irrelevant structural changes. Comparative statics, the careful completion of the cross-sectional analysis of consequences of modernization, m a y yield a probability table of changes appropriate to various types of societies. Actual examination of the historical course of change and comparison with trends beginning to emerge in the developing areas will be necessary before genuinely dynamic models can be realistically constructed.

1. See Germani, op. cit., p. 69. 2. See Moore, 'Industrialization and Social Change', in: Hoselitz and Moore, op.

cit., p. 358-9. 3. See Moore, op. cit., Chapter 5, 'Modernization'. 4. See Moore, Economy and Society, N e w York, R a n d o m House, 1955, p. 40-1. 5. Germani, op. cit., Chapter 5, ' D e la Sociedad Tradicional a la Participación

Total en América Latina.' 6. ibid, p. 98-109.

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It is evident that not all historic rates of change or even sequences must be recapitulated, partly because the products of the past become the ever-richer inventory for the present, an inventory permitting some choice of items and combinations. Those products are social as well as economic, ideas as well as goods. Yet functional connexions and limits of resources certainly impose some restraints on choice and temporal priorities.

S o m e economists have begun to approach development models in terms of 'linear programming' and have applied such models not only to elements like power production but also to the supply of teachers for the training of workers in skills needed in the future. S o m e of the main features of such models have wider utility in depicting sequential connexions. W h e n used for planning purposes, however, they are likely to share a fundamental defect of before-and-after comparisons: the assumption of a finite terminal point when change stops.

The sociology of development, it was noted earlier, is still to be built in terms of sequential models. T h e comparative studies needed for that task will require historical depth and attention to quantities in addition to suitable rubrics for recording evidence across national and cultural boundaries. W e are n o w beginning to ask the right questions, which is no m e a n achievement.

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'RESEARCH MODELS' FOR LATIN AMERICA

P E T E R H E I N T Z

The idea of 'research models' was first formulated some years ago (1959) by the Department of Sociology of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences in Santiago. Since then, the original idea has been further elaborated and revised and, what is more important, to a certain extent tested.

T h e idea of research models was originally formulated with two purposes in mind: (a) to provide relatively simple research projects to be used by Latin American sociology professors as a means of giving their students intensive training in theory-oriented empirical research; and (b) to test a series of hypotheses taken from current literature on sociological theory.

Neither of these purposes has been abandoned in the course of subsequent elaboration of the idea. However, another aim has been added, and there has also been some change in emphasis.

T h e following is a short discussion of some of the antecedents and implications of the original aims.

T h e development of modern sociology at Latin American universities and other academic centres is frequently hampered by a scarcity of personnel and of the material resources needed for conducting research as a fundamental part of any training programme in sociology. There are often only few professionnal sociologists engaged in teaching at one faculty or even university, and m a n y of them have little or no experience in empirical research. This is the reason w h y w e believe that there is a need for providing this group of sociologists with ready-made research projects which include an elaborated system of hypotheses and a set of research instruments.

This set of hypotheses and of instruments would have to be accompanied by: 1. A discussion of the underlying theories, their previous use in research

and of the proposed choice of research designs and instruments. 2. Instructions concerning the use of the model: choice of population,

sampling procedures, key definitions and possible indicators, plan of analysis, etc.

3. Instructions concerning the analysis of deviant or unexpected results with special reference to societal variables included in the comparative studies.

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4. Suggestions concerning the possible enlargement of the proposed system of hypotheses, opening n e w avenues of research and relating the system of hypotheses of other models.

5. Suggestions concerning the use of alternative methods and techniques. 6. Bibliography concerning the theorical background with special refer

ence to previous research. 7. Selected bibliography concerning the proposed methods and techniques. 8. Suggestions concerning theoretical and methodological exercises to be

conducted with sociology students, for example, reconstruction of hypotheses on the basis of the proposed questionnaires.

T h e research models would thus offer case material to be used for teaching methods and techniques and an opportunity for gathering data that might serve for analysis and interpretation; all this at relatively low costs in terms of time, m o n e y and highly skilled personnel. T h e models might also be used by little-experienced sociologists as a means for self-training, i.e., as a guide in their first steps as investigators on their o w n .

In particular, w e believe that sociologists w h o have successfully finished the two-year postgraduate course in sociology offered by the Latin A m e r ican Faculty of Social Sciences would be most interested in getting this kind of intellectual support provided by or through a regional institution whose standards are internationally recognized.

T h e second of the original aims consisted in providing means for organizing the testing of selected hypotheses and systems of hypotheses within different socio-cultural contexts. T h e purpose was to prepare the w a y for validating in Latin America theoretical propositions that have already been tested on the basis of data gathered in non-Latin American societies. T h e research thus conducted with the help of the models should produce results which could be used as a guide for selecting general theoretical propositions, i.e., non-tautological hypotheses supposed to be cross-culturally valid, propositions whose inclusion in the theory courses to be taught at Latin American universities would m a k e sense. It is a well-known fact that there is no guarantee as to the cross-cultural validity of most of the theoretical propositions currently used in sociological research.

A second point is involved in this aim of testing theoretical propositions. A s in some other areas of the world, the introduction of modern empirical sociology into Latin America seems to follow certain patterns. In Latin America speculative sociology or social philosophy has predominated for a more or less prolonged period. W h e n modern sociology is introduced the first reaction often is to consider all theorizing suspect and to reject it consistently—a reaction which m a y lead to a crude and unreflective empiricism. There appears a strong preference for surveys that are neither preceded nor followed by any explicit theoretical considerations, i.e., a preference for merely descriptive inventories without explanatory value or predictive power. But modern sociology is an empirical as well as a theoretical science. In view of this fact, the proposed research models are intended to serve as prototypes (paradigma) of research projects which combine theoretical

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propositions and empirical testing. T h e models are, thus, supposed to m a k e some contribution to a n e w equilibrium between theory and empirical research by stressing the specific problems which arise w h e n theoretically relevant empirical research is conducted.

In order to satisfy the requirements implied in the original idea of research models, two main problems have to be solved : (a) adequate selection of hypotheses, and (b) adequate elaboration of research designs and instruments.

In addition, since these models are supposed to be useful as a guide for sociologists with little or no experience in this kind of research, they have to be submitted to a pre-test within a Latin American socio-cultural context before being offered to future users, the final decision regarding their usefulness depending upon the results of the test.

Since the idea of research models was first formulated the panorama of modern sociology in Latin America has changed in some important respects. M o d e r n sociology has evidently got a strong foothold in a considerable number of Latin American universities and academic centres. Controversy with traditional speculative sociology is still present but is losing its former prominence. This evolution and some practical experimenting with the original idea led to a further elaboration and revision of the initial conception.

T h e change in the original idea can be summarized in the following two propositions: (a) major emphasis is placed on the usefulness of such models for conducting comparative research in a systematic way; (b) a n e w aim is added: the models should be constructed in such a w a y as to answer questions which are considered as highly relevant for Latin American societies.

T h e first objective is not new; it merely implies a fuller (and centralized) use of the data to be gathered. For this purpose, it m a y be necessary to introduce additional societal variables in order to account for possible differences in the results. Another possibility would be to introduce theoretical alternatives covering the proposed system of hypotheses and to add some divergent sub-hypotheses whose testing would allow of a choice between the underlying theories.

It is a well-known fact that comparative data as such have a special significance. T h e comparativity of data m a y , for instance, permit the detection of non-specified conditions of the validity of the hypotheses used. Thus, systematic deviations from the results obtained in highly developed countries m a y eventually be interpreted in terms of consequences of differing degrees of economic development.

Comparative analysis m a y also be useful for detecting degrees of cultural variation in relation to different types of sociological structures or structural differences in the field of interaction. Thus, cultural variations m a y be determined in a systematic w a y with the aid of specific types of systems of hypotheses concerning self-sustained and non-self-sustained social systems. A considerable theoretical feed-back is to be expected from

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this kind of research leading to a revision of the original propositions.

T h e n e w emphasis on comparative studies does not interfere with the attaining of the two goals already mentioned. O n the contrary, the usefulness of the research models as teaching instruments would be enhanced because it would be possible to give less attention to such research requirements as statistical representativity—a requirement that might create quite serious practical difficulties. It is possible to put less emphasis on statistical representativity whenever the compared data show systematic variations. However, systematic variations have the status of hypotheses to be tested empirically, and this test has to be carried out before the above-mentioned advantage becomes effective.

Another advantage concerns the analysis and interpretation of deviant or unexpected results by confronting them with comparable results from other studies.

T h e second proposition relates to the problem to be chosen. It implies the introduction of a n e w criterion for the selection of the hypotheses. T h e original criterion only referred to the current use of propositions in theoretically relevant sociological research. T h e n e w criterion is intended to m a k e research results more meaningful for Latin American societies. This, of course, does not imply that the first criterion has to be abandoned. It only means that the proposed systems of hypotheses should relate to problems especially relevant to the Latin American area. O n the other hand, each one of the hypotheses included in such systems should continue to satisfy our first criterion. It is, indeed, very important that the research models be constructed in such a w a y as to m a k e optimal use of existing theory; that they produce systematic contributions along accumulative lines of theoretically relevant sociological research.

O f course, the construction of such systems of hypotheses which satisfy both criteria is a rather complicated endeavour. There is no objective (neutral) standard by which w e could detect the specific relevant problems to be investigated by the research models. T h e only guide w e have is a general frame of reference of the specific problems to be formulated. This frame is economic and social development, as a topic whose general relevance for Latin America is probably accepted by most specialists. Since there is no generally accepted sociological theory of economic and social development—indeed there is hardly any such theory at all—there is no general agreement on specific critical problems which might be derived from such a theory. However, as w e shall point out later, w e shall use such an emergent theory w h e n w e attempt to interrelate the various suggested models.

Furthermore, the transformation of a problem that has been selected into a system of hypotheses consisting of logically interconnected theoretical propositions that belong to a generally accepted body of sociological theory presents more or less serious difficulties according to the nature of the problem chosen; it m a y also require a preliminary tentative reformulation of theoretical propositions as they are stated in current sociological literature.

In what follows w e are exclusively concerned with making some specific

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proposals concerning possible research models. S o m e of these proposals have already been pre-tested. T h e others are part of the present training programme of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences in sociology; at present, they are being discussed and will, in their final revised form, be submitted to empirical testing. They inevitably reveal some of the theoretical orientations and biases of the author and also some of the limitations of preliminary testing, determined by the nature and scope of the training programme. In addition, they reflect past and present trends within the body of the faculty's graduate students w h o come from a great number of Latin American countries. Finally, a considerable effort has been m a d e to detect problems which m a y be regarded as relevant to a great m a n y Latin American countries and which can be satisfactorily tested first in Chile. W e tried to formulate most of the problems in such a way that they would still be relevant to the region, even if political changes were to occur. That is to say that w e looked for problems which would not immediately be solved by changes in the power structure and in the dominating ideologies. However, this does not imply that the most relevant problems at the national level necessarily coincide with major problems of the region as a whole.

The following discussion of specific examples should in the first place be considered as an illustration of the complex idea of research models.

The systematic list of research models given below indicates some major problem areas wherein the twelve examples of research models are located. It also shows the intrinsically problematic relation between the vastness of the area and the small scope of the specific projects. T h e subsequent description of the models emphasizes the theoretical aspects involved. In a further development of these models special emphasis should be put on bringing out the interrelationships between the various projects in order to make the results as significant as possible in their ultimate contribution to a systematic sociology of economic and social development. T h e major frame of reference to which these models m a y be related has been briefly outlined in m y introduction to Soziologie der Entwicklungsländer.1

T h e more recent development of the original idea of research models, i.e., emphasis on comparative studies and on a systematic sociology of economic and social development suggests that the execution of the various projects could be co-ordinated in terms of time and countries to be selected according to some societal variables and planned in such a w a y as to lead to a series of monographs, each covering one of the comparative projects, and subsequently to an attempt at theory-construction based on the compound research results. The execution of such a combined project—before distribution of the final models to potential users—would already provide a vast training opportunity in research as well as in theory construction and would probably allow for a relatively high degree of flexibility of the ensuing models by opening n e w avenues of research that could be system-

i. Peter Heintz (ed.), Soziologie der Entwicklungsländer, Cologne, Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1962.

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atically related to the results of the c o m b i n e d project. S u c h a relatively

high degree of flexibility w o u l d m a k e the m o d e l s m o r e attractive a n d better

adapted to potential users varying widely in their sociological sophistication

a n d research experience a n d w o u l d probably produce a m o r e lasting effect

o n the deve lopment of sociology in Latin A m e r i c a .

SYSTEMATIC LIST OF RESEARCH MODELS

GENERAL T H E O R Y OF SOCIAL C H A N G E

Value orientations. S o m e fundamental structural relationships. M o d e l : Homogeneity and heterogeneity of value orientations within social

stratification, family, school, factory and agricultural enterprise. Rising expectations of the masses. T h e definition of the situation of underdevelopment and some immediate consequences.

M o d e l : Aspirations, anomie and social participation in the working class. Family socialization. A fundamental cleavage in family socialization and its relevance to social participation.

M o d e l : Socialization in semi-integrated lower class families.

GENERAL DYNAMICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Industrialization. Ideological groups and industry as promoters of the modernization process.

M o d e l : Ideological groups and industry as socializing agents of industrial workers. Urbanization. Urbanization as a transition from more particularistic to more universalistic frames of reference.

M o d e l : U r b a n socialization through local groups. Rural organization. Dynamics of transition from traditional to m o d e r n organization in agriculture.

M o d e l : Agricultural work organization in transition.

POLITICAL ASPECTS OF ECONOMIC A N D SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Political potentialities of lower and middle class. M o d e l : Insecurity and authoritarianism in the working class. M o d e l : Working class nationalism in different phases of economic development. M o d e l : Middle class authoritarianism and the channelling of aggression

towards the lower class.

SOME CRITICAL PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Rational organization. M o d e l : Particularistic deviations within bureaucracy.

Technological innovation. M o d e l : N e w and traditional land owners, marginality, time perspective and

personal control. New élite.

M o d e l : Emergent roles, collective goals and organizational means .

G E N E R A L T H E O R Y OF SOCIAL C H A N G E

Value orientations: Homogeneity and heterogeneity of value orientations within

social stratification, family, school, factory and agricultural enterprise

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Problem. Relationships between the distribution of dominant and variant value orientations and the distribution of power. A system of power relationships is called homogeneous if its members have the same value orientations; it is called heterogeneous if the power differentials coincide with different value orientations. T h e value orientations to be studied are those proposed by Florence Kluckhohn and Fred Strodtbeck. It is assumed that modern rational authority systems tend to be homogeneous whereas traditional power systems tend to be heterogeneous.

First hypothesis. Since modern power systems tend to be homogeneous and since the dominant value orientations produced by these systems tend to be of the same kind, the coexistence of dominant and variant value orientations within the same system produces marginality.

Second hypothesis. Since traditional power systems tend to be heterogeneous along the lines of fundamental power differentials and since they consist of at least two different systems of dominant values, this is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for the appearance of cultural conflict between contiguous strata and for an association of marginal individuals of one sub-system with 'dominant' individuals of another sub-system. Both consequences imply a potential of change of the whole power system.

In order to get to the dynamics of change on the individual level the following hypotheses are added:

In the transition from a traditional system to a modern one the individuals need value orientations which serve them as guides for their behaviour in n e w and changing situations and roles.

Within this process which leads to the establishment of values in the sense of effective guides for the behaviour, w e m a y distinguish: i. A phase in which no alternative value orientations are distinguished.

This phase is supposed to be determined by the following factor: (a) Lack of empathy defined as the process of imaginatively taking

the place of another or several others within a social situation and as the intent of structuring the situation and the role in such a w a y as the other or others would have done. Lack of empathy prevents the individual from having access to the various value orientations which m a y be implied in the situation.

(b) Lack of alternatives, which makes irrelevant any attempt to decide between the various value orientations implied in the perceived situation.

2 . A phase which is characterized by conflicting value orientations. This is an immediate consequence of a change in the above-mentioned factors. Conflicting value orientations are reflected by ambivalent behaviour.

3. A phase in which the individuals discriminate between alternative value orientations, ordering them in a hierarchical w a y . Value orientations m a y be consistent or inconsistent. In the latter case w e assume the existence of barriers which prevent the individual from satisfying the

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value requirements. This phase represents a potential source of change in the existing power structure.

Rising expectations of the masses: Aspirations, anomie and social participation among the working class1

Problem. Relationships between level and degree of structuring of aspirations in the field of consumption, expectations concerning the use of patterns of social mobility, participation in groups which pursue social change, and expectations concerning social change without participation (through external agents over which there is no control).

First system of hypotheses. 'Irrealistic' aspirations defined as unstructured (and high) aspirations (i) are associated with low expectations concerning social mobility and incomplete status configuration and determine a high degree of anomie, lack of participation in groups that promote change and high expectations concerning external agents of social change.

Second system of hypotheses. 'Irrealistic' aspirations defined by high level and high degree of structuring, combined with high expectations concerning social mobility (2), are associated with breach of status configuration (inconsistency) and determine low participation and low expectations concerning external agents of change.

Third system of hypotheses. Aspirations which are highly structured and the level of which is intermediate, combined with low expectations concerning social mobility, are associated with complete status configuration and determine high participation in groups which promote change.

Fourth system of hypotheses. L o w aspirations, combined with low expectations as to social mobility, determine lack of expectations concerning external agents and (a) a high degree of anomie if this configuration is preceded by configuration ( 1 ), or (b) high participation of it is preceded by configuration (2).

Family socialization: Socialization in semi-integrated lower class families

Problem. Consequences of the non-convergence of power and moral authority between the socializing agents for the socialization of the child. This non-convergence has found an institutionalized expression in the semi-integrated lower-class family to be studied; father represents an amoral power, mother the moral authority. This family structure is conceived as an intersection between the interaction system m a n - w o m a n and the interaction system mother-child. T h e total system is assumed to be relatively stable under the condition that the mother is submissive to father.

System of hypotheses. T h e above-mentioned configuration produces in the child a super-ego whose main content is power, power being conceived as adscript, and shame-controlled moral values, the reference persons of

1. Pre-tested in 1961.

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which are collateral. T h e self-image of the child is determined by an internal standard of adscript power and by an external standard constituted by the expectations of collateral persons with regard to the individual's moral qualities. T h e non-convergence of power and moral authority gives rise to a variation of world views between the following extremes: hieratic and adscriptive power structure on one side, and anarchistic probabilistic world view on the other. T h e transition from one to the other is accompanied by a decrease of anomie, or feeling of powerlessness.

A n authoritarian and a non-authoritarian variation m a y be distinguished according to the strength of the child's ego under the condition that power is not conceived as totally adscript. T h e authoritarian extreme is characterized by aggressiveness towards all weak individuals or groups. T h e non-authoritarian extreme is characterized by the transformation of super-ego into an ego-ideal of power and rebellion against power figures.

GENERAL DYNAMICS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Industrialization: Ideological groups and industry as socializing agents

of industrial workers

Problem. T h e impact of the socialization agents—ideological groups and

industry—upon two general factors: degree of particularism-universalism

and anomie. General hypotheses. T h e two main socialization focuses are the prescription

of an equalitarian impersonalism by ideological groups and the transition to a highly segmentalized and specified role of the industrial worker accompanied by a variable degree of anomie in the power relationship between management and workers.

W e also assume the possibility of a generalization process which connects the subjects' roles (membership role in an ideological group and workers' role) with the general factors: particularism-universalism and anomie (feeling of powerlessness). However , w e do not exclude the existence of tensions within the balance between the subjects' particularistic and universalisée relationships. W e suppose that such states of tension are associated with anomie.

Procedure. In order to establish the impact of the socializing agents: (a) the role expectations of these agents, i.e., what the behaviour of the group-member or worker should be and what it really is, are confronted with the corresponding role concepts of the subjects; (b) the ideal and real role expectations and role concepts are compared; (c) the role expectations and role concepts are content-analysed with respect to their degree of particularism-universalism; (d) the subjects particularism-universalism and anomie are measured and the individual scores compared with their role concepts and with the corresponding role expectations.

T h e role dimensions to be studied are:

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i. In the case of the m e m b e r of a n ideological g roup : (a) organized power ; (b) ideology; (c) in-group.

2. In the case of the industrial worker: (a) work; (b) loyalty to enterprise; (c) solidarity with other workers.

Furthermore, the relative importance assigned b y the subjects to the values incorporated into their two roles a n d of the values of other c o m m o n roles of the subjects (for example , role of the parent) is determined.

Urbanization: Urban socialization through local groups1

Problem. Socialization of rural immigrants through participation in formal groups created on an ecological basis and working towards better personal and social conditions of the inhabitants of the local urban area. Socialization is defined in terms of a change in individual needs, the acquisition of skills for performing n e w roles and the increase in the number of persons w h o m the individual takes into account w h e n making decisions.

Hypotheses. Socialization through local groups is a gradual process leading from: (a) affective and diffuse gratifications; tendency towards interchange of favours; and preference for primary group relationships; first to (b) material and specific gratifications which are functional for the local group; tendency towards performance of specific roles; and preference for the local group; and finally to (c) gratifications derived from integration into larger society and from personal change; tendency towards performance of roles within the larger system; and generalized pieference for social categories.

T h e socialization process determines a decreasing demand for affection, the performance of more and m o r e specific roles and the integration into a more and more complex system.

Rural organization: Agricultural work organization in transition

Problem. Functionality and dysfunctionality of elements of m o d e r n technology a n d rational organization with regard to traditional w o r k organization in agriculture.

First hypothesis. T h e traditional work organization, defined b y diffuse goals a n d roles, feudal type of dependency be tween higher a n d lower ranks, social recruitment of its m a i n ranks, particularistic relationships, a n d finally cultural differences between the various strata, is considered as a self-sustained system (Stanley H . U d y ) .

Second hypothesis. T h e introduction of s o m e m o d e r n techniques creates a need for m o r e specific roles a n d goals, authority relationships, territorial recruitment, universalistic relationships a n d cultural homogeneity.

Third hypothesis. T h e introduction of predominant market production creates a need for employing a fluctuating m a s s of unskilled labourers

i. Pre-tested in 1961.

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whose integration into the traditional system implies a combination of traditional (for example, social recruitment) and modern (for example, n e w type of power relationship) organizational elements.

Fourth hypothesis. T h e increasing introduction of non-traditional elements into traditional w o r k organization produces at a certain m o m e n t a system which tends to re-establish the traditional configuration, or, after a period of extremely high internal tension between the upper and lower hierarchical levels, a n e w configuration which is characteristic of modern organizations, or a relatively stable system characterized by latent conflict (indecision, complex opposition) within the decision-making group (Godfrey and Monica Wilson).

POLITICAL ASPECTS OF ECONOMIC A N D SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

Insecurity and authoritarianism in the working class1

Problem. Relationships between objective insecurity and various dimensions of authoritarianism (preference for charismatic leaders, authoritarian personality, anomie, preference for highly structured political parties, etc.).

System of hypotheses, (a) Objective insecurity produces anomie in the sense of a feeling of powerlessness. This feeling of powerlessness is associated with strong preference for charismatic leaders in the sense of external agents over which the individual has no control. In the absence of such a leader, this preference is not accompanied by any decrease in the feeling of powerlessness.

(b) T h e absence of effective power produces authoritarianism as measured by the F-scale.

Effective participation in highly structured political organizations reduces the feeling of powerlessness without affecting the preference for such organizations. It also affects, in an indirect w a y , the objective insecurity of the individual. There are some time-lags between the preference for highly structured organizations associated with objective insecurity, effective participation in such organizations, decrease of anomie and a consequent increase of objective security.

Working class nationalism in different phases of economic development

Problem. Relationship between authoritarianism—anomie and universalistic leftism in the working class.

General hypothesis. Nationalism as a bridge between both terms. System of hypotheses, (a) Anomie-authoritarianism is determined by

objective insecurity, the lack of social structuring of aspirations and the breakdown of security obtained through particularistic relationships.

i. Pre-tested in 1961.

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(b) Such a state of anomie is compatible with strong national in-group feelings without any specification of values and roles attached to this in-group.

(c) This national in-group feeling provides a basis on which s o m e national values m a y develop—('good Chilean') values which express s o m e structuring of aspirations in terms of national goals.

(d) These national goals m a y experience some change leading from emphasis on power to emphasis on standard of living.

(e) These goals gradually b e c o m e specified in terms of a policy of nationally autonomous economic development. This specification of national goals is likely to produce a negative attitude towards nationals w h o are supposed to be 'sold' to foreign (developed) powers.

(f ) Such an internal distinction between different groups of nationals m a y gradually develop into a m o r e universalistic leftism.

W e assume the existence of an association between all these terms (a) to (f), a correlation which is the m o r e negative the greater the distance is between the terms. Furthermore, w e assume that the m o v e m e n t from hypothesis (a) to hypothesis (f) is accompanied by a diminishing degree of anomie-authoritarianism. Finally, this m o v e m e n t is supposed to lead to the adoption of universalistic values.

Middle class authoritarianism and the channelling of aggression towards the lower class1

Problem. Relationships between middle-class authoritarianism and feudal image of society.

System of hypotheses. In transitional society there exists an image of the lower class which includes 'feudal' elements and middle-class values. T h e components of the image provided by individuals with feudal values suggest the idea of a 'happy child' (ingenuous, generous, gay, lively, thankful). T h e components of the image provided by individuals with middle-class values tend to characterize the m e m b e r of the lower class in terms of animal-like qualities (dirty, impulsive, irresponsible, without discipline, etc.). Individuals with middle-class values tend to evaluate the components of the image provided b y their group m o r e negatively than the feudal components. Individuals with feudal values tend to evaluate the feudal components of the image less negatively than individuals with middle-class values. Middle-class authoritarians tend to channel their aggression through those components of the image which are provided by individuals with middle-class values. This channelling of aggression m a y lead either to a change of the image excluding the feudal components or to a still m o r e negative evaluation of the middle-class components. T h e resulting behaviour can be observed in relationships such as doctor-patient, professor-student, etc.

I. Pre-tested in 1961.

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SOME CRITICAL PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Rational organization: Particularistic deviations within bureaucracy1

Problem. T h e impingement of particularistic values and the system of interchange of favours upon bureaucratic roles.

Hypotheses, (a) Considering bureaucracy as a socializing agent for bureaucratic values such as achievement, impersonality, efficiency and loyalty to the organization, the effectiveness of this socialization depends upon some objective conditions such as regular career pattern and upon s o m e subjective conditions such as a deferred gratification pattern.

(b) T h e conformity with bureaucratic rules varies according to the difference between the occupational prestige assigned to the bureaucratic roles by m e m b e r s and by non-member s of the organization. Considering the bureaucratic values mentioned above as specific of bureaucratic organizations in societies which are in transition from traditional jto m o d e r n society, tolerance of particularistic deviations committed by fellow bureaucrats is the greater the less the individual is isolated from society by the differential in occupational prestige (for example, lowest and highest ranks, staff m e m b e r s , professionals, experts, etc.) and the higher is his degree of internalization of bureaucratic values.

(c) Since the deferred gratification pattern is considered as a prerequisite for the functioning of bureaucracy as a socializing agent and since the society in transition conserves a series of particularistic traits as one of its main sources of security, the extra-bureaucratic assimilation of this pattern m a y be produced by participation in the system of interchange of favours which allows for m o r e or less long-term investments.

Technological innovation: Mew and traditional land owners, marginality, time perspective and personal control2

Problem. Technological innovation within a rural society dominated by traditional big land owners.

System of hypotheses. Technological innovation is associated with m a r ginality. Marginality is defined in terms of divergence between the land owner's role concept and the role concept of local society. T h e competition for status and power between the n e w and the traditional land owners increases with the economic power held by the n e w owners.

T h e big traditional land owners exercise great social power owing to their high position as a status group. This social power is associated with great personal control and with high prestige attributed to the land owner as a person. T h e n e w owner has no access to this social power since it is no part of the local society's concept of the role of land owner . A n avenue

i. Pre-tested in 1961. 2. Pre-tested in 1961.

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for successfully competing with the big traditional land owners m a y consist in introducing technological innovations which require relatively long time perspectives. It is assumed that some of the big traditional land owners will assume the role of informal innovating leaders within the frame of local rural society.

New élite: Emergent roles, collective goals and organizational means

Problem. T h e emergence of roles (showing a low degree of institutionalization) concerned with formulating and executing plans of economic development in an underdeveloped society. The purpose is to study an important aspect of what has been called mobilization systems.

System of hypotheses, (a) Assuming that the performers of such emergent roles, which imply the existence of a collective goal, i.e., economic development, are heavily committed to reaching this goal, these performers will show a tendency to fix their status in terms of the assumed (tremendously high) social importance of the role. O n the other hand they will tend to put less emphasis on the power which is incorporated into their role and on the formal education which is required.

(b) Assuming that the emergent roles are incorporated into rational organizations which are created for the purpose of achieving the collective goal of economic development, any difficulty in attaining this goal through formal organizations induces the performers of the emergent roles to promote innovations within the organization, and/or political change by adhering to parties with radical ideologies, by pressing for charismatic leadership, by constructing Utopias of élite rule, etc.

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THE SOCIALIZATION OF ATTITUDES TOWARD POLITICAL AUTHORITY:

SOME CROSS-NATIONAL COMPARISONS1

ROBERT D . HESS

Studies of the process of socialization, at least in the United States of America, have been concentrated upon narrowly defined areas of behaviour. Planned and conducted by psychologists, particularly child psychologists, these studies have dealt primarily with the regulation and control of impulses and physiological functions. This socialization is directed toward the acquisition, by the individual child, of skills, controls a n d patterns of behaviour which have specific overt references or can be translated into observable acts. T h e emphasis upon the study of these areas of behaviour comes from several strains of theoretical thought, especially Freudian, which stress the presumably overriding importance of impulses, of early experience, and of the effects of parental behaviour upon children.2

This emphasis excludes systematic concern with the process through which the child is induced to adopt attitudes and patterns of behaviour which relate him to the major institutions of the society. A m o n g the studies of child-rearing that are available, few focus upon the ways in which the child learns to act as a m e m b e r of the family group and to share and transmit the values and behaviour that characterize the family into which h e was born. N o r are there at present any sound studies of the techniques that are used to introduce the child into the school as an institution. Attention has been concentrated upon classroom learning and the matter of inculcation of the behaviour necessary to maintain the system and to m a k e

i. Prepared for the Social Science Research Committee's Inter-American Meeting of Sociologists, Princeton University, 10-12 September, 1962.

The studies on which this report is based were conducted under the direction of the author and Professor David Easton of the Department of Political Science, University of Chicago. They were supported by grants-in-aid from the Social Science Research Committee of the University of Chicago; by the Co-operative Research Bureau, United States Office of Education (Project N o . 1078); and by the National Institute of Mental Health (Grant N o . M-4736) .

2. Child's review of the state of socialization research and theory ('Socialization', in: G . Lindzey (ed.), Handbook of Social Psychology, Vol. II, Addison-Wesley, Cambridge, 1954, p. 655-92) group studies according to systems of behaviour: oral, excretory, sexual, aggression, dependence, achievement, and others (affection, reproduction and fear). This scheme of categorization illustrates the concentration of interest upon socialization as a process of modifying impulses and shows the lack of studies of the child's increasing participation in systems and institutions of the society.

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classroom teaching possible has generally been ignored. Indeed, the failure of family, school and community in this task in lower-class, urban areas of the United States, resulting in a breakdown of classroom instruction, is a problem of increasing concern.

Socialization of behaviour which relates the child to other institutions—church, government and institutions of a primarily economic nature—has scarcely been touched. O f these areas, the socialization of political behaviour presents a particularly interesting example.1

In the social sciences in the United States, studies of political attitudes, involvement and voting patterns have dealt with adult behaviour. With the possible exception of the attitude surveys of R e m m e r at Purdue,2

there is at present little data on the political behaviour and attitudes of adolescents or children in the United States. T h e political attitudes of adolescents and children have been regarded as irrelevant perhaps because they do not have the right to vote. For various reasons, the study of political attitudes of adolescents has b e c o m e one of the most neglected areas in child development.

This report presents data d r a w n from a series of studies relating to political socialization in the United States. Data from other countries (Chile, Puerto Rico, Australia, Japan) were collected through the cooperation of colleagues and of several graduate students, all of w h o m participated without compensation. T h e conclusions that m a y be drawn from these international studies are highly tentative and preliminary—a first step toward m o r e systematic cross-national research on political socialization.

A n important assumption underlying our studies of political socialization is that some learning occurs in childhood which is related not to present childhood activities but to the future behaviour of the individual as an adult. This type of early learning includes orientations toward political figures, norms and institutions; its effect m a y not be evident in overt behaviour until a m u c h later developmental stage. It might be appropriate to regard this process as one of anticipatory socialization. A completely adequate study of political socialization would be longitudinal, relating early learning to adult behaviour. Unfortunately, no longitudinal data exist at the present time.

F r o m a slightly different point of view, the socialization of attitudes toward political objects and n o r m s is significant not only for the behaviour

i. For many years schools in the United States have engaged in the teaching of citizenship. However, a close examination of the m a n y programmes of citizenship training in use either in the schools or in service organizations indicates that this type of training is more closely related to the teaching of a general code of moral behaviour than it is to specific introduction to the civic and political responsibilities of a citizen. Franklin Patterson reviews some of these programmes in The Adolescent Citizen, The Free Press, Glencoe, 111., i960.

2. H . H . Remmer's work is reported in a series entitled Studies in Attitudes, Purdue University Division of Educational Reference (Studies in Higher Education, '934- ) •

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of the individual citizen, in a psycho-social, developmental reference; it has an impact upon the operation of the political system as well. (No political system will continue to maintain itself for any length of time without transmitting some political values and beliefs to the young m e m b e r s of the society.) If basic orientations toward government and governmental figures are formed before adolescence, then childhood socialization is exceedingly important for the functioning of the political system—regard for law, tolerance of internal disagreement, expectations as to the behaviour of public officials and the behaviour of the individual citizen.

O u r first study was concerned with the attitudes of adolescents. Using a questionnaire covering a range of attitudes toward law and toward participation of the individual citizen, w e tested 2,000 high school students from freshman through senior classes. Analysis of responses showed very little difference between freshman and senior classes in level or patterns of response. W e interpret these results as indicating that ¡political socialization is completed, in several important respects, by the time the child reaches high school.1

W e then turned to a study of children at the elementary grade levels. Using interviews and simple questionnaires, w e began preliminary investigations of the attitudes of young children toward government. O u r interviews showed that children appeared to have an awareness by the first grade (and possibly earlier) of two political figures: the President of the United States and the local policeman. T h e image of the President was characterized by very high positive regard; older children showed marked changes in the tendency to discriminate between the President's role and personal attributes.2 This preliminary work initiated several studies of the child's emerging attitudes toward political figures, government and law. However , this report is focused upon only one element of the total process: the child's perception of political authority figures. In this instance our cross-national data deal with children's attitudes to foremost political figures in their o w n countries.

T h e choice of the President of the United States as an object of American children's regard is a particularly favourable one for the student of developmental processes and for the student of political socialization. In the United States, the President is a highly visible person, or has, at least, a highly visible image; television has m a d e his face as well as his n a m e familiar

1. Our test instrument covered political interest, participation in campaign or other activities (by wearing campaign buttons, handing out literature, watching candidates on television, discussing candidates or issues with friends), attitudes toward the appropriate role of government in providing services for the citizenry, attitudes toward political figures, belief about the routes of access to governmental influence and the groups and individuals who are most likely to have access to them, and a number of other topics comprising a group of orientations toward political objects or concerning political matters.

2 . This early form of a questionnaire for young children was used with 366 children in the United States in 1958 during the Eisenhower administration and again in 1961 shortly after the inauguration of President Kennedy. It provides most of the data on which this report is based.

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to virtually all children of school age. T h e tendency of the young child to personalize his interaction with objects, even inanimate ones, makes the early school years an especially sensitive time for exposure to the symbols of government and law as expressed through the President. In addition, attachment at this early age tends to be heavily influenced by non-rational considerations so that the initial experience with political authority, through the mass media, m a y provide a basis of regard u p o n which further, more specific socialization m a y take place.1

In s u m m a r y , the conceptual context in which data are to be reported stresses that anticipatory socialization of political orientations occurs long before adulthood and actual political behaviour and that the nature of this early conceptual and apperceptive experience influences subsequent socialization and behaviour. This view is relevant for both developmental theory and political theory because it assumes that developmental processes beginning in childhood are related to adult behaviour and that adult political behaviour is related to the maintenance and operation of the political system. It is in this perspective that a more detailed description is presented of the child's image of the President and the intra-national and inter-national variations that occur in the image of foremost political authority figures.

T h e responses gathered by both interview and questionnaire techniques in our initial study of elementary school children in 1958 showed several relevant features.2 Each of the findings of this study has been replicated in at least one additional study, and some have been replicated several times.3 T h e dominant patterns of response are:

1. It is perhaps likely that television encourages the early regard for and attachment to the presidential person and role. Several features of television (such as close-ups, apparent visual contact, presence of the televised image within the home , frequency of exposure) promote personalization of the performer and induce feelings within the viewer of personal relationship with the performer. This process is described for non-political figures in D . Horton and R . R . W o h l , 'Mass Communication and Para-social Interaction: Observations on Intimacy at a Distance', Psychiatry, Vol. 19, 1956, p . 215-29.

2. The results of the initial study were reported in R . D . Hess and D . Easton, 'The Child's Changing Image of the President', Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 24., i960, p . 632-44. Some of the findings parallel a study of political attitudes of children conducted by Greenstein; see F. I. Greenstein, 'The Benevolent Leader: Children's Images of Political Authority', American Political Science Review, no. 54, i960, p. 934-43 ; and 'More on Children's Images of the President', Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 25, 1961, p. 648-54.

3. This article will draw from several separate studies identified as follows: (a) the initial study, which was the pilot project with elementary school children in Chicago, conducted in 1958 under the Eisenhower administration (N = 366); (b) the replication study after Kennedy took office (N = 782); (c) the national study which draws from eight cities in the United States and is now in progress (N = 12,000); (d) the authority project on the relationship between family and non-family authority in a group of fifth-grade children in the United States (N = 200 children, 244 parents), Germany (N = 135) and Greece (N = 55), conducted by the author and Dr . Bernice L . Neugarten; and (e) the cross-national study, which obtained data on the questionnaire of the initial project from children in Chile (N = 160), Puerto Rico (N = i,oi8 , Australia (N = 437) and Japan (N = 397).

545


/ . The President of the United States is a highly visible figure to the young child, probably the most salient object in the child's early awareness of the political world.

In our initial study, 98 per cent of second-grade subjects identified the President correctly. In the replication study conducted one mon th after Kennedy was inaugurated, 93 per cent of second-grade pupils and 95 per cent of third-grade pupils were able to identify K e n n e d y as the n e w President. This evidence of the salience of the President for young children was confirmed by free response in interviews. O u r materials indicate that the President is the most important point of contact between the child and the political system in the United States.

Effect of role occupant upon image of the President. In order to determine whether the responses w e received were specific to President Eisenhower or were evidence of more generalized socialization, our initial study was replicated soon after President K e n n e d y took office. T h e pilot testing had been carried out in a predominantly middle-class, Republican suburb; the replication study covered both middle-class and working-class areas, Republicans and Democrats. No t only were the initial results replicated, but the differences between status levels were relatively small (Table 1). In addition, children w h o identified themselves as Republicans gave a level of positive response essentially similar to those w h o identified themselves as preferring the Democratic party.1 T h e expression of highly positive attitudes toward the President is apparently not greatly influenced either by the incumbent of the office or by partisan affiliation.

In the United States, apparently, the child is socialized into attitudes and behaviour toward a role, that is, to a position of authority in the system, and not to the occupant of the office. T h e resulting attitudes are independent of party affiliation, possibly because they are directed toward the office, which is non-partisan, and not to the person in the role w h o necessarily carries partisan glow or tarnish. There is some reason to believe that a similar process occurs in other countries under quite different political systems. T h e stability of a political system m a y be related to the socialization of positive attitudes toward stable roles, creating a situation in which political dissatisfactions m a y be safely directed toward the role occupant without threatening the acceptance of the system itself.2

1. The one item that provided an exception to this similarity asked for a direct comparison between Eisenhower and Kennedy—whether Kennedy would do as good a job as Eisenhower did. O n this item, Republican children expressed a clear preference for Eisenhower. Although socialized to role, children can distinguish among occupants.

2. It would be of considerable theoretical significance to examine the development of stable political roles in new countries. It seems possible that a reverse process occurs in which the status, prestige and tradition of a role are initiated by the impact of a charismatic leader, operating, of course, within a system that permits stability. In the United States of America, the two foremost national heroes— George Washington and Abraham Lincoln—are used to inculcate in the child attitudes of respect and admiration for the Presidency that m a y be one source of the child's high positive feelings.

546

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T h e young child probably cannot distinguish between occupant and role. T h e prestige of the role is attached to the occupant with little modification. Perhaps this type of halo effect also influences the attitudes of adults. It seems likely that the distinction between role and occupant develops with increasing age and m a y , indeed, be an indication of maturity of political attitudes.

Discrimination of President from other roles. Although the child's regard for the President is s o m e w h a t independent of the role occupant, he discriminates the President as an object from other persons a n d roles. W e obtained s o m e evidence of this from the initial study w h e n the responses comparing ' m y father' with 'the President' s h o w e d clear differentiation between the t w o figures. T h e attitudes involved are not generalized feelings of a w e and idealization toward all authority figures, but are, at least to a degree, associated with the office of the Presidency, and with the prestige it clearly c o m m a n d s . This tendency is even m o r e apparent in our larger national study.

2. The child's image of the President shows marked changes by age, indicating the response of attitudinal behaviour in political matters to socialization during the elementary years. The nature of these changes will be described in more detail subsequently. These age changes indicate differentiation among objects and among characteristics that apply to any single political object.

M a r k e d changes occur in the nature of the child's attitude toward the President as he grows older. Although our data represent successive age and grade levels and are synthetically longitudinal, there is reason to believe that they represent true developmental trends.1 In s o m e respects, the image of the President becomes m o r e positive; a n d in others it declines sharply.2

This progressive differentiation of components of the image of the President is one of the topics with which w e are concerned in the national study. T h e items included in the initial study cover a restricted range a n d d o not represent all the factors involved in the child's image. H o w e v e r , the following grouping of items will illustrate s o m e of the developmental trends in the child's differentiation of characteristics. These items are grouped on

1. This belief is based on the fact that repeated testing with identical items over an interval of almost four years showed highly similar age trends and levels of response at differing time points, indicating that age trends are not the result of varying political experience at differing historical periods in the United States.

2. There is evidence that the young child learns some basic role discriminations at the pre-school level. Sex role distinctions in perceptions of family authority appear in Kagan's data (J. Kagan , B . Hooker and S. Watson, 'The Child's Symbolic Conceptualization of the Parent', Child Development, Vol. 32, 1961, p. 625-36), and affectional and power distinctions appear to be established by Emmerich's research ( W . Emmerich, 'Young Children's Discriminations of Parent and Child Roles', Child Development,Vo\. 30, 1959, p. 403-19; and 'Family Role Concepts of Children Aged Six to Ten', Child Development, Vol. 32, 1961, p. 609-24).

548


an a priori basis into (a) those concerned with competence in task perform

ance; (b) an item dealing with honesty; and (c) those involving evaluation

of personal worth. For convenience these are called 'competence', 'honesty'

and 'benevolence'. ( O n this instrument the child was asked to select one

of three possible responses; the order of the possible responses within the

item varied throughout the questionnaire.)

COMPETENCE

Item i

T h e President of the United States works harder than most m e n . T h e President of the United States works about as hard as most m e n . The President of the United States doesn't work as hard as most m e n .

Item 2

T h e President of the United States knows more than most m e n . The President of the United States knows about the same as most m e n . T h e President of the United States knows less than most m e n .

HONESTY

Item 3

T h e President of the United States is more honest than most m e n . T h e President of the United States is about as honest as most m e n . T h e President of the United States is less honest than most m e n .

BENEVOLENCE

Item 4

T h e President of the United States is about the best person in the world. T h e President of the United States is a good person. T h e President of the United States is not a good person.

Item 5

T h e President of the United States likes almost everybody. The President of the United States likes about as m a n y as most m e n . The President of the United States doesn't like as m a n y as most m e n .

Using this set of categories, an examination of age-related changes in the

United States shows a n u m b e r of features which give a starting point for

cross-national comparisons (Fig. i).1 First, the greatest age shift is in the

I. The m e a n level of response was calculated by assigning i to responses which indicated a view of authority as better than the hypothetical norm ('most m e n ' ) , 2 to those which saw them as equal, and 3 to responses indicating a less favourable view.

549


decline of benevolent qualities of the President. T h e highly positive view held by young children changes with age to an image more similar to the hypothetical no rm of 'most m e n ' . 1 Honesty, which begins at an even higher level, shows less decline. Items indicating competence start lower (less positive—more like 'most m e n ' ) than the two more personal characteristics, but m o v e in an opposite direction, showing a cross-over effect that appears repeatedly in several sectors of our data.2

3. The image of the President of the United States is characterized by a highly positive attitude, both in comparison with a hypothetical norm ('most men') and in absolute terms.

This tendency was expressed in our questionnaire by choices of responses that described the President as 'the best person in the world' (60 per cent at Grade 2) and ' T h e President of the United States likes almost everybody' (75 per cent at Grade 2). Subsequent testing, using a variety of data-gathering techniques (ranking, rating, forced choice and free response) in addition to replication of original items, confirmed the initial results.

Perhaps the most obvious hypothesis about the high level of the initial image is that it is an extension or generalization of the child's attitude toward his father. If this were true, the images of father and President would be highly congruent. Such is not the case. A n alternative explanation is that the child is not projecting into the President the image he has of his o w n father but that of an ideal father. If this is true, w e would expect the image of the President, or other outstanding authority figure to vary correspondingly from one country to another with the role expectations and qualities of the ideal father. This is a hypothesis which can be tested and w e hope to obtain data on it in the future.

T h e results of a comparison of father and President show several relevant patterns. First, the father is seen as equal to or better than the President on benevolence and honesty at the young age levels; and is seen as inferior to the President on task related items. With increasing age, the two figures are approximately equal on honesty, but father becomes increasingly superior on benign characteristics and increasingly inferior on competence items. With increasing age there is greater differentiation a m o n g c o m p o nents of the image of political authority figures and, in addition, a greater difference is seen between political and other figures.

O n the basis of the United States data alone, our view of the child's early attitude toward political authority figures is that they arise from the

1. At this age the view of the benign qualities of the President probably approximates the view of adults. Data obtained from forty-seven teachers in participating schools gave a mean of 1.91 on these items. The mean for children 13 years of age or older was 1.98.

2. The data presented on these qualities for the United States and cross-national comparisons deal only with males. Both level and age trends are highly similar for females. Although some sex differences do appear in our studies, they account for a relatively small amount of variation in patterns of response.

55°


psychological needs of the child as well as from the definitions of authority that c o m e to him from his experience. If this is true, w e would not expect that the child's image of the President necessarily would be highly similar to his attitudes toward his o w n father. The image of the President suggested by our questionnaire and interview data is m o r e nearly that of an ideal authority figure—ideal, of course, as defined by the relevant cultural norms. In our data from children in the early grades, the similarity that appears between the image of the father and the image of the President is a result of a need to see both the father and the President as representing ideal authority.1

T h e child's concept of authority figures is derived from a variety of sources. His experience with his o w n parents m a y be assumed to play a prominent role in the development of these attitudes, but a number of other experiences contribute to them. T h e concept of king or prince is presented through children's books, television and comics, and the superior position of such persons as well as the respect they receive is evident. T o the child, authority is defined not only as superior but as exceedingly powerful. In comparison with his father and his mother, he sees himself as relatively helpless. H e is not only physically inferior, he is also dependent upon adults for the most elementary aspects of physical and emotional care. In short, he is weak, dependent and vulnerable.

T h e response of the child to this feeling of vulnerability is to reassure himself that the authority figure is benign and that he will proteo t the child rather than h a r m him. H e sees authority figures as benign because it is too threatening to see them as malevolent. This tendency (which also applies to his view of parents) is a psychological technique for dealing with the feelings of powerlessness, and, perhaps, with his o w n feelings of aggression toward authority. W e propose, then, that the child's image of political authority is designed to cope with his feelings of vulnerability and of aggression with regard to superior power.2

O u r conclusions suggest that the Presidency is a major link between the child and the political system and that an attachment m a y be generated that is of a peculiarly potent sort. A consequence for the political system of a child's forming his attitude toward the President in response to psychological needs is that a particularly strong bond between h u m a n beings mediates between maturing individuals and the political structure. If this

i. George R . Bach's study of the child's image of his absent father m a y represent a related psychological phenomenon. His group of father-separated children displayed a much more idealistic and benevolent fantasy picture of the father than did children whose fathers were living at home. G . R . Bach, 'Father-fantasies and Father-typing in Father-separated Children', Child Development, Vol. 17, 1946, p. 63-80.

2. This hypothesis is examined by Mrs. Judith V . Torney in her master's paper, 'The Child's Idealization of Authority', for the Committee on H u m a n Development, University of Chicago. Her analysis deals with the relative efficiency of theories of generalization, imitation and compensatory idealization in explaining the data collected on attitudes connected with the benign qualities of the President.

551


is so, it would contribute in a significant w a y to the stability of a régime by establishing strong emotional ties at a very early age.

Furthermore, from the point of view of the stability of the American political structure, such attachment early in life has positive consequences. A s the child grows to adulthood, he is exposed to considerable debate and conflicts over the merits of alternative incumbents of the Presidency and of other roles in the political structure. There is constant danger that criticism of the occupant will spill over to the role itself. W e r e this to occur, respect for the Presidency could be seriously impaired or destroyed. But the data here suggest that one of the factors that prevents this from occurring is a strong parental-like tie with respect to the President's role itself, developed before the child can become familiar with the contention surrounding the incumbent of the office.

Another phase in the socialization process is suggested by data w e are n o w analysing from the national study. T h e favourable qualities of the President and of other figures (policeman, senator) tend to decline while images of institutions such as the Supreme Court and 'the governement' take on some of the qualities that earlier were characteristic of authority figures. O n m a n y items there is a change in rank order between figures and institutions, with institutions gaining in prestige and figures declining. If our interpretation is valid, it seems possible that the early emphasis on the benign qualities of political authority sets a level of expectation that is never quite abandoned. As the maturing child becomes aware of role definitions and of the fallibility of persons in authority, he looks to institutions to offer the protection that, as a small child, he wanted from parents and other figures. Even after this transfer has taken place the expectations of benevolence and morality on the part of political authority still colour his attitudes toward the occupant of political office and m a k e small deviations from morality or honesty a matter of national concern.

This interpretation is submitted as applicable to the United States. In some respects the validity of these conclusions m a y be examined through cross-national comparison of attitudes toward similar authority figures. Although these data are obtained from children in a limited number of schools w h o do not represent either a random or stratified sampling of the countries involved, they afford some information about the nature of differentiation and other age changes in the images of political authority figures.

T h e first point of comparison is in the difference in salience or visibility of the chief political authority figure in Chile and the United States.1

B y the second grade, 95 per cent of children in the United States can identify correctly the n a m e of the President; in Chile, this level is reached by the fourth grade. This suggests less salience of the role of the President in Chile.

1. I wish to acknowledge the co-operation of Dr. Peter Heintz of the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences and Miss Lydia Redbacher in gathering and analysing the data from Chile.

552


This possibility is supported by responses of children in Santiago w h e n asked to identify the party affiliation of the President. At the third grade, 38 per cent of responses identified the party affiliation correctly; at the sixth grade, 41 per cent k n o w his backing and party membership.1 Party affiliation is more a part of the children's image of the President in the United States. M o r e than 60 per cent of children at Grade 2 and 86 per cent of children at Grade 3 correctly identified Kennedy as affiliated with the Democratic party.

Data about the qualities of authority figures as seen by school children in Santiago are presented in Fig. 2. 2 They compare with the United States data in several respects. First, the view of benign characteristics declines and the view of competence becomes more positive, giving a similar picture of differentiation of these two qualities in the two countries. However , the initial level of regard is not as positive as in the United States, although this difference is less pronounced at later ages. T h e item dealing with honesty begins at a lower level than is true in the United States, and shows little decline.

Socio-economic status differences in both level and pattern of response seem to be present in the data from Chile. T h e greatest differences appear in the 'competence' qualities, the least in 'honesty'. T h e pattern that appears, if it is not random variation, is (a) a greater emphasis of the working-class children on benign qualities at early ages; and (b) a higher level of regard of competence for the President by middle-class children (at both early and middle grades). Somewhat similar tendencies characterize the United States data, but differences between socio-economic status levels are not as marked. However, age changes are in the same direction for both middle-class and working-class groups, suggesting an influence of the school in political socialization and, perhaps, a psychological component related to the feelings of relative powerlessness which presumably decrease with age. T h e influence of school as a socializing agent m a y vary from one status level to another. Responses of children in Chile show a clear difference by class in their view of whether they learn more from school or from the h o m e about the President. Total responses across the four grades are shown in Table 2 .

Comparisons on items inquiring about agents of socialization in the United States national study show little social status difference and little difference for either class between family and school in the view of the child. This pattern of response in the United States does not apply to questions about where the child would seek advice about voting if he could vote.

1. The President of Chile is Independent by party affiliation, but came to power with the help of Conservatives and Liberals. Any of these three responses was considered correct.

2. This figure presents successive age groups by grade rather than chronological age. The distribution of age by grade was such that all children in the older age break (13 years and older) would have come from working-class homes. Such a presentation introduced excessive distortion of age trends.

553


T A B L E 2. Social status differences in perception of sources of political socialization (Chile). Responses to the question: ' W h o teaches you all that you know about the President?'

Socio-economic status ^nothe^ School Other

Working class 6 56 38 Middle class 42 22 36

O n this question children would either turn to family or, with equal frequency, m a k e up their o w n minds. In the United States the school is seen as a source of information, and perhaps of attitudes, but not as a source of influence or counsel about political decisions for the individual citizen.

In Puerto Rico the Governor is a visible figure at about the same level as obtains in Chile. Almost 80 per cent of children at ages 7, 8 and 9 years correctly identified the Governor in the questionnaires. These figures, incidentally, are very close to those of Japan (82 per cent) and Australia (84 per cent) (Table 3). Again it is suggested that attitudes toward the President in the United States are socialized earlier and, perhaps, with more intensity because of his greater visibility to the young child.

T h e results obtained in Puerto Rico1 are presented in Fig. 3. Compared with the United States and Chile and with data from Japan2 and Australia (Figs. 4 and 5), Puerto Rico shows some unique features: (a) the age trends are minimal; (b) there is little differentiation a m o n g the qualities at any age; and (c) the level of regard is generally lower, particularly on benign qualities. As in Chile, items indicating competence rate higher than benign or moral qualities, but unlike Chile, the level of positive opinion about competence does not increase with age. In an effort to examine the effects of distance upon attitudes, questionnaires were administered which inquired about the President of the United States as well as the Governor of Puerto Rico. The differences that appear between responses toward the Governor and responses toward the President are relatively small. T h e similarity of the two sets of responses argues for political socialization as a process which is relatively independent of the object, reflecting attitudes toward authority of which attitudes toward the foremost political authority are a special case.

Differences between social status levels were minimal in the responses of children in Puerto Rico. A s in the United States, however, the differences between high and low socio-economic status groups increased slightly with age.

Puerto Rican data were collected by Herbert Marty-Torres in Rio Piedras (one middle-class school and two lower-class housing project schools) and in San Lorenzo (all schools). The data from Japan were obtained by Tadao Okamura.

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T A B L E 3. Visibility of foremost political authority based on correct identification of name of President, Governor, or Prime Minister (proportions)

Ages Country

United States Chile Puerto Rico (Governor) Puerto Rico (President of United States) Australia Japan

7, 8, 9

O.95 O.801

O.78 0.66 0.84 0.82

10, 11, 12

1.00 0.922

0.94 0.85 0.94 1.00

13 +

1.00

0.98

0.93 0.98 0.98

1. Grades 3 and 4. 2. Grades 5 and 6.

T h e clearest differences a m o n g the responses of children in the three countries are: 1. T h e foremost political authority figure is more visible to the young child

in the United States than in Chile or Puerto Rico, suggesting an earlier attachment to the political system through this figure. However, the inter-country differences are not grent.

2. Inter-country differences in views of this authority figure are greatest for items indicating honesty and benevolence and least for those dealing with task competence. This is supported by statistical tests, although the application of such tests assumes exact comparability of items—an assumption that must be held lightly.

3. Children in the United States tend to emphasize benevolence and honesty more than competence in attitudes toward the President; children in both Puerto Rico and Chile rank competence above the personal qualities of honesty and benevolence.

4 . A g e changes are greatest in the United States data, centring upon items relating to benevolence and honesty; age changes are minimal in Puerto Rico.

5. In both Puerto Rico and the United States there is evidence that the attitudes toward figures are actually attitudes toward the office and role and are, to a degree, independent of the role occupant.

T h e cultural influences that seem to combine with developmental effects suggest that the authority system of the family m a y be critical in the socialization of attitudes toward authority. This is a possibility that w e are n o w exploring in studies in the United States and Germany, but on which w e have no data from other countries in North or South America. T h e material w e have so far shows that such a connexion exists between the child's view of his family and his views of non-family authority figures. For example, boys w h o see their o w n fathers as dominant in the family have a less positive image of non-family authority and, if w e can trust the ratings of classroom teachers, behave in a less conforming way in the school. This pattern shows up in both correlational analysis and m e a n level of response.

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A more complete analysis of political socialization should include information about the child's attitudes toward his family group and toward additional non-family authority figures. Perhaps the data w e have presented here will suggest connexions between family structure and attitudes toward authority that are not evident to us. In the United States the highly benign, even nurturant image of the President is congruent with the image of the paternal role which, in the United States, greatly overlaps that of the mother in expressive and nurturant components. This tendency to ascribe to the father qualities which are expressive rather than instrumental m a y be related to the child's emphasis on benevolence in the image of the President. If there is greater differentiation between roles of father and mother in Puerto Rico and Chile (we are eager to hear from our colleagues on this point), a connexion between family authority and role differentiation and perception of political authority figures would seem even more probable. Perhaps the greater regard of children in Chile and Puerto Rico (as compared with children in the United States) reflects a differentiation between parental roles which the child learns to discriminate at an early age in the h o m e .

SUMMARY

This article reviews a series of studies devoted to the socialization of the child into authority systems of his society. It regards the family as the first authority system in which the child has experience and as one which prepares h im for dealing with institutions and groups outside the family. T h e objective of this research is to see h o w the process of socialization of the child into political and other authority systems is related to his membership in sub-systems of the social structure—to his experience in the family, to socio-economic status, to sex, to regional differences, to the school, and to religious affiliation and belief.

A n y progress that can be m a d e on the problem of differences in socialization between countries helps to isolate the features of socialization which are widespread, cutting accross national and cultural lines, from those which are more closely related to the national systems and agents of •socialization. T h e following patterns and interpretations of our data are relevant to this general approach:

i. Socialization begins with need-related, non-rational processes, projections of ideal authority images upon distant political authority figures.

H, These early attitudes constitute socialization toward political roles rather than toward role occupants, establising a pattern of expectations with regard to the role.

3 . Early attitudes are altered by various processes (imitation, direct teaching, identification, developmental changes). M u c h of this modification takes place at the pre-adult level, probably at the pre-adolescent level.

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4 . Similarities in our cross-national data suggest an influence of developmental changes tending toward two features: (a) less idealization of prominent authority figures; and (b) increased awareness of role and competence qualities.

5. Differences in cross-national data suggest: (a) differential effects of social class upon political socialization in different countries; and (b) different levels of influence of h o m e and school as socializing agents.

6. Inter-country differences in perception of political authority figures m a y reflect varying definitions of ideal father roles. These m a y influence: (a) the level of positive regard toward authority figures; and (b) the relative position of various qualities in the hierarchy of characteristics ascribed to authority figures.

7. Preliminary evidence as to the effect of family authority patterns upon the perception of the child recommends the use of family authority structure as a basic component in research on political socialization.

FIG. 1. Qualities of political authority—United States (males)

Note to Figs. 1-5:

Competence — — Honesty - - - - Benevolence

Range of possible scores is 1.0-3.0 1.0 = Superior to hypothetical norm 2.0 = Hypothetical norm 3.0 = Inferior to hypothetical norm

1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

Ages Ages Ages 7, 8, 9 io, 11, 12 13 + (N = 124) (N = 170) (N = 86)

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FIG. 2. Qualities of political authority—Chile (males)

1.0

1.1

1.2

1.3

1.4

1.5

1.6

1.7

1.8

1.9

2.0

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

Grades 3 and 4 (N = 76)

Grades 5 and 6 (N = 77)

FIG. 3. Qualities of political authority—Puerto Rico (males)

1.0

1.1

1.2.

1.3

1.4 1.5 1.6

1.7 1.8 1.9 2.0

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

Ages 7, 8, 9 (N = 135)

Ages 10, 11, 12 (N = 197)

Ages

13 + ( N = 171)

558


FIG. 4. Qualities of political authority—Japan (males)

1.0

1.1

1.2

1.3

1.4

1.5

1.6

1.7

1.8

1.9

2.0.

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

Ages

7. 8, 9 (N = 67)

Ages 10, 11, 12 (N = 80)

Ages 13 + (N = 174)

FIG. 5. Qualities of political authority—Australia (males)

1.0

1.1

1.2

1.3

1.4

1.5

1.6

1.7

1.8

1.9

2.0.

2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

Ages 7, 8, 9 (N = 82)

Ages 10, 11, 12 (N = 70)

Ages

13 + (N = 45)

NATIONAL VALUES, DEVELOPMENT, AND LEADERS AND FOLLOWERS

A Summary Statement of Theory, Some Research, and Some Implications

K . H . SILVERT

T h e identification of élite groups, leaders and followers is in certain respects; an even more treacherous task in underdeveloped than in developed lands. B y this time it is platitudinous—even though still valid—to state that underdevelopment is also asynchronous development. This statement means that w e should expect to find within some 'national' boundaries hunting and fishing cultures, stable village patterns, other groups moulded in feudal organization and attitudes, and sometimes even highly industrial urban complexes verging on the megalopolis. This array exists within contemporary Brazil, for example. Clearly there can be no single élite group, no single set of leaders or masses of potential followers within such complicated systems of only partially interacting coexistence.

Here, I shall concern myself only with one of these relationships between social universes—that between persons of generally traditional and generally modern values in the Latin American city. This choice is not m a d e because most Latin Americans are in one or the other group. Indeed, in such countries as Guatemala and Ecuador, persons of 'traditional' village culture (as distinct from 'traditional' persons of a Mediterranean feudal culture) predominate numerically. Instead, urban Latin Americans are emphasized here because these persons—whether 'traditional' or 'mode rn ' in attitudes—control the 'national' economies of Latin America, and comprise what w e normally refer to as the effective 'nationals'. It is their revolutions, their diplomats, their presidents to w h o m w e refer w h e n w e speak of 'Latin American governments'.

F e w sociological or social psychological studies of under-developed lands do more than distinguish between industrial society and all others, which they label traditional.1 T h e grossness of this dichotomy appears the m o m e n t one begins to join values and attitudes to institutions and social structure. Certainly there is an institutional gap as great between the organization of a village in Chiapas and a Hispanic feudal fief as there is between the fief and a modern Latin American capital city. T h e face-to-face relationships of

I. This statement holds, for example, for Daniel Lerner's The Passing of Traditional Society, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1958, and for Urbanization in Latin America, edited by Philip Häuser, from which I quote in this article.

560


the M a y a village, the single-class system, and the intimately related religious and political structures define an area tiny both physically and intellectually. O n the other hand, the fief is characterized by a rigidly defined bi-class structure, far-flung economic relationships sometimes of an international nature, complex religious ideas, and a rather sophisticated division of function of the political.

In this article, then, the word 'traditional' will refer only to the present- | day heirs of the mediaeval Iberian world view, and not to village or other face-to-face cultures. Häuser and Medina Echavarria, citing Gino Germani , offer a statement of contrast between the traditional and the modern which can well serve us as standard and which will later be modified to sharpen the distinction between village and mediaeval culture being m a d e here. T h e y write:

'i. In traditional societies, the prevailing type of action is fixed or prescribed more or less rigidly for every situation. In industrial societies, on the other hand, the type of action derives from what m a y be termed a deliberate decision . . . the choice itself—or deliberate decision—is essentially imposed by the social structure.

'2. . . . T h e former ['traditional' society] discourages it [change], tending, rather to attach great value to its legacy from the past. Conversely, the latter [modern society] esteems and encourages any innovation [sic]; in other words, change is "institutionalized".

'3. . . . T h e majority of functions are concentrated in a small n u m b e r of institutions in a traditional society, while specialized institutions, each with its limited and specific function, predominate in an industrial society. T h e family is the best k n o w n and most striking example of this antithesis'.1

T h e authors add that these three points—'the selective nature of action, the institutionalization of change and the specialization of institutions' —lead to a changed personality structure, a shift from local to national community, a social stratification system based on ascription instead of merit, lessened family relationships, and n e w political organization. But just as W e b e r showed enormous weakness w h e n attempting to deal with the question of 'party' or political power in his trichotomous approach to social structure, so too do Häuser and Medina suddenly weaken w h e n they have to deal with political matters, even though their views are unexceptionable. Their statement is worth quoting in its full paucity:

'Changes no less fundamental are taking place in the field of political organization and activity. In the past, the industrial society was associated with a specific political form, namely, liberal democracy. Today this appears to be subject to revision, according to certain groups of opinion. Nonetheless, whatever the political structure, the industrial society seems

1. Philip M . Hauser (ed.), Urbanization in Latin America, Paris, Unesco, 1961, p. 47-8.

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I N T R N A T I O N A L S O C I A L S C I E N C E J O U R N A L

to d e m a n d a m o r e extensive political participation on the part of increasingly large population sectors'.1

In at least two basic respects this statement can be refined for our use: by making more stringent and m o r e appropriate to the Latin American city the concept of traditionalism; and by joining the concepts of national communi ty and political participation mentioned above as being separate results of industrialization.

CONTEMPORARY URBAN TRADITIONALISM

T h e traditionalist within the tradition of R o m a n c e politics has not remained unchanged before the stimuli of the last five centuries: prodded by mercantilism, capitalism, and the growth of mass societies, he has reacted to propose solutions which will at worst leave his Weltanschauung only slightly a m e n d e d , and at best strengthen and ramify it. T o state simply that the traditionalist opposes change and rational choice is not to prepare to discover h o w the traditionalist actually has changed, wha t choices he has exercised, and—not at all incidentally—how he has done so in order to preserve both his ethical values and his notion of the proper social stratification system. S o m e of the basic ideas of classical Mediterranean traditionalism are: (a) that class position is given and is unchangeable; (b) that all h u m a n actions must be simultaneously judged for their religious as well as secular meaning; (c) that all h u m a n actions should be doubly sanctioned by an ordered relationship of the civil and the religious institutions (the Doctrine of the T w o Swords); (d) that loyalties must be vertically ordered in accord with authority, and that religious and primary loyalties supersede secondary ones in the determination of social actions. These views persisted through colonization, Iberian mercantilism, and the establishment of flourishing service cities throughout Latin America in independence as well as during colonial periods.

Persons w h o express these ideas in relatively unchanged form continue to be able to live and function in Latin America's m a n y industrial centres, even though they act at least in part as do those w h o do not think as traditionalists. Such a division between avowed thought and action is not at all u n c o m m o n , of course. But there are yet other traditionalists w h o have modified both action and ideology to accommodate themselves positively to a certain kind of industrialization. T h e y probably better define wha t the classical traditionalist holds than he himself can do. These 'modern ' traditionalists think in syndicalist or corporativist terms, essentially but a complication of the hierarchical order of mediaeval society. In this view the D o c trine of the T w o Swords is a m e n d e d to become the Doctrine of the Six or Seven or Eight Swords, depending u p o n the n u m b e r of institutional pillars created to become the fasces of the quasi-modern traditionalism, so to

i. ibid., p. 50.

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speak. S o m e such kind of formal adjustment of traditionalism to industrialism should be expected, of course, especially given the rather high order of technological development to be seen in Spain as well as in m a n y countries of Latin America.

M a r x wrote his attacks upon the evils of industrialism from the vantage point of the northern European heir to the Protestant and Rationalist traditions; later, southern Europeans, too, began to attempt to protect themselves against the fully revolutionary implications of industrialism and 'massification'. Mosca , Croce, and others were the intellectual scions of the period, reflected in Hispanic society by the work even of such persons as apparently alien to their thought as Ortega y Gasset, whose Revolt of the Masses was not a kind of early The Lonely Crowd in Spanish, but rather an appeal against mass m a n from the stance of a troubled universalist whose humanism was rooted deep in the mediaeval cultural base of his land. T h e good society pictured by the syndicalist would have the individual firmly rooted in his newly complicated institutional place. His representation in government would not be a result of his individuality or of his mere nationality, but rather a function of his place in the institutional order of events. Public decisions would then result from the interplay of the institutional oligarchs, and not from the deliberations of groups and m e n elected at large from a citizenry escaping its occupational and class bonds in an act of political selection and decision formally and somewhat substantively indicative of equality. T h e secular State could not become supreme in its area; mass m a n would be tamed by being herded into institutional kennels, safely under the tutelage of the leader. This school of thought also specifically rejects liberalism, together with all its equalitarian and socially universalistic content. T h e pluralism of liberalism, based on an individualism adjusted to social groups in accord with a secularized natural law, is replaced by a pluralism of an institutionalization sanctioned by rite. T h e corporativist m a y be considered on the left of the traditional scale of politics in Latin America; on the right are the 'standard' traditionalists, grouped into Conservative parties or their contemporary descendants.1

T h e major social purpose of the syndicalist approach is to find a w a y of subsuming the n e w class complications of modernism to hierarchy, preserving a kind of Latin Führerprinzip, leaving inviolate the privileges and powers of the traditional, and thus escaping the secularization and, to their eyes, immorality of the nation-State. Argentina, Brazil and Mexico are three important examples in Latin America of the varied uses of this kind of modified traditionalism.

i. For a further exploration of the idea of two political spectra of left and right in Latin America, see m y article, 'Universes of Political Discourse in Latin America', N e w York, American Universities Field Staff, November 1961.

563


MODERNISM A N D THE STATE

A primary function of the secular nation-State, too, is to channel and order class as well as other interest conflicts which threaten whatever m a y be the definition of the public welfare at given times and places. T h e acceptance of the institution of a totally secular State as the ultimate arbiter of civic dispute involves certain other crucial commitments:1

i. T h e concept of 'market-place' in a political as well as an economic sense must be accepted. T h e market-place orders access to and participation in the national polity and economy in social procedures having m u c h to d o with the behaviour associated with political freedom.

2. A n at least interim suspension of religious judgement must be exercised with respect to public acts. L a w must be accepted as ultimate until it can be changed, evidence of that juridical relativism without which equality before the laws cannot be effective.

3. T h e weighing of public acts must then be in part at least pragmatic. Empiricism and whether something 'works' are the form of the interim judgements of the limited relativism and secularism of the nation-State.

4. Participating citizenship in the nation-State must be extended with 'massifkation' in a m o v e a w a y from the 'bourgeois night-watchman' nation-State of the last century toward the universal nation-State of this century.

5. T h e nation-State must be impersonal in its actions if its functions as arbiter on the one hand and recipient of organized consensus on the other are to be sufficiently self-sustaining to permit it to act as governor of the 'institutionalization of change'.

T h e secular nation-State thus channels and organizes class and other interest conflicts of the type engendered by industrialism, ensures that long-term decisions can be m a d e , permits the diversification of the institutional structure by providing for secular ordering and control, and allows the proliferation of far-flung secondary relationships by the generation and application of apposite rules. T h e mere attitudes of modernism cannot be fruitful without the institutional framework for their expression;

1. The standard literature on nationalism, as produced by such scholars as Emerson, Hayes, Carr, Kohn , and so forth, is too well known to need any recapitulation. The view of nationalism expressed here is somewhat different in certain particulars from other interpretations. Fuller statements can be found in m y articles in Herbert Matthews (ed.), The United States and Latin America, N e w York, American Assembly, 1959; in Latin America's Nationalist Revolutions in The Annals for spring 1961; in the forthcoming book, Expectant Peoples: Nationalism and Development, to be published by R a n d o m House early in 1963, of which I a m the editor; and especially in K . H . Silvert and Frank Bonilla, Education and the Social Meaning of Development: A Preliminary Statement, N e w York, American Universities Field Staff, 1961, mimeographed. In brief, the definition here used views nationalism as: (a) a juridical concept dealing with sovereignty, nationality, etc.; (b) a symbolic concept, treating of patriotism; (c) an ideological concept, involving explicitly polemical bodies of explanatory thought; and (d) a value concept having to do with the sealing of loyalties and the acceptance of the State as the ultimate arbiter of secular dispute.

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conversely, without such attitudes held at least in certain power centres, n o government can muster the coercive power or claim the legitimacy to b e c o m e national. T h e definition of social development for the emergent nations must then hinge largely on the question of national values and national institutions.

Corporativism has never proved a sufficient ideology or organizing device for self-sustaining development, even though at times it has introduced heightened levels of industrialization. Corporate States have administered partially industrial countries and even enlarged the industrial plant, but w e have no historical examples of self-sustaining development under corporativist forms. Growing freedom of choice, nationalism and development thus far have been historical correlates in cases of self-sustaining growth, of the 'institutionalization of change'. Given the failure as yet of any Latin American country to reach modernity, so defined in terms of the dynamics of accommodation, the region does not seem to be i m m u n e to these general rules of development.1

SOME MODERN A N D TRADITIONAL MEN IN LATIN AMERICA

It is probable that any occupational group at any level studied in the industrial cities of Latin America will comprise at least some persons of an essentially m o d e r n mentality (defined as national persons, as indicated above), and others of a fundamentally traditionalist cast (also as defined above). In seventeen groups in four countries (Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico) ranging from slum-dwellers in Rio de Janeiro to m e m b e r s of the Mexican Congress, examined for these characteristics, sufficiently strong divisions were noted to invalidate any notion that Latin Americans share essentially the same value orientations concerning life in its public manifestations.2 A simple percentage distribution of the samples by those persons with high, m e d i u m and low scores on the index of national identification is sufficient to demonstrate this point (see Table i).

T h e m i n i m u m demonstrated by these results—that there are very conflicting social values a m o n g groups in the Latin American industrial city—is an important clue toward an understanding of the nature of political conflict and its resolution in Latin America . 3 T h e vast difference

i. See m y article, 'Peace, Freedom and Stability in the Western Hemisphere', read at a Georgetown University colloquium in June 1962, and to be published in a volume of the proceedings, for a theoretical statement of the functional relationship between freedom and development. See also Michael Polanyi, The Logic of Liberty: Reflections and Rejoinders, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1951, and many others, of course.

2. This discussion will employ data published in K . H . Silvert and Frank Bonilla, op. cit., a study done with the assistance of Carnegie Corporation for the direct use of Unesco, C E P A L , and O A S . I wish to acknowledge the collaboration of Dr. Bonilla and his work in the field as well as in the analysis of the data. H e is not responsible for any new interpretations I m a y put on the data, of course.

3. It will be noted that we are here speaking of 'values' and not 'ideologies'. The

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T A B L E I. National identification scores among selected Latin American groups

Country and group Percentage

Brazil Managers Skilled workers Slum-dwellers

Argentina First-year medical students Last-year medical students Physicians

First-year mathematics and physics Last-year mathematics and physics Graduates

First-year economics Last-year economics Graduates

Chile Primary-school teachers Secondary-school teachers University of Chile professors Catholic University professors

Mexico Members of Congress

Note: This index is composed of four parts, the first concerning Church and State loyalties, the second the respondent's occupational interests and the State, the third the economy as a whole and the State, and the last a measure of patriotic response to Independence Day observances. The index measures only the pres?nce of national identification, of course— and does not tell us what exists in its absence.

High

30 20

17

37 46 26

36 41 41

28 38 »5

62 55 56 15

Medium

43 41

45

42 30 39

40 34 36

37 28 33

33 33 28 32

Low

27 39 38

21

24 35

24 25 23

35 34 53

5 12 16 53

15 32 53

between those persons w h o 'see' and accept a national c o m m u n i t y as a

primary fact of social relationships and those others w h o consider only

class, family a n d religious identifications worthy of basic loyalty is reflected

in two different orders of 'national' politics in Latin America . This split

w a s noted above in the example of the two different scales of left and right;

it also is evidenced in differing meanings given to law, to political behaviour,

to questions of freedom, and to international relations. Traditional persons

are consistently prone to authoritarian politics (as distinct from totalitar

ianism), exclusivist in their social attitudes concerning access to their

professions, jealous of the extension of full social participation to aspirant

groups, and normally in favour of the forcible application of oecumenical

former were defined for the purpose of this study as implicit ways of seeing and defining the world. Ideologies were defined as explicit bodies of thought, written and expounded, concerning the nature of desirable and undesirable public action. This distinction is useful as an analytical device, and also reveals the depth at which the study hoped to probe in defining 'values of national identification'.

566


religious beliefs. Persons w h o rank high on the national identification scale are not i m m u n e from authoritarian and especially totalitarian political ideologies, but they tend to clothe these views—when they hold them—in more empirical robes, lean toward welcoming all into the fold on the basis of personal and not ascriptive group qualities, and are tolerant in the matter of religion. If these conflicting attitudes are widespread within given class and occupational sectors, as they appear to be, they offer an important clue to the politics of frustration which have grown in such countries as Chile and Argentina. W h a t m a y very well be happening is that there is sufficient elasticity among the traditional to permit them to co-operate with the moderns during early and even intermediate phases of the industrialization process, but that w h e n the m o m e n t comes to make the decisive secular, national commitments demanded for further growth, the schism obtrudes to prevent continued non-revolutionary movement. T h e case of the Mexican congressmen, w h o respond to ideological questions in a modern manner for traditional reasons, is an excellent demonstration of flexibility on the one hand, and resistance to full commitment on the other. T h e large numbers of persons caught in the middle is also rich evidence of the painfully transitional nature of Latin American politics in these most fundamental respects.

This division concerning the nation should not be taken to m e a n , however, that interaction between traditional and modern persons is impossible; on the contrary, these studies—and the historical evidence— suggest strongly that w e must look for the specific manners in which these two groups find the accommodation which clearly exists, even though it is one which inhibits growth, wastes energies in internecine conflict, and embitters m a n y lives and family relationships. W e must also seek those cases in which modern m e n act as though they have traditional values, and traditional m e n act as though they are modern ones. Clearly such transpositions must exist as a response to professional and other occupational demands, as well as to the simple necessity for personal coexistence with colleagues and relatives. Certainly in the more industrially developed lands, too, there must be m a n y persons whose social conduct is 'national', but whose private values are 'traditional'. But the effect of such divisions where the dominant values and modes of behaviour are as well set as in contemporary Great Britain, for example, will be very different from where they waver and seesaw as in Argentina at this time.

T h e data from the studies being cited also show that the mere fact of upward occupational mobility of an intergenerational type does not appear to correlate with national values one w a y or another. T h e quality of mobility, not its mere existence, is what counts; in no one of the study groups was there a significant correlation between upward mobility of all kinds and national values. In the case of the Faculty of Economics in Argentina, the group with the highest mobility was also the lowest Argentine sample on the scale of national identification. M a n y persons, in their upward climb, were identifying with the values ostensibly held by the country's

567


traditional oligarchy. In the bifurcated value situation of the Latin A m e r ican city there is no reason w h y attitudes should not be moulded by the striver in accordance with the traditional ideal model and not the modern one.

In Argentina and Brazil, where differing occupational groups were studied, there is a clear relationship between the type of occupation and the degree of national identification. T h e higher the individual's position on the social scale and the greater his involvement with the development process, the more closely he holds national values. In Chile, within the teaching profession, the striking split comes between those employed in publicly supported schools and the professors in the Catholic University of Chile, w h o share with Mexican congressmen the lowest positions in the ranking. These findings all fit widely-held stereotype views of the nature of the occupations concerned and of the location of radical and conservative groups, and thus of the kinds of opportunities open for aspirants to these occupations. In short, the group 'image' projected at large was found in all cases to be in reasonable conjunction with what was actually discovered inside the samples studied; recruitment or self-selection is thus a quite realistic process, providing a reinforcement which in turn makes the accepted candidate's prophecies self-fulfilling.

Even though most of the groups studied would be counted normally as 'élite', the conclusion cannot be drawn that the individuals concerned are highly or even uniformly 'politicized'. Brazilian managers, for example, show little inclination to political action, as might be expected. Nevertheless, from these groups more potential leaders will indubitably flow than from others at lower status levels. W h a t is at least as important

i about them is that they provide followers. T h e competing value sectors produce their competing leaders; the leaders must also look for followers, of course. These studies strongly suggest where followers of certain types will be found, and w h y it is that Chilean primary-school teachers, for example, are so often accused of inculcating their students with Communist ideology, or that Argentine economics students are seen within the Un i versity of Buenos Aires as bulwarks of stolid conservatism. Certainly, the gulf between the Chilean primary-school teachers and the professors of the Catholic University, and also between Argentine students of exact sciences and economics, is immense—so immense that the erroneous notions of the opposition widely held by Latin Americans are easily understandable.

The relationships between the value split and the mobility effects underscore the profundity of a division which also has its class aspect. S o m e Latin American specialists—economists and anthropologists as well as sociologists—have contended that in reality there is a double class system in the region. Their argument usually points to a traditional upper class based on land and a modern upper class based on industry; to the old governmental and professional middle class as distinct from the n e w middle classes of industrialism; and to the land-bound peasant and city

568


menial worker on the one hand, and the n e w industrial worker on the other. This view of class, based so solidly on occupation as it is, might well be usefully modified to involve questions of social status and political power, especially since w e have seen h o w persons in the same occupations can have value systems so completely opposed. In any event, the Latin American value schism is in all probability reflected in and reinforced by institutionalization in a complex class structure. If this supposition is borne out by future research, the implications for the study of politics and for the potential costs of continued development in Latin America should be of major importance. This primary suggestion concerning social structure and values is the essential background against which other related hypotheses and research areas present themselves.

OTHER IMPLICATIONS FOR RESEARCH

T o recapitulate, w e need to k n o w m u c h m o r e of the intricacies of the relationships a m o n g persons of traditional, modern and intermediate values. Data in this area should indicate the degree of distance separating such groups, the patterns of their interactions, the quality of what intransigence m a y exist, and the possibilities for their continued limited agreement in the pursuit of national developmental goals. T h e position of the transitional person should be closely examined to learn which w a y he leans and with what affective quality. T o what is he politically most susceptible under given conditions? H o w does he act as follower? H o w does he act as leader? W h a t has been and what can be his role at differing stages in the growth of industrial society?

T h e rational fomenting of change also depends in important measure upon identifying the loci of persons of modern mentality. Directed culture change might well intervene least—and, paradoxically, most—as a result of the continual expansion of the power base of persons with high national identification.

Further, the implications of the relationship between political activity both as follower and as leader in modern and traditional groups needs m u c h more treatment. The complication of the matter is indicated by the apolitical views of m a n y modern groups as well as by the previously noted lack of coherence at times between avowed personal values and actual public action. Thus the quality of the leader-follower relation in both modern and traditional groups also suggests itself as an important area of research, particularly given the importance to development of impersonal concepts of the market-place, contract and equality before the laws.

Not only is the relationship between modern and traditional groups important, but so too are the interclass identifications within each group. If our data are truly reliable concerning the existence of modern attitudes a m o n g groups of some size even a m o n g slum-dwellers, then h o w do they see élite moderns, and h o w are they seen in turn? H o w 'mobilizable' are

569


these nationalists at various social levels? W h a t 'play' is there between social values and ideologies, and h o w can such disjunction be employed for political recruitment to modernization?

These research suggestions, hasty and sketchy as they m a y be, also suggest h o w far w e must go before w e can speak with reasonable precision concerning the roots of the Latin American political process and its relationship to general development. Ideologically argued solutions, international aid programmes and the work of 'technicians' will all remain but poetic evocations of ignorance until w e k n o w more about the patterns and possibilities of the political uses and potential of Latin America's h u m a n resources. There really is no longer any excuse for writing books about urbanization in Latin America, development in Latin America, education in Latin America, or anything else social in Latin America, without taking into account power and politics in Latin America at a level of profundity appropriate to the intensity of the changes implied in social modernization.

570

TRAINING AND ADAPTATION OF THE LABOUR FORGE IN THE EARLY STAGES

OF INDUSTRIALIZATION

G U I L L E R M O BRIONES

The labour force is one of the basic indices for the evaluation of such aspects of a society as its overall structure, its institutional relationships and its inclination either to foster or resist social change. In underdeveloped countries, the condition of the working population is not only an indication of the leeway they have to m a k e up in order to reach economic goals reflected in higher levels of consumption for the majority of the population; it also reveals the magnitude of the problems which have to be faced if these goals are to be reached.

S o m e of the social consequences of the poor skills of the labour force have been stressed recently, particularly in connexion with the great efforts demanded of educational systems in order to meet the most urgent needs of economic development. In general, it m a y be claimed that industrialization is the kind of economic activity on which the less-developed peoples are concentrating at present, but the structure of their h u m a n resources makes it impossible to predict the scope and pace of this process; and it is equally impossible to foresee which of the political alternatives they will adopt in an attempt to solve their pressing economic and social problems, as reflected in the semi-literate condition of m a n y sectors of the population.1

If, then, objective levels of skill are significant indices of the social structure in either absolute or comparable terms, one other thing which it is important to k n o w is h o w the workers view this cultural status and what problems they have to face in adjusting themselves to the n e w occupations and objectives which industrialization brings with it. In this connexion, it should be remembered that the emerging labour force in the underdeveloped countries is largely of rural origin, which means that,, apart from having little or no education it n o w has to face the special problems of urban and industrial life. This point is frequently m a d e in the sociology of development, although unfortunately w e do not have

i. A selection of the studies on this topic presented at the Conference on Education and Economic Development held in Santiago in March 1962 can be found in Unesco, E C L A , United Nations, Celade, 'Situación Demográfica, Económica, Social y Educativa de América Latina', Proyecto Principal de Educación, Unesco, Bulletin N o . 13, January-March 1962, p. 13-iu.

571


enough actual data to compare the m a n y hypotheses put forward in this field. T h e a im of the following article is to provide some factual data about the different levels of skill of the labour force in a country n o w being industrialized, together with some information about the adjustment of this labour force to industrial work. So far as the latter is concerned, it is assumed that the difficulties that m a y be encountered in assimilating the skills and standards of industrial civilization are reflected in the varying degree of satisfaction felt by the workers in their n e w environment.1

T h e information supplied hereunder forms part of a broader study being conducted by the author in the Sociology Department of the U n i versidad Nacional M a y o r de San Marcos in L i m a , about occupational mobility and adaptation to economic and social change. It was gathered by means of interviews held with i ,096 workers in manufacturing industries situated in an area stretching between L i m a and Callao, in Peru. Workers were selected by taking a stratified probability sample in the first stage from establishments employing twenty or m o r e workers. T h e total n u m b e r of workers in this category amounted to 49,381. Field work was carried out in October and N o v e m b e r 1962.2

EDUCATION A N D LEVELS OF SKILL

M a n p o w e r distribution graphs reveal various social problems, two of which are felt to be of special importance. In the first place, the industrial and economic system which is the goal of the developing countries is such that it requires a far more highly skilled m a n p o w e r than is n o w available, besides which this skill cannot be acquired quickly enough to satisfy the urgent d e m a n d for increased production. Secondly, any increase in the level of formal training, including on-the-job apprenticeship in industry, would require considerable capital which is usually quite difficult to raise from domestic sources or to provide from the traditional budgets of these countries.8

S o m e of the findings of our study will illustrate this point. Tables 1

1. Concerning some of the problems of assimilating individuals with a traditional background into a modern industrial environment, see Georges Balandier and Paul Mercier, 'Le Travail dans les Régions en Voie d'Industrialisation', in: Georges Friedmann and Pierre Naville (eds.), Traité de Sociologie du Travail, Paris, A r m a n d Colin, 1962, vol. 2, p. 282-304.

2. The project was carried out with the assistance of Professor José Mejía and the collaboration of Dr. Elias Flores, both of the Universidad de San Marcos. The part concerned with the dissemination of information about occupational opportunities is being prepared by Dr. Paul J. Deutschmann, of the University of Michigan, with the assistance of the author of the present article.

3. The above statements are not necessarily evidence of the 'vicious circle of poverty' in the underdeveloped countries but merely illustrate the difficulties of the problem. Several authors have alluded to the need to break this circle by means of large capital expenditure. In addition to the well-known works of T . W . Schultz, see also on this subject, John Vaizey, The Economics of Education, London, Faber, 1962, especially Chapters 3 and 6.

572


T A B L E I. Years of schooling for factory workers at Lima, by sex1.

Years of schooling

Primary school U p to i 2 to 3 4 to 5

Secondary school i to 3 4 to 5

TOTAL

I. This and the following

Men

%

7-3 17.0 47.6

ao.i 8.0

100.0 (N = 813)

tables refer to industrial establishments

W o m e n

%

4-9 19-4 55-8

17-7 2.2

100.0 (N = 283)

employing twenty or

(N

more

Total

%

6.7 17.6

49-7

19-4 6.6

100.0 = 1,096)

workers.

and 2 show the educational level of factory workers in the Lima-Callao area which is the main industrial centre of Peru.

First of all it will be seen that about a quarter of the workers under consideration (6.7 plus 17.6 per cent) have had barely three years of primary schooling and are mostly what m a y be described as 'potential illiterates'; 49.7 per cent have gone as far as the fourth or fifth year of primary school; and at the upper level, only one out of four workers (26 per cent) has had even one year's secondary schooling.

Furthermore, as shown in Table 2, the older workers have had less schooling, the educational level being appreciably lower a m o n g those of 30 or over, w h o m a k e up almost half of the 1,096 persons studied.

T A B L E 2. Years of schooling for factory workers of the Lima-Callao area, according to age groups

Years of schooling

Primary school U p to 1 2 to 3 4 to 5

Secondary school 1 to 3

4 to 5 T O T A L 100.0 100.0 100.0

(N = 566) (N = 450) (N = 80)

Incidentally, it should be observed that a comparison between age groups gives some idea of the slow rate of progress of education in the Latin American countries.1

Up to 29 years of age

%

4-3 !4-3 49-0

20.1 12.3

30 to 49

%

8.2 18.2 52.0

18.2

34

50 and over

%

15.0

37-5 40-5

7.0 —

1. 'At the average annual rate of decrease in illiteracy over the period 1930-1952 it would take Chile 60 years to reach an acceptable illiteracy rate of 4% to 5%'—Eduardo H a m u y , Educación Elemental, Analfabetismo y Desarrollo Económico, Santiago, Editorial Universitaria, i960, p. 31.

573


W h e n these figures are viewed in relation to Peru's illiteracy rate of approximately 53 per cent,1 the educational level a m o n g industrial workers probably compares favourably with that found in other sectors of the national economy. T h e fact is that industry, being the most modern sector of the economy, can take its pick from the large labour force available, the ranks of which are constantly being swollen by immigration from rural areas. However, if an examination of the school attendance of these workers shows that they represent a cross-section of all categories of manual workers in industry it is reasonable to inquire whether this labour force is equal to the tasks of industrialization and economic development. T h e problem m a y be stated in the form of two questions. First, what is the extent of underqualification of manual workers in industry at present? Secondly, what leeway will have to be m a d e up if the different stages of industrialization plans are to be carried out within the time-limits set?

T h e answer to the first question, which is the only one that will be dealt with in this article, requires, first of all, a definition of the term 'levels of qualification', and then a knowledge of the percentages of workers w h o must m o v e up to each level during the various stages of industrialization, so that they m a y be compared with the actual percentages at any given m o m e n t . According to the definitions proposed in a recent report submitted to the Conference on Education and Economic Development held in Santiago,2 the unskilled level requires the completion of six years of primary schooling, the semi-skilled level requires these six years plus two or three years of vocational training and the skilled level requires six years of primary schooling, two of secondary schooling and three to four years' vocational training. Applying these standards to the workers considered in the present study, w e find that 74 per cent would have to be classified in the lowest, that is, unskilled category (see Table 1). T h e remaining 26 per cent, even though they have the general education required for the other levels, do not have the requisite vocational training, as m a y be seen from Table 3, giving the percentages of workers w h o have pursued other studies connected with their present industrial activity.

Table 3 shows that only an insignificant percentage—1.2 per cent— has ever attended an institution of technical education and that only 5.5 per cent have ever taken a course directly connected with their present industrial activity. These figures clearly indicate that workers taking u p industrial employment have most inadequate formal vocational training, while at the same time they focus attention on the importance of the part that technical education has been or is playing in these countries. Incidentally, technical education, which is obviously of vital importance to economic development, is either a m u c h neglected part of the general educational

1. Unesco, E C L A , United Nations, Celade, op. cit., p. 63. 2. Unesco/ED/CEDES/36 S T / E C L A / C O N F . 1 0 / L . 3 6 P A U / S E C / 3 6 , 'Manpower

Structure, Educational Requirements and Economic Development Needs', p. 3-4. The different categories of qualification described in this document are similar to those established by S V I M E Z in its occupational studies on Italy.

574


system, or else it is unable, for reasons which it would be interesting to explore, to train a sufficient n u m b e r of skilled workers to meet the needs of industry.

T A B L E 3. Technical and vocational education of workers in manufacturing industries of the Lima-Callao area, by main groups

Type of education

Have attended some technical school or institute

Have attended some commercial school or institute

Have attended one or more courses connected with their present work

Have attended one or more courses not connected with their present work

Have not attended any other courses

Did not reply

TOTAL

20-^1

%

2-3

0.9

2-3

20.4

40.3 33-8

100.0

(213)

23

0 /o

0.6

0.8

5-6

12.6

53-8 26.6

100.0

(3°0

24

%

2-5

12.0

12.0

62.7 10.8

100.0

(158)

Industrial

25-30

%

— •

1.4

12.6

56.5 29.5

100.0

(139)

groups1

31-33

%

1.0

4-5

12.0

57-1 25-4

100.0

35-38

/o

5-6

8-3

9-2

59-3 17.6

100.0

(108)

Tota!

1.2

0.9

5-5

13-5

53-9 25.0

100.0

(1,096)

1. These groups are numbered as in the United Nations International Standard Industrial Classification of all econo-nic activities: 20-21 food manufacturing and beverage industries; 23 textiles; 24 footwear and made-up textile goods; 25-30 manufacture of wood and cork, furniture and fixtures, paper and paper products, leather and fur products, rubber products; 31-33 manufacture of chemicals, chemical products and non-metallic mineral products; 35-38 manufacture of metal products, machinery and electrical appliances.

T o s u m up , as regards the first question (concerning the present qualifications of workers), w e have seen that, according to the criteria applied, three-quarters of the sample studied—74 per cent to be precise—should, strictly speaking, be classified as 'unskilled' for purposes of modern industry. T h e reservation 'strictly speaking' is necessary as w e have not considered the practical skill acquired by workers on the job. Such qualifications, of course, are very difficult to assess, but at present they should always be taken into account w h e n comparing actual qualifications with those required for industry at a given stage of economic and technological development.1

In referring to the skilled labour required for economic development, it should be remembered that shortages exist not only in comparison with the degree of industrialization of the most advanced countries or with some ideal model; they also exist—and this is extremely important—in relation to the technological situation (machinery, raw materials, organization, etc.) and capital already

575


T o return to Table 3, the percentages it gives indicate that m a n y skilled jobs and occupations are filled by persons with inadequate training for the purpose. It should be remembered that this aspect of situation is not usually apparent from the figures on m a n p o w e r in underdeveloped countries, since they often classify workers as skilled or unskilled according to the job they are doing and not according to the skill which they actually possess.1

Although something m a y be learnt from Table 3 regarding the qualifications of workers in the main branches of industry, the subject is worth investigating in greater detail so that w e m a y see h o w length of schooling and educational levels are distributed over the different branches of manufacturing industries. This distribution is given in Table 4 .

T A B L E 4. Length of schooling of workers, by main industrial groups

Industrial groups1

Years of schooling

•imary school U p to 1 a to 3

4 to 5 :condary school 1 to 3

4 to 5

T O T A L

20-21

%

6.1 18.3

46-5

21.1

8.0

100.0

(213)

23

%

5-3 18.3 52.8

17.6

6.0

100.0

(301)

24

0 / to

6.3 17.1

59-5

15-2 2.0

100.0

(158)

25-30

%

"•5 17-3 43-9

'9-4 7-9

100.0

('39)

31-33

/o

6.4 19-7 47.2

16.0

10.7

100.0

(177)

35-38

/o

8.3 12.0

43-5

21.3

14-9

100.0 (108)

1. See explanatory note in Table 3.

B y and large, the figures show that skills are uniformly distributed throughout the different branches of industry and thus do not vary from the total percentages that have already been given. T h e situation which has existed hitherto, however, m a y give rise to a n e w problem in the near future inasmuch as, according to the trends and needs of industry in Latin America, production and openings for employment are likely to expand at a faster rate in the dynamic industries, such as machine manufacture and electrical, metallurgical and chemical industries. Because of the complexity

available in an underdeveloped country. In such cases, a shortage is an example of maladjustment between elements of the social structure: between material progress on the one hand, and educational and economic organizations and institutions on the other.

1. For purposes of a pattern of the manpower structure required at a certain level of industrialization, it is not enough to indicate the percentages of individuals possessing various degrees of skill; it is also necessary to know the job structures, their classification as skilled or unskilled and the percentages of workers which should be found in each of them. A high percentage of skilled labour may disguise the fact that there is an excessive concentration in some fields and a shortage in others. This information has a direct bearing on educational planning for economic development, especially at the higher levels.

576


of their technological processes, these are the very ones that require a higher degree of skill from the workers they employ (general and technical education). Though this m a y be true, the present levels of schooling shown in Table 4 seem to show no trend in that direction and this obviously constitutes a warning with regard to those aspects of educational planning which are directly related to industrialization.1

SOME FORMS OF ADAPTATION TO MODERN INDUSTRIALIZATION

O n e of the most obvious forms of social change in Latin America is the mobility to be found between various types of occupation and between various branches of the economy. So far as the latter is concerned, the process is closely linked with the phenomenon of urbanization, which has two aspects: a rapid drift of population from rural to urban areas, and the transition of rural migrants from agricultural to non-agricultural employment, particularly in industry and the services sector.2

It is clear that industrialization, which is n e w to the countries in this part of America, is not only assimilating people w h o c o m e from rural areas or from small towns and villages; in the cities themselves a gradient has been produced which extends from the most traditional sectors of the economy to [the most modern, represented in this case by industry. For the great majority of industrial workers of both rural and urban origin, the change from one type of occupation to another implies a transition from a previous w a y of life to a n e w industrial and urban system with its different values, standards and status relations.

This phenomenon has been analysed on m a n y occasions, though m u c h research work remains to be done in order to gain a better understanding of the various forms assumed by the process of adjustment and the various types of tension to which it gives rise. T h e two aspects of this subject discussed in the present article are the psychological consequences of the industrialization process and, more particularly, the degree of personal satisfaction derived by manual workers from the n e w environment in which they work.

Table 5 shows the degree of satisfaction expressed by the workers under consideration when asked the question: 'Generally speaking are you satisfied or dissatisfied with your present employment?' T h e percentages of those w h o claimed to be satisfied or fairly satisfied-—30.9 per cent and 51.6 per cent respectively—are both far higher than the 17.2 per cent w h o stated that they were dissatisfied with their work. T h e percentage of dissatisfaction is

1. Modern industry's manpower requirements raise many problems, some of which are referred to by Simon Kuznets in 'Economic Requirements of Modern Industrialization', Transactions of the Fifth World Congress of Sociology, Vol. II, 1962, p. 80.

2. For a series of studies on this process, see Urbanization in Latin America, Paris, Unesco, 1961, 331 p.

577

ag.a 51-5

'9-3 —

36.4

51-9 I 1.0

0.7

30.9 51.6

17.2

0.3


higher a m o n g m e n than a m o n g w o m e n , 19.3 per cent and 11 per cent

respectively.

T A B L E 5. Degree of work satisfaction among industrial workers of the Lima-Callao area, by sex

Degiee of satisfaction Men W o m e n Total

O ' O / O /

/o /o / o

Satisfied Fairly satisfied Dissatisfied Did not reply

T O T A L 100.0 100.0 100.0

(813) (283) (1,096)

With reference to age, dissatisfaction tends to be higher a m o n g the younger groups. T h u s it m a y be seen in Table 6 that 19.4 per cent of the workers 29 years of age or under stated that they were dissatisfied with their present employment , whereas the figures go d o w n to 16.5 per cent and 7.3 per cent in the higher age groups.

T A B L E 6. Degree of work satisfaction among industrial workers of the Lima-Callao area, by age groups

Degree of satisfaction Up to the age of 20 30 to 40 50 and over

Satisfied Fairly satisfied Not satisfied

TOTAL

% 30.0

50.6

!9-4

100.0

(565)

% 30.3 53-2 16.5

100.0

(448)

% 42-5 50.2

7-3

100.0

(!.093)

1. Not including three persons who failed to answer the question.

W h a t light do the figures in the foregoing tables shed on the subject under consideration? First of all, the low percentage of dissatisfied individuals would seem to indicate that the workers have a somewhat complacent attitude towards their industrial work. A large portion of them are migrant workers, since only 35 per cent of those in the sample were born in the L i m a -Callao area, and it m a y be that for m a n y of them the n e w environment offers m o r e satisfaction than the limited opportunities of their former provincial or rural surroundings.

Although the above hypothesis is plausible, it should be borne in m i n d that a low percentage of persons expressing dissatisfaction with the w o r k they are doing has been a constant feature of the m a n y studies that have been conducted to date on satisfaction in employment . These percentages are m u c h the same as those given in the present study. Blauner,1 for instance,

1. Robert Blauner, 'Work Satisfaction and Industrial Trends in Modern Society',

578


reports that, in five surveys conducted and analysed between the years 1935 and 1957, the percentage of dissatisfaction varies between ioand2i percent. According to these figures, the labour force in the early stages of industrialization does not differ in respect of work satisfaction from workers similarly employed in countries with a m o r e advanced economy, though the source of satisfaction m a y be different.

It has been pointed out in sociological literature that the concept of work satisfaction or morale is in m a n y ways ambiguous.1 For the sake of clarity, it is at least necessary to break the term d o w n into some of its c o m p o nent parts in order to isolate the principal sources or bases of this satisfaction. With these observations in mind and in an effort to arrive at a m o r e exact definition of those elements which go to m a k e u p up the part of the worker's world formed by the factory, the individuals being studied were asked to state what aspects of their employment attracted them most. T h e sources indicated are shown in Table 7.

T A B L E 7. Principal sources of work satisfaction among industrial workers of the Lima-Callao area, by sex

Sources of satisfaction Men W o m e n Total

Wages Prestige of the employer firm Friendship with fellow workers Type of work done Employers Security benefits Miscellaneous

34-1 26.2 48.2 66.8 21.6 10.6

7-4

40.3 20.5

50.9 70.7

27-9 7-1 6.0

35-7 24.7 48.9 67.8 23-3 9-7 7.0

(813) (283) (1,096)

I. The percentages add up to more than 100 because some people gave more than one source.

For 67.8 per cent of the workers, which is the highest percentage in this table, the main source of satisfaction is the type of work they are doing, that is, the particular industrial activity in which they happen to be engaged at present. T h e figure is approximately the same for m e n and w o m e n . Next in importance (48.9 per cent) comes the h u m a n element of pleasure derived from friendship with fellow workers. In this connexion it should be borne in m i n d that for m a n y of these workers the social system of the factory—and in a general w a y the whole industrial system to which they n o w belong—is totally different from their original environment, especially for those w h o c o m e from rural areas. T h e important point is that the workers have a very positive attitude towards the greater degree of h u m a n contact and the inter-

in: Walter Galenson and Seymour M . Lipset (eds.), Labor and Trade Unionism, N e w York, John Wiley, i960, p. 339-60. A n excellent discussion of this subject is to be found in Jacqueline Frisch-Gautier, 'Moral et Satisfaction au Travail', in: Georges Friedmann and Pierre Naville (eds.), op. cit., p. 132-57.

5 579


relationships which are characteristic of the industrial system, and this has a whole series of consequences w h e n it comes to fulfilling m a n y of the 'commitments' of industrial civilization. It is likely that the value attached to the work group is especially important in various aspects of the socialization of the workers, such as trade-union membership, solidarity, influence in labour disputes, etc.1

Lastly, Table 7 shows that wages come third as a source of satisfaction (an average of 35.7 per cent for m e n and w o m e n workers). It would be a mistake, however, to consider this reply in absolute terms and to conclude that the wages they receive constitute a very considerable part of the satisfaction which the worker claims to derive from his job. Although their awareness of the situation has by no means caught u p with reality, the workers feel that their wages form the most unpleasant aspect of their present employment. This is the conclusion reached from replies to another questionnaire on which they were asked to indicate those aspects of their present employment which were most disagreable to them.

CONCLUSION

B y w a y of conclusion to this brief discussion of a few social aspects of industrialization in the developing countries, it should be pointed out that it w a s not possible within the limits of this article to present further data which might shed more light on the processes of adjustment of workers, in the early stages of industrialization. These n e w facts, together with those that have been analysed above, would tend to prove, on the basis of the opinions expressed by those w h o are themselves involved in the process—at least those at the levels indicated—that their integration into a more modern economic system would not meet with any of the psychological blocks which are so often referred to in social science literature. This hypothesis is independent of another one which, on the basis of objective data, might reveal other consequences for the system of production and for the structure of an urban society founded upon skill and the levels of attainment and aspiration of the n e w emerging labour force.

1. For a fuller development of this idea, see Arnold F. Feldman and Wilbert E . Moore, 'Commitments of the Industrial Labor Force', in: A . F. Feldman and W . E . Moore (eds.), Labor Commitments and Social Change in Developing Areas, N e w York, Social Science Research Council, i960, p. 1-12.

See also José Medina Echavarría, 'Las Relaciones entre las Instituciones Sociales y las Económicas. U n Modelo Teórico para América Latina', Boletín Económico de América Latina, Santiago, C E P A L , Vol. V I , N o . 1, 1961, p. 34.

580

ENTREPRENEURS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THE ROLE OF CULTURAL AND SITUATIONAL PROCESSES1

Louis K R I E S B E R G

O n e of the central issues in the study of social change and development is the relative role of cultural and situational processes in accounting for values, beliefs, and behaviour, since the assessment of the relative role of these processes affects judgements about the possible rate of change and the likely sequence of changes in different areas and aspects of social life. Thus , an emphasis upon cultural processes implies a slow rate of change and the necessity of altering values and beliefs as a prerequisite for behavioural changes. M a n y situational factors, particularly economic ones, directly affect entrepreneurial behaviour and m a y thus indirectly affect values and beliefs. In this article, special attention will be given to situational process under Latin American conditions.

Entrepreneurial activities, following an economist's definition, include: discovering investment opportunities, marshalling the necessary resources and organizing the enterprise.2 For the purposes of this discussion, entrepreneurs are persons engaged in these activities as managers of large-scale enterprises—whether they be owner-managers or employee-managers.

CULTURAL A N D SITUATIONAL PROCESSES

Values and beliefs can be directly inculcated, as w h e n a person is told what he is expected to want or to believe and positive and negative sanctions are used to ensure compliance. For present purposes, such inculcation by parents defines 'cultural processes'. Values and beliefs can also be learned directly, from a person's o w n current experience. This occurs in two ways. First, a person develops values and beliefs by generalizing from his observations of the world in which he lives. These values and beliefs m a y be

i. This is a revised version of the paper prepared as a basis for the discussion of Guillermo Briones' paper presented at the 1962 In ter-American Meeting of Sociologists, Princeton, N e w Jersey, September 1962.

I wish to express m y appreciation to S. M . Miller, Helen Icken Safa and Lois Ablin Kriesberg for their suggestions and comments.

2. Harvey Leibenstein, Economic Backwardness and Economic Growth, N e w York, John Wiley & Sons, 1957, p. 121.

581


modified by perceiving the results of pursuing actions which are seen as related to them. Secondly, a person m a y be compelled or induced to act in ways which he does not value or believe to be practical; such a person then comes to value the actions as a w a y of reducing cognitive dissonance or he develops n e w beliefs as his n e w experience reveals unforeseen results.1 Such learning from current experience defines 'situational processes'.2

These processes occur simultaneously and in interaction so that disentangling them is difficult. T h e distinctions, nevertheless, have pertinence for the issues discussed here. In so far as certain values and beliefs and related behaviour are accounted for by cultural processes, change is likely to be slower than if situational rather than cultural processes play a dominant role. Furthermore, techniques for successfully inducing change differ depending upon the relative role of these processes.

W e must next consider the conditions which affect the relative role of these processes, particularly for values and beliefs relevant to entrepreneurial behaviour. T h e n w e will be able to discuss h o w these processes, under Latin American circumstances, help to account for certain characteristics of entrepreneurial behaviour.

CONDITIONS AFFECTING THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF THE PROCESSES.

W h a t are the conditions in which values and beliefs are most likely to be accounted for by cultural or by situational processes? For present purposes, two sets of conditions are especially noteworthy: (a) the character of the related behaviour and (b) the abstractness of the values, and whether values or beliefs are being considered.

The character of the related behaviour

U n d e r this heading, four relevant aspects of behaviour will be noted: the stage in the life cycle in which the behaviour tends to occur; the degree to which the behaviour is independent of previous behaviour; the degree

1. Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1957. 'The basic background of the theory (of cognitive dissonance) consists of the notion that the h u m a n organism tries to establish internal harmony, consistency, or congruity among his opinions, attitudes, knowledge, and values'— p. 260. A m o n g the many hypotheses of the theory, the ones particularly pertinent here are: 'Postdecision dissonance m a y be reduced by increasing the attractiveness of the chosen alternative, decreasing the attractiveness of the unchosen alternatives, or both . . .' and 'If forced compliance has been elicited, the dissonance m a y be reduced by changing private opinion to bring it into line with the overt behaviour or by magnifying the amount of reward or punishment involved.'—p. 264.

2. Some of the ideas presented here are utilized also as an aid in accounting for the relationship between socio-economic rank and various kinds of behaviour; see Louis Kriesberg, 'The Relationship Between Socio-Economic R a n k and Behavior', Social Problems, Vol X , spring 1963, p. 334-53.

582


to which the consequences of the behaviour can be tested; and the n u m b e r of individuals involved in the behaviour.

First, I hypothesize that behaviour which is begun early in the life cycle is particularly dependent upon parental influence and thus the associated values and beliefs are more likely to be culturally determined than values and beliefs associated with behaviour begun later in the life cycle. This m a y be illustrated by a few examples. Dietary preferences are learned early and are likely to persist. Basic educational skills are generally learned early and have continuing effect; but m u c h of the specific information needed for a given occupational role can be acquired later. T h e choice of an occupation can be m a d e at about the stage in the life cycle w h e n independence from the family of orientation is being established; however, societies differ in this regard and the possibilities differ for various occupations. In general, entrepreneurial careers can be decided upon later in the life cycle than can professional careers.

Secondly, behaviour which is not independent of previous behaviour is more likely to be determined by cultural processes than behaviour which is serially independent. For example, utilization of a hospital for medical treatment can be independent of a previous treatment of illnesses; consequently, utilization of hospitals can be markedly affected by situational processes and hence can be relatively quickly changed in a lifetime or between generations. O n the other hand, choosing an occupation is more dependent upon previous behaviour. This dependence is greater for some occupational choices than for others; for example, the choice of an entrepreneurial career can be more independent of previous behaviour than a professional career.

Thirdly, behaviour differs in the degree to which its results are subject to testing. In so far as behavioural consequences can be tested, the behaviour is less likely to be determined by cultural processes than by situational ones. O n e characteristic of behaviour which affects its testability is whether or not such behaviour can be repeated. If the behaviour is not unique, a person has a greater chance to experiment and learn from his o w n experience. Thus, for m a n y kinds of illnesses or for the use of different techniques in work (e.g., alternative farming techniques) different solutions can be tried. This characteristic is particularly relevant for learning specific beliefs for example, in carrying out an occupational role. O n the other hand, m a n y educational experiences, certain religious practices, marriage arrangements, or the total number of children one has1 are relatively unique choices for the individual and he cannot experiment with alternatives and decide which choices are best for him. T h e choice of an occupational career falls between these two extremes.

T h e extent to which the consequences of behaviour can be tested also

i. J. Mayone Stycos, at the 1962 Inter-American Meeting of Sociologists, observed that w o m e n usually come to birth control clinics after they have had several children.

583


depends upon the visibility of the behaviour and its consequences and upon the clarity with which specific consequences of a specific behaviour can be perceived. Whether by one's o w n experience or by demonstration by models, if a particular kind of behaviour is visible and can be clearly seen to be more effective in attaining a basic goal than a previous kind, the more effective of the two will be adopted. T h e values and beliefs associated with these particular behaviours then are likely to change in order to reduce cognitive dissonance. For example, penicillin injections quickly and directly curing yaws would be readily accepted by people unfamiliar with such techniques; but in the case of a complicated water purification system, the effectiveness of which in reducing infectious diseases is m u c h m o r e indirect and therefore m u c h less easily perceived, acceptance is m o r e difficult to achieve.1

T h e final aspect of behaviour which I want to consider is the n u m b e r of persons involved in an activity. In so far as w e are analysing c o m m o n behaviour which can be performed individually, cultural factors will be found to be largely determining. O n the other hand, in so far as w e are analysing behaviour requiring co-operation by a large n u m b e r of individuals situational factors can play a greater role. In the case of c o m m o n individual action, immediate social pressures cannot be as effective as w h e n collective action is involved; in the latter case, action can be coerced even if it is contrary to some participants' values and beliefs.

This has been stated as if w e were considering a given m o m e n t in time; in a longer perspective, the issue is more complex. For example, consider that someone is trying to induce a particular change or that important circumstances are gradually altering. Behaviour involving individual action then m a y change relatively quickly since each person can try out the n e w possibilities he perceives. O n the other hand, behaviour involving co-operative action means changing m a n y persons' behaviour at about the same time. In the case of entrepreneurial activity, m a n y people are involved —investors, buyers, sellers and workers. W e would expect that if the necessary network of complementary persons were not already present, entrepreneurial activity, regardless of the values and beliefs of the would-be entrepreneur, would be difficult to implement. T h e resistances are situational as far as the would-be entrepreneur is concerned, but nevertheless, not easily modified. O f course, in most cases of co-operative activity an authority structure exists and this makes it possible for shifts in the behaviour of all the co-operating persons to be m a d e in accordance to directives from the top of the hierarchy. Thus , once a network of persons exists for entre-

i. See Charles J. Erasmus, Man takes Control, Minneapolis, Minn., University of Minnesota Press, 1961, p. 26-9.

The same point, I think, underlies some of Hirschman's reasoning about economic development. For example, he argues that aeroplanes are more likely to be well maintained in an underdeveloped country than are roads, because the failure to do so is more immediately, and more clearly, made apparent than in the case of roads. See Albert O . Hirschman, The Strategy of Economic Development, N e w Haven, Conn., Yale University Press, 1958.

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preneurial activity, a shift in the direction or form of the m e m b e r s ' effort is easier to achieve than the original establishment of the network.

Characteristics of the values and beliefs

Within the second set of conditions to be noted, the level of abstractness of the values is particularly important. I would suggest that the more abstract the value, the more likely it is to be determined by cultural processes. This follows from the observation that the m o r e abstract the value, the more difficult it is to test adherence to it; consequently deviance can occur without leading to a change in values. Relevance of behaviour to the value is harder to assess if the value is very abstract, in part because an abstract value is general and related to a large n u m b e r of behaviours. T h u s , the more abstract the value, the m o r e difficult it is to test the effectiveness of the behaviour which is supposed to be implementing it.

These considerations indicate a source of cultural change: general values persist, but as the situation changes and specific n e w ways of behaving are adopted, the specific values associated with those behaviours m a y c o m e to modify the old abstract values. Furthermore, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck point out that value orientations—certainly towards very abstract values—are kinds of solutions to c o m m o n h u m a n problems. Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck also note that there are alternative solutions and that 'all alternatives of all solutions are present in all societies at all times but are differently preferred'.1 This suggests that a n e w behaviour pattern, undertaken for a variety of situational considerations, can be given legitimacy b y appeal to one of the lower preferred alternatives if it seems to conflict with the highest ranking ones. T h e n , as the behaviour pattern becomes more widespread, the lower preferred alternative is likely to rise in rank. There is a double-edged implication to these observations. A n abstract value m a y persist longer than specific values, but it has less relevance to explaining a particular pattern of behaviour than m o r e specific values.2

A s in most analysis, w e are interested here in specific behaviours; it is advisable to be wary of explaining a particular pattern of behaviour in terms of abstract and general values—it being too easy to find some such value with which the behaviour is consistent.

Finally, the s a m e reasoning by which w e inferred that abstract values are m o r e likely to be accounted for by cultural processes than are specific

i. Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn and Fred L . Strodtbeck, Variations in Value Orientations, Evanston, 111., R o w , Peterson & C o . , 1961, p. 10.

2. For example, to explain national loyalty one m a y look for cultural processes in order to account for the emotion; but when one begins to use particular definitions of loyalty, it is necessary to examine the specific situations faced by the persons being studied. See, for example, Mortin Grodzins, The Loyal and the Disloyal, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1956, and Louis Kriesberg, 'National Security and Conduct in the Steel Gray Market', Social Forces, N o . 34, March 1956, p. 268-77.

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values, also applies to the relative role of cultural and situational processes for values compared to beliefs. Beliefs are cognitions or perceptions while values involve preferences and evaluations. Consequently, beliefs compared to values are m o r e subject to experiential testing and therefore should be particularly subject to current situational experiences. Furthermore, as in the case of values, general beliefs are likely to be accounted for by cultural processes to a greater degree than are specific beliefs. General beliefs, by definition, are related to a wide range of behaviours; therefore, current experience cannot as quickly modify t h e m as it can specific relevant beliefs.

O n the whole, the discussion thus far would lead us to expect that values and beliefs related to entrepreneurial behaviour are likely to be accounted for to some extent by cultural processes; but there are m a n y reasons to believe that situational processes are probably even m o r e significant.

IMPLICATIONS FOR ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITY

These distinctions and hypotheses have m a n y implications for understanding problems of entrepreneurs in Latin America. M y c o m m e n t s will be focused u p o n h o w cultural and situational processes account for the incidence of entrepreneurs in societies and for the differential contribution of various social strata to the entrepreneurial category.1

I. Other topics could be analysed similarly, for example, the 'style' of entrepreneurial activity. Cochran, in his study of the Puerto Rican businessman, writes: 'The type of individualism in the culture has checked mergers among competitors. In spite of strong economic pressures on small wholesalers and sugar centrals, and the need for larger firms in furniture and apparel if export is to be undertaken, there is no record of mergers among Puerto Rican firms. Entrepreneurs do not find it as easy as do those on the mainland to get together and pool their resources. M e n w h o have built up moderately successful businesses do not want to become just one of several executives in a larger company. '—Thomas C . Cochran, The Puerto Rican Businessman, Philadelphia, Pa., University of Pennsylvania Press, 1959, p. 91.

Several points can be m a d e about this observation. First, it is significant that the apparel industry is one of those cited. In the United States, too, that industry is often reported to need more mergers. Often an explanation for the lack of mergers is given in terms of the proportion of Jews in the industry and the presumed 'Jewish culture'. Are the Jewish and Puerto Rican cultures so similar? O r are there certain important characteristics of the industry which account for the similarity in behaviour? In a study of retail furriers, I noted m a n y situational determinants of their values and behaviour—some of which have relevance to their willingness to co-operate with each other. For example, the importance of personal relations with customers seem to make the furriers independent of each other.—Louis Kriesberg, 'Customer versus Colleague Ties among Retail Furriers', Journal of Retailing, N o . 29, winter 1953-54, p. 173-6. A n analysis of the social and economic conditions of the market m a y largely explain the propensity for mergers.

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Values and beliefs related to entrepreneurial activity

M a n y abstract values and beliefs are relevant to engaging in entrepreneurial activity. For example, a belief that the society is stable and orderly is relevant since entrepreneurial activity requires some rational planning and that depends upon predictable social conditions. Similarly, a belief that the society is expanding and developing encourages engaging in an activity which would be assisted by such conditions.

Another relevant general belief is that one is worthy and capable. This is relevant because entrepreneurial activity requires self-confidence. It takes considerable confidence and security to even perceive a n e w possibility, let alone implement it. Furthermore, marshalling resources requires that others have confidence in the would-be entrepreneur; having confidence in oneself helps in this regard.

A basic premise here and elsewhere in this discussion is that valuing entrepreneurial activity and succeeding in it are highly associated and interact with each other. It is not sufficient to consider the values or circumstances which m a y induce people to want to enter entrepreneurial careers—being able to do so successfully will strongly affect the desire to enter this career.

A relevant general value is that of excelling, of desiring to be successful. O f course this value is so general and probably so universal as to be of m u c h less interest than the more specific value of choosing one channel rather than another as the best means for excelling. T h u s , it is of particular relevance in the present discussion to consider the specific value of desiring to engage in entrepreneurial activities in order to excel.

T h e specific value of preferring to engage in entrepreneurial activity entails several elements. S o m e elements are relatively intrinsic to the activity; they involve valuing the constituent activities such as innovating and organizing personnel and other resources. Other elements are m o r e extrinsic; they involve valuing the perquisites of such activities, for example, the pecuniary and social rewards associated with entrepreneurial activities.

Finally, entrepreneurial activities require considerable skill and k n o w ledge. A s noted, it is not enough to want to engage in these activities; it is necessary to be able to do so. T h e specific beliefs involved in such skill and knowledge then must also be acquired to maintain oneself in the occupation.

The role of cultural and situational processes

N o w w e can consider h o w situational and cultural processes, within Latin American conditions, affect some of these values and beliefs. I have previously argued that abstract values and beliefs, compared to specific ones,, are probably more accounted for by cultural processes than by situational ones; but that beliefs are more subject to situational influences than values. In the case of the belief that one's society is orderly and advancing, parental

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inculcation is a possible influence but contemporaneous experience is very important. There m a y be pride of national uniqueness. T h e pride m a y result from the achievement of political or economic independence or from a social revolution or from perceiving some other special national achievement. If it is reinforced by contemporary experience, it m a y be generation-ally transmitted. Such experience must affect the generation which has directly gone through it if the beliefs are to be passed on. Hirschman has argued that the economic development in Mexico and Brazil is related to such feelings of national achievement.1 Probably in most Latin American societies there is no widespread belief that the society is on the m o v e .

Individual experiences of advancement or of change can be generalized to a perception of societal advancement. This m a y have been the case for immigrants to the United States from peasant communities in Europe and is the case for migrants from rural areas to urban centres in Latin America today. Such individual experience, unlike experiences affecting members of a nation as a whole, are likely to be related to socio-economic categories within a society. If there is some advancement, this m a y represent a larger proportionate gain for m e m b e r s of the low socio-economic category of persons; but in most countries, this still probably affects only a small proportion of the m e m b e r s of this category. M e m b e r s of the high socioeconomic categories in m a n y Latin American nations, on the other hand, m a y feel uncertain about the stability of a social order in which they •occupy relatively high positions; such uncertainty m a y inhibit entrance into entrepreneurial activities.

T h e other general belief to be considered is belief in one's o w n worthiness and ability. This begins to be inculcated early in the life cycle. It is also the result of one's o w n experience, again begun early in the life cycle; the behaviours which affect this belief are not serially independent. Finally, it is difficult to test the effectiveness of the behaviour related to the belief. In short, then, cultural processes are probably important in accounting for the belief and such a belief is likely to persist throughout a lifetime and even through generations.

T h e distribution of this belief probably varies a m o n g societies and a m o n g nations in Latin America. Such variation is probably related not •only to differences in child-rearing patterns but also to the character of the stratification system. W h e r e large differences in material benefits and power are related to class position, the low ranking persons are likely to find it difficult to hold to the belief in their o w n worthiness. There m a y also be a countervailing cultural value placed on the equality of h u m a n worthiness; thus in Puerto Rico this cultural value is reported to be widespread—as exemplified in the concept of dignidad.2

i. Albert O . Hirschman, 'Ideologies of Economic Development in Latin America', in: Albert O . Hirschman (ed.), Latin American Issues, N e w York, The Twentieth Century Fund, 1961, p. 29-35.

2. 'The indisputable ideology regarding dignidad (or worthiness) is that all m e n are equally entitled to it. . . The sense of being held worthy by others and treated

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Belief in one's o w n worthiness is probably unequally distributed in nearly every society. Since the belief is in part the result of childhood and youthful training and experience, particular family-of-orientation experiences m a y affect it profoundly and this m a y vary independently of the socio-economic position of the family.1 Nevertheless, given the importance of simply transmitting one's o w n belief in oneself to one's children and the importance of contemporaneous youthful experience, position in the socioeconomic hierarchy is undoubtedly highly associated with the distribution of this belief. T h u s , m e m b e r s of the higher social strata are m u c h m o r e likely than m e m b e r s of the lower strata to have this belief.

These observations concerning the sources of the general beliefs related to entrepreneurial activity suggest that societies are likely to differ in the proportion of the population w h o are potential entrepreneurs. T h e absence of dramatic changes, the lack of notable advancement, widespread political instability and the marked differences between social classes in m a n y Latin American countries limit the n u m b e r of potential entrepreneurs. These observations also suggest that every society has some reservoir of potential entrepreneurs, in so far as the general values previously discussed are relevant. Furthermore, the various social strata within each society differ in their potential contribution to the entrepreneurial category. T h e difference favours the existing privileged categories. A s w e proceed to consider m o r e specific values and beliefs affecting the realization of the potentiality of engaging in entrepreneurial activity, w e will see further grounds for expecting that m e m b e r s of existing privileged categories will m a k e a disproportionate contribution to the entrepreneurial category.

A m o n g the specific values related to entrepreneurial behaviour, the central ones are preferring such activities intrinsically and as a w a y to excel. N o doubt there is some parental inculcation of both kinds of values. Certainly occupational inheritance is of great importance for business executives—a category which is not identical with that of entrepreneurs but one which is similar to it and about which at least some data are available.2 Using an index of association which is independent of the shifts in occupational distribution between generations, w e find that occupational inheritance is higher in this occupational category than even in the professional category.3

accordingly is spread throughout the population in virtual disregard of the obvious material differences which are so well recognized by the people themselves.'—Melvin M . Tumin with Arnold S. Feldman, Social Class and Social Change in Puerto Rico, Princeton, N.J . , Princeton University Press, 1961, p. 172-3.

1. Such beliefs m a y also vary by sex and, in at least some societies, by birth order. See Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, op. cit., p. 175-257.

2. For data from Santiago, Chile and from Buenos Aires, Argentina, see above Guillermo Briones, 'Training and Adaptation of the Labour Force in the Early Stages of Industrialization'.

3. In a study of intergenerational mobility conducted in Montevideo (Uruguay), the index of association, or measure of occupational inheritance, for owners of large businesses was found to be much higher than for professional persons. See Isaac Ganon, 'Estratificación Social de Montevideo (1)', Boletim do Centro

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Since the measure of occupational inheritance being used holds occupational distribution constant, this m a y be interpreted to m e a n that parental inculcation is extremely important. But occupational inheritance is not determined solely by the desire of sons of business executives to remain in the same occupation as their fathers; nor is it determined by the lack of desire of sons of fathers in other occupations to become businessmen. T h e ability of business executives to keep persons of non-business-executive origins out and the inability of the sons of non-business-executive origins to force their entrance are also important.

Before considering h o w situational factors m a y directly affect entrance into the entrepreneurial category, w e will consider h o w situational processes affect the value of desiring to enter the occupation. A s already noted the preference for entrepreneurial activity would be expected to be accounted for by situational factors in so far as the results of this choice are visible and testable; but, for a given person, the choice of entrepreneurial activity is somewhat unique and dependent upon previous behaviour. C o n sequently, the presence of other entrepreneurs, w h o could serve as models, is important for the development of a preference for this occupation. Thus , in a nation in which m a n y people are engaging in this activity, a m u c h larger proportion of the population are likely to prefer the activity than would be the case in another society. T h e same holds true for particular regions within a nation and a pocket of entrepreneurial activity within a nation is frequently observable; Säo Paulo (Brazil) is a notable example. Similarly, the disproportionally large contribution of persons of high socio-economic origins to the entrepreneurial category in some part, m a y be accounted for by their greater opportunity to observe entrepreneurs as possible models.

Situational factors have marked significance by directly affecting entrepreneurial behaviour and thus indirectly affecting the preferences for this behaviour. This occurs in several ways. W e have noted that entrepreneurial behaviour involves the actions of m a n y people. Besides the entrepreneur, others must contribute capital and engage in the necessary reciprocal activities; they must also permit innovating behaviour. Without

Latino-Americano de Pesquisas em Ciencias Sociais, N o . IV, November 1961, p. 324. I combined various business and professional categories and computed new indices to test whether or not this result was an artifactual consequence or the size of the categories. It does not seem to be an artifact. Similar studies are reported for the United States, Säo Paulo and Puerto Rico (for the data and sources of the data, see S. M . Miller, 'Comparative Social Mobility', Current Sociology, Vol. IX, N o . 1, i960, p. 68, 76-7). In the case of the United States, the finding is similar. The data for the other two countries are not broken d o w n into the categories necessary to test whether or not the same finding holds.

The index of association which was used is the one developed independently by Herbert Goldhamer and Natalie Rogoff (Natalie Rogoff, Recent Trends in Occupational Mobility, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1953, p. 29-33) a n d by D . V . Glass and his associates (D. V . Glass, Social Mobility in Britain, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1954, p. 188-98).

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the pre-existence of these other persons, successful engagement in entrepreneurial activity is extremely difficult—no matter what the values and beliefs of the would-be entrepreneur. These people constitute a network of possible relations for the would-be entrepreneur. T h e entrepreneurially-relevant behaviour and attitudes of people in a nation, region, or stratum, then, can greatly facilitate or inhibit entrepreneurial activity.

For example, where the network supports entrepreneurial activity, successful engagement is likely. Persons close to this network would have a differential advantage. This would generally tend to aid persons of high socio-economic origins; their entrance is eased while persons of low socioeconomic origin can be shut out. T h e wide differences between persons of high and of low social rank in most Latin American countries makes this particularly likely; here is another barrier to the expansion of the entrepreneurial category. O n e possible advantage of adding government-owned enterprises to an economy m a y be that potentially able entrepreneurs of low socio-economic origins could have the opportunity for successful entrepreneurial careers which would otherwise be denied them.

W h e r e the network is not supportive of entrepreneurial activity, someone w h o is relatively outside of the social system m a y have a particular advantage in entering an entrepreneurial activity. T h e restraints upon entrepreneurial activity imposed by the network would be less effective against such a person. T h u s , an immigrant m a y be outside of m a n y of the networks of the nation and be freer to engage in entrepreneurial activity. This m a y help account for the phenomena that persons from classes in societies in which entrepreneurial activity is not widespread m a y be dis-proportionally represented in the entrepreneurial category in the country to which they migrate.1

Situational factors also directly affect entrepreneurial behaviour by disrupting old occupational patterns. Such disruption frees or forces people to try n e w activities.2 This affects persons of high socio-economic rank as well as persons of low rank. In most societies there is probably high consensus about what the occupational prestige hierarchy is. This consensus is supported by the efforts of those w h o benefit from the hierarchy.3 T h e y are likely to be the same people w h o have a belief in their worthiness and ability and have m a n y of the skills needed to engage in entrepreneurial activity, but there is little reason for them to enter these activities. Only

1. Joseph A . Kahl, at the 1962 Inter-American Meeting of Sociologists, observed that many Italian immigrants to Brazil became entrepreneurs although in Italian peasant communities no such propensity has been noted.

2. Rapid social change m a y also create disturbances in the old patterns so that they no longer function as effectively as in the past and thus people are forced to alter their behaviour, even when their values have not changed markedly. For example, see Wilbert E . Moore, Industrialization and Labor, Ithaca, N . Y . , Cornell University Press, 1951, p. 271-2.

3. See, for example, Melvin M . Tumin with Arnold S. Feldman, op. cit., p. 467-511; and Louis Kriesberg, 'The Bases of Occupational Prestige: the Case of Dentists', American Sociological Review, N o . 27, April 1962, p. 238-44.

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if the old occupational roles are closed or markedly and increasingly less successful as ways of attaining other values will entrepreneurial activities be tried. Incidentally, this suggests an important possible by-product of land reform. T h e large landowners, m a n y of w h o m have at least some of the requisite values and skills of entrepreneurship, m a y be forced to try n e w activities and a few of them m a y even enter the entrepreneurial field.1 In general, social disruption m a y lower the status of previously high ranking persons; such persons would then strive to find n e w ways to maintain their status.

There is still a question of the circumstances under which entrepreneurial activity will be chosen as the w a y to gain or maintain status. H a g e n notes that some similarity between previous efforts and entrepreneurial activities helps in this selection. For example, he observes that this is the case for the Antiqueños of Colombia whose history as miners gave them experience with machinery and taking business risks. Also, he notes that they were not fully accepted socially and thus were motivated to find a n e w , non-traditional w a y of asserting their worth. T h e y did not, however, reject other values in their culture.2

Earlier in this article, it was noted that perceiving one's society as stable and orderly is conducive to entrepreneurial activity. That appears to be contrary to what is being noted n o w ; but the sequence and the specific character of the order and change m a k e the two points compatible. It is possible to establish a stable order after widespread disruption and this is conducive to engaging in entrepreneurial activity; Mexico m a y be an example of this sequence. O n the other hand, disruption within a stable order is not impossible, particularly in the case of economic changes rather than a social revolution. In m a n y Latin American countries, however, there is or has been no widespread disruption and yet no sense of a stable social order. Palace revolutions do not shake u p the entire society, but they m a k e planning of business activities difficult.

Finally, of course, the strictly economic reality facing m e m b e r s of a society will affect the rise in entrepreneurial activities. For example, a high per capita income and a high rate of increase in per capita income encourages entrepreneurial activity because it is m o r e likely to be possible and successful.3

N o w w e can turn to a brief consideration of the specific beliefs related to entrepreneurial activity, especially the relevant skills and knowledge. These are not themselves likely to be parentally inculcated to a great degree. Although the acquisition of these specific beliefs is dependent upon

i. There are other circumstances in which members of élite groups m a y be under pressure to try new occupational channels. For example, in a society in which primogeniture is the practice and the élite is a landed aristocracy, second and third sons are compelled to enter other occupations and, where the conditions permit, entrepreneurial activities may be tried.

2. Everett E . Hagen, 'The Entrepreneur as Rebel Against Traditional Society', Human Organization, N o . 19, winter 1960-61, p. 185-7.

3. Leibenstein, op. cit., p. 126-8.

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S O C I O L O G Y O F D E V E L O P M E N T IN L A T I N A M E R I C A .

general knowledge and skills started early in life, the beliefs themselves are acquired m u c h later. Furthermore, the consequences of actions relevant to these specific beliefs are testable.

T h e opportunity to develop these beliefs from one's o w n experience, however, is restricted for most people in most Latin American nations. It is particularly restricted for persons in rural areas and in the low socioeconomic strata. O n c e extensive entrepreneurial activity is present, the acquisition of the relevant skills is facilitated. Since m a n y people engage in complementary activities, they can learn the associated beliefs for those activities and, in addition, the entreprepreneurial ones.

This is another basis for the development of pockets of entrepreneurial activity. O n c e a critical n u m b e r of entrepreneurs are active in a local area, the n u m b e r can rise rapidly through the processes noted; the acquisition of the relevant specific values and beliefs is facilitated and the likelihood of people's engaging in these activities successfully is increased. O n e policy implication of this is that it m a y be worthwhile to concentrate efforts to encourage entrepreneurship in a limited area so that all the efforts and consequent changes reinforce each other. O f course, politically this m a y be difficult; persons in the less economically developed regions of a country are likely to d e m a n d at least equal distribution of supports for development.

I have argued that the acquisition of the specific skills of entrepreneurial activity can be largely accounted for by situational processes. This is the case, at least, with respect to the skills of persons in professional occupations. Professional skills are relatively dependent upon theoretical knowledge; this means that personal experiences and testing are m o r e difficult means of learning the skills. Furthermore, the learning of professional skills tends to begin earlier in life and to be less serially independent than is the case with entrepreneurial activity. Nevertheless, w e have already noted that occupational inheritance is more marked a m o n g business executives than a m o n g professionals. This suggests that the situational processes directly affecting the possibility of engagement in entrepreneurial activities are particularly important. Presumably, the possibilities of preserving a place for one's o w n offspring and denying it to others are greater a m o n g business executives than a m o n g professionals.

CONCLUSIONS

O n the whole, the observations suggest that engaging in entrepreneurial activity is not held in rigid check by profound cultural processes. After all, there can be and has been rapid change and in every Latin American country there are at least some people engaged in entrepreneurial activités. Situational processes, under Latin American conditions, do restrict successful engagement in entrepreneurial activities. O n e consequence is that, while such activities probably are tried by m a n y more persons than would be predicted by extrapolating from the previous generation's behaviour,

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failures are likely to be high and consequently would-be-entrepreneurs are discouraged. A s a result of contemporary experiences, then, m a n y persons are unable to continue in this occupation or avoid entering it.

T h e same situational processes also probably account in large measure for the disproportionate contribution of persons of high socio-economic origins to the entrepreneurial category. Restrictive entrance also limits an increase in entrepreneurial activity in a society since the reservoir for potential entrepreneurs is thus reduced.

O f course, placing emphasis upon situational processes does not m e a n that sudden increases in entrepreneurial activity can be easily brought about. T h e interlocking of so m a n y conditions which limit entrepreneurial activity also makes change difficult; but one implication of this analysis is that each governmental action and environmental change has some effect and the effects are cumulative. Change in this area need not wait upon a basic and comprehensive change in the cultures of Latin America.

T h e limitations set by Latin American conditions are, nevertheless, particularly restrictive for persons of low socio-economic origins; furthermore, general beliefs are especially affected by cultural processes and they too are particularly inhibiting for persons of low socio-economic origins. O n e inference from this is that while the proportion of persons in a society w h o are engaged in entrepreneurial activity m a y rise without the passage of several generations, the offspring of the old élites will be disproportionally represented a m o n g the n e w entrepreneurial élite.

T h e discussion of some of the ways in which situational and cultural processes operate under Latin American conditions illustrates the utility of the observations .and hypotheses set forth in the first part of this article. Neither entrepreneurial behaviour nor economic development is so unique a phenomenon that the processes operative in other areas of social life or in economically advanced nations are irrelevant. If w e study the same processes in different areas of conduct and in different societies, it is possible to refine our understanding of them. This contributes to our comprehension of all aspects of conduct in every society. O f course, it is also necessary to specify the particular conditions within which the processes occur in order to account for similar and different outcomes.

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THE WORLD OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

I. CURRENT STUDIES

THE TEACHING OF SOCIOLOGICAL METHODOLOGY IN THE UNITED STATES

OF AMERICA1

H A N A N C. SELVIN

Thirty years ago an educated layman w h o picked u p one of the sociological journals could understand almost everything in it. T o d a y m a n y a professional sociologist finds these journals so full of statistical jargon as to be incomprehensible. S o m e critics see this tendency toward 'quantification' as pathological—'quantophrenia' in Sorokin's vivid term. Others, aware of the triviality and even incompetence of m u c h quantitative research, see it as leading to more useful data and better theory.

This is not to say that all research should be quantitative. Historical inquiry and qualitative field work can produce valid results without questionnaires or statistical computations. H o w e v e r , most research today is quantitative, and even sociologists w h o w o r k entirely with qualitative data—or with no data at all—want their students to be able to understand and evaluate the results of quantitative research. Every major centre of instruction in sociology therefore requires its students to demonstrate their competence in methodology and statistics.

Instruction in such an important area should be of the highest quality. T w o kinds of evidence suggest, however, that it is not. Both undergraduate and graduate students have m o r e difficulty in introductory methodology and statistics than in the other areas of sociology (and m a n y of those w h o

i. Revised version of a paper presented at the International Round Table on the Teaching of Sociology in Universities and Institutes of Higher Education, Princeton, N . J . , 9 to 13 September 1962; this round table was sponsored by Unesco. I a m grateful to the members of the round table and to m y colleague, Neil J. Smelser, for helpful criticisms of an earlier draft, to Diane Horowitz for aiding m e in the collection of the data, and to the Institute of the Social Sciences of the University of California, Berkeley, for financial support. The data deal mainly with fourteen American universities that produced substantial numbers of Ph.D.s and that had active programmes of instruction in methodology in 1962: California (Berkeley), Chicago, Columbia, Duke, Illinois, Michigan, N e w York University, North Carolina, Ohio State, Princeton, Rutgers, Texas, Washington and Wisconsin. Information came from present and former members of these departments, from official documents, and from students. This paper is not, however, a factual account, like those included in de Bie's 1954 study, Pierre de Bie et al., The University Teaching of the Social Sciences: Sociology, Social Psychology, and Anthropology, Paris, Unesco, 1954. The opinions expressed are m y o w n and do not necessarily agree with those of the people w h o supplied m e with information.

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survive these courses are so alienated by them that they go no further in sociology).1 A n d too m a n y of the students w h o earn advanced degrees go on to do research of substandard quality. Travis Hirschi and I have looked closely at quantitative research in the field of juvenile delinquency during the 1950s.2 Even in the studies that received the greatest acclaim w e found ignorance of simple textbook principles and a tendency to substitute elaborate statistical manipulation for clear thinking about the meaning of the data. If these results are at all representative of the rest of sociology, they demonstrate the importance of better instruction in methodology.

THE NATURE OF SOCIOLOGICAL METHODOLOGY

Methodology is the science of the procedures used in empirical research.3

A s it has developed in sociology, it includes three distinct but related levels: research technology, research design and the logic of social inquiry.

1. Research technology. This is the everyday work of empirical research, the operations involved in gathering data (such as questionnaire construction, interviewing, observation and experimentation); the procedures of data-processing (such as the handling of punched cards, the programming of computers and the construction of qualitative codes); and the technical operations of analysis (such as constructing typologies, coding qualitative documents and computing statistical measures of association). Most introductory courses in methodology are largely on this level, as are m a n y of the textbooks.

2. Research design. T h e application of a research technique is usually routine, but the choice of the best technique—or the best combination of techniques—requires experience, judgement, familiarity with the problem being studied, and knowledge of the available techniques. This combination of qualities is always in short supply.

1. Charles R . Wright's analysis of a graduate methodology course at Columbia showed that students' initial conception of sociology affected their reactions to the course and to graduate study as a whole. Dislike of the course and difficulty with it were most c o m m o n among students w h o expected sociology to provide immediate solutions to social problems or to answer such hoary philosophical questions as 'the nature of man'.—Charles R . Wright, The Effect of Training in Social Research on the Development of Professional Attitudes, unpublished P h . D . dissertation, N e w York, Columbia University, 1954. For a general treatment of the social conditions of graduate study, see James A . Davis, Stipends and Spouses, Chicago, 111., University of Chicago Press, 1962.

2. Travis Hirschi and Hanan C . Selvin, The Methodological Adequacy of Delinquency Research, Berkeley, Calif., Survey Research Center, 1962, mimeographed.

3. Paul F. Lazarsfeld and Morris Rosenberg (eds.), The Language of Social Research, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1955, p . 4. 'Methods' have sometimes been taken to include discussions of the nature of sociological theory, as in Durkheim's Rules of Sociological Method. The modern term 'meta-theory' seems more appropriate for this area. Meta-theory and methodology meet in the problems of relating theory to empirical research.

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C U R R E N T S T U D I E S

3. T h e logic of social inquiry. This is the 'explication and critique' of what sociologists actually do in empirical research.1 In a sense it is the meeting-ground of philosophical inquiry and specific techniques, where the techniques of research are codified and analysed. S o m e topics in this broad area are the empirical determination of causality, the nature of social measurement, and the place of probability models in research. Questions without direct empirical relevance—such as the possibility of general laws and the relations between sociology and the other social sciences—are more properly part of the general philosophy of science or of meta-theory.

THE PLACE OF METHODOLOGY COURSES IN T H E CURRICULUM

T h e nature of undergraduate courses in methodology—indeed, their very existence—largely depends on the educational philosophy of the institution. If the institution aims only to provide a broad, liberal education, and if methodology is seen only as research technology, there m a y be no courses in methodology at all. This happens often in the small, independent college or in those few large institutions with separate departments for undergraduate and graduate instruction. In the large university with a sociology department that offers instruction on both the undergraduate and graduate levels, the undergraduate student 'majoring' in sociology is typically required to take a one-semester course in statistics and a one-semester course in methods—hardly an excessive amount , w h e n compared with the laboratory courses in the physical and biological sciences.2

T h e place of statistics and methodology in the undergraduate curriculum is secure. O n e m a y ask, however, whether the benefits derived from these courses are worth the trouble. Introductory statistics is notorious, not only in sociology but in psychology and economics as well, as a frightening and unrewarding experience. Methodology often vacillates between a watered-down philosophy of science and a set of 'cookbook' rules for conducting research. Neither course seems to have m u c h to do with the sociology that the students find in their other courses.

Part of this irrelevance lies in the choice of topics. For example, social research done today uses the contingency table most often, but few introductory courses or textbooks instruct the student in the art of 'reading' such tables. Even more important is the marginal place of methodology

1. Ibid., p. 2-4. 2. Berelson notes that most graduate students come from the undergraduate

colleges of large universities, rather than from the autonomous small college. Thus the faculties that train most of the graduate students are also in control of the undergraduate education of these students. In Berelson's data they turn out to approve the preparation of the graduate students in their major subjects and to believe strongly in a broad liberal education as the best preparation for graduate study in all fields. See Bernard Berelson, Graduate Education in the United States. N e w York, McGraw-Hill, i960, p. 130-43.

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and statistics in the rest of the undergraduate curriculum. If the instructors in these courses were sensitive to the misuses of statistics in the research they discuss in their lectures, or if they showed the student h o w the nature of the research design affects the validity of the conclusions, then the student might come to see that statistics and methodology are important for every sociologist.

Methodology in the graduate curriculum

Every department offering a significant amount of graduate instruction asks its candidates for advanced degrees to demonstrate, in one w a y or another, their knowledge of statistics and methodology. A few rely on examinations, but most have required courses—typically one semester of statistics and two of methodology for M . A . candidates with an additional semester of statistics required of P h . D . candidates. There are, of course, variations. S o m e departments put all the required courses into the M . A . curriculum, leaving the additional courses for the doctorate entirely a matter of the student's choice. Others require two semesters of statistics for the M . A . and a third for the P h . D .

T h e only exceptions a m o n g the major universities I surveyed were Illinois and Columbia. Illinois is alone in allowing the M . A . student to choose either statistics or methodology. Columbia, which formerly had a required two-semester course in methodology, n o w requires the student to choose one course from each of two groups; one choice is between survey methods and the analysis of available records (historical and demographic data), and the other between field work and experimentation.

There is m u c h greater variation in advanced courses. Chicago, C o l u m bia, Michigan and Washington list methodology as one of the fields of specialization that a student m a y present for his doctorate, and they offer a wide range of lecture courses and seminars in methodology. S o m e universities that list methodology 'as a field of specialization apparently rely on less formal instruction. For example, Berkeley encourages the student interested in methodology to work out his o w n programme of study with a methodologist in the department after he has taken the basic course. Other patterns emerge where departments, especially those of m e d i u m size, are unusually strong in one area. Thus , Stanford emphasizes mathematical models and laboratory studies of small groups. T h e basic factor in determining h o w m u c h methodology and what special fields to offer is, of course, the interests of the faculty. Columbia's large offering in methodology reflects the fact that most members of the department have done research in methodology.1 It seems likely that Wisconsin will also have a methodological emphasis: in response to a query by one 'member of the department,

i. Some sociologists believe that anyone who uses elaborate techniques is thereby an expert in methodology. However, the departments that give extensive training in methodology are generally those, like Columbia, in which the faculty does research in methodology.

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over half of his colleagues indicated a 'strong interest' in methodology. In most universities the number and variety of courses offered in

methodology is greater than appears in the list of courses taught by the department of sociology. It is c o m m o n practice to list 'recommended' methodology courses in other departments; the other social sciences, statistics, mathematics and philosophy are most often mentioned. It is m y impression that very few sociology students take such courses where their o w n departments do not require a 'minor subject' in another field for one or both advanced degrees. A more meaningful arrangement is the 'joint offering', in which the same course yields credit toward the degree in two or more departments.

There has been considerable pressure by statisticians and by university administrators to offer only one introductory course in applied social statistics, instead of the more c o m m o n arrangement where each social science department gives its o w n course. T h e social science departments have generally argued that introductory statistics is as m u c h a matter of learning to apply statistical thinking to the peculiar subject-matter of each field as of mastering statistical theory and that no unified course can provide this as well as the separate courses. T h e y are considerably more willing to have their students take statistical theory on an advanced level, w h e n the students know enough to apply the theory correctly. In the major universities I have surveyed there are no examples of unified or even jointly-offered introductory courses on the graduate level, but there are several cases in which advanced graduate courses are offered jointly.

T h e present organization of required methodology courses is likely to persist for some time, with perhaps the one semester of statistics for the M . A . degree being put into the requirements for admission to graduate study, so that a second semester can be required of all graduate students. Requiring more than a year of methodology and of statistics would m e a n that these fields would account for more than half of the courses taken by the M . A . candidates.1

Since the amount of material to be mastered is steadily increasing, one m a y expect to hear proposals for lengthening the present programme. 8

Alternatively, as happened in medicine, where first the internship and then the residency were introduced as options, and later became requirements, graduate education in sociology m a y develop an organized post-doctoral

i. For the M . A . degree Michigan requires a lecture course in methodology and the two-semester field research course centring around the Detroit area study; however, they have already dropped the M . A . thesis and moved statistics into the entrance requirements, so that the total time devoted to methodology in the first year of graduate study is still no more than three courses. Columbia, with its two semesters of statistics and two of methods, is probably the most methodologically oriented graduate department.

2. T h e actual time spent in working for the doctorate is not m u c h more than three years of full-time work, although the elapsed time m a y be m u c h greater. Berelson, op. cit., p . 156-65. Berelson predicts that the graduate programme will not be lengthened significantly.

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training p r o g r a m m e . O n e such p r o g r a m m e was proposed in 1949 b y the Columbia department,1 but enthusiasm for it subsided with the establishm e n t of the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Palo Alto, California. Since this centre has turned out to be m o r e a place for quiet individual work than an organized educational institution, the idea of a post-doctoral training p r o g r a m m e m a y yet be revived.

THE CONTENTS OF THE METHODOLOGY CURRICULUM

In describing wha t is taught in methodology courses it is dangerous to rely o n the statements in university catalogues; as every student knows , they are uninformative and often out of date. A m o r e reliable guide is to look at the textbooks used in courses of methodology.

Perhaps the most important development in the teaching of methodology in the 1950s was the publication of at least a dozen major works, ranging from general texts that cover all of the important types and phases of research2 to works o n sampling,3 interviewing,4 survey design and analysis,5

and scaling.6 W h a t is most lacking is systematic discussion of the w a y s in which these procedures are used to link the data with previous findings and theories to yield n e w theoretical propositions. Despite this reservation, progress in codifying and analysing the procedures and techniques of research has been m o r e rapid since the end of the second world w a r than in all of the previous history of sociology.

T h e picture is less encouraging as one ascends the scale of abstractness. T h e treatment of research design in all elementary textbooks is necessarily superficial. Neither sampling nor experimentation can be discussed adequately without assuming a background in statistics, at least enough to m a k e the basic terms and symbols clear. T o date, none of the general texts has m a d e this assumption. T h e textbook discussions of research design d o not get m u c h beyond platitudes about bringing theory into research, or Mill's canons as bases for the design of experiments. There are few discussions of w h a t investigators actually have d o n e

1. R . K . Merton et al., Proposal to Establish an Institute for Training in Social Research, N e w York, Columbia University Department of Sociology, mimeographed.

2. For example, Leon Festinger and Daniel Katz, Research Methods in the Behavioral Sciences, N e w York, Dryden, 1953; and Marie Jahoda et al., Research Methods in Social Relations, N e w York, Henry Holt, 1952. (A revised edition was published in 1959 under the senior authorship of Claire Selltiz.)

3. For example, Morris Hansen et al., Sample Survey Methods and Theory, N e w York, John Wiley & Sons, 1953.

4 . For example, Charles F . Cannell and Robert L . K a h n , The Dynamics of Interviewing: Theory, Technique, and Cases, N e w York, John Wiley & Sons, 1957.

5. Lazarsfeld and Rosenberg, op. cit.; Herbert H . H y m a n , Survey Design and Analysis, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1955.

6. For example, Samuel A . Stouffer (ed.), Measurement and Prediction, Princeton, N . J . , Princeton University Press, 1950; Matilda W . Riley et al., Sociological Studies in Scale Analysis, N e w Brunswick, N . J . , Rutgers University Press, 1954.

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on complex studies and even fewer critiques of these procedures.1

Three major works on the logic of inquiry have appeared recently.2

There is, however, a wide gap between the operations of empirical research and the analyses of these professional philosophers. M o r e collaboration between sociologists and philosophers on the problems of empirical research might help to close this gap.

T h e situation in statistics is mixed. A t the elementary level there are m a n y textbooks intended for students of sociology. N o n e , however, seems to satisfy both the sociologists and the statisticians. T h e statisticians want , naturally enough, a correct treatment of statistical theory. T h e sociologists, equally naturally, want techniques that are useful in the research problems they face and illustrative examples from actual research. There is, I believe, no elementary text that meets these requirements, perhaps because, as with the logic of social inquiry, the required knowledge is not likely to be found in a single person. Here again there is need for collaboration between a statistician w h o is willing to consider the needs and problems of sociological research and an experienced researcher w h o k n o w s enough statistical theory to work closely with the statistician.3

If the textbooks at the elementary level, designed for one-semester introductory courses, are unsatisfactory, the situation at the next level is even worse because there are fewer books to choose from. Mos t of those available were written for psychologists, as is clear from their choices of topics and examples, if not from their titles. On ly one intermediate-level statistics text addressed specifically to sociologists has appeared since

! 9 5 2 . 4

T h e advanced level is entirely different. Here there need be n o problem of avoiding mathematics or of dealing with substantive problems. M a t h e matics to the level of calculus and matrix algebra is needed even to read these books, and the reader is assumed to be able to work out the relations between the theoretical models and his empirical problems. There is hardly any problem in theoretical statistics of importance to sociologists that has not received a comprehensive treatment in the last twelve years.

i. For a critique by an experienced investigator with a strong statistical background, see Leslie Kish, 'Some Statistical Problems in Research Design', American Sociological Review, N o . 24, June 1959, p . 328-38.

2. Quentin Gibson, The Logic of Social Enquiry, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, N e w York, Humanities Press, 1960; Karl Bopper, The Logic of Scientific Discovery, London, Hutchinson, 1959 (a translation of his 1935 book, Logik der Forschung); Ernest Hagel, The Structure of Science, N e w York, Harcourt, Brace & World, 1961.

3. The weakness of the elementary texts is illustrated by the failure of those published in the last two or three years to take any notice of the controversy over the use of significance tests in survey research. Although there are at least twelve publications addressed to sociologists that deal with this question—journal articles, letters to the editor, and appendixes to research monographs—only two texts even mention the controversy, and neither discusses the issues involved.

4. Hubert M . Blalock, Jr., Social Statistics, N e w York, McGraw-Hill, i960.

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T h e quality of empirical research in sociology has, by and large, lagged behind the quality of methodology available to the researchers. Since most of the mistakes that are m a d e in published research are discussed in methods textbooks and presumably in graduate courses in methodology, this is a troubling picture. T h e fundamental cause of this disparity between what students learn and what they later do is, in m y opinion, the w a y in which graduate students perceive their work in methodology—as an annoying requirement to be passed and then forgotten. In this respect it is m u c h like the foreign language requirement; a student w h o learns only enough G e r m a n to pass the language requirement will not thereafter use it in his research.

O n e source of this negative perception of methodology is the belief, all too general a m o n g practising sociologists, that 'methodology' is only for 'methodologists'. True, s o m e sociologists specialize in methodology, just as some physicians specialize in diseases of the circulatory system, but just as every physician must be familiar enough with the general workings of the heart and the blood vessels to recognize w h e n a specialist is needed, so every sociologist must k n o w enough methodology to k n o w w h e n to call on a methodologist.

A second source of hostility to methodology is the general ignorance of mathematics a m o n g students. If every graduate student understood the elementary ideas of calculus and of matrix algebra, the required courses in methodology and statistics would be transformed, as would the students' perceptions of them as baffling on the one hand and trivial on the other.1

S o m e sociologists m a y fear that an increased knowledge of mathematics a m o n g graduate students would help turn them into narrow technicians. O n the contrary, it is the mathematically illiterate w h o are most often likely to embrace the newest statistical device without understanding it. If sociologists are to use statistical ideas wisely or even read research reports intelligently, they must k n o w the language in which these ideas are expressed and the logic b y which they are derived.

T h e experience of psychology can offer a guide to improving the teaching of sociological methodology. Part of the credit for the methodological sophistication of research in psychology must go to the Psychological Bulletin, which presents long, critical reviews and appraisals of theoretical and methodological topics. Nothing resembling it exists in sociology, except perhaps the occasional symposium such as Sociology Today.2 But these general symposia are more expository than critical, and they are seldom methodological. L o n g after it w a s out of date, sociologists w h o wanted an appraisal of opinion research had to read Q u i n n M c N e m a r ' s 1946 article in the Psychological Bulletin. If there is not r o o m in the major sociological

1. Several universities offer a one-year undergraduate course on these subjects especially for social scientists. It seems likely that they will be taught as routine subjects at the high-school level in another ten years—as part of a liberal education as well as in preparing for a scientific career.

2. Robert K . Merton et al. (eds.), Sociology Today, N e w York, Basic Books, 1959.

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journals for this kind of article, one of the minor journals might consider converting itself into a kind of Sociological Bulletin.

T h e most important development in this area is the series of symposia organized around a single piece of empirical research—the books edited by Merton and Lazarsfeld on The American Soldier, by Christie and Jahoda on The Authoritarian Personality, and by Lipset and Lowenthal on The Lonely Crowd.1 These works follow the tradition started by Herbert Blumer's appraisal of The Polish Peasant,2 but this is a sporadic tradition, in which no one feels a continuing responsibility to appraise the present state of social research.

Another possible 'borrowing' from psychology is suggested by Psycho-metrika, a journal that describes itself as 'devoted to the development of psychology as a quantitative, rational science'. Although sociology could benefit from such a specialized journal (it is highly mathematical), its circulation would be minuscule.3 Furthermore, the specialists in methodology can take care of themselves. T h e pressing problem is to get the average sociologist to be m o r e aware of methodological issues, not to accentuate the separation between methodology and the rest of sociology.

B y urging his colleagues to include methodological discussions in their graduate courses and seminars, the individual sociologist can do m u c h to increase this kind of awareness. Several lectures on the methodology of organizational analysis will m e a n more to the student in a course on large-scale organizations than they do in an omnibus methods course. Catalogue descriptions indicate that this is already happening in a few universities. Groups of methodologists in professional societies can achieve m u c h the same end by organizing discussions of the methodological adequacy of a field of research at their annual meetings.

T h e final trend I shall discuss is the role of the electronic computer. T h e average sociologist is likely to think of computers as just another technological innovation, important perhaps to the natural sciences and business, but of only utilitarian interest to h im. In this view they are an advance over the desk computer, just as the desk computer was over pencil-and-paper computing, but they d o not suggest any fundamental change in his habitual research behaviour.

This view is altogether wrong . T h e computer offers the sociologist n e w ways of thinking and working. It can affect his modes of formulating and

i. Robert K . Merton and Paul F. Lazarsfeld (eds.), Continuities in Social Research: Studies in the Scope and Method of 'The American Soldier', Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1950; Richard Christie and Marie Jahoda (eds.), Continuities in Social Research: Studies in the Scope and Method of'The Authoritarian Personality', Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1954; Seymour Martin Lipset and Leo Lowenthal, Character and Social Structure, Glencoe, 111., The Free Press, 1961.

2. Herbert Blumer, 'An Appraisal of Thomas and Znaniecki's "The Polish Peasant in Europe and America" ', Social Science Research Council Bulletin, N o . 44, 1939-

3. Sociometry, as its name suggests, published m a n y methodological articles in the past. Recently, however, it has become entirely a journal of social psychology.

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testing theories; of taking notes and compiling bibliographies; and of doing quantitative research.1

T h e use of computers in statistical calculations deserves special mention. This is one of those rare cases where a quantitative change is so great as to produce something entirely different. Consider only the problem of discovering the most important relations in a complex survey—say a survey of the relation between social status and choice of political party. T h e study is complex because 'social status' includes m a n y variables—age, sex, occupation, religion, education, and so on. T h e conventional procedure for attacking this problem (curiously enough, a procedure nowhere discussed in works on methodology) is to prepare dozens or hundreds of two-variable tables, to combine variables into indices or typologies, and, by constantly working back and forth between hypotheses and data, to identify the most important sets of relations. After months or years of work the investigator has a good idea of the fundamental relations between status and party choice.

Contrast this slow and unsystematic procedure with one of the possibilities opened up by computers—'stepwise multiple regression'. In one programme of this type2 the computer examines the relations between a single dependent variable and a set of up to sixty independent variables; it first selects the independent variable having the greatest predictive power (when the effects of all the others are taken into account) and provides a measure of this predictive power (the partial regression coefficient); it then measures the effect of the next most powerful predictor of the dependent variable (while taking account of all remaining variables); and so for all of the independent variables. This m a y take as m u c h as a minute or two and cost as m u c h as $5! Its practical effect is to bring the investigator to the same point that he might have reached by conventional means in perhaps three months. Other kinds of statistical procedures that are n o w done in minutes would have taken years with a desk calculator if they were undertaken at all.

These machines will, I believe, revolutionize research and, therefore, the teaching of methodology. Knowledge of what computers can do and some experience in working with them should be part of the education of every sociologist. A computer will not, of course, take the place of imagination, insight, or judgement, but it can free the sociologist from m u c h of the routine that n o w interferes with his use of these creative facilities.

1. A n excellent summary of the basic ideas of computers, their history, and some of their uses in research is contained in Harold Borko (ed.), Computer Applications in the Behavioral Sciences, Englewood Cliffs, N.J . , Prentice-Hall, 1962. Note the following statement from Herbert A . Simon's 'Foreword' to this book: 'There is a growing consensus that graduate and undergraduate students in the behavioral sciences, particularly those who are interested in theory and in quantitative techniques, should be exposed to this new tool as an integral part of their training in research skills' (emphasis added).

2. This programme was prepared by the Division of Biostatistics, Department of Preventive Medicine and Public Health, School of Medicine, University of California, Los Angeles.

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THE OPERATION OF THE INSTRUCTIONAL PROGRAMME

Teaching the abstract and systematic parts of a methodology course poses no special pedagogical problems. T h e philosophy of science, the logic of social inquiry, the theory of sample design—all these are in principle, susceptible to the same methods of teaching that have proved effective in other fields. T h e one element in the introductory methodology course that departs from the traditional form—and the most important part of the course for the student—is training in the organizational conduct of research.

Individual research

O n e can learn to do research the way some children learn to swim: by being thrown into the water. This m a y work well, if there is someone to save the student from drowning. W h e n the skills required are not too different from those that he has already learned, as is true in library research, the individual project is an effective w a y to learn to do good research. W h e n the procedures are complicated and unfamiliar or when large amounts of data must be gathered, the individual student is handicapped. T o postpone the valuable experience of carrying through a research study under supervision until the master's thesis or the doctoral dissertation is not a solution either; it is far better that the student learn through his mistakes w h e n the costs of error are less.

In doing his first empirical research project alone, one of the things that a student misses is the association with a group of his peers working on the same or related studies. This kind of stimulation and social support occurs in most co-operative projects and in most research institutes. It provides the student with an informed audience that will react sympathetically but critically to his ideas. Several graduate departments have arrangements that meet this need, even if they were not intended for the purpose. A frequent device is the thesis seminar; although the students m a y be working on different problems, they benefit from being able to present their ideas to the seminar for critical analysis. These seminars seem to be most productive when they come after the first semester of graduate study, when the students all have had the same training in methodology, and when the topics are similar.

Another effective procedure for individual research training is 'secondary analysis', the re-examination of data originally collected for other purposes.

There are two principal types of secondary analysis—what might be called the 'comparative' and the 're-interpretive'. T h e comparative type brings together similar material from a variety of studies. Thus Lipset and Bendix were able to compare rates of social mobility between blue-collar and white-collar occupations in different countries by assembling several dozen studies, each of which had included questions on the respondent's

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occupation and on his father's occupation.1 Similarly, H y m a n used surveys done over a period of years at the National Opinion Research Center to assess long-term changes in the distribution of attitudes toward the desegregation of public schools.2 T h e re-interpretive type of secondary analysis uses a single survey, one that has a relatively 'rich' questionnaire, either to do more intensive analysis than the original author had done or to examine a problem that he had not considered.

Secondary analysis allows the student to spend relatively more time on analysis and writing, usually the most difficult parts of research, than if he had to collect the data himself or if the data c a m e to him as the result of his participation in a class project. It m a y also give him a larger sample and better data. Its major shortcoming is that the student gets no experience in designing a study and gathering data. S o m e sociologists contend that no amount of analysis, however sophisticated, is as important as the experience of actually talking to people and observing their behaviour. Each department has to devise its o w n solution to this problem—a solution that will give the student practical experience in both field work and analysis.

T h e most important factor in determining the fruitfulness of individual research is the kind and amount of interaction between the student and his instructor. Careful annotations on the student's term paper teach h i m as m u c h as a m o n t h of lectures. T h e quality of the papers is raised even further, and the students learn even more, w h e n it is possible to ask for a rough draft of all or part of the term paper sufficiently in advance of the end of the semester to allow the student to submit a revised draft. In our experience at Berkeley the criticism of the rough draft eliminates almost all of the major errors that are found in a student's first serious piece of empirical analysis.

Collective research by students

Almost everyone w h o teaches an introductory methods course for the first time decides to do some sort of class research project in which the students can gain experience in all phases of a study. After one trial, however, m a n y instructors abandon the class project or carry it on feeling less confident that students will actually gain the experience they should. T h e reason for these disappointing results is that too m u c h time is consumed by the routine phases of gathering and processing of data. Every student should have some experience with procedures like coding, but after the first few dozen questionnaires the marginal utility of coding another one is low. T h e result of trying to squeeze a full-scale field study into one semester is

i. Seymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, Social Mobility in Industrial Society, Berkeley, Calif., University of California Press, 1959.

2. Herbert H . H y m a n and Paul B . Sheatsley, 'Attitudes Toward Desegregation', Scientific American, December 1956.

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that the students do not get to do any analysis and often m a y not see the results. Even in two semesters it is difficult to allow more than a few weeks for the analysis and writing of reports, which often account for more than three-quarters of a professionally conducted research study.

If the instructor goes on to publish the results of the class project, the students are also likely to feel that they have been 'exploited'. T h e instructor thus often faces the moral problem of deciding h o w m u c h routine work is 'valuable training' and h o w m u c h is 'unpaid research assistance'.

There are several partial solutions to these problems. O n e is to scale d o w n the research instruments so that they can be administered and processed in time for the students to do meaningful analyses. Using other students as the population to be studied is also helpful, since' students are usually available, co-operative and literate; and they can be trusted to fill out a questionnaire themselves.1

Another and perhaps more effective solution is to 'truncate' the class project, to omit some part of the data-gathering or processing. This is what w e have done at Berkeley in the two-semester graduate courses in methodology. During most of the first semester the students go through the steps of designing a study and preparing the instruments. They do participant observation and exploratory interviews; each one reads in the substantive literature of a problem that interests h im and prepares a proposal to conduct a full-scale study; and the class collaborates in preparing and pre-testing a questionnaire. T h e n , at the point where actual investigation would begin the long sequence of sampling, interviewing, editing, coding, punching, verifying and tabulating, each student is given a set of punched cards from completed studies. H e then uses these data for a secondary analysis of the problem he has been studying. For four years students have used the punched cards from Stouffer's Communism, Conformity and Civil Liberties, Lazarsfeld's and Thielens' The Academic Mind, and a n unpublished study of undergraduates at Berkeley. Secondary analysis thus makes it possible for the student to get some experience in all phases of survey research during the course, although it does deny h im the satisfaction of analysing the data of a study he has helped to design and conduct.

T h e Detroit Area Study ( D A S ) of the University of Michigan's Sociology Department is a highly developed form of the class project.2 This is a two-semester course that most students take in addition to an introductory semester of methodology. Each year a faculty m e m b e r directs the class in a study of interest to him. T h e students benefit from working with a mature scholar, and, since the study is carried out on a probability sample of metropolitan Detroit, with some of the interviewing done by the profes-

i. These remarks apply to students in the United States. Students in some other countries appear much less willing to be interviewed.

2. Department of Sociology, University of Michigan, A Progress Report on the University of Michigan's Detroit Area Study: September i, 1951 - December 31, 195g, mimeographed.

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sional staff of the Survey Research Center, the students are exposed to the highest of design and data collection standards. W h e n the D A S was established in 1951, the faculty also voted to abolish the master's thesis, in the belief that the experience of working on the D A S and writing a term paper based on the D A S data would be more meaningful. Since few people have had experience with both this system and the secondary analysis of existing studies, it is difficult to evaluate their relative efficiency as teaching devices. All that can be said with confidence is that the Michigan procedure places more emphasis on field experience and the Berkeley procedure on analysis and writing.1

A statistics laboratory with desk calculators and adding machines is a universal adjunct to courses in elementary statistics. Other kinds of research facilities are less c o m m o n at the undergraduate college than at the centres of graduate instruction. Every major graduate department makes punched-card equipment available to students, at least the simpler machines; and there is usually a central machine facility for more complex operations. High-speed computers are also general on university campuses and even at smaller colleges.

O n e of the most important facilities in the education of graduate students is a set of rooms where they can meet informally in large or small groups— conference rooms, small study rooms and lounges. T h e m o r e opportunities are provided for students to meet and work together, especially mixed groups of beginning and advanced students, the more rapid will be their socialization into the role of professional sociologist.

THE ROLE OF THE RESEARCH INSTITUTE

T h e development of organized empirical research in the social sciences has been an important feature of American universities during the middle third of the twentieth century.2 There is a wide variety of such organizations, ranging from some that are located entirely within a university department and are used for student training and individual faculty research to the 'autonomous research institutes', which m a y have buildings of their o w n , large staffs, and annual budgets that run into millions of dollars. These institutes have four major intellectual functions: 'to do substantive research; to train younger research people; to relate the institute's work to the general academic teaching in the pertinent subject matter; and, finally,

i. The D A S has been the source of data for many doctoral dissertations (twelve from 1953 to 1959), but this does not answer the question of which procedure provides better training prior to the writing of the dissertation. Ibid., Appendix A , p. 3. The rest of this appendix lists over forty books and articles based on the DAS.

2. Paul F. Lazarsfeld with the collaboration of Sydney S. Spivack, 'Observations on the Organization of Empirical Social Research in the United States', Information (Bulletin of the International Social Science Council), N o . X X I X , December 1961, p. a 1-3.

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to relate the work of the center to the ongoing concerns of the outside communi ty in terms of service and advice'.1

These functions are obviously related. A n institute that does substantive research on problems of public interest has both the need and the facilities to train its staff in n e w methodological developments. This is one reason for the effectiveness of the methodological training provided by research institutes. A m o r e important reason for this effectiveness is the wide variety of social forms that the institute brings into the training of its staff.

Research assistants

O n small projects the relationship between the research assistant and the investigator resembles that between the apprentice and the master. In both cases the novice learns by watching the expert, by specific instructions, and by performing more responsible tasks under supervision. H o w e v e r , the organized nature of m o d e r n research has brought some important differences to this relationship. All large projects, and most small ones, are supported by grants from outside agencies, and this m e a n s a c o m m i t m e n t to 'produce something'—to be 'efficient'. Research tasks become rationalized and specialized, and a concern with training gives w a y before the pressures of time and m o n e y .

T h e very forces that threaten the training function of research assistant-ships, however, often provide their o w n safety mechanisms. W h e r e the research institute is closely related to a strong university department, the research assistants are recruited from the best students. T h e y are therefore likely to be impatient with projects where the rate of learning is low, and w h e n able researchers at all levels are as scarce as they are n o w , there are always other research jobs to which the dissatisfied assistant can turn. Furthermore, the investigator w h o is also a university instructor usually wants to give his research assistants broad training: his o w n feelings of satisfaction and the prestige he is accorded by others derive not only from his published research but also from the quality of his former students.

Project activities

Projects with staffs larger than two or three people m a y give kinds of training that are not feasible for the single investigator and a single assistant. T h e assistants, as a group of peers, are both m o r e willing to criticize each other's w o r k and less defensive about receiving criticism from each other. W h e r e n e w or complex procedures are required, the project m a y even develop

i. Ibid., p . 20. It seems clear that the research institutes of large universities produce most of the empirical research that is published in the United States, but whether or not this research is better methodologically than that done elsewhere is another question. I believe that it is, but a broad survey of the literature would be necessary to support this belief.

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informal study groups. T h e topics studied by groups I have observed include elementary calculus, factor analysis and computer programming.

Larger projects often have their o w n seminars during the analysis of the data. W h e n the project director is also a m e m b e r of the university's teaching staff, these project seminars are sometimes integrated with a regular graduate seminar. There is, however, a great difference in educational impact between the project-centred seminar, in which all of the participants have a c o m m o n background and related interests, and the usual graduate seminar, in which the students have different levels of training and are working with different bodies of data. M a n y Ph .D.s of the postwar generation consider the project seminar the high point of their sociological education—in theory and substance, as well as in methodology.

Formal institute courses

Institutes offer formal courses as a response to both external and internal demands. With their concentrations of special skills and equipment, they are called on to give training programmes that range from a few lectures on punched-card machines to month-long courses for groups of foreign visitors: Since this teaching is highly practical, it is more properly considered part of the institute's service functions for the general public than part of a training programme for graduate students in sociology.

T h e internally developed programmes are of a different order. Here a group of younger staff members from different projects is often brought together by a c o m m o n interest in some area of methodology or its mathematical and statistical bases. It is m u c h harder to learn of these courses and study groups, since they are not announced publicly and their results do not appear identifiably in any report. Courses in the two general-purpose institutes of which I have been a m e m b e r included mathematics, socio-metric methods and latent structure analysis. T h e courses are quite different from the comparable academic courses. They are small, the members are highly motivated and competent, the material is chosen to have as m u c h relevance as possible to the work of the institute, and there is less concern with mathematical rigour than with comprehension of meaning.

Research facilities provided by institutes

S o m e of the facilities provided by an institute are obvious from the nature of its studies. A n institute that does survey research usually has its o w n punched-card machines; an institute that studies small groups has observational rooms and tape recorders. S o m e facilities, however, are not so obvious—for example, some institutes that specialize in survey research have libraries of punched cards that are useful in secondary analyses. It m a y be anticipated that m a n y of these same organizations will buy the one-in-one-thousand sample of the i960 census returns n o w being offered by the United States Bureau of Census. This 180,000-case sample of the

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United States population will provide an unparalleled mine of d e m o graphic and general sociological data for any educational institution with the necessary facilities for data-processing.

Organizational sources of effective training

Most training activities of research institutes are informal and unplanned, arising out of the needs of the studies and the interests of the staff. S o m e institutes, however, are m u c h more active in training than are others. In large part this difference stems from variations in organizational structure and in the kinds of studies that are done.

T h e more an institute draws its staff from the regular departments of a university, the more training it is likely to offer. W h e n professors divide their time between teaching and organized research, and w h e n research assistants are recruited from the best graduate students, the boundary between the seminar and the institute becomes less distinct.

T h e relationship between a research institute and a single university department can, however, be too close. W h e n the institute is essentially a laboratory for the research methods courses, it cannot develop the kind of sustained and close interaction a m o n g the staff members that so often leads to informal training activities. T h e key factor here is autonomy. Only an institute free to undertake its o w n research will develop training programmes . It follows that training will not be important in the organizations whose main function is to provide facilities or services (such as tabulating machines and expert consultation) rather than conduct research of their o w n .

Autonomous research institutes that are widely k n o w n for their active training programmes, such as the Survey Research Center at Michigan or the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia, are also general-purpose organizations, not limited to a single field or a single problem. With its narrower focus of interest, the special-purpose institute often finds itself doing the same type of study over and over again. This leads to a 'rational' form of bureaucratic organization, with large, permanent staffs of clerks and technicians performing the same functions on each study and with relatively few research assistants and senior investigators. In such institutes whatever training occurs |s at a low level. In contrast, the general-purpose institute is likely to see each study as different from the others, requiring the selection and development of methods particularly suited to it. T h e dominant form of organization here is project-centred: each project has its o w n staff of clerks and technicians, and there is a relatively high ratio of research assistants and senior investigators. Since most members of the staff can identify themselves with a complete project rather than with a special skill, they are able to exchange ideas with people on other projects and to see the need for seminars, informal courses, or other forms of training. It is thus no accident that the general purpose institute, closely affiliated with a university but not necessarily with a single department is most likely to develop an effective programme of training in methodology.

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LOOKING B A C K W A R D — A N D F O R W A R D

T e n years ago, w h e n Pierre de Bie examined the teaching of sociology, he m a d e four recommendations for narrowing the gulf between sociological theory and empirical research. Since the relation between theory and research is a central concern of methodology, another look at de Bie's recommendations will help to show h o w m u c h progress has been m a d e and where m o r e work is needed.

'i. Teaching and research should not be divorced; there is an unfortunate tendency in certain countries to leave research in the hands of technicians with no teaching responsibilities, while members of the teaching staff are often prevented, by their teaching and administrative duties, from devoting the necessary time to research.'1

Progress in this area has been great. In the major universities most sociologists have one or another kind of joint appointment in a teaching department and a research centre, and universities are n o w becoming concerned with bringing the senior staff m e m b e r s of research institutes into the academic communi ty to teach courses and to supervise dissertations.2

T h e problem that de Bie saw is still acute in the undergraduate college, where there is neither the pressure to do research nor the facilities.

'2. The theories of sociology should be taught and criticized with a closer reference to research.'

A n adequate assessment of progress in this area would require a survey of h o w sociological theories are actually taught. However , advocating the greater use of research presupposes that the research is valid; the state of current research is m o r e easily assessed than the content of the teaching. T h e average quality of the research published today appears to be better than that of ten years ago, but the improvement in quality is by no means commensurate with the increased availability of methodological knowledge. Research in an area like delinquency will have a good effect on theories of delinquency only w h e n the adequacy of delinquency research becomes a matter of m o r e concern. Substantially the same indictment could be levelled against other areas of research.

'3. Research techniques should be introduced into undergraduate courses by critical study of research work already carried out, or personal participation, on however modest a scale, in current research; individual experiment should be encouraged.'

T h e second part of de Bie's recommendation (participation in research) is widely carried out, as the brief survey of undergraduate requirements suggested. It is difficult to find out h o w m u c h attention is paid to the

1. This and the following three quotations are from de Bie, op. cit., p . 92. 2. For an example of administration and faculty attitudes toward these permanent

staff members, see University of California, Seventeenth All-University Faculty Conference, New and Continuing Problems in an Expanding University, 1962^.41-51.

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critical study of research that has been published. Judging from reports about undergraduate courses in methodology and wha t is visible in textbooks, instruction is still almost entirely didactic.

' 4 . Better arrangements should be made, at the post-graduate level, for systematic training in the methods of research and individual work, particularly in Europe, which is greatly behind the United States in this respect.'

Whether Europe is still behind the United States in post-graduate training is a question for those w h o have had an opportunity to compare the two situations closely. However , for the reasons already indicated, the situation in the United States n o w is far from satisfactory. There is still a great need for improvement in the teaching of methodology. T h e best single strategy for meeting this need is to increase the methodological awareness of sociologists by following de Bie's ten-year-old recommendation for critical study of existing research.

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INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION:

FREUDENSTADT ROUND-TABLE MEETINGS

September 1962

A t the invitation of the G e r m a n Political Science Association, the Inter

national Political Science Association (IPSA) held two consecutive round-

table meetings at Freudenstadt, in the Black Forest, from 11 to 15 Sep

tember 1962. It is hoped that certain aspects of the topics discussed at

Freudenstadt m a y be taken u p again at the sixth Wor ld Congress of I P S A

to be held in Geneva , from 21 to 26 September 1964.1

THE POLITICAL ROLE OF THE COURTS

HELMUT RIDDER

Four sessions were devoted to this first subject of the round table. Proceedings followed rather closely the arrangement set out in the general rapporteur's first working paper: (a) the role of the courts in administering civil and criminal law and in developing individual rights; (b) the role of the courts in deciding constitutional issues affecting governmental and political structure; (c) the position of the courts within the governmental framework (problems of independence of the courts, etc.); and (d) theory of the courts under communist régimes.

Papers had been contributed in advance by Dr . Josip Brncic (President of the Supreme Court People's Republic of Croatia), dealing with the subject generally and with issues raised under (b) and (c); by Professor Otto Kirchheimer (Columbia University), singling out the problem of'Political Justice'; by Professor Georges Lavau (University of Grenoble and Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques), on 'Le Rôle Politique des Cours et Tribunaux en France'; and by Professor Gerhard Leibholz (Federal Constitutional Court, Karlsruhe), on 'The Constitutional (Legal and Political) Position of the German Federal Constitutional Court within the Framework of the Basic L a w of 1949'. The paper by Professor V . S. Tadevos-syan (President of the Soviet Political Science Association) describing 'The Political Role of the Court of L a w and Public Prosecution in a Socialist State of the Whole People' did not reach participants until after they left Freudenstadt.

In his introductory remarks, Professor Pritchett outlined the subject while broadening it. 'Political justice' in the sense of Professor Kirchheimer's paper ('planned use of justice to political ends') is but part, though an interesting part, of the whole phenomenon. In a broader sense Professor Pritchett tackled the political role of the judiciary, which he called an established machinery for political purposes from the viewpoint of political power structure. His illustrations were drawn mainly from United States jurisprudence. The question of consciousness or otherwise of their political role was not of much concern to the courts themselves or to political scientists (as all participants agreed). But the United States Supreme

1. Full sets of the papers m a y be obtained from IPSA, 27 rue Saint-Guillaume, Paris-7e, price $3 (15 F, 20s.); half price to members of IPSA.

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Court was a good example of h o w courts which moved forward steadily step by step were able to build up a progressive line of judgements while satisfying themselves and the public concerning their impartiality. Searching examination by courts of their o w n proceedings could not be dispensed with in political systems, which, in turn relied upon them for decisions o n constitutional issues. Under such conditions, courts might, from time to time, engage in weighty controversial issues and speed up solutions without losing credit, as clearly shown in cases concerning the advancement of coloured people in the United States.

That litigation is policy-making in order to solve conflict within a society (Peltason) and that, nowadays, the statute-making process of parliamentary democracy is far from solving these conflicts (Lavau) was not denied. But with regard to the nature of the 'political'—courts being considered an indispensable segment of the political structure (Ehrlich)—extended discussion was felt necessary. Discussion, however, was confined to the activities of ordinary courts (special or ad hoc political tribunals being excluded since their proceedings were not 'image-creating' (Kirchheimer) and lacked popular confidence). In this context the point m a d e by Professor Leibholz, w h o sharply differentiated between 'ordinary' and 'constitutional' courts (such as the G e r m a n Federal Constitutional Court) met with almost unanimous opposition. D u e consideration was given to the relationship between law and justice, which ought not to be equated, the putting of justice into concrete form being the task of the courts (Leibholz). Seeing, however, that most of the time one does not even k n o w precisely what the law is (Peltason)—a statement which holds true also for codified systems of law—participants sensing the pitfalls of natural law theories avoided dwelling too heavily on this issue. A s to the nature of the 'political' court functions, most participants seemed to share the view put forward by Professor Friedrich who—in the broader sense of political order—underlined the vital political ordering function of the judiciary. T h e particular role courts have to fulfil in this respect was connected with their special proximity to the law and the quality of the judicial process (Pritchett), justice thus being perceived not as a result of the political process (Friedrich) but as a means of settling disputes (which in itself makes for stability) by using a rather large margin of discretion (Marshall) (which permits, in a flexible manner, the filtering of influences from political situations such as those dealt with by parliamentary or executive organs). In connexion with the scope of judicial discretion, the delicate interplay between the judiciary and other law-making organs at the various levels (Morris-Jones) was discussed in great detail, as were the various degrees of tension due to 'political', 'moral' or 'technical' rules (Ehrlich). 'Justice' (as distinguished from 'law') finally was acknowledged as a permanent moral 'back-idea' (Kogekar), though less suitable to decide concrete issues. European continental experience also was referred to (Chapsal, Ehrlich, Lavau).

T h e position of the courts within the governmental framework was illustrated by Professor Pritchett, w h o m a d e it quite clear that courts were within the political order but did not dominate it. By reference to the exhaustive American material he showed courts as a full-fledged part of the political process in so far as the appointment of judges was concerned. H e then went on to investigate the courts' power position—life tenure and popular respect for judges, congressional pressure, impeachment (theoretically still in existence), possibility of limiting appellate jurisdiction, impact of changing legislation and constitutional amendment . Professor Kogekar referred to the Indian experience, before and after self-government, stressing the valuable contribution of the Bar Associations' tradition to the independence of the judicial mind. Occupational questions such as age-limits and salaries were also discussed. Broader issues were the locally or regionally representative character of judges' commissions (Pritchett) and incompatibilities (judges as chairmen of Royal Commissions?—Chester). T h e higher the court, the more it becomes part of the political structure (Peltason) with the inherent danger of a gouvernement des juges.

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Professor Ehrlich m a d e the point that the judge has to be in line with the general policy of the régime in order to be free from executive and party pressure in concrete cases (in the words of Professor Djordjevic: courts are not instruments of raw political power, but reflect the power structure). H e flatly denied the existence of a special 'theory' of the courts in socialist States. Professor Friedrich put the decisive question: independence from what?—thus raising the problem of homogeneous population or homogeneous class structure. Professor Djordjevic m a d e interesting observations about the fight between conservatism and progressive trends within the courts themselves. Professor Kirchheimer's intervention was based on Rudolf Smend's statement that the judiciary was released from duties to integrate a political community; instead its function should be legitimizing. For that purpose judges must enjoy the confidence of the population (today harder to gain than at any time before) and independence from the State, but not from society (which would be neither possible nor desirable). This led to the discussion of the larger or narrower 'space' left to the judges by society. Studies in France and Germany , Professor Kirchheimer observed, had led to the conclusion that the system of recruiting judges in practice and for the most part from the middle ranks of the middle classes was at the root of the misuse of judicial 'space'.

A discussion followed on the various recruiting systems of the Anglo-Saxon and Continental countries. Professor Lavau, referring to his paper, gave further details about the peculiar influence of carrièrisation, resulting in a corps imperméable of judges with almost no relationship to other social groups. Professor Abendroth then raised the problem of independence of judges in respect of their o w n political past, which is of some importance in the Federal Republic of Germany , whereupon Professors Peltason and Sartoi in more general terms underlined the open, pluralistic political society as a necessary (but not sufficient) precondition of judicial independence, also reminding participants that it is democracy that makes judicial independence possible, not the reverse. Special national phenomena were also treated, such as the peculiar position of administrative tribunals in the United Kingdom (Marshall) and the unstable political equilibrium under the W e i m a r Constitution (Kirchheimer), which did not prevent judges from exercising a remarkable political influence.

A socialist or communist 'philosophy' or theory of the courts being denied, the discussions focused on recent trends in socialist countries and the social needs which have led to reforms of the judiciary. Participants from socialist countries took a firm stand against the Stalinist theory which regards courts as part of the coercive state apparatus. Stalin's theory of 'unity of power' was called a distortion of the Marxist theory of the State. Professor Djordjevic asserted that the use of classical and n e w devices to guarantee fair treatment of undeniably conflicting interest was an indispensable defence against a potential monopoly of power. Professor Ehrlich mentioned tendencies towards building up a body of socialist judge-made law, as opposed to an outworn formalistic approach which bore resemblance to the Austinian school.

THE ROLE OF CONSTITUTIONS

ROBERT MCCLOSKEY

Three sessions of the conference were devoted to a discussion of 'the role of a constitution in a political system'. Papers were written by Professor Giovanni Sartori (University of Florence) ('Constitutionalism: A Preliminary Discussion'), M r . Geoffrey Marshall (Oxford University) ( 'On Living without a Constitution') and Professor Jovan Djordjevic (University of Belgrade) ('Constitutionalism and Socialism').

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A further paper by Professor A . I. Lepyoshkin (University of Moscow) ('The Notion of the Constitution: Role and Significance of the Constitution of the U . S . S . R . for the Political Life of Society') was received after the meeting. These papers cannot be justly summarized in a limited report, and in any case their titles speak for themselves. W h a t follows is a brief and necessarily selective account of the oral discussions, which were based on the papers already circulated but which also ranged widely a m o n g other related subjects of interest to members of the group. T h e aim of the enterprise was not to supply answers and reach solutions (though these would have been welcomed) but to identify the salient questions that needed to be asked, and to suggest the directions that might be promising for future analysis and research.

T h e plan was to devote one meeting to each of three sub-divisions of the general subjects: (a) the modern history of constitutionalism; (b) the role of a constitution in mature political systems; and (c) the role of a constitution in newly developing political systems. However, the problem of definition and classification in some sense took priority over all others and was certainly inseparable from the task of historical analysis. Therefore this problem took up a good deal of attention at the outset. It was urged that the term 'constitution' ought to m e a n and has historically been taken to m e a n a garantiste arrangement, actually restricting arbitrary power. Thus neither the 'nominal constitution' (the system of rules by which power is organized though not restrained) nor the 'façade constitution' (which contains garantiste features ignored in practice) deserves the n a m e . A m o n g the queries and reservations advanced in response to this formulation were these: that the British constitution, which theoretically acknowledges parliamentary supremacy, would not meet the terms of the proposed garantiste definition; that the mere ordering of powers (as in a 'nominal' constitution), even without specific guaranties, tends to limit those powers; that even a 'façade' constitution m a y promote the ideal of 'limit' by serving an educative function, by expressing, that is, an aspiration. Each of these points merits consideration, and the whole discussion suggests the need for further clarification of the purpose and function of constitutions (in whatever is decided to be the 'proper' sense of the word), and the requisite conditions for their success in maintaining a just polity (e.g., to what extent is constitutionalism dependent on a social order of a particular kind?).

M a n y of these matters raised in the definitional-and-historical first session spilled over into the second session which focused on the constitution in mature political systems. Nevertheless certain other questions emerged. O n e was the issue of the explicit, written constitution versus the unwritten, British form. T h e suggestions were m a d e , inter alia, that a formal bill of rights m a y be indispensable in n e w and emerging States even though a mature polity like Britain can live without one; that in Britain the presence of an Opposition has been an institutional substitute for a Bill of Rights (query: is an organized opposition the prerequisite of a successful garantiste constitution whether or not a Bill of Rights exists?); that perhaps even in Britain the state of affairs would be bettered if a Bill of Rights existed; and that in Britain and presumably elsewhere the case m a y be stronger for a procedural rather than a substantive Bill of Rights. A t all events the modern historical record suggests that the unwritten British model does not meet felt needs in most other nations and m a y not be exportable.

A second broad issue raised in this session was whether constitutionalism and socialism were compatible. N o one seemed to question that they were compatible if 'socialism' merely means State ownership of the instruments of production. But if it also implies one-party government, the question m a y be more difficult. Yet even in one-party States, it was said, intra-party democracy m a y exist and m a y help maintain the pluralism of powers and viewpoints that seems so important to a successful garantiste constitutional system. Moreover the whole question is perhaps one of degree. A constitution and its accompanying judicial machinery m a y be largely 'façade' in a tightly controlled monolithic State; but in so far as control is relaxed,

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the constitutional system can begin to perform authentic garantiste functions. This, it was said, reflects actual experience in some modern socialist nations.

T h e final session centred on the problem of constitutionalism in newly developing nations. Perhaps the key issues here were: what special functions can a constitution perform in a n e w State, and what conditions are necessary in such a State to m a k e constitutionalism efffective? As to the first issue, it was suggested that the constitution functions as the useful symbol of a new beginning, that it m a y at the same time help to reassure those (e.g., the existing bureaucracy) w h o are apprehensive about the implications of the n e w order, and that it can help educate the people by offering them a model of a just and stable political system. A s to the second issue, it was contended that perhaps it is enough if there exists an élite willing and able to support constitutionalism; mass commitment to the idea m a y not be essential. But this point was sharply controverted by those w h o urged that the population as a whole must be habituated to a legal tradition before a constitutional system can be expected to work. This question ought to be susceptible to empirical test since a number of n e w States have been fairly successful in establishing and maintaining constitutional systems (Puerto Rico, India) while in others (e.g., some of the former French colonies) the constitutions are largely façades.

Almost all the matters canvassed above seem important enough and controversial enough to warrant further analysis and research. A few other suggestions were m a d e in passing, and should be compendiously listed in conclusion. 1. Political science m a y find it fruitful to consider constitutionalism in terms of

the concept of'role enforcement'. 2 . T h e concept of'positive' versus 'negative' constitutionalism needs further study:

does the modern emphasis on the former tend to disparage and attenuate the latter?

3. There are n o w so m a n y constitutions of various types in the world that it has become perfectly feasible and probably desirable to examine constitutionalism quantitatively.

4 . T h e problem of supra-national constitutions is becoming increasingly important and merits special study.

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II. REVIEWS OF BOOKS AND DOCUMENTS

BOOK REVIEWS

C U R L E , A d a m . Educational strategy for developing societies. A study of educational and social factors in relation to economic growth. London, Tavistock Publications, 1963, x i+ 180p.

T h e problems involved in development are not solely economic. T h e upheavals that occur during the transition of societies from a backward state to one of economic maturity are sufficient evidence that the problems then arising are social and h u m a n as well. In a transitional period, the traditional systems of individual, family and social relations are disturbed, and the resultant changes affect every level of social and economic life. T h e major problem that a developing country has to face seems to be h o w to m a k e the best use of all its resources, especially its h u m a n resources. Most underdeveloped regions have a strongly hierarchical social structure, and the use of their h u m a n potential is hampered by the rigidity of social barriers and traditions; the first pre-requisite for economic progress, therefore, is the breaking d o w n of these barriers between classes, for where there is social equality better use will be m a d e of ability, in whatever social group it is found. Before a country can start on the process of development, psychological conditions must also be conducive to development. This means, essentially, that the people must be brought to realize that progress is both necessary and possible. T h e emergence of a new class—the middle class of 'entrepreneurs'—must be encouraged, and the country must be provided with a competent and honest administration. These conditions, however, cannot be met until a country has actually embarked on the path of development, and this makes it clear that underdevelopment is a vicious circle—ignorance leads to poverty, poverty to underdevelopment, and the latter, in turn, leads to ignorance. The only w a y to break this vicious circle is to bring about a radical change in social structures, and it is here that the vital function of education becomes clear. If an educational system is quick enough and sufficiently broadly-based, it should produce that middle class of entrepreneurs and technicians whose role in the process of growth is decisive, and should also make it possible, through primary and adult education, to spread a m o n g the people at large the idea that economic growth is both practicable and desirable. In the initial stage, the education provided should be mainly primary and technical; this will m a k e it possible to solve the problems of utilizing manpower , both in agriculture—which, in an underdeveloped country, always suffers from traditionalism and insufficient use of technology—and in industry, where the great need is for skilled workers. E d u cation, if understood in this sense, will not contribute to the formation of a new social group of 'cultured' people, but will rather promote social equality and a better distribution of labour; it should also serve to propagate the idea of c o m m u nity development, which will m a k e people at every level in economic life feel that they have a stake in their country's progress. A country which is able to m a k e good use of its manpower resources and to interest every citizen in the development of the community as a whole has already solved its most crucial problems. Foreign countries will then be able to help it effectively in its advance.

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H E R B S T , P . G . Autonomous group functioning. A n exploration in behaviour theory and measurement. London, Tavistock Publications, 1962, xiv + 271 p . , bibliogr.

Most of the quantitative studies of behaviour so far carried out have been based on the statistical analysis of a large number of cases. T h e disadvantage of this method is that it does not take account of individual characteristics or of the distinctive peculiarity of each group, because so little information is available on each of the cases. This prompts the idea that the over-general nature of these studies might usefully be corrected by more detailed monographs. This is the line followed by P . G . Herbst. His work is based on a intensive study of a specific case. His approach is methodological; his aim is to formulate a method and to develop measurement techniques which will enable the best use to be m a d e of the study of a particular group, rather than to set forth general rules governing behaviour. T h e data needed for this purpose were assembled during an experiment carried out in British coalmines, where a group of miners had been formed to put into practice a new method of organizing their work leaving the basic teams full responsibility for organizing and carrying out their task. The experiment lasted three months, and in this period as m u c h information as possible concerning the activity of each individual and his relations with the other members of the group was recorded. Taking these data as his basis, P. G . Herbst applies new quantitative techniques to the study of group structures and interaction processes. In this way he is able to formulate a mathematical theory of the functioning of the group which accounts for the psychological, sociological, economic and technological factors in behaviour. Thanks are due to him for his precise definition of the postulates of the theory's validity.

M E L M A N , Seymour (ed.). Disarmament. Its politics and economics. Boston (Mass.), T h e American A c a d e m y of Arts and Sciences, 1962, 395 p .

This special issue of the review Daedalus, which is a companion number to the one entitled Arms Control, Disarmament and National Security (i960), is the outcome of a symposium on disarmament held at Columbia University in December 1961. Most of the contributions are technical studies on possible procedures for achieving and supervising disarmament, but there are also some historical and political articles. T h e first two articles, by Bernard T . Feld and Bertrand Russell, deal with the Geneva negotiations and the beginnings of the Pugwash movement respectively. There are two articles on American and Soviet policy—one, by Arthur J. W a s k o w , gives an overall description and criticism of the United States' defence policy, which, in his opinion, is a hybrid compromise between a falsely rational anti-force strategy and a falsely stable m i n i m u m deterrent strategy; the other, by Herbert Ritvo, analyses the divisions within the Soviet bloc on the question of disarmament. Christoph Hohenemser reviews the situation as regards the problem of the spread of nuclear weapons; dealing first with technical data—which take up the larger part of his article—he goes on to draw political conclusions that the only restrictions which will be endorsed by the powers which as yet have no nuclear weapons are those that the great nuclear powers also accept. Another two articles deal with disarmament in general and its importance for the maintenance of peace. T h e core of the book, however, consists in four studies on the problem of inspection (including one by L . L . Finkelstein, on reciprocal inspection, and one by L . B . Sohn, on his plan for progressive zonal inspection) and two studies, by Emile Benoit and Richard C . R a y m o n d , on the economic problems raised by disarmament and the industrial reconversion it would necessitate, especially in the United States of America.

N ' D I A Y E , J. P . Enquête sur les étudiants noirs en France. Paris, Éditions Réalités Africaines, 1962, 315 p .

T h e author, a young African, undertook this study without any outside assistance. H e worked out hypotheses, organized meetings for the preparation of the questionnaire, and assembled most of the replies himself. Not until he reached the stage

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of processing the data was he able to draw on the voluntary assistance of African or European m e n and w o m e n students. Three hundred and ten students were questioned, as a quota sample selected on the basis of the statistics of the Office des Étudiants d'Outre-Mer, taking into account territorial origin, domicile, and whether or not the students held scholarships.

S o m e fifty questions were asked, and the results are expressed as percentages, analysed by reference to a few criteria, and illustrated by typical replies to 'open' questions. The book relates the results of the survey to the general context of the psychology of the African child and the historical and cultural circumstances which have moulded the young African before he begins his studies in France.

T h e results themselves, which provide a wealth of information, are grouped around the following points: arrival and settling d o w n in France; taking one's place in African circles in France; the African student personality; the African student looks at the world; the African student and France. It is to be regretted that the author was unable to use attitude scales and did not more often correlate the replies given to different questions, which would have m a d e his analysis more penetrating. Possibly his failure to do so is due to his use of exclusively manual methods of processing.

P Y E , L . W . (ed.) Communications and political development. Princeton (N.J.). Princeton University Press, 1963, xv + 381 p.

This book, in which eleven specialists have collaborated, deals with the part played by mass communication media in the political development of recently established or newly independent States.

In the past, the citizen's horizon was bounded by his village or his tribe, and the growth of a nation was regarded as a slow and complex process. In our day, n e w countries have sprung into being in Asia, Africa and the Middle East, and this sudden change has been accompanied by a real upsurge of nationalism.

H o w can all these 'transitional societies' attain maturity and achieve a balance between the universalism of the present-day world and the individual interests of the type of society to which they belong? A n d what can be done to lessen the gulf between the dynamic, up-to-date minority constituting the ruling élite in these young nations and the mass of the people—confused, illiterate, and, in m a n y cases, primitive?

T h e leaders depend on mass communication media to provide a stimulus and to promote national unification by bracing the country's structure. Wilbur Schramm's article stresses the enormous possibilities offered by the mass media—radio, television, films and the press—for the political and economic development of a State. In modern societies, the transmission of information is in the hands of journalists, reporters, writers and artists, whose different tasks and activities are discussed by Herbert Passin. There are a number of articles on Turkey, Iran, Japan, Thailand and Communist China which outline the part played by mass media in the building up of the so-called 'transitional' societies.

Ithiel de Sola Pool contributes a chapter in which he compares the theories on the use of information media expounded by Western and Communist leaders. H e emphasizes that Western leaders concentrate mainly on efforts to combat illiteracy, and tend to lay stress on the instruction of children. The results are not very satisfactory, for education changes the child, but has no effect on the parents' mentality. O n the other hand, the Communist leaders, w h o have an absolute monopoly of the various media of communication, make it their object to influence the adult masses directly. Frederik T . C . Y u makes the same point in his report on the results achieved by the Chinese Communists, w h o have succeeded in transforming the mentality of the country by adapting the age-old inventions of traditionalist and primitive China to the needs of their propaganda.

This analytical work concludes with an article by Daniel Lerner. H e emphasizes particularly the need for collaboration between m e n of action and scientists, which

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should make it possible to adapt to the needs of each nation the mass media which are essential to enable it to take its place in a constantly changing world.

R Y V K I N , S. (ed.) Social-reformizm i kolonial'nyj vopros, Moscow, Izdatel'stvo Social'no-ekonomiceskoj Literatury, 1961, 399 p .

T h e author believes that the outstanding feature of the present period is the rapid collapse of the colonial system. Faced with this phenomenon, European social reformists have dissociated themselves completely from Marxist teaching, and have systematically supported the tenets and interests of the bourgeoisie. There is nothing n e w about this—it is a logical development of the opportunism and reformism of the beginning of the century, an example of which was the collaboration afforded by part of the working class and the lower middle class to the imperialist governments during the first world war. Representative of these trends were Bernstein, Kautsky, the Fabians, the Austro-Marxists, the economists and the Mensheviks, w h o , on the pretext of revising Marxism, robbed it of all its revolutionary content and drew the leaders of the Second International on to the path of chauvinistic socialism.

In the capitalist countries of today, a n e w section of society is interested in maintaining the hold of the imperialist bourgeoisie on former colonies and semi-colonies. With the development of State monopoly capitalism, a 'workers' bureaucracy' has come into being besides the workers' aristocracy. It consists of members of the working classes w h o have come to be essential cogs in the bourgeois State machinery and in capitalist industry. These social strata have an interest in maintaining and strengthening the capitalist State, its organs both within and outside the country, and the capitalist system in general. Joined with these strata is a substantial section of the population employed in the tertiary sector, which has expanded considerably in recent years. All these elements n o w constitute the social foundation on which social reformism develops and gains a footing. The idea of contemporary social reformism is that the nature of capitalism has changed and that the transformations it is undergoing lead logically to socialism—in other words, that it is n o w possible to avoid socialist revolutions.

T h e consequences of such ideas have, according to this writer, been particularly apparent in the action of the French right-wing socialists and the British Labour Party since the second world war. In this connexion, he analyses French policy during the Indo-Chinese and Algerian wars and the part played by the Labour Party in the conduct of British colonial policy.

S A M U E L S , L . H . (ed.) African studies in income and wealth. London, Bowes & Bowes, 1963, xviii + 433 p- (International Association for Research in Income and Wealth.)

National accounting techniques are difficult to use in underdeveloped countries, both because the statistics available are inadequate and because of the very structure of the economy in such countries. They are, however, highly thought of by the local governments which, apart from the prestige attaching to a scientific presentation of the country's economic strength, find them indispensable as an aid to formulating a general economic policy and appraising its results. T h e International Association for Research in Income and Wealth therefore organized a meeting, held at Addis Ababa in 1961, of African statisticians, economists and national accountants, together with a few foreign specialists, to study the practical and theoretical problems of introducing national accounting techniques into Africa. This book consists of sixteen papers read at that conference. They fall into two broad groups—those which deal with the general problems of applying these techniques, and those which deal with the individual experience of certain countries. T h e first group comprises five reports. G . C Billington, in his, proposes a system of national accounting which could be used in Africa, and which, if adopted by all countries, would enable useful comparisons to be m a d e . It has been kept m u c h simpler than the

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standardized systems used by the United Nations and O E C D , to allow for the level of development and the composite structure of these economies; yet it will be helpful to governments in their work, and it can be gradually improved, year by year, as better statistical material is developed. T h e table suggested by the author is set out in an appendix. P . Ady , in his paper, lists the difficulties met with in interpreting and preparing such accounts, and he, too, advocates the adoption of a special, simplified system. R . M . Barkay reaches the same conclusions; he favours a 'sector approach' in preference to the European or American conception of a study of the level and distribution of the national product and the national income. H e also shows that the problem of expressing a subsistence economy statistically is still unsolved. Jo Saxe deals with a problem which is more closely related to economic policy—how to determine optimum public expenditure. H e shows h o w a system of public sector accounting would make it possible to increase the efficiency and productivity of the African States' expenditure. Lastly, Ph . Berthet and J. Royer examine the uses to which national accounts can be put by under developed countries.

The general idea running through this first set of reports is the need to devise a special accounting procedure for the African countries, and the risk there would be in simply taking over the standard systems used in Western countries. The same point is m a d e in each of the ten studies dealing with the work that has been undertaken in the various countries. R . Olivier's report deals with Algeria, and more particularly with the development models in use between 1952 and i960; owing to what has since happened to the Algerian economy, this article is n o w of only historical and theoretical interest. All the other reports relate to English-speaking countries, with the exception of Professor Vasco Fortuna's paper on the method used in the Portuguese African 'provinces'. There are three studies on South Africa: one by L . H . Samuels on the use of these techniques in the Republic of South Africa, where it seems already to have reached an advanced stage; one by J. J. D . Willers and B . P . Groenewald on a more precise problem—the calculation of gross national income; and the third, by H . J. J. Reynders, on the study of personal income and the expenditure of the people living in the Bantu reserve. (As this involves an essentially subsistence economy, this study stands a little apart from the others in the collection.) P . Okigbo gives an account of work undertaken in Nigeria since 1950, and I. G . Stewart examines the problem of consumer demand. The rest of the reports deal with South West Africa and the three British protectorates (by D . G . Krogh and J. J. D . Willers), the British protectorate of Bechua-naland (by P . Erasmus) and East Africa—Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika (by G . J . Martin). T h e reports by Ph. Berthet, R . Olivier and V . Fortuna are in French.

W H I T I N G , Beatrice B . (ed.) Six cultures. Studies of child rearing. N e w York, London, J. Wiley & Sons, 1963, 1,017 p .

This is the first of a series of publications which will give an account of research work carried out in 1954 by a group of American social scientists, with the object of determining h o w far the way in which a child is brought up in his first years of life conditions his subsequent behaviour and determines his outlook on life, his code oí moral values, etc. A survey was carried out simultaneously in six different regions of the world; the same methods were used in every case, but the social groups surveyed had nothing in c o m m o n with regard to their culture, w a y of life, social and family traditions or methods of child rearing. The survey covered an Indian district in the town of Juxtlahuaca, in Mexico; a group of Rajput families at Khalapur, in India; Tarong, a hamlet in the Philippines; Nyansongo, a village in Kenya; Orchard T o w n , in N e w England; and the village of Taira, in Japan.

Each chapter deals with one of these social groups, and is divided into two parts. The first is a study of the 'ethnographic background'—i.e., the ecological, economic, social and other factors which make up the context in which the child grows up—geographical and climatic conditions; general features of the population

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centre and internal domestic arrangements; social organization; parental and family ties; community beliefs, taboos, religious practices and attitudes towards death and disease; and the standard pattern of daily life. F rom this description of the organization of adult life in each of the cases studied, it is possible to analyse the relations between children and those w h o bring them up, as they are affected by the habits and behaviour of the latter; this section is therefore essential to the attainment of the ultimate objective of the general survey.

T h e second part of each monograph deals with the upbringing of children at each stage of their development—birth, infancy, weaning, childhood and, in some cases, adolescence. T h e research workers stress the importance of different periods in the various groups studied—the weaning period, the stage w h e n the child ceases to be carried on an adult's back (so acquiring physical 'independence'), or the period of sexual initiation, etc. In every case, the research workers have taken care to examine the nature of the links between the child and its environment, so that, at a later stage in the survey, it m a y be possible to determine whether these links make the adult more or less dependent on the outside world, more or less inclined to aggressivity or violence, more or less 'sociable'. In each monograph, special attention is paid to the means used by the child's 'educators'—parents, grandparents, elder brothers or sisters—to 'socialize' him (punishments, rewards, praise, marks of contempt, etc.). Similarly, the development of inner control mechanism in the child and the nature and power of these mechanisms are related to the framework of authority in the social group to which he belongs, the extent to which he identifies himself with an adult of one sex or the other, etc. This book in fact represents only the first stage of the research work undertaken. It provides material which will make it possible, later on, to check the research workers' initial hypotheses and to suggest further research.

SHORTER NOTICES

ERRATUM

In the notice of Surgical Sterilization of Men and Women, a selected bibliography edited by C . Tietze and L . N e u m a n n (Volume X V , N o . i), it was incorrectly stated that the bibliography only covered 'material published in Western Europe'. This should read 'covers material published in the languages of Western Europe'.

A L O N S O , Isidoro; L U Z A R D O , Medardo; G A R R I D O , Ginés; O R I O L , José. La Iglesia en Venezuela y Ecuador. Estructuras eclesiásticas. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Madrid, O C S H A , 1962, 22 c m . , 201 p. , fig., maps , folding maps , tabl. (Estudios socio-religiosos latino-americanos, 3.)

A study of social and religious structures and of the organization of the Catholic Church in Venezuela and in Ecuador.

A L O N S O , Isidoro; G A R R I D O , Ginés; B E L L I D O , Dämmer t ; T U M I R I , Julio. La Iglesia en Perú y Bolivia. Estructuras eclesiásticas. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Madrid, O C S H A , 1962, 22 c m . , 271 p . , fig., maps , tabl. (Estudios socio-religiosos latinoamericanos, 3-II.)

T h e social structure and ecclesiastical organization in Peru and Bolivia—territorial divisions of the Catholic Church, the parish structure, the numbers and characteristics of the secular and the regular clergy, and Catholic organizations.

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A L O N S O , Isidoro; G A R R I D O , Ginés. La Iglesia en América central y el Caribe. Estructuras eclesiásticas. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Madrid, O C S H A , 1962, 22 c m . , 282 p., fig., maps, tabl. (Estudios socio-religiosos latino-americanos, 4.)

The structure of the Catholic Church in the Caribbean and in Central America —ecclesiastical divisions, regular and secular clergy, recent developments.

A L O N S O , Isidoro; P O B L E T E , Renato; G A R R I D O , Ginés. La Iglesia en Chile. Estructuras eclesiásticas. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Madrid, O C S H A , 1962, 22 c m . , 223 p. , fig., maps, folding m a p , tabl., bibliogr., index. (Estudios socio-religiosos latinoamericanos, 6.)

A study of the social and religious structures and the organization of the Catholic Church in Chile.

A N C E L , M g r Alfred. Cinq ans avec les ouvriers. Témoignage et réflexions. Lettre de S . E m . le cardinal Gerlier. Préface de S.Exc. M g r Veuillot. Paris, Editions du Centurion, 1963, 19 c m . , 509 p . , 13.90 F. (Le poids du jour.)

The Superior-General of the Prado order, w h o is assistant bishop of Lyons, gives an account of what he saw and heard during the years he spent in the working-class district around Lyons, the origins and activities of the Gerland community, and his contacts with the priests and active members of Action Catholique Ouvrière.

A N Y O N , G . Jay. Managing an integrated purchasing process. N e w York, Chicago, Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1963, 22 c m . , vi + 218 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index, $3.75. (Modern management series.)

T h e role of the purchaser in business is an important aspect of modern management problems. This book is a systematic study of the principles and techniques of purchasing, based on the author's experience during his seven years as director of the Purchasing Agents Association of Philadelphia.

A R D A E V , G . B . Nacionalizacija v Avstrii. Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk SSSR, i960, 21 c m . , 304 p. , bibliogr. (Akademija Nauk S S S R , Institut Mirovoj Ekonomiki i Mezdunarodnyh Otnosenij.)

A study of nationalization in Austria, including the political events leading up to it and the denationalization process which followed.

C L A R K , F . Le Gros. The economic rights of women. Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 1963, 22 c m . , 18 p., 3s.6d. (Eleanor Rathbone memorial lecture.)

A discussion of the fresh problems in connexion with women 's pay and working conditions that are arising because more married w o m e n are n o w working outside the home . The authar also takes up the problem of the economic rights of w o m e n in the home , and stresses the 'inequalities' of marriage in this respect.

C O H E N , Saul Bernard. Geography and politics in a world divided. N e w York, R a n d o m House, 1963 22 c m . xxiv + 347 p . fig. maps . , tabl., bibliogr., index.

H o w geopolitical studies can help us to understand international relations and national strategies. In this connexion, the author pays special attention to the global policy of the United States of America, attempts to unify Europe, the policy of the Soviet Union in its border regions, and political developments in the zones of sensitivity in the East-West conflict—the Middle East and South-East Asia.

Cultural affairs and foreign relations. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.), Prentice-Hall, 1963. 22 c m . , viii + 184 p., $3.95. (Columbia University. The American Assembly.)

American foreign policy in the cultural field, with special emphasis on education, the sciences, the arts and the humanities. The book describes the development of such activities in recent years, their part in global foreign policy, and the role of the government and non-governmental agencies in this field.

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D A M B O R I E N A , Prudencio. S. J. El protestantismo en América latina. T . I. Etapas y métodos del protestantismo latino-americano. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S , 1962, 22 c m . , 138 p., fig., tabl. (Estudios socio-religiosos latino-americanos, 12-I.)

The stages in the progress of Protestant proselytism in Latin America and the methods used; the training of Protestant ministers; the example of Protestant penetration into Indian regions; the case of the Seventh Day Adventist Church.

D R I V E R , Edwin D . Differential fertility in Central India. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1963, 23 c m . , xx + 152 p., tabl., bibliogr., index, $4.50.

A study of fertility in a part of Central India, as varying with the social and economic status of the persons covered by the survey and as affected by each of a number of variables—age at the time of marriage, education, religion, caste, etc.

E A T O N , Joseph W . Stone walls do not a prison make. The anatomy of planned administrative change. Springfield (111.), C h . C . Thomas , 1962, 24 c m . , xxii + 212 p . , fig., tabl., index.

The influence of reform movements and of various groups advocating the reorganization of penal institutions in the United States of America.

Ekonomiceskie problemy 'obscego rynka'. Moskva, IzdateFstvo SociaPno-Ekonomiëeskoj Literatury, 1962, 21 c m . , 512 p., tabl. (Akademija Nauk S S S R , Institut Mirovoj Ekonomiki i Mezdunarodnyh Otnosenij). (Translation of title: The economic problems of the C o m m o n Market.)

T h e C o m m o n Market is seen as the tool of the principal monopolies of Western Europe and a stage on the path towards the political subjection of Western Europe to the United States of America.

F I R T H , R a y m o n d . Elements of social organization. Josiah Mason lectures delivered at the University of Birmingham. 3rd ed. Boston (Mass.), Beacon Press, 1961, 21 c m . , xiv + 260 p. , pi., index, $1.95 (Beacon paperback, 153.)

A series of lectures on various aspects of social organization—the social structure in a restricted community, social changes in rural communities, the social context and economic organization, the social background of primitive art, religion and ethics in society.

G O L D M A N , Irving. The Cubeo. Indians of the northwest A m a z o n . Urbana (111.), University of Illinois Press, 1963, 23 c m . , viii + 305 p . , fig., m a p , bibliogr., index, $4.00 (Illinois studies in anthropology, 2.)

A n anthropological study of an Indian community in the A m a z o n basin.

G U B B E L S , Robert; B O G A E R T S , Georges. Les besoins de l'industrie en personnel qualifié. Bruxelles, Office Belge pour l'Accroissement de la Productivité, 1962, 24 c m . , 39 p. , tabl. (Université Libre de Bruxelles, Institut de Sociologie.)

A n attempt to estimate the numbers of trained scientific and technical staff that Belgian industry will require by the end of 1965 if the provisional programme drawn up by the State Planning Bureau is carried out.

G U T H , Wilfried. Capital exports to less developed countries. Dordrecht, D . Reidel, 1963, 23 c m . , x + 162 p. , bibliogr., index.

Financial aspects of economic development in new States: formation, transfer and use of capital. The author considers the problem of capital exports to developing countries from the standpoint of both the State or the individual creditor and the debtor.

G U T I É R R E Z D E P I N E D A , Virginia. La famille en Colombia. Estudio antropológico. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Bogotá, CIS , 1962, 22 c m . , 86 p. , fig., tabl. (Estudios sociológicos latino-americanos, 15.)

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The family in Colombia—size, family budgets and principal local and cultural types.

H O O G H , Christian d'. Problèmes économiques de l'enseignement, Contribution à l'étude de l'investissement en capital humain. Preface by Henri Janne. Bruxelles, Centre d'Étude des Problèmes Sociaux et Professionnels de la Technique, 1963, 24 c m . , viii + 225 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., 220 Belgian francs.

T h e notion of the economics of education; the various methods of analysing the economic factors in education (the work of Edding, Schultz, Vaizey, etc.); macro-economic analysis of the structure of Belgian education; the preparation of a plan for national education suited to the conditions of economic expansion.

J O N E S , Howard . Alcoholic addiction. A psycho-social approach to abnormal drinking. London, Tavistock Publications, 1963, 22 c m . , x + 209 p . , tabl., bibliogr., index, 30s.

O n the basis of case studies of persons w h o have been in prison or in an institution for treatment as a result of alcoholic addiction, the author stresses the importance of psycho-social factors among the causes of alcoholism—psychological insecurity in infancy, persistance of the Œdipus complex, family difficulties, instability in one's occupation, etc.

K J U N E R , Nikolaj Vasil'evic. Kitajskie izvestija 0 narodah juznoj Sibiri, central' noj Azii i dal'nego vostoka. Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Vostocnoj Literatury, 1961, 23 c m . , 392 p. , index. (Akademija Nauk S S S R , Institut Etnografii Imeni N . N . Mikluho-Maklaja.)

Information from Chinese sources concerning the peoples of southern Siberia, Central Asia and the Far East—extracts from ethnographical descriptions, for the most part of very early date, with comments.

L A M B E R T , Richard D . ; H O S E L I T Z , Bert F . The role of savings and wealth in southern Asia and the West. Paris, Unesco, 1963, 22 c m . , 432 p . , tabl., 21 F .

H o w far is the economic life of a nation influenced by its social structures and its cultural background? Individual studies of Ceylon, H o n g K o n g , Malaya, Pakistan, the Philippines and Viet-Nam, and a comparison of the conclusions to be drawn from these studies with those emerging from an analysis of Western societies.

L A U D R A I N , Maurice. La voie française du socialisme. Postface by Jacques Dubouin. Paris, Maison du Livre Français, 1963, 20 c m . , 144 p . , 6.50 F .

T h e series of articles collected in this volume was published by La Grande relève, the journal of the Mouvement Français pour l'Abondance ( M F A ) , during 1961. T h e first part deals with the historical origins of the ideas of the 'socialists of affluence'. T h e second draws a parallel between the Soviet w a y and that proposed by the M F A .

L E R O Y , Robert; H A N N E Q U A R T , A . ; W O I T R I N , M . Signification du chômage belge. Bruxelles, Office Belge pour l'Accroissement de la Productivité, 1962, 24 cm. , 211 p., fig., maps, tabl. (Université Catholique de Louvain, Institut de Recherches Économiques, Sociales et Politiques, Centre de Recherches Économiques, Groupe de Recherches Productivité.)

The purpose of this study is to discover, from a consideration of statistical data, material which may throw light on the causes and implications of unemployment in Belgium; how far the phenomenon is accounted for by structure and how far by circumstances. The authors have made separate studies of total male unemployment, total female unemployment and partial and incidental unemployment, taking account in their analysis of considerations of both time (the study deals with the whole of the post-war period) and space (regional variations are carefully noted).

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L É V I - S T R A U S S , Claude. Totemism (Le totémisme aujourd'hui). Translated from the French by Rodney Needham. Boston (Mass.), Beacon Press, 1963, 21 c m . , vi + 116 p., fig., bibliogr., index, $3.95.

A n English translation of a well-known book, in which the author considers the various theories about totemism, discusses the wide variety of beliefs that centre round it, and stresses that it is not a separate institution but a w a y of thinking which is characteristic of the h u m a n mind everywhere.

L U P T O N , T . On the shop floor. T w o studies of workshop organization and output. Oxford, London, Pergamon Press, 1963, 24 c m . , viii + 208 p. , bibliogr., index, 45s. (International series of monographs on social and behavioural sciences, 2.)

A behavioural study of workers in British industry. From the results of two surveys, one carried out in an electrical engineering workshop and the other in a clothing factory, a detailed analysis is m a d e of the influence of technological, administrative and social factors on productivity and on adaptation to work.

M A C K , Mary P . Jeremy Bentham. A n odyssey of ideas, 1748-92. London, Melbourne, Toronto, Heinemann, 1962, 22 c m . , xiv + 482 p. , pi., portr., bibliogr., index, 42s.

The author studies, from Bentham's published and unpublished writings, the development of the English philosopher's ideas in the m a n y fields to which he gave his attention—semantics, ethics, law, religion, art, history, epistemology, education, sociology and political theory.

M E N D L O V T T Z , Saul H . (ed.) Legal and political problems of world order. Readings and a discussion guide for a seminar. Preliminary edition. N e w York, The Fund for Education concerning World Peace through World L a w , 1962, 23 c m . , x + 858 p. , tabl., bibliogr., $2.25.

T o what extent can law assist the maintenance of peace? The development of international law; strengthening the role of the United Nations; international collaboration and assistance to underdeveloped countries; various aspects of disarmament.

Mensch (Der) im Betrieb. Freiheit und Persönlichkeit. Möglichkeiten und Grenzen. Köln, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1962, 2 vol. Teil I, Stellungnahme und grundsätzliche Referate, xii + 181 p.; Teil II, Aus der Sicht der sozialen Gliederung des Betriebes, xii + 3 5 1 p., 22 c m . , index, D M 28.60. (Veröffentlichungen der Walter-Raymond-Stiftung, B d . 2 and 3.)

Papers read at a series of five symposia held in the Federal Republic of Germany between March and July 1961, on the general theme of the h u m a n problems of industry. The authors—theologians and philosophers, political scientists and economists, educationists, psychologists and sociologists—consider from different points of view the development of the personality and of freedom in working life. The papers contain a wealth of information and ideas and are followed by summaries of the speeches and discussions.

M E R L E , Marcel. La vie internationale. Paris, A . Colin, 1963, 24 c m . , 304 p. , fig., maps, tabl., bibliogr., 19.50 F . (Collection U , Série société politique.)

A brief treatment of the background to international life—the State and international institutions—is followed by a study of the forces at work in the world today— the power of States, power blocs and supra-national forces. The writer considers the progress of law and international co-operation to be an essential prerequisite for the maintenance of world peace.

Mezdunarodnyj ezegodnik. Politika i ekonomika. Vypusk ig6s g. Moskva, Gosudarstven-noe Izdatel'stvo Politiceskoj Literatury, 1962, 23 c m . , 424 p . , fig., tabl. (Aka-demija N a u k S S R , Institutmirovoj Ekonomiki i Mezdunarodnyh Otnosenij.)

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(Translation of title: International Yearbook of Politics and Economics, 1962.) Articles on certain aspects of 1962 and information on certain specific problems supplement a study of individual countries, with particular emphasis on the uncommitted countries.

M E Z I R O W , Jack D . Dynamics of community development. N e w York, T h e Scarecrow Press, 1963, 22 c m . , 252 p . , bibliogr., index, $5.50.

General principles of community development in rural societies in underdeveloped countries; application of these principles to Pakistan, through the village agricultural and industrial development programme. T h e author, w h o acted as adviser to the Pakistan Government in the execution of this programme, analyses its various effects in the spheres of administration, adult education and social change, and its political implications.

MiTROFANOVA, Avgusta Vasil'evna. Rabocij klass sovetskogo sojuza v pervyj period velikoj otecestvennoj vqjny (ig4i-ig4s gg.). Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Akademii N a u k S S S R , i960, 21 c m . , 487 p . , tabl., bibliogr. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Istorii.) (Translation of title: T h e working class in the Soviet Union in the first years of the Great Patriotic W a r . )

The working class is considered in its dual role as the manpower needed for a great industrial effort and a reserve for the fighting forces.

N U T T I N , Joseph. Psychology in Belgium. Louvain, Publications Universitaires; Paris, Béatrice Nauwelaerts, 1961, 25 c m . , 80 p. , pi., portr., bibliogr., index, 10.10 F . (Institut de Psychologie à l'Université de Louvain, Studia Psychologica.)

The teaching of psychology in Belgium; the state of research in this field; educational and industrial psychology; psychology as a profession.

O ' C O N N O R , Neil; H E R M E L I N , Beate. Speech and thought in severe subnormality. A n experimental study. Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1963, 22 c m . , xii + 122 p. , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index, 25s.

A study of perception, the assimilation of knowledge and concept formation in mentally retarded children. T h e authors have m a d e use of data collected from other countries as well as their o w n experiments, and have drawn on the theories of both psycho-physiology and contemporary psychology. Their conclusions with regard to the education of mentally deficient children are basically optimistic.

O S T L E , Bernard. Statistics in research. Basic concepts and techniques for research workers. 2nd ed. A m e s (Iowa), Iowa State University Press, 1963, 24 c m . , xvi + 585 p . , fig., tabl., bibliogr., index, $10.50.

In addition to a fairly full treatment of statistical method, this handbook contains an explanation, for the benefit of research workers, of h o w the various techniques described should be applied.

P E R E L O M O V , Leonard Sergeevic. Imperija ein—pervoe centralizo-vannoe gosudarstvo v Kitae (ssi-aos gg. do n.e.). Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Vostocnoj Literatury, 1962, 21 c m . , 244 p . , bibliogr., index. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Narodov Azii.)

The Ts'in Empire, the first centralized State in China—its governmental structure, social conditions and political activities in the period before its downfall.

P É R E Z R A M I R E Z , Gustavo. El problema sacerdotal en Colombia. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Bogotá, CIS , 1962, 22 c m . , 176 p., fig. maps , folding m a p , tabl., bibliogr. (Estudios socio-religiosos latino-americanos, 16.)

A study of the problems connected with the shortage of priests in Colombia—the present situation in the seminaries, the families from which seminarists are drawn, the problem of vocations.

631


P É R O T , François. Le patêrialisme. Paris, L a Colombe, 1962, 21 c m . , 119 p . , tabl., bibliogr., 10 F (Investigations, 26.)

Paterialism 'places materialism in context and goes beyond it'; its aim is to 'seek for the true Being', beginning with G o d , the 'true first cause', T h e Father. T h e author divides his meditations into four main sections: science, philosophy, religion and society.

P E V Z N E R , Jakov Aleksandrovic. Gosudarstvenno-monopolisticeskij kapitalizm v Japonii posh vtoroj mirowj vojny. Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Akademii N a u k S S S R , 1961, 23 c m . , 424 p. , throw-out, tabl., bibliogr. (Akademija Nauk S S S R , Institut Mirovoj Ekonomiki i Mezdunarodnyh Otnosenij.) (Translation of title: State monopoly capitalism in Japan after the Second World W a r . )

The Japanese economy is studied in the light of the classical Marxist-Leninist formula. Numerous references and statistical appendixes are provided as a scientific basis for the analysis.

PiSKOTii, Mikail Ivanovic. Bjudzetnye prava mestnyh sovetov depulatov trudjascihsja. Moskva, Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo Juridiceskoj Literatury, 1961, 21 c m . , 333 p. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Gosudarstva i Prava.)

A study of the rights in budgetary matters of local Soviets of workers' deputies, from the legal and historical points of view; detailed examples give a very clear picture of the functions of local Soviets in this field.

Pravovoe polozenie kolhozov v SSSR. Moskva, Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo Juridiceskoj Literatury, 1961, 21 c m . , 380 p . (Akademii N a u k S S S R , Institut Gosudarstva i Prava.)

This study of the legal status of the kolkhoz in the U . S . S . R . provides occasion for a survey of the m a n y reforms in the structure and nature of Soviet agricultural institutions carried out since 1957.

Problemy industrializacii suverennyh slaborazvityh stran Azii. (Indija, Indonezija, Birma.) Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Akademii Nauk S S S R , i960, 20 c m . , 440 p . , tabl. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Mirovoj Ekonomiki i Mezdunarodnyh Otnosenij.)

The 'problems of industrialization in the underdeveloped sovereign States of Asia (India, Indonesia and B u r m a ) ' relate to resisting the influence of foreign capital and establishing an independent national economy.

Psychologica Bélgica. Annales de la Société Belge de Psychologie. Annalen. Vol. III, 1961. Louvain, E . Nauwelaerts, 1962, 23 c m . , 283 p. , index, 37.50 F .

A n account of the scientific and professional work of the Société Belge de Psychologie, from 1958 to i960, and a bio-bibliography of each of the members of the Society. Also includes a list of the doctoral theses and papers for the licence presented at the four Belgian universities in the fields of psychology, vocational guidance and selection of employment for individuals.

R E J S N E R , Lev Igorevic. Inostrannyj i nacional'nyj kapital v promyslennosti Indii (slat Uttar-Prades, 1947-1957). Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Vostocnoj Literatury, 1959, 21 c m . , 168 p . , tabl. (Akademija Nauk S S S R , Institut Vostokovedenija.) (Translation of title: Foreign and national capital in Indian industry.)

With numerous statistical tables and bibliographical references to supplement it, this study leads up to a defence of Indian State capitalism.

Reluctant job changer (The). Studies in work attachments and aspirations by Gladys L . Palmer, Herbert S. Parmes, Richard G . Wilcock, M a r y W . H e r m a n . Philadelphia (Pa.), University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962, 24 c m . , xx + 225 p . , tabl., index, $7.50.

632


Studies of the reasons w h y some workers wish to remain in their jobs while others want to find a different job. T h e attitudes of workers towards the question of mobility in employment are analysed in relation to their past experience and their hopes for the future.

Respublika Indonezija, 1945-1960. Redakcionnaja kollegija: A . A . Guber , A . B . Be-len'kij, O . I. Zabozlaeva. Moskva , Izdatel'stvo Vostocnoj Literatury, 1961, 21 c m . , 384 p . , tabl. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Narodov Azii.)

This collection of articles on the Republic of Indonesia between 1945 and i960 deals with the political and economic problems which the Indonesian Government has had to face in order to ensure the country's complete independence.

R Ö P K E , Wilhelm. Economics of the free society (Die Lehre von der Wirtschaft). Translated by Patrick' M . Boarman. Chicago (111.), H . Regnery, 1963, 25 c m . , xiv + 273 p . , bibliogr., index, $4.95.

Translation of a book published in Austria in the 1930s; a handbook of liberal economics.

S A R T O R I , Giovanni (ed.) // Parlamento italiano, 1946-1963. U n a ricerca diretta da Giovanni Sartori. (By) S. Somogyi, L . Lotti, A . Predieri. Napoli, Edizioni Scien-tifiche Italiane, 1963, 26 c m . , xii + 387 p . , L . 5,000. (La società moderna, 3.)

A collection of four very carefully documented studies on the Italian Parliament— statistical analysis of members of Parliament and of their various distinguishing features from 1946 to 1958; the historical development of the Parliament, its m e m bers, and more especially the Ministers, since 1861; study of legislation passed and the procedure for the drafting and passing of laws; the place of Parliament in the Italian political system as a whole; its functions and importance.

Soversenstvovanie form upravlenija promyslennost'ju v evropejskih stranah narodnoj demo-kratii. Moskva , Izdatel'stvo Ekonomiceskoj Literatury, 1961, 21 c m . , 239 p . , tabl. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Ekonomiki Mirovoj Socialisticeskoj Sistemy. (Translation of title: T h e improvement of forms of industrial management in the European Peoples' democracies.)

T h e reforms in industrial management and in the territorial division of economic administration since 1956 are examined in relation to Bulgaria, Hungary, the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, Poland and Czechoslovakia, in turn.

S P I R T , Aleksandr Julianovic. Syr'evye resursy Afriki (1913-1958). Moskva, Izdatel'stvo Vostocnoj Literatury, 1961, 20 c m . , 239 p . , bibliogr., index. (Akademija N a u k S S S R , Institut Narodov Azii.)

R a w materials, both vegetable and mineral, found in Africa: their exploitation since 1913; the foreign companies which have exploited them.

Standard of living (The). S o m e problems of analysis and of international comparison. Edited by M . M o d , L . Drechsler. Zs. Ferge, L . Lengyel. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiado, 1962, 25 c m . , 294 p . , fig., tabl. (Scientific Conference on Statistical Problems, Budapest, 1 to 5 June 1961, Branch B . )

A collection of papers read at the Scientific Conference on Statistical Problems, held at Budapest in 1961; they deal mainly with the difficulties of measuring standards of living and family budgets.

Statistiques concernant l'action sociale des caisses d'allocations familiales en i960 et 1961. Paris, 47, rue de la Chaussée-d'Antin, 1962, 25 c m . , 74 p . , fig., tabl. (Union nationale des Caisses d'Allocations Familiales.)

Receipts and expenditure for social welfare work in the financial years i960 and ig6i are given, first for all forms of social work together, and then for each activity

633


•—housing assistance, holiday payments, household help, finding employment, additional benefits, social services, and miscellaneous social welfare activities.

T O R M O , Leandre. Historia de la Iglesia en América latina. T o m e I : La evangelization de la América latina. Friburgo, Bogotá, F E R E S ; Madrid, O C S H A , 196a, 21 c m . , 213 p . , mimeographed. (Estudios socio-religiosos latino-americanos, 8.)

This is the first volume of a history of the Catholic Church in Latin America. It deals with the evangelization of the Indian peoples in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

W E I M A , J. Autoritaire persoonlijkheid en antipapisme. Hilversum-Antwerpen, Paul Brand, 1963, 25 c m . , 265 p. , tabl., fig., bibliogr. (Summary in English.)

F r o m a consideration of the anti-Catholic attitudes of certain people interviewed, the author tests the hypothesis that poor integration of religious values is characteristic of the authoritarian personality; he believes that hostility to the Catholic Church and its rites can be explained by the authoritarian syndrome.

W I N T E R S , Peter Jochen. Die 'Politik? des Johannes Althusius und ihre zeitgenössischen Quellen. Zur Grundlegung der politischen Wissenschaft im 16. und i m beginnenden 17. Jahrhundert. Freiburg-im-Breisgau, R o m b a c h , 1963, 22 c m . , 292 p . , bibliogr. (Freiburger Studien zur Politik und Soziologie.)

A systematic study of the ideas of a great political theorist of the early modern period, based on careful analysis of their sources.

BOOKS RECEIVED

A N D R I E U - F I L L I O L , C L ; L A C O S T E , R . ; D U C O S - A D E R , R . Code annoté de la Sécurité sociale. Sirey 1963.

C A T H E R I N E D E JÉSUS, M è r e . Au chevet de la souffrance. L a Colombe, 1962. D A V I S , Kingsley; L A N G L O I S , Eleanor. Future demographic growth of the San Francisco

Bay area. University of California, 1963. Documents de la vie italienne. R o m e , 1963. E L O L A , Javier. Repertorio Anual de Legislación Nacional y Extranjera. Imprenta Uni

versitaria, Mexico, 1961. F A U C H E R , Maurice. Les réformes de la Ve République (chez l'auteur). G R E E N F I E L D , Margaret. Social dependency in the San Francisco Bay area: today and to

morrow. University of California, 1963. H V T D T F E L D T , Arild. Non-European cultures and the humanities. Munsksgaard, 1963. Israel program for scientific translation. General catalogue. 1963. K E N T , T . J., Jr. City and regional planning for the metropolitan San Francisco Bay area.

University of California, 1963. K E S T E L O O T , Lilyan. Les écrivains noirs de langue française: naissance d'une littérature.

Université libre de Bruxelles, 1963. K R I S T J A N S O N , Leo F . Population trends in the Incorporated Centres of Saskatchewan igs6-

ig6i. Centre for Communi ty Studies, Saskatoon. L I T T L E , Lawrence. A bibliography of doctoral dissertations on adults and adult education.

University of Pittsburgh Press, 1963. M o N O D , H . ; R O H R , D . ; W I S N E R , A . La conception ergonomique des bâtiments industriels.

Conservatoire national des Arts et Métiers, 1963. Monteith College research handbook. W a y n e State University, 1963.

634


Oceana library on the United Nations. Dobbs Ferry, 1962. N o 1: World peace and the United Nations. Building peace in the minds of men; N o . 2 : Food for life—-food for thought. R I C H A R D , J. J. Le facteur racial dans la pathologie. Gauthiers-Villars, 1963. R O B E R T S O N , Sir Dennis. A memorandum submitted to the Canadian Royal Commission

on Banking and Finance. Princeton University, 1963. R U N E S , Dagobert. Despotism. Philosophical Library, 1963. W A G N E R , Jean. Les poètes nègres des États-Unis. Istra, 1962.

DOCUMENTS AND PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNITED NATIONS

AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES1

I. UNITED NATIONS

G E N E R A L ASSEMBLY

The succession of States in relation to membership in the United Nations. 3 December 1962, 11 p. (A/CN.4/149)

[Ej. Pr. Org.]2 This m e m o r a n d u n , prepared by the Secretariat, recalls such precedents in this connexion as the admission of Pakistan in 1947, the establishment of the United Arab Republic in 1958, and the withdrawal of Syria from this Republic in 1961. Procedures adopted on these occasions.

Succession of States in relation to general multilateral treaties of which the Secretary-General is the depositary. 10 December 1962, 69 p . , including annexes. (A/cN.4/150)

[Ej. Pr. Org. Bl.] T h e purpose of this m e m o r a n d u m is to give a comprehensive account of the practice, both of States and of the Secretary-General, in regard to the succession of States. Practice in respect of treaties concluded under the auspices of the League of Nations. Practice in respect of treaties concluded under the auspices of the United Nations. S u m m a r y of cases recorded, State by State. A compilation of provisions applicable to the succession in relation to treaties is contained in an annex.

Digest of the decisions of international tribunals relating to State succession. 3 December 1962, 51 p. (A/cN.4/151)

[Ej. Pr. Org . Bl.] Digest of the relevant decisions of the International Court of Justice, the Permanent Court of International Justice, the Permanent Court of Arbitration and other international tribunals whose awards are contained in the Reports of International Arbitral Awards (Vols. I to X ) . T h e decisions are classified by subject matter: succession in relation to treaties, private rights and concessions, responsibility for delicts and breach of contract; public property and debts; succession in relation to the legal system of preceding State; succession in relation to nationality.

1. A s a general rule no mention is m a d e of publications and documents which are issued more or less automatically—regular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. Free translations have been given of the titles of some publications and documents which w e were unable to obtain in time in English. T h e titles thus translated are indicated by an asterisk (*) in the margin.

2. For explanation of abbreviations, see page 651.

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Report by Mr. Roberto Ago, chairman of the Sub-committee on State Responsibility. 16 January 1963, n o p . , including annexes. (A/cN.4/152)

[Ej. Pr. Sc ] General aspects of the international responsibility of States: determination of the concept of international responsibility, origin and forms of this responsibility. S u m m a r y records of the sub-committee's discussions and the text of the various documents submitted to it are contained in annexes.

United Nations Conference on Consular relations. Bibliography on consular relations prepared by the Secretariat. 9 January 1963, 10 p. ( A / C O N F . S S / L . I )

[Bl. Ej. Pr.] List of the most important treaties, annotated directories, handbooks, monographs and articles from journals, published to date, in the fields covered by the conference.

E C O N O M I C A N D SOCIAL COUNCIL

ACTIVITIES OF THE ECONOMIC A N D SOCIAL COUNCIL

Work cf the Council in ig6j. 13 December 1962, 15 p., including annex (E/3702) [Ej. Pr. Org.] This report by the Secretary-General of the United Nations outlines the general framework within which the Council will be able to consider the priority to be accorded to United Nations programmes and projects in the economic, social and h u m a n rights fields in the light of the objectives of the United Nations Development Decade. The annex gives a functional classification of United Nations projects and activities in the economic, social and h u m a n rights fields: planning of economic and social development, economic growth, social progress and mobilization of h u m a n resources, financing of development, institutional and administrative development, human rights, documentation.

PUBLICATIONS

Publications programme of the Bureau of Social Affairs. 21 December 1962, 4 p . ( E / C N . 9/180)

[Ej. Pr.] This note by the Secretary-General, taking into account the need for reducing the number of publications, proposes the establishment of an International Social Development Review, to replace the Population Bulletin, the International Social Service Review, and the publication Housing, Building and Planning.

SOCIAL AFFAIRS

Report of the Social Commission (14th session, 30 April to 11 May 1962). 1962, 25 p . , $0-35 (E/3636/REV.1)

[Ej. Pr. Org.] This session was concerned with the planning of economic and social development, housing and urban development, community development, the organization and administration of social services, and the strengthening of United Nations action in the social field. Resolutions adopted on these various points.

H U M A N RIGHTS, FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION, DISCRIMINATION, FREEDOM OF INFORMATION

Report of the Commission on Human Rights (18th session, ig March to 14 April ig6s). 1962,46 p . , $0.75 (E/3616/REV.1)

[Ej. Pr. Org.] M a i n subjects dealt with at this session: advisory services in the field of h u m a n rights; right of everyone to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention and exile; campaign against discrimination, particularly in matters of religion; prejudice and discrimination; freedom of information.

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Study of the right of everyone to be free from arbitrary arrest, detention and exile, and draft principles on freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention. 2 January 1963, 79 p . ( E / C N .

4/835) [Ej. Pr. D p . ] C o m m e n t s on the draft principles by Argentina, Austria, Cambodia , Canada , Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, France, Hungary , Iran, Iraq, L u x e m b o u r g , Mauritania, San Mar ino , Spain, Tanganyika, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, United Arab Republic, United K i n g d o m . A d d e n d a 1 to 3 give the comments of D e n m a r k , Finland, India, Japan, Mexico, Morocco, Poland, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United States of America.

Study of the right of arrested persons to communicate with those whom it is necessary for them to consult in order to ensure their defence or to protect their essential interests. 27 December ig62, 9 p . , including annex (E/cN.4/836)

[Ej. Pr.] This preliminary report gives an account of the committee's discussions concerning the plan of such a study, which should take the following points into consideration: content and scope of the right to communicate, the right of the arrested person to inform his family and counsel of his arrest and place of detention, right to receive visits, right to send and receive communications, recourse and penalties.

Draft principles on freedom and non-discrimination in the matter of political rights. 12 D e c e m ber 1962, 20 p . (E/cN.4/837, plus 5 addenda)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] C o m m e n t s o n this subject by the following governments: Austria, Belgium, C a m b o d i a , C a m e r o o n , Canada , Central African Republic, Ceylon, C h a d , Chile, China, Cyprus, France, G a b o n , Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Federation of Malaya , Mauritania, Mexico , Morocco, Nepal , Netherlands, N o r w a y , Pakistan, Poland, San Marino, Sierra Leone, Tanganyika, Turkey, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Un ion of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Arab Republic, United K i n g d o m , United States of America, Venezuela. T h e a d d e n d u m E / C N . 4 / 8 3 7 / A d d . 1 runs to 19 pages.

Allegations regarding infringements of trade union rights. January 1963, 1 5 p . , including annexes. (E/3701)

[Ej. Pr.] Communicat ion from the Director-General of the International Labour Office concerning the complaint by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions against the Government of the Soviet Union concerning the detention of the trade unionist Heinz Brandt w h o was kidnapped on 16 June 1961 and sentenced to 13 years' hard labour for reasons which the I C H T U considers unjustified.

Sub-commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. Recent activities of Unesco in the field of combating discrimination in education and of race relations. 7 January 1963, 15 p . , including annexes. ( E / C N . 4 / S U B . 2 / 2 2 8 )

[Ej. Pr.] M e m o r a n d u m by Unesco describing that Organization's recent activities concerning the campaign against discrimination in education and to improve race relations. A draft protocol instituting a Conciliation and G o o d Offices C o m mission to be responsible for seeking the settlement of any disputes which m a y arise between States Parties to the Convention against Discrimination in Education is contained in an annex.

Anual report on freedom of information, ig6i-ig6s. 27 D e c e m b e r 1962, 132 p . , including annexes. (E/cN.4/838)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] This report is divided into two parts. T h e first contains information supplied by governments and other official documents on n e w developments in the various countries. T h e second deals with the application of international agreements.

637


CHILDHOOD

Report of the Executive Board of the United Nations Children's Fund (Unicef). 4 to is June 1962. 35th session. 1963, 61 p . , $0.75. (E/3655/REV.1)

[Ej. Pr. Org.] Assistance to children as part of national development. Policy to be adopted. T h e Board's decisions on this point. Report on the implementation of the regular programme.

STATUS OF WOMEN

Implementation of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women by the States parties thereto. 9 January 1963, 27 p . ( E / C N . 6 /360/ADD.2) [Dp. Ej. Pr.] Supplementary report. Replies by the following countries: Czechoslovakia, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Finland, Hungary, India, Israel, Japan, Republic of Korea, Pakistan, Poland, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.

Political rights of women. 29 January 1963, 21 p . (E/cN.6/405) [Ej. Pr.] Draft pamphlet entitled 'Civic and Political Education of W o m e n ' . Political rights for w o m e n . Civic responsibilities. T h e exercise of political rights. T h e citizen in everyday life. Obstacles hindering the participation of w o m e n in public life. W a y s of overcoming these obstacles. W o m e n and the United Nations.

Political rights of women. February 1963, 16 p . and 11 p. ( E / C N . 6/405/ADD.1 and E / C N . 6/405/ADD.2)

[Ej. Pr. Bl.] Annexes to the draft pamphlet mentioned above. Instances of methods used for the civic and political education of w o m e n (television, discussion groups, etc.). T h e second annex contains a select list of works published by the United Nations, Unesco and Unicef on the civic and political education of w o m e n or on related subjects.

Information concerning the status of women in non-self-governing territories. 9 January 1963, 29 p . (E/cN.6/406)

[Dp. Ej. Pr.] Recent changes in the status of w o m e n in the economic and social sphere, in private law and in regard to education, in the territories administered by Australia, N e w Zealand and the United K i n g d o m .

Access of women to education. 5 February 1963, 37 p. (E/cN.6/407). [Ej. Pr. B L ] Report by Unesco on its activities in this connexion.

Access of girls and women to education in rural areas. 15 January 1963, 123 p . , including annexes (E/cN.6/408)

[Dp. Ej. Pr. St.] General review of the situation in regard to school and out-of-school education in rural areas, considered from the quantitative and qualitative standpoints. Special status of w o m e n in these areas. Female enrolment at the various levels of education. T h e general report and recommendations of the working group of non-governmental organizations on equality of access of w o m e n to education are given in annexes.

International Labour Organisation activities of special interest from the standpoint of women's employment and conditions of work. 9 January 1963, 35 p . , including annexes, ( E / C N . 6/409)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] Status, at 1 December 1962, of ratifications of I L O conventions of special interest to working w o m e n . Brief survey of work of interest to w o m e n carried out for the International Labour Conference, regional conferences, industrial committees and meetings of experts. T h e annexes contain the findings of the African advisory commission of the I L O concerning the conditions of work and employment of w o m e n in Africa, and a s u m m a r y of I L O reports and articles of special interest to working w o m e n .

638


Age of retirement and right to pension. 30 January 1963, 29 p . (E/cN.6/410) [Ej. Pr. D p . ] This supplementary report by the International Labour Office describes n e w developments in various countries concerning old age pension systems, with special reference to the pension rights of older w o m e n .

Access of women to training and employment in the principal professional and technical fields. 1 February 1963, 30 p . ( E / C N . 6/411)

[Dp. Ej. Pr.] This report is based on the replies from the governments of some thirty countries and from a number of non-governmental organizations. Present situation. Methods designed to assist the access of w o m e n to the liberal and technical professions.

Dissolution of marriage, annulment of marriage and judicial separation. 7 January 1963, 105 p . (E/0N.6/415)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] Report based on the information supplied by some fifty governments. Present practice. Grounds and procedure for obtaining a divorce. Legal effects of divorce. Annulment of marriage and judicial separation. Remarriage after divorce or annulment.

Employment and conditions of work of women in agriculture. 4 February 1963, 72 p . including annexes (E/cN.6/422)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] Report by the International Labour Office. Types of employment for w o m e n in agriculture. Education and vocational training for w o m e n in rural areas. Living and working conditions of w o m e n in agriculture. Legislation regulating the conditions of work of w o m e n in agriculture.

G E O G R A P H Y

International co-operation on the standardization of geographical names. 20 February 1963, 4 p . (E/3718 and several addenda)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] This report by the Secretary-General gives information on the progress achieved in the standardization of geographical names and particulars of the technical procedures used. T h e addenda contain the main points in the replies of thirty-two countries concerning their attitude in this matter.

POPULATION AND CENSUSES

The world demographic situation with special reference to fertility. 19 December 1962, 23 p . (E/cN.9/167)

[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] Report on the world survey of fertility. Its scope. Factors influencing the level of fertility and recent trends in this respect, etc. Growth of the population between 1950 and i960. Aspects of the world demographic situation to be considered in future.

Current status of demographic studies relevant to economic and social development. 5 December 1962, 16 p. (E/CN.9/169)

[Ej. Pr.] Importance of demographic studies in connexion with economic and social development. Recent studies: demographic projections, demographic aspect of the development of the labour force and of education, work on urbanization and internal migration.

Draft standards for national programmes of population projections as aids to development planning. 27 December 1962, 33 p . (E/cN.9/170)

[Ej. Pr.] This document first describes the role of projections in economic and social planning and then goes on to discuss the most useful types of demographic projections for such planning. Standards to be applied for various types of demographic pro-

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jections (total number of inhabitants, population composition by sex and age, active population, school age population, etc.).

Progress of other demographic studies. 6 December 1962, 12 p . , including annex. (E/CN.9/171)

[Ej. Pr.] W o r k recently carried out in regard to be following: pilot demographic studies, handbooks on methods of demographic analysis and estimation, causes and consequences of population growth. P rog ramme of research for 1963-64.

Regional demographic activities. 21 December 1962, 29 p . (E/cN.9/172) [Ej. Pr. D p . ] Demographic activities of the regional economic commissions in the period 1961-62, in three areas (Africa, Asia and the Far East, Latin America) . S u m m a r y of plans for 1963-64.

Basic considerations in national programmes of analysis of population census data as an aid to planning and policy making. 26 November 1962, 70 p . , including annexes, ( E / C N . 9 /

173) [Ej. Pr.] Problems involved in the use of census data as an aid to economic, educational and social planning.

The world population census programme: evaluation and analysis of results. 11 December 1962,9 p . (E/CN.9/174)

[Ej. Pr.] W o r k carried out in 1961-62 for the establishment of a set of general principles applicable to national programmes of evaluation, analysis and utilization of census data. Publication of technical handbooks. Technical aid for the implementation of programmes of this type in the developing countries.

Activities in the field of demographic statistics, 1961-1962. 17 January 1963, 46 p . , including annexes. (E/cN.9/179)

[Ej. Pr.] These activities were concerned with four main matters: p rogramme for the utilization of the i960 world population census; sample surveys of population; improved recording of data and vital statistics; statistical training programmes. Progress of work. Prospects.

DEMOGRAPHIC PROBLEMS AND PLANNING IN AFRICA

Provisional agenda ( Seminar on population problems in Africa, Cairo, s g October to 10 November ig6s). 25 September 1962, 2 p . ( E / C N . I 4 / A S P P / L . I (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.1))

[Ej. Pr.] This seminar considered the main population problems in Africa and their relationship with economic and social growth. S o m e of the working papers prepared for this seminar are reviewed hereunder.

* Fertility, mortality, international migration and population growth in Africa. October 1962, 54 p . ( E / C N . I4/ASPP/L.2 (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.2))

[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Available data. Trends and prospects. Fertility and mortality policy in Africa. Extent of international migration in Africa. Population growth in Africa. Consequences.

Population distribution, internal migration and urbanization in Africa. 16 October 1962, 56 p . (E/CN.14/ASPP/L.3 (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.3))

[Dp. Ej. Pr. St.] General data concerning these problems. Continent-wide, d e m o graphic projections for towns and rural areas.

Labour force analyses and projections needed for planning. 3 October 1962, 3g p . (E/cN.14/ ASPP/L.4 (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.4))

[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] A g e and sex structure of the active population, economic and social

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classification of this population. Growth of the labour force, of employment and of productivity. Labour force projections (over-all figures and figures for each sector).

Population projections for planning purposes. 19 October 1962, 58 p . (E/CN.14/ASPP/L.5 (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.5))

[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ] Nature of useful forecasts in this field. Demographic projections. Analysis of the probable line of development of future gains. Standard of living which m a y be achieved in the future. Effects on the probable evolution of various individual and collective needs.

Methods of analytical assessment of quality of demographic statistics. 19 July 1962, 35 p . ( E / C N . I 4 / A S P P / L . I I ( E / C N . 9 / C O N F . 3 / L . I I ) )

[Ej. Pr.] Methods of checking the concordance of current demographic statistics, general population censuses, and vital statistics. Measures that should be taken w h e n the next censuses are being prepared.

Statistics needed for educational planning. 12 October 1962, 45 p . ( E / C N . I 4 / A S P P / L . 15 (E/CN.9/CONF.3/L.15))

[Ej. Pr.] Study by the Statistical Division, Department of Social Sciences, Unesco. Types of statistical data required for educational planning: data with a direct bearing on education (institutions, teachers, classes, pupils, etc.), and more general data (demographic, economic, financial, etc.).

WORLD ECONOMY

World economic trends. 29 June 1962, 10 p . (E/3661) [Ej. Pr. Org.] Progress report on work relating to projections of world economic trends. T h e annex gives the terms of reference of the Economic Projections and Programming Centre.

World economic trends. 5 July 1962, 10 p . (E/3668) [Ej. Pr.] Recommendations of a Group of Experts concerning a work programme on long-term economic projections.

DISARMAMENT AND ECONOMICS

Economic and social consequences of disarmament. 1962, 304 p . , $3. (E/3593/REV.1/ A D D 1-5)

[Dp. Ej. Pr.] Second part of a general study containing the report of a consultative group and the replies of twenty governments—including those of the principal great powers—to a questionnaire. In addition, communications from several Specialized Agencies.

ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION

Draft report of the ad hoc working group to the Economic and Social Council on its session held at Headquarters from y to so February 1963. 18 February 1963, 30 p . , including annexes. (E/AC.50/L.9)

[Ej. Pr.] T h e Working Group, which met in N e w York from 7 to 20 February 1963, consisted of representatives of Australia, Brazil, Colombia, Ethiopia, France, India, Italy, Poland, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom, United States of America and Yugoslavia. Consideration of the revised draft declaration on international economic co-operation.

Revised compendium of extracts from resolutions of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council involving principles of international economic co-operation. 18 January 1963, 121 p . , including annex. (E/3714)

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[Ej. Pr. O r g . D p . ] Views of the representatives of various countries regarding the general principles of international economic co-operation and their relationship to the provisions of the United Nations Charter. Extracts from resolutions of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council involving principles of international economic co-operation. These resolutions lay stress on economic stability, full employment and acceleration of economic growth. T h e annex contains the main provisions of the economic charter of the Americas, the economic convention of Bogota, the final communiqué of the Afro-Asian conference in Bandung and the economic declaration of Buenos Aires.

FINANCIAL CO-OPERATION

Report of the International Finance Corporation. 1962, 31 p . (E/3711) [Ej. Pr.] Sixth annual report, covering the period 1 July 1961 to 30 June 1962 and providing a general survey of the Corporation's activities (new investments, studies). Table of investments by countries.

TECHNICAL CO-OPERATION

Programmes of technical co-operation. December 1962, 34 p . and 48 p . ( E / T A C / L . 2 9 4 and E/3704)

[Ej. Pr.] Report by the Secretary-General on the technical assistance activities of the United Nations. Recommendation of the Technical Assistance Board.

BASIC COMMODITIES

Compensatory financial methods to offset fluctuations in the export income of primary producing countries. 16 January 1963, 143 p . , including annexes, ( E / C N . 13/56)

[Ej. Pr. St. D p . ) Report of the Technical Working Group on Compensatory Financing for Export Shortfalls. Short and long-term measures. Draft agreement concerning the establishment of a United Nations Insurance Fund for Development. Repercussions of exchange terms on real export income between 1949 and i960.

DEVELOPMENT

Report of the Committee for Industrial Development (second session, 5 to 28 March ig6s). 1962, 41 p. , $0.50. (E/3600/REV. 1)

[Org. Ej. Pr.] Progress of the United Nations programme of work in the field of industrialization. Trends and problems as regards industrialization in the developing countries over the past ten years.

Report of the International Development Association. 1963, 32 p . (E/3710) [Ej. Pr.] Annual report for 1961-62. General survey of the Association's activities, followed by a s u m m a r y statement, by country, of the funds granted.

BUILDING, HOUSING

Report of the Committee on Housing, Building and Planning on its first session (si January to 1 February ig6j). 8 February 1963, 102 p . , including annexes. (E/3719)

[Ej. Pr. Org.] This committee is concerned with the United Nations activities designed to speed u p the solution of building and housing problems (research, exchange of technical data, training of specialists, technical assistance, financing of practical programmes). Report on the committee's first session, for which several working papers were prepared, including those mentioned hereunder.

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Housing, building and planning in the United Nations Development Decade. 17 December 1962, 13 p. ( E / C . 6 / 2 )

[Ej. Pr.] Objectives of the United Nations programmes in regard to housing, building and planning. Extent to which these programmes m a y contribute towards the achievement of the aims of the Development Decade.

The promotion of research and of the exchange and dissemination of experience and information on housing, building and planning. 22 December 1962, 24 p. , including annexes. (E/c.6/4)

[Ej. Pr] Needs of the countries concerned. Action that might be taken by the United Nations and the organizations linked with it.

Planning and implementation of pilot projects in housing, building and planning. 20 December 1962, 40 p. , including annexes. (E/c.6/5)

[Ej. Pr.] T h e nature of the pilot projects. Method of planning. Particulars of certain pilot projects n o w at the planning stage or in course of implementation. Problems that would be entailed by the implementation of an extensive programme of pilot projects.

Material and financial assistance towards home construction and community improvements within over-all development planning. 11 December 1962, 20 p. ( E / C . 6 / 6 )

[Ej. Pr.] General analysis of the proposals received with regard to financial assistance and other forms of material aid. Bodies from which funds m a y be obtained.

Training and educational facilities in housing, building and planning. 7 December 1962, 11 p. (E/C.6/7)

[Ej. Pr.] A brief survey of the situation in various countries, according to their degree of industrialization. Types of personnel required. Training problems. Recommendations.

REGIONAL COMMISSIONS A N D T R A D E

Economic Commission for Africa. The work of other regional commissions in the field of trade. 10 August 1962, 33 p . ( E / C N . 14/STC/3)

[Ej. Pr. Org.] Methods and activities of the Economic Commissions for Latin America, Asia and the Far East, and Europe, in the field of trade.

AFRICAN TRADE

African trade statistics. November 1962, 65 p . , photo-offset. (Statistical bulletins, series A . Direction of Trade, n o . 2.) ( E / C N . I 4 / S T A T / S E R . A / 2 )

[St. D p . Ej. Pr.] Import and export trade of the African countries with the entire world, particularly the European Economic C o m m u n i t y , the European Free Trade Association and Eastern Europe.

Economic Commission for Africa. Trade intelligence. 29 August 1962, 6 p. , including annex. ( E / C N . I 4 / S T C / I O )

[Ej. Pr.] Note accompanying a questionnaire sent by the Economic Commission for Africa to the governments of countries in Africa, for the purpose of establishing a trade intelligence centre.

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SECRETARIAT

REFUGEES

United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East ( U N R W A ) . Various documents.

[Ej. Pr. St. Org. Bl.] Several information papers dealing with the history and present activities of this Agency were issued in Beirut in September 1962. A brief history of U N R W A , ig$o-ig62. 25 p. The UNRWA education and training programme, ig¡o-ig6s. 23 p. The UNRWA health programme, ig$o-ig62. 24 p. Summary data on assistance to Palestine refugees, December ig48 to 31 December ig6z. 13 p. UNRWA experience with works projects and self-support programmes, igjo-igôs. 17 p.

HANDICAPPED PERSONS

Rehabilitation of the mentally retarded in Israel. M a y 1962, 94 p. (TAo/iSR/36) [Ej. Pr. BL] Programmes n o w being applied in Israel. Possibilities of improvement. Reading list.

CRIMINOLOGY

Capital punishment. 1962, 76 p . , $0.50. ( S T / S O A / S D / 9 ) [Ej. Pr. D p . Sc. St.] This report, by M r . M a r c Ancel, Counsellor at the Supreme Court of Appeal, Paris, is based on the replies furnished by governments, some experts and various organizations. T h e first chapter deals with legal problems. Place of capital punishment in the treatment of offenders, in those countries where it is applied. As regards those in which it is not applied, consideration is given to the reasons for its abolition and to the other penalties that have superseded it. T h e second chapter describes the problems involved in the practical application of capital punishment, according to the legal system. T h e third chapter deals with the sociological and criminological problems connected with the death penalty. Effects on public opinion. T h e annex contains statistics on the crimes involving capital punishment, in sixty-five countries.

INFORMATION

ig6s Seminar on freedom of information. 1963, 185 p., including annex, photo-offset. ( S T / T A O / H R / 1 3 )

[Ej. Pr.] T h e seminar, held in N e w Delhi from 20 February to 5 M a r c h 1962, dealt with the role of governments in the provision of information, press legislation, and the status of publishers and professional journalists. Proceedings of the seminar.

T O W N PLANNING A N D HOUSING

The physical planning of industrial estates. 1962, 54 p. , $0.75. (sT/soA/45) [Ej. Pr.] Problem of harmonizing the building of industrial estates with general programmes for land development. Development plans. T h e delimitation of various estates. Their equipment (water, electricity, transport, etc.).

Report of the ad hoc group of experts on housing and urban development. 1962, 76 p., including annexes, $1. (sT/sOA/50)

[Ej. Pr.] Recommendations concerning the integration of housing and urban development programmes with general national development. Relationship between housing programmes, urban development and regional growth. T h e expansion of building industries. Increase in their productivity. T h e preparation of housing

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and urban development programmes. The mobilization of national resources for the extension of urban development and housing programmes, and the increase of international resources. Main economic and social problems involved in housing and in urban and regional development.

European seminar on urban development policy and planning. 1962, 193 p. (ST/ECE/Hou/g; soA/ESWP/1962/1)

[Ej. Pr. Dp.] The seminar was held in Warsaw from 19 to 29 September 1962. Report of its proceedings. Economic bases of urban development in Western Europe and in the Eastern countries. Problems involved in physical planning. Community organization. Social policy underlying urban development. Administrative and governmental framework.

WATER

Proceedings of the fourth Regional Technical Conference on Water Resources Development in Asia and the Far East. 1962, 160 p., $2. (ST/ECAFE/SER.F/I9)

[Pr. Org.] This conference was held in Colombo, from 5 to 13 December i960, and dealt with the following subjects: organization of river power planning, construction and operating schemes, development of ground-water resources, problem of flooding in deltas. Proceedings and conclusions. Extracts from working papers.

DECENTRALIZATION

Decentralization for national and local development. November 1962, 246 p., photo-offset, $3. ( S T / T A O / M / 1 9 )

[Ej. Pr.] Administrative aspects of the decentralization of national development projects in countries in the early stages of economic and social growth. Distribution of powers. Participation of the people. Problem of leadership. Financial questions.

STATISTICS

Statistical notes. 27 November 1962, 64 p., photo-offset. (Series B , no. 26.) (ST/STAT/SER.B/26)

[Ej. Pr. Org. Bl.] This volume reports on the twelfth session of the Statistical C o m mission (New York, 24 April to 10 M a y 1962); it also provides information on national statistical activities (appointments, publications) and on the work of the regional economic commissions and of the Specialized Agencies. List of publications of the Statistical Office.

II. SPECIALIZED AGENCIES

INTERNATIONAL L A B O U R ORGANISATION (ILO)

UNDEREMPLOYMENT

Unemployed youth: an African symposium. 23 p. (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 3, March 1963.

[Ej. Pr.] Unemployment of a certain proportion of young people, particularly in urban centres, is the cause of serious difficulties for a number of African countries. The governments of these countries have tried to devise ways of training unemployed young people and giving them an occupation. However, some observers have

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expressed alarm at the compulsory character of certain of these methods (civic services). T h e participants in the symposium expressed themselves firmly in favour of methods based on persuasion rather than constraint.

A survey of employment, unemployment and underemployment in Ceylon. 11 p. (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 3, M a r c h 1963)

[Ej. Pr.] S u m m a r y of a report containing information on the methods used for the survey and on the nature of the data collected.

SOCIAL RESEARCH

Social research on labour in Denmark, by R . Lund and Paul Milhoj. 14 p . (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 3, M a r c h 1963)

[Ej. Pr.] Progress achieved in research on the various labour questions in Denmark since the end of the second world war. Public and private bodies concerned with research. Fields in which these bodies work.

NON-MANUAL WORKERS

Hygiene in shops and offices. February 1963, 243 p . , $8.50. [Ej. Pr. D p . ] Published for the International Labour Conference (47th session, 1963). Replies from the governments of seventy-seven countries to a questionnaire sent out by the I L O . Conclusions proposed in the light of these replies.

WOMEN WORKERS

The role of women in business and industry in the Philippines, by D . S. Sison. 15 p. (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 2 , February 1963)

[Ej. Pr.] T h e author of this article compares the level of education and vocational training of m e n and w o m e n workers in the Philippines and refers to the progress achieved over the past ten years. H e then analyses the composition of the female labour force, the remuneration of w o m e n workers and their working hours according to branches of activity.

FOREIGN WORKERS

Foreign workers in Switzerland. 23 p. (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 2, February 1963)

[Ej. Pr. St.] Statistics on the number of foreign workers in Switzerland. Their importance from the point of view of employment and of the country's economy. Underlying principles and trends of the policy of the Swiss authorities with regard to foreign workers.

CAPITALISM FOR THE PEOPLE

Incentives for personal saving and investment in the Federal Republic of Germany, by G . Halbach. 27 p. (Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 87, no. 2, February 1963)

[Ej. D p . St.] For the past three years or so, a series of measures have been taken in the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y with the object of deconcentrating ownership and distributing the increase in the national capital a m o n g the greatest possible number of people. T h e author defines the legislative basis of each measure; he then goes on to explain its mechanism and indicate the financial and budgetary repercussions. H e also discusses the views of the political parties on this subject.

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FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS (FAO)

PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE FOOD RESOURCES

Possibilities of increasing world food production. World campaign against hunger. 1963, 231 p. , Sa.50. (Basic study, no. 10)

[Ej. P T . D p . St.] Will the whole world's resources derivable from the soil and water suffice to ensure for tomorrow's population (the size of which can already be forecast) an adequate standard of nutrition? F A O ' s reply is based on the results achieved during fifteen years of research. Assessment of future food requirements. Possibility of cultivating n e w land and increasing yields. Contribution of fisheries. Development of forest resources.

The third world food survey. World campaign against hunger. 1963, 102 p. , $1.50. (Basic study, no. 11 )

[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] This survey compares present trends with those of the recent past and the pre-war period. T o be more precise, it covers the following three periods: 1934-38, 1948-52, 1957-59. Forecasts are also given. T h e study is based on a record of available food resources for over eighty countries accounting for 95 per cent of the world's population. World food situation: consumption levels, structure and trends; hunger and malnutrition, nutritional targets, magnitude of food requirements.

FAO commodity review 1963. 1963, 177 p., $2. [Ej. Pr. D p . St.] T h e first part of this third annual report sums u p the movement of international markets in 1962 and the prospects for 1963. It also contains sections relating to intergovernmental consultations and agreements and to recent developments in the E E C . T h e second part gives a more detailed analysis of the present situation and future prospects of the main agricultural and food products, including fishery and forestry products.

MALNUTRITION

Malnutrition and disease. World campaign against hunger. 1963, 47 p. , $0.60. (Basic study, no. 12)

[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] This study briefly describes the history of hunger and malnutrition and their consequences. K n o w n facts. Diseases due to malnutrition.

RICE, COCOA, PAPER

Report of the seventh session of the Consultative Sub-committee on Rice ( Tokyo, February 1963). 1963, 33 p.

[Ej. Pr. D p . St. Bl.] Recommendations. Present situation of the rice economy and prospects for 1963. Long-term trends. Survey of national and regional rice policies.

*Report of the sixth session of the FAO Study Group on Cocoa (March 1963. Port of Spain).

1963, 3 6 P-[Ej. Pr.] Revised draft international agreement on cocoa. Future activities of the group.

Pulp and paper prospects in Europe. 1963, 554 p. , including annex. [Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Past trends and future prospects as regards production, and supply and demand, in the Western European countries. T h e annex contains 100 statistical tables concerning the use and consumption of pulp in this part of the world.

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W O R L D HEALTH ORGANIZATION (WHO)

ACTIVITIES OF W H O

The work of WHO. 1963, 185 p., {2. [Dp. Ej. Pr. Org. St.] Annual report of the Director-General. Activities of W H O in 1962.

STATISTICS

Epidemiological and vital statistics report. 1963. Vol . 16, no. 1, 94 p . , $2.25; no . 2, m p., $2.75; no. 3, 71 p., $2.

[Ej. Pr. D p . St.] Numbers in a permanent collection of statistics on population movement and on the incidence of the various diseases and causes of death throughout the world. Notable items: in N o . 1, a study of the two principal causes of death during the years 1954-60; in N o . 2, a recapitulation of the statistics of deaths caused by cardio-vascular diseases, also during 1954-60; in N o . 3, tables on accidents (other than road accidents) in i960.

NUTRITION

Expert Committee on Medical Assessment of Nutritional Status. 1963, 66 p . , $1. (Technical report series, no. 258)

[Ej. Pr.] This report is intended as a guide for doctors engaged on the assessment of the nutritional status of populations. It not only discusses the clinical and biochemical aspects of nutritional analysis, but also explains h o w ordinary statistics m a y be used to establish the nutritional level of a h u m a n community.

The public health aspects of the use of antibiotics in food and feedstuff's. 1963, 30 p . , $0.30. (Technical report series, no. 260)

[Ej. Pr.] Discussion of the current practice of adding antibiotics to food and feed-stuffs. Potential risks (toxicity, hypersensitivity and development of strains of resistant bacteria). Recommendations on therapeutics, food preservation and suggested research.

RADIATION

Public health responsibilities in radiation protection. 1963, 23 p . , $0.30. (Technical report series, no . 254)

[Ej. Pr.] This fourth report of the Expert Advisory Committee on Radiation shows the pressing need for effective protection against radiation and makes some relevant recommendations.

CHILDHOOD

The care of well children in day-care centres and institutions. 1963, 37 p . , $0.60. (Technical report series, no. 256)

[Ej. Pr.] Indispensability of doing everything possible to meet the needs of growing children w h o , for various reasons, cannot be brought u p within their families. N e w methods, ensuring individual care of such children. Selection and training of personnel.

MEDICAL TRAINING

Training of psychiatrists. Geneva., 1963,39 p . , $0.60. (Technical report series, no. 252). [Ej. Pr. St.] This twelfth report of the Expert Advisory Panel on Mental Health

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deals with the following subjects: shortage of psychiatrists; present numbers; available training facilities; possible developments.

Training of the physician for family practice. 1963, 39 p. , $0.60. (Technical report series, no. 257)

[Ej. Pr.] This eleventh report of the Expert Advisory Panel on Professional and Technical Education of Medical and Auxiliary Personnel point out certain risks inherent in the widespread tendency towards specialization at the expense of the training of general practitioners. Definition of the terms denoting the different types of doctor. A i m and range of family practice. Theoretical and practical k n o w ledge required by the general practitioner. Relations between the general practitioner and hospital institutions. Stages in the general practitioner's training.

T O W N PLANNING

Urban health services. 1963, 35 p. , $0.60. (Technical report series, no. 250) [Ej. Pr.] This fifth report of the Expert Advisory Panel on Public Health A d m i n istration deals with the following subjects: measures required to counteract the haphazard expansion of towns. Over-population and spread of disease; malnutrition; nervous tensions; pollution; organization of preventive and curative services; legislative, administrative and financial measures.

POLAR LIFE

Conference on Mediane and Public Health in the Arctic and Antarctic. (Geneva, 28 August to 1 September 1962). 1963, 27 p. , $0.30. (Technical report series, no. 253)

[Ej. Pr. D p . ] General observations on the characteristic features of the various polar regions (climate, population, flora and fauna). T h e development of the nordic areas has been so rapid that their populations aspire to m o v e from the stage of mere survival into that of comfortable living. Difficulties in establishing health services for these populations. Organization of such services. Local hygiene. Mental health. Research to be undertaken.

Medicine and public health in the Arctic and Antarctic. 1963, 169 p . , $2.00. (Public health papers, no. 18)

[Dp. Ej. Pr. St. Sc] This special n u m b e r of the Papers contains articles on the following subjects: the demographic, social and economic situation in the polar regions; organization of public health services in the Arctic regions; public health services in the Arctic regions of Sweden; some problems pertaining to the prevention and control of diseases in Arctic and sub-Arctic regions; nutritional needs in polar regions; h u m a n adaptation in the polar scientific stations; psychological aspects of the life of the temporary populations in the Antarctic; capacity for physical work a m o n g Arctic populations.

UNITED NATIONS EDUCATIONAL, SCIENTIFIC A N D C U L T U R A L ORGANIZATION (UNESCO)

ACTIVITIES OF UNESCO

Report of the Director-General on the activities of the Organization in 1962. 1963, 199 p . ,

[Org. Bl. St. Ej.] This report, which was communicated to M e m b e r States and the Executive Board of Unesco, offers a comprehensive account of the Organization's activities during a year marked by considerable development.

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GEOGRAPHY

Changes of climate. Proceedings of the Rome Symposium organized by Unesco and the World Meteorological Organization. 1963, 488 p . , $8.00. Bilingual: English-French. (Arid zone research/Recherches sur la zone aride, no . 20)

[Ej. Sc. St. Bl.] Climatic fluctuations present problems of extreme complexity which relate to m a n y disciplines. Such changes are of particular importance in the arid zones, where minor variations m a y have considerable consequences. Over 100 experts on the subject met to study present conditions. T h e volume contains the text of forty-five papers presented on this occasion, together with a s u m m a r y of the discussions. History of k n o w n climatic changes. Extent. Theory of such changes. In particular, their geological, meteorological, geographic and archaeological aspects. List of participants.

EDUCATION

Training of scientific and technical personnel. 8 February 1963, 7 p . ( U N E S C O / D G / 1963/2) [Ej.] Statement by the Director-General of Unesco on the fundamental aspects of one of the main problems studied by the United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less-Developed Areas (Geneva, February 1963), namely that of the training of scientific and technical personnel. Underdevelopment and inadequate education. Importance of planning. Needs and difficulties (technical and vocational training, universities, dissemination of scientific knowledge).

Comparative study on access of girls to elementary education. 26 October 1962, 47 p . ( U N E S C O /

ED/195) [Ej. D p . St.] A revised and supplemented version of a report submitted by Unesco in 1961 to the United Nations Commission on the Status of W o m e n . T h e survey is based on information relating to some ninety countries. Qualitative aspects of the problem (legal bases, curricula, etc.). Quantitative aspects (statistics). Development over the past twenty years.

Preschool education. 1963, 104 p . , $1.50 (Statistical reports and studies series) [St. D p . Ej.] Pre-school education is mainly provided by nursery schools, infant classes and kindergartens. A n introductory note on the history and the psychological and social importance of this education. Statistical tables on pre-school education in different countries (number of establishments, teachers and pupils in i960 or thereabouts; public education and private education; age of pupils; percentage of girls enrolled). Quantitative development since 1939. These tables are followed by short monographs on 116 countries and territories (organization of pre-school education, statistics).

Meeting of experts on the improvement of textbooks for the objectives of Unesco1 s Major Project on Mutual Appreciation of Eastern and Western Cultural Values. Goslar (Federal Republic of Germany), 14-23 May ig6s. 15 M a r c h 1963, 26 p . ( U N E S C O / M A P A / E D / 2 )

[Org. Pr.] This meeting was attended by experts from twenty-one countries. Review of action already undertaken for the improvement of textbooks in accordance with the objectives of the East-West Major Project. Criteria. Recommendations. List of participants.

Science teaching in the secondary schools of Tropical Africa, by J. Cessac. 1963, offset. [Pr. D p . St.] Pamphlet ensuing from a meeting of experts on the teaching of science in Tropical Africa (Abidjan, December i960). Present position, according to data obtained from the States concerned and other sources. Needs. Practical suggestions.

650


T h e pamphlet discusses curricula, time-tables, textbooks, laboratories, equipment, teaching staff and the popularization of science with reference to physics, chemistry and biology.

FILMS, TELEVISION

Study of the establishment of national centres for cataloguing of films and television programmes, by Jacques Ledoux. 1963, 34 p. , $0.50. (Reports and papers on mass c o m m u n i cation, no. 40)

[Pr. Bl. Org . D p . ] T h e author discusses measures already adopted in this field and suggests fresh solutions, with a view to making access to audio-visual material gradually as fully rationalized as access to printed documentation has been for a considerable time, thanks to libraries, bibliographies, etc. O n e of the consequences of the existing situation is to restrict considerably the international circulation of films. Role of the centres. Organization. Development. Studies already undertaken by the international organizations. M o d e l cataloguing cards.

EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS USED

Bl. = Contains an extensive bibliography. D p . = Presents facts country by country (or region by region). Ej. = Supplies essential information to educators and journalists interested in

social questions. O r g . = Is very useful for knowledge of the current activities of the international

organization concerned. Pr. = Supplies useful factual information for certain groups of people (educators,

government officials, m e m b e r s of international organizations and social institutions, etc.) whose activities are connected with the subject matter of the document.

St. = Contains statistics. Sc. = Deserves the attention of scientific workers in the field concerned. T h e importance of these conventional signs is, of course, purely relative, and w e do not wish their use to be taken as implying a system of classification. W e use them merely in order to give as brief an abstract as is consistent with indicating, in the easiest w a y possible, that part of the contents of the publications and documents under review which relates to some particular branch of social science.

651

III. NEWS

SEMINAR ON THE PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC ASSISTANCE

TO THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Austrian National Commission for Unesco

Vienna, 25 to 29 M a r c h 1963

In M a r c h 1963, a seminar was organized in Vienna by the Austrian National C o m mission, on the subject 'Economic and scientific assistance to the developing countries'. T h e discussions centred round the following four main topics: 'The nature, problems and duties of assistance for development', 'The problems of education', 'Instances of problems encountered in assistance for development in the developing countries' and 'Future scientific and economic systems in the developing countries'.

In the course of this seminar—organized in consultation with the Afro-Asian Institute, the Hammer-Purgstall Society and the Austrian Institute of Assistance for Development and Technical Collaboration with the Developing Countries—a series of thirty lectures were given by twenty-one distinguished persons from various spheres: scientists and businessmen, teachers and missionaries. Certain of the experts s u m m e d u p their personal experience of the problems of the developing countries.

T w o lectures by Professor Kerschagl ('The problems of the developing countries' and 'The pyramid of education') served as a basis for resolutions concerning scientific and economic assistance. These resolutions were communicated to the appropriate government authorities, brought to the attention of the general public and transmitted to Unesco for discussion.

Economic assistance should proceed by stages. Planning should therefore cover fairly long periods, so as to allow the economic structure to be built up in the light of the findings of economic research and of the geographical features, the degree of technical development, the traditions, peculiar to each region. Economic assistance must necessarily go hand in hand with scientific assistance if positive and lasting results were to be achieved despite the illiteracy and ignorance prevalent a m o n g local populations.

This scientific assistance should be provided at all levels of education and from the outset, the existence of an organic relationship between primary, secondary and higher education must be recognized. Hitherto, only higher education had received assistance of this kind and no account had been taken of the base or the centre of the pyramid of education. According to D r . Kerschagl, success in this field depended on the satisfactory organization of secondary education. It would be advisable to begin by setting up a series of small study groups for students from the developing countries wishing to pursue their studies in Western countries. It would also be useful to m a k e provision for practical and theoretical courses in specialized institutions to provide further training for qualified personnel in the developing countries. If there was to be any possibility of understanding—even in technical matters alone—it was necessary to accept the principle that the most widely used languages should be taught in schools in the developing countries.

T h e series of lectures on 'Instances of problems encountered in the various assistance activities for development in the developing countries' (experts: D r . Johann Mokre, D r . Ludwig Zöhrer, D r . H a n s Manndorf, D r . Gertraud R e p p and

652

N E W S

Dr. Hans Elmer) confirmed the main points in the recommendations embodied in the resolutions referred to above. They also showed the correlation that exists between political and spiritual problems.

There will be a follow-up to this seminar next year, at about the same time. T h e discussions will bear on those countries which, for lack of time, could not be dealt with at the present seminar.

FIFTH WORLD CONFERENCE OF THE SOCIETY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

The Society for International Development (SID) held its fifth World Conference in N e w York in April. Nearly 700 m e n and w o m e n w h o are professionally engaged in operational or scholarly work related to economic and social development in the world's less developed areas took part in the three-day meeting. Paul G . Hoffm a n , Managing Director of the United Nations Special Fund, was elected President of the Society.

The N e w York conference was the largest S ID meeting yet held. Founded by sixty people in late 1957, the Society has grown steadily and n o w numbers 2,500 members in eighty-five countries. These persons, most of w h o m are actively taking part in programmes of international development, include m a n y nationalities and many professions—administrators, economists, engineers, educators, health officers, sociologists, political scientists, businessmen and dozens of others. They work in more than 600 different organizations, public and private, national and international.

SID's purpose is to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas, facts and experience among this growing group of developers, by cutting across the lines of nationality, organization and profession which hamper full communication. T o this end, the organization publishes a quarterly journal, the International Development Review, it holds an annual world conference (and will probably, in time, hold regional conferences); and it encourages the establishment of chapters of the Society in all centres of development activity. Over a dozen chapters are n o w functioning and more are in the process of formation.

The Society is organized as a non-profit individual membership organization whose officers are elected, whose policies are determined by its members and whose budget is largely derived from membership dues. Rates are scaled roughly according to the income of each m e m b e r and range from $3 to $10 annually. In addition, universities, foundations, business firms and organizations are eligible for Institutional Membership at a higher rate.

Serving with Paul G . Hoffman as officers of the Society are: Marion Clawson (Resources for the Future), Vice-President; Robert Gardiner (Economic C o m mission for Africa), Vice-President for Africa; K . S. Krishnaswamy (Planning Commission, Government of India), Vice-President for Asia; Egbert de Vries (Institute of Social Studies), Vice-President for Europe; Felipe Herrera (Inter-American Development Bank), Vice-President for Latin America; and Michael Hoffman (World Bank), Vice-President for North America.

The Society's headquarters are in Washington, D . C . ( U . S . A . ) , at 1720 Rhode Island Avenue, N . W . The Executive Secretary is Andrew E . Rice.

653


FIRST SPANISH CONGRESS OF PSYCHOLOGY

The Spanish Psychology Society held its eighth Annual Meeting, which this year took the form of a National Congress of Psychology, on the occasion of the formal opening of the n e w building of the National Institute of Applied Psychology at the University City of Madrid.

This ultra-modern four-storey building properly establishes psychology in the university, and also furnishes Spanish psychologists with laboratories and facilities for work which meet the highest modern standards. T h e Institute comprises the following departments: experimental psychology; psychological education; psychometry; educational and vocational guidance; vocational selection; clinical psychology and professional medicine; professional information; it also has a publications department.

The Spanish Minister of Education formally opened all these departments on the first day of the Congress, which brought together nearly 500 psychologists from all parts of Spain, and m a n y from South America, and from other countries as well (Professors Pichot, Roche and Stoetzel of Paris and Professor Marzi of Florence).

The very broad programme of the Congress included four symposia—on educational psychology, industrial psychology, clinical psychology and social psychology—several lectures, and the presentation of a large number of papers.

Professor José Germain, the Director of the Institute and Chairman of the Congress, in his opening speech, outlined the development of psychology in Spain up to the achievements of the present day. Messrs. Yela, J. L . Pinillos and M . Siguàn, professors of psychology from Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona respectively, were the main organizers of this Congress.

A n exhibition of works on psychology, applied psychology apparatus and road safety equipment was held at the same time.

The Congress was, in some sort, a tribute to the m e m o r y of the Spanish h u m a n ist, Juan Huarte, the sixteenth-century author of the first treatise on vocational guidance, the well-known Examen de Ingenios (Trial of wits), a few striking quotations from which were printed in the programme.

THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CYBERNETIC MEDICINE

Promoted and organized by the International Society of Cybernetic Medicine, the third International Congress of Cybernetic Medicine will be held in Naples (Italy) under the presidency of Professor Aldo Masturzo, from 21 to 24 March 1964.

The scientific programme will concern the following subjects: (a) biocybernet-ics; (b) neurophysiology; (c) automatic calculation applied to biological research; (d) cybernetics of rheumatic and osteo-articular diseases; (e) cybernetics of cancer; (f) cybernetics applied to space medicine; (g) cybernetics applied to medicine and biology.

The official languages of the Congress are: Italian, English, French, G e r m a n and Russian.

The following can be projected: Leica, 5 X 5 c m . slides, 16 m m . films. Excursions, entertainments, and a tour after the Congress, will be organized.

654

N E W S

Inscription fees: 20 dollars for active members , 12 dollars for associate members . Payment of fees entitles members to attend all events, except the tour after the Congress.

All correspondence relating to the scientific programme and general information should be addressed to: Secretariat of the Congress ( S I M C ) , 348 Via R o m a , Naples (Italy).

MINISTRY OF SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH IN THE UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC

A Ministry of Scientific Research was set u p in the United Arab Republic by a decree of 6 January 1963. It is responsible for the planning of scientific research in the natural and social sciences.

Being responsible for the general lines of scientific research policy, it has been given all the traditional functions of bodies of the classic type in charge of such work. It is empowered to set u p research institutions, to co-ordinate the activities of different Ministries in this field and to distribute resources a m o n g them, and to promote scientific research work in general.

T h e Ministry will also take charge of the scientific relations maintained by the United Arab Republic with other countries and with international organizations. It will establish contacts with foreign and international scientific institutions, recruit and employ foreign experts, and take part in the execution and supervision of technical assistance projects.

In collaboration with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry will also be responsible for negotiating regional and international agreements in the research field. It m a y arrange for visits by specialists and missions, institute a system of scholarships and exchanges, and encourage the development of scientific associations.

T h e following bodies are attached to the Ministry: the Atomic Energy Board (which previously came under the authority of the Office of the President of the Republic); the Central Standards Laboratories, and the research centres on ferrous and non-ferrous metals, oil, and spinning and weaving (which c a m e under the Ministry of Industry); the Institute of Nutrition (which was attached to the Ministry of Health); the research laboratories on saline and alkaline soils, and the Experimental Research Laboratory of the Egyptian Agricultural Organization (which came under the Ministry of Agriculture); the Desert Institute (formerly attached to the General Administration for Desert Development); the Institute of Marine Research (Cairo University) and the observatories, including those of Helwan, Qattameya, Suez and Mesallat (Fayoum), which c a m e under the Ministry of Higher Education.

655

ORGANIZATION OF

AMERICAN STATES GENERAL SECRETARIAT

PUBLICATIONS IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

REVISTA I N T E R A M E R I C A N A D E CIENCIAS SOCIALES A quarterly journal, distributed throughout the Americas, focusing on the social sciences applied to the socio-economic and cultural development of Latin America.

MONOGRAPHS, TECHNICAL MANUALS, A N D DIRECTORIES

Irrigation Civilizations: A Comparative Study. (1955, 78 pp.) US$0.50. Report of a symposium, by J. H . Steward, K . A . Wittfogel and others. Also in Spanish.

Studies in Human Ecology. (1957, 138 pp.) US$1.00. A series of lectures given at the Anthropological Society of Washington. Also in Spanish.

Plantation Systems of the New World. (1959, 212 pp.) US$1.00. Papers and discussion summaries of the seminar held in San Juan, Puerto Rico. Also in Spanish.

Additional titles in the general catalogue of publications (English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese), available upon request.

P A N - A M E R I C A N U N I O N , General Secretariat, Organization of American States—Washington 6, D.C. (U.S.A.)

acta sociológica Scandinavian Review of Sociology Skandinavische Zeitschrift für Soziologie Revue Scandinave de sociologie

Published in September 1963 Vol. 7, fase. 2

Hans L. Zetterberg: The practical use of sociological knowledge Richard H. Willis: Finnish images of the northern lands and peoples Georg Karlsson: First-time legal deviation as a stochastic process Joachim Israel: Experimental change of attitudes using the Asch-effect Elina Haavio-Mannila: Official and unofficial expectations concerning the

care of the sick

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Notes and Comments Social Uses of Funeral Rites . . . . by David G . Mandelbaum Features of Kinship in an Asur Village . by R . K . Jain 'Long Breath' and 'Taking Fire': Cultural

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F. V I T O , La programmazione económica e la partecipazione del sindacato. M . R . M A N T R A , L'innesto del fattore spazio nelle quantità economiche secondo

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THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION COMES TO THE MIDDLE EAST

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The study is divided into two sections:

Section I deals with industrialization problems on a regional basis and with basic issues in the area's growth and development. It covers such topics as social and economic changes during the last 100 years; population, labour, productivity, urbanization; natural resources; petroleum; transport and communications; government development plans; monetary resources and financial requirements; development and industrial banks.

Section II discusses industrial development, its problems and outlook, for each of the following countries: Afghanistan, Cyprus, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Turkey, and the Persian Gulf sheikhdoms. Comprehensive surveys are presented on the various branches of industry (textile, food, chemical, metallurgical, etc.), on electric power, mining and private enterprise.

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THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE announces

T h e XVIIth Annual Conference on Middle Eastern Affairs

D E V E L O P M E N T A L R E V O L U T I O N IN T H E M I D D L E E A S T

May 2, 3 and 4, 1963 Gaston Hall

Georgetown University Washington, D . C .

A m o n g the speakers:

Walt W. Rostow, Counsellor, Department of State and Chairman, Policy Planning Council

Lucius Battle, Assistant Secretary of State for Cultural Affairs

Chester Bowles, T h e President's Special Representative

Proceedings will be published

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rural sociology Volume s8 • March 1963 - Number 1

A Perspective for Rural Sociology (Presidential Address) Harold F. Kaufman

Interaction and Collective Identification in a Rural Locality Peter A . Munch and Robert B. Campbell

Church Affiliation and Attitudes Toward Public Decisions in a Typical Midwest County Victor Obenhaus and W . Widick Schroeder

Kentucky Mountain Migration and the Stem-Family: an American Variation on a Theme by Le Play

James S. Brown, Harry K . Schwarzweller and J. Mangalam

The Utility of Residence for Differentiating Social Conservatism in Rural Youth Fern K . Willitis and Robert C . Bealer

Role Consensus and Satisfaction of Extension Advisory Committee Members Bond L. Bible and Emory J. Brown

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W e n n es die vornehmste Aufgabe einer kulturkritischen Zeltschrift ist, ihre Leser nicht nur zu unterhalten und zu unterrichten, sondern sie auch zur Selbsterkenntnis, zu einer eigenen Urteilsbifdung zu erziehen, so hat die D E U T S C H E R U N D S C H A U in ihren letzten Jahrgängen diese Aufgabe in vorbildlicher Weise erfüllt.

Sowohl in der eigentlichen R U N D S C H A U , die den Leser mit aussen- und innenpolitischen, mit sozial- und kulturpolitischen Problemen vertraut macht, wie in der reichhaltigen Auswahl an literarkritischen, philosophischen und schöngeistigen Beiträgen bietet die D E U T S C H E R U N D S C H A U ihren Lesern ein umfassendes Bild unseres gegenwärtigen politischen und geistigen Lebens, immer unter d e m Generalaspekt einer radikalen Neubesinnung, die wir als Volk und als Mitglied der westlichen Völkerfamille zu leisten haben, wenn wir nicht an den unbewältigten und unberei-nlgten Komplexen unserer jüngsten Vergangenheit weiter leiden und, bei aller Prosperität und scheinbaren Gesundheit an der Oberfläche, von der Wurzel unseres W e s e n s her absterben wollen.

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Vol. IV, n° 2, AVRIL-JUIN 1963

ARTICLES

J. S T O E T Z E L U n bilan des sciences sociales et humaines est-il possible?

J. S E L O S S E Perception du changement social au Maroc

J. F R I S C H - G A U T H I E R Les fonctions des délégués du personnel

C . F L A M E N T Modèles à caractéristiques non monotones dans un questionnaire

M . M A T A R A S S O Lecture de C . Lévi-Strauss

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De Lauwe. Individuality and individualism: a culturological interpretation . . Leslie White. Utopias and durability in literature and reality H . B . Hawthorn. The power of mass communication Kenneth V .

Lottich. White collar contrast N . F. Dufty.

77. Notes and News

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La ricomparsa délia pianificazione económica in Occidente A . A . S H E N F I E L D . La pianificazione económica in Gran Bretagna. L . D E R W A . Planisme et liberté économique. A . A . N A V A R R O V A Z Q U E Z . The recent revival of economic planning in some

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H . H A Z L I T T . "Planning" versus the free market. « Pianificazione » contro il mercato libero.

N O T E E DISCUSSIONI

T . P A R S O N S . Ore the concept of political power I. II concetto di potere politico I.

C . G I G L I O . Morocco e rapporti italo-spagnoli. P. E . L A P I D E . The Communist Party in Israel.

II partito comunista in Israele.

A N N O XXVIII N . 3

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Contents for April 1963 (Volume 29, No. 4)

Shakespeare on Jew and Christian: An interpretation of 'The Merchant of Venice'' Allan Bloom

The crisis of democracy in France Andre Philip Cultural nationalism: the idea of historical destiny in

Spanish America (Part II) Cesar Grana Freedom and occupational choice in the Soviet Union . . Joan Fiss A market model for the analysis of ecumenicity . . . Peter L. Berger

Review Notes Amateur diplomats and the Peace literature . . . Henry M. Pachter Administered prices David Schwartzman The c o m m o n sense world of Alfred Schutz . . . . Robert Biersledt

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F. R U S S O , Introduction. J. F O U R A S T I É , Remarques sur l'introduction de la notion de progrès

technique dans la science économique. W . G . W A F F E N S C H M I D T , Recherche-développement et production. R . P R E , Des interconnexions de la recherche et des processus de déve

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loppement en Grande-Bretagne. J. S C H M O O K L E R , La répartition des inventions dans l'industrie. Ch. S A D R O N , Recherche scientifique pure et recherche appliquée : leurs

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J. G U I L L O T , Le développement économique de l'Algérie (Cahier F-15).

G. LEDUC, Y. LE PORTZ, Y . OULDD AISSA, G. de BERNIS, M . FILALI, P. BAUCHET, A. BENKIRANE, M . CAPET, G. d'ARBOUSSIER, L. R E Y , LE T H A N H KHOI, K. SAMPHAN, L'investissement dans les pays d'outre-mer (Cahier F-16).

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University salaries: faculty differentials William G . Bowen The study of underdeveloped economies P. T . Bauer. The classification of technical progress in models of economic

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Classical economics and the case for colonization. . D . N . Winch Monetary factors and multiplier-accelerator interaction. . D . J. Smyth Findlay's Robinsonian model of accumulation: a comment Joan Robinson A reply Ronald Findlay Factor endowment and relative prices: a generalization of

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Sommaire du tome IV, n° 13-14 (janvier-juin 1963)

Articles

Séance inaugurale de l ' IEDES du 18 octobre 1962 Le destin biologique de l 'homme, par Jean R O S T A N D . L'avenir biologique de l 'homme, par Henri L A U G I E R .

Les contradictions de la croissance et le sous-développement, d'après l'ouvrage de Paul A . B A R A N , Aspects structurels du commerce extérieur des pays sous-développés. Les villes dans les nouveaux États d'Afrique occidentale. Perspectives d'une intégration économique latino-américaine. L'évaluation économique des projets spécifiques d'investissements.

Documentation

Pour un fonds de développement social. L'économie cambodgienne et son évolution actuelle. Propositions de principe pour l'étude des niveaux de vie dans une économie en voie de développement.

Situation de l'agriculture nord-vietnamienne.

Chronique internationale

L'aide internationale au développement. Progrès de la réforme agraire. Le problème du recrutement du personnel de la coopération technique internationale. Le nouveau franc C F A et la Banque centrale des États de l'Afrique de l'Ouest. L'assistance pour le développement : points de vue Scandinaves.

Bibliographie

Tendances actuelles de la recherche scientifique. L'économie des jeunes nations. Le quatrième plan français. Contribution à l'étude des problèmes agricoles de la Syrie. Handbook of African Economie Development.

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VOLUME III AUTUMN I963 NUMBER 3

Articles

The balance-of-payments problem and resource allocation in Pakistan: a linear programming approach S Y E D N A W A B

H A I D E R N A Q V I Labour force and employment in Pakistan, 1961-86:

a preliminary analysis . . . . . S W A D E S H R . B O S E A note on consumption patterns in the rural areas of

East Pakistan . . . . . . . M D . I R S H A D K H A N

Review Articles

Development strategy for Pakistan . . . J O H N H . P O W E R Literacy and education: fifth release from the 1961

census of Pakistan . . . . . . J Á M I L A A K H T A R

Summary of Selected Articles Selected Bibliography

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India A. H . and G. S O M J E E

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Friedrich Jonas Probleme des Staatseingriffs bei wirtschaftlichen Strukturanpassungen

Roman Schnur Weltfriedensidee und Weltbürgerkrieg 1791-92

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INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION Volume iy, No. 3, Summer IQ63

THE ATLANTIC COMMUNITY: PROGRESS AND PROSPECTS Edited by Francis O . Wilcox and H . Field Haviland, Jr.

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Discord in community: The North Atlantic Area as a partial international system Stanley Hoffmann France and Germany in the Atlantic Community Alfred Grosser Britain, Europe and the Atlantic Community Max Beloff The European neutrals and the Atlantic Community Jacques Freymond Evolving United States relations with the Atlantic Community . . . . Livingston T. Merchant The Atlantic Community and the emerging countries Rupert Emerson The Communist States and Western integration Marshall D. Shulman Economic aspects of an Atlantic Community William Diebold, Jr. The Atlantic Community and the United Nations Francis 0. Wilcox Strategy and the Atlantic Alliance. . Robert R. Bowie Building a political community . . H. Field Haviland, Jr. Integration in the West: the conflict of perspectives Arnold Wolf er s The European Community and Atlantic partnership Walter Hallstein The concert of free nations . . . / . William Fulbright The future of the Atlantic Community Lauris Norstad

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membre de la Société américaine de droit international, de l'Association internationale de droit pénal et de l'Académie diplomatique internationale.

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COUPONS

Unesco Book Coupons can be used to purchase all books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or cultural character. For full information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, Place de Fontenoy, Paris-7*, France. 81

SUBJECT AND AUTHOR INDEX OF THE

INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL

V O L U M E X V

S V B J

Africa (West), research on attitudes and opinions in, 59-69.

Ageing, adjustment problems, 366-76. , demographic, 355-65. , economic aspects, 377-93.

American Orthopsychiatric Association, fourteenth meeting of, 329-30.

Asia, courtesy bias in South-East, 70-6. , questionnaires in, 35-47.

Attitudes and opinions (West Africa), research on, 59-69.

Barcelona Institute of Social Sciences, 284. Canadian Peace Research Institute, 285,

469. C o m m u n a l homes for the aged, 427-37. Comparative studies and social change,

5I9-27-Compromise and conflict settlement, 169-

81. Compromise in primitive society, 182-

229. Conflict resolution, seminar on, 159-60. Conflict settlement in Western culture,

230-56. Council on Economic and Cultural

Affairs, Inc., 472-3. Courtesy bias, in South-East Asian

surveys, 70-6. Criminology, twelfth international course

in, 327-9. Cybernetic medicine, third international

congress of, 654-5. Disengagement, theory of, 377-93. Economic and scientific assistance to

developing countries, seminar on (March 1963), 652-3.

Economic Institute, sixth session of, 331. Entrepreneurs and the role of cultural

and situational processes, in Latin America, 581-94.

Fellowships, in business administration, 160. , in demography, 160. , E . J. de Rothschild Memorial Group, 161.

Film hero, international survey on, II3-Ï9-

Gerontology, social, 339-54. Groupe d'ethnologie sociale, 331-2. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e

Historia (Mexico), 471-2.

E c T s

International Faculty of Comparative Economics (Luxembourg), 470.

International Institute of Sociology, twentieth congress, 333.

International Political Science Association, round-table meetings (September 1962), 616-20.

International Studies and Overseas A d ministration, Institute of (Univ. of Oregon) 123-4.

International trade, n e w sources of law, 259-64-

International university contact for m a n a gement education, 465-68.

Interviewer training and supervision (Laos), 21-34.

Interviewers, in India, 48-58. Interviewing, in India, 48-58. Korea, public opinion surveys in, 7 7-90. Laboratory of personality assessment and

group behaviour (Univ. of Illinois), 286-7.

Labour force, training and adaptation of, in early stages of industrialization, 571-80.

Laos, interviewer training and supervision in, 21-34.

Latin America, adaptation of labour force, 571-80. , entrepreneurs in, 581-94. , national values, development, leaders and followers, 560-70. , research models for, 528-41.

Latin American communities, seminar on analysis of, 510-13.

Ministry of Scientific Research ( U . A . R . ) , 655-

Old age, cross-national research on, 451-5-, and leisure, 438-47. , organization of research on, 456-65.

Opinion surveys, in developing countries, 7-20. , in Korea, 77-90. , in Poland, 91-110. , in West Africa, 59-69.

Poland, public opinion surveys in, 91-110. Political authority, socialization of atti

tudes toward, 524-59. Psychology, first Spanish congress of, 654. Questionnaires in Asia, 35-47. Retirement, and leisure, 438-47.

Roper Public Opinion Research Center, I 20-1.

Social Science Council of Brazil, 469. Society for International Development,

fifth world conference, 653. Sociological methodology, teaching of in

U . S . A . , 597-6I5-

A R M S T R O N G , Lincoln. Interviewers and interviewing in India, 48-58.

BRIONES, G . Training and adaptation of labour force, 571-80.

C U M M I N G , Elaine. O n the theory of disengagement, 377-93.

D R A P K I N , Israel. Twelfth international criminology course, 327-9.

D U M A Z E D I E R , Joffre. Retirement and leisure, 438-77.

FINK, Raymond. Interviewer and supervision (Laos), 21-34.

FRIIS, Henning. Cross-national research on old age, 451-5.

G E R A R D , Alain. Opinion surveys in developing countries (introduction), 7-20.

HESS, Robert D . Socialization of attitudes towards political authority, 542-

59-H E I N T Z , Peter. Analysis of Latin Ameri

can communities, 510-13. . Research models for Latin

America, 528-41. H O F F M A N , Michael. Opinions and atti

tudes in West Africa, 59-69. JONES, Emily L . Courtesy bias in South-

East Asia, 70-6. K Ö C K E I S , Eva. Sociological theory of

ageing and family, 410-26. K R I E S B E R G , L . Entrepreneurs in Latin

America, 581-94. LowiE, R . H . Compromise in primitive

society, 182-229. M C C L O S K E Y , R . The role of constitutions,

618-20. M E T R A U X , Alfred. Compromise and con

flict settlement, 169-81. M E T R A U X , Alfred. In memoriam, 167.

Sociology, fifth world congress of, 322-6. , teaching of, in universities, 265-80. , transactions of fifth world congress, 514-

Urban research, Bureau of (Princeton University), 121-3.

M O O R E , Wilbert E . Social change and comparative studies, 519-27.

M O R A Z E , Charles. Conflict settlement in Western cultures, 230-56.

PAILLOT, P. Organization of research on ageing, 456-65.

P A R K , Yunho. Opinion surveys in Korea, 77-9°-

PRINS, D . J. International university contact for management education, 465-8.

R I D D E R , H . The political role of courts, 616-18.

R I P E R T , Aline. Retirement and leisure, 438-47.

R O S E N M A Y R , Leopold. Sociological theory of ageing and family, 410-26.

S A U V Y , A . Demographic ageing, 355-65. SCHMITHOFF, Clive M . N e w sources of

international trade law, 259-64. SELVIN, H . C . Teaching of sociological

methodology in U . S . A . , 597-615. SiciNSKi, Andrzej. Opinion surveys in

Poland, 91-110. SILVERT, H . K . National values, develop

ment, leaders and followers, 560-70. S T E N D E N B A C H , F. J. University teaching

of sociology, 265-89. T H O M A E , Hans. Ageing and problems of

adjustment, 366-76. TiBBiTS, Clark. Social gerontology, origin,

scope, trends, 339-54. T O W N S E N D , Peter. Communal homes for

the aged, 427-37. W E D D E R B U R N , Dorothy C . Economic

aspects of ageing, 394-409. W I L S O N , Elmo C . Interviewers and inter

viewing in India, 48-58. W U L K E R , Gabrielle. Questionnaires in

Asia, 35-47.

A U T H O R S

© Unesco 1963. SS.61/I.61/A. Printed in France by Imprimerie Crété Paris, Corbeil-Essonnes

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