Re-Imagining the Nation

7/27/2019 Re-Imagining the Nation

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Re-imagining the Nation: Jos Mart and FranzFanon

Pamela Barnett PhD

In JosMarts internationalist worldview, every nation can and should contribute

to human progress. His revolutionary discourse conveys a radical optimism in

both the creative power of individuals and nations to change and develop, and in

resistance and unified struggle as means to achieve historical transformation and

genuine human progress. (In the writings of both Jos Mart and Franz Fanon, the

nature of resistance is consistent with Edward Saids suggestion, in Culture and

Imperialism, that Three great topics emerge in decolonizing cultural resistance

... One is the insistence on the right to see the communitys history whole,

coherently, integrally ... Second is the idea that resistance, far from being merely a

reaction to imperialism, is an alternative way of conceiving human history ...

Third is a noticeable pull away from separatist nationalism toward a more

integrative view of human community and human liberation (215-6).) Marts

ideas transcend his era and his region. His writings occupy a central place in the

anti-imperialist literature in the new political and economic era emerging in the

final decades of the nineteenth century. Marts radical democratic nationalism

and critical response to the global transformations of modern imperialism as

they were emerging represent the first serious challenge to Eurocentrism, register

a prescient voice against United States hegemony, and mark the beginning of


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radical nationalist revolutions in Latin America (Larsen 184-5). The military

intervention of the United States in the Cuban independence war in 1898

confirmed his prescient analysis of the United States imperialist policy toward its

neighbours. His struggle against imperialism and colonialism and his criticism of

the national bourgeoisie of neo-colonial Spanish America anticipate radical

intellectuals such as Franz Fanon, a revolutionary leader in the war that won

Algerias independence from France. Both Antillean-born, their vision and

revolutionary activism reached beyond national and regional frontiers. For Mart

(1853-1895), as for Fanon (1925-1961), humanism is the necessary foundation

and defining characteristic of the political and social consciousness required to

transform nations into independent and just societies. For both, human

development and moral progress are as important indicators of national

development as material accumulation and technological growth. Their ideas

about the nature of progress, human development, and culture are relevant to

contemporary discourses. The priorities, interests, and ideologies of dominant

economies, powerful nations, and elite sectors still create political, social, and

economic problems in their own societies and around the globe, and are now

widely acknowledged even to have placed the sustainability of our planet in

jeopardy.


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Imagining the Nation: the Latin American Writer in the 1800s

Marts discourse of identity, inclusion, and resistance is a critical voice

positioned outside the elitist discursive realm that Angel Rama calls la ciudad

letrada, which throughout the colonial period and most of the nineteenth century

was the urban-centred domain of writing closely linked to and dependent on the

state (Rama 88). Writing was the enterprise of elite intellectuals whose task it was

to articulate the ideology and edicts of the institutions of state that authorized

them. Julio Ramos states that letters occupied a central place in the organization

of the new Latin American societies (Ramos xxxvi), and the lettered city

guaranteed the close relationship between letters and politics that remained

dominant until the 1870s (Ramos 44). The letrados artificiales of Marts

Nuestra Amrica are the nineteenth-century intellectual successors of the

letrados that documented and served the interests of empire in the colonial period.

(Nuestra Amrica appeared inLa Revista Ilustrada de Nueva Yorkon 1 January

1891, and later that month, on 30 January 1891, in MexicosEl Partido Liberal. It

is included in volume 6 Marts Obras completas (OC 6: 15-23).

Roberto Fernndez Retamar has long contended, in Calibn y otros ensayos, that

a defining characteristic of Marts nuestra Amrica mestiza is the history and

culture of resistance initiated by its indigenous populations and continued

throughout the independence wars and other rebellions in the region, and

furthermore that the importance of Marts concept is in uniting indigenous,


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African and European populations in nuestra Amrica within a common identity

and a common cause.) They had the remarkable capacity, says Rama, not only

to weather the revolutionary storm and reconstitute their power in the

independent republics (Rama 45), but even to graft themselves comfortably on

to the trunk of caudillo power (51), broadening and strengthening their

foundations when urban-centred reforms in education expanded their ranks in the

areas of education, diplomacy, and journalism (57). Their institutionalized

patterns of thinking maintained the exclusion of the marginalized sectors, and

ensured that a new colonialism prevailed within the newly independent republics.

The leaders of the anti-colonial revolts had consciously adopted European

models of bourgeois revolutions, and the hegemony of European knowledge and

culture remained unbroken in the new republics (Larsen 184-5). When the leaders

and intellectuals of the new nations surveyed the cultural, political, and

geographical landscape after the devastating independence wars, like the

colonizers before them, they recognized and understood only through comparison

with European forms of knowledge and realities, which they valued and

privileged. They saw a vast empty landscape of nothingness. Their understanding

of the national and their capacity to apprehend was restricted and informed by

elitist values and sectarian interests. These values and interests did not include

local knowledge, culture, and human potential, or the indigenous myths and

realities that reinforced and sustained the values and cultures of autochthonous


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America. Disposed to measure progress in terms of technology, material

accumulation, and paradigms of bourgeois rationality and refinement, they sought

wisdom in the familiarity of imported discursive traditions, and fixed their servile

gaze on Europe and North America. They overlooked the original character of the

new nations, the value of the knowledge and cultures of the people, and the

peoples potential for social transformation, as well as economic and human

development, based on creative local solutions for local conditions.

In the writings of the letrados, the marginalized rural people of the

neglected countryside autochthonous America supply a barbaric opposing

force. Beginning with the 1820s, says Ramos, the activity ofwritingbecame a

response to the necessity of overcoming the catastrophe of war, the absence of

discourse, and the annihilation of established structures in the wars aftermath. To

write, in such a world, was to forge the modernizing project; it was to civilize, to

order the randomness of American barbarism (Ramos 3). Barbarism became

institutionalized in the rhetoric of the era as the primitive force opposing

civilization. It was the unformed and undisciplined reality ultimately inaccessible

to progress and modernity. Such is the view represented in Domingo F.

Sarmientos influentialFacundo, first published in 1845. Ramos argues that

Sarmiento positions himself as the polemical adversary of Andrs Bellos

disciplined and university-authorized discourses, and furthermore assumes a

subaltern position in relation to the disciplined discourse characteristic of the


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letrados and European scholarship (Ramos 3-20). Sarmiento manipulates this

position, says Ramos, to establish and benefit from the authority of an alternative

discourse, representing himself as the intellectual best placed to mediate between

civilizations written discourse and the orality of barbarism. He claims an attempt

to establish order and achieve modernity by listening to and transcribing the

alternative knowledge of the other to incorporate it into the nations modernizing

project, thereby closing the interstitialgap between civilization and barbarism

through which caudillos rose to power. To hear, then, is the technique of a

historiographical practice. And it was literature ... that would be the discourse

most suited to that project of listening to the voice of tradition (Ramos 12). In the

hierarchized space of discourse, continues Rama, Sarmiento assumes for himself

the role of transcriber between civilization and barbarism to re-present the other,

the feared outside of discourse; but the confused and irregular voice of

barbarism renders it resistant to representation and it must ultimately be subdued

and subordinated to the rational laws governing civilization, productive labour,

and the emerging market (Ramos 18). Ramos maintains that the formal

procedure of including the spoken word of the other, only to subordinate it to a

higher authority, indicates an attempt to resolve a contradiction on which

Facundo continually reflects: the lack of law in a society based on the irregularity

and arbitrary nature of the caudillo (Ramos 18). Notwithstanding Sarmientos

self-representation as civilizations subaltern voice, and regardless of the locus of


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the writer within institutionalized discourse, the rhetoric of barbarism presupposes

a civilized we that is morally, culturally, and biologically superior to a primitive,

undisciplined other. Writing was a civilizing project through which the letrado

could claim an attempt to replace chaos and backwardness with order and

modernity, for it was assumed that the unwritten word, unauthorized by

institutionalized discourse, lacked the power to order chaos and the capacity to

modernize.

Mart criticizes the false erudition of the letrados and faults the

incapacity of the ruling elites, who owe their privileges to those who labour

without benefit, to govern for the good of all sectors and for the welfare of the

nation. He condemns their sectarian agenda and their consequent failure to

integrate and transform their nations into just societies for the good of all their

people. Their disdained America is his hombre natural (OC 6: 18). He urges the

creation of new men in America and calls for the political and economic

independence, cultural emancipation, and social transformation of these nations

into just and integrated societies developed in harmony with local, natural

elements (OC 6: 20). For Mart, the creation of truly decolonized people and just

societies requires radical changes in institutionalized patterns of thinking, as well

as in social and economic relations. It must also include the integration of the

lower classes and marginalized sectors through meaningful and productive work,

the enjoyment of rights and benefits, and the celebration of culture.


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Fanon, like Mart, challenges the governing ideologies that assume, not

only that local elites are the effective, rational agents of progress and

development, but also that marginalized populations are primitive forces whose

confused voices and backward traditions must be subordinated. It is the condition

of colonialism, writes Fanon, that every effort is made to bring the colonized

person to admit the inferiority of his culture, ... to recognize the unreality of his

nation, and, in the last extreme, the confused and imperfect character of his own

biological structure (The Wretched236). Furthermore, the scapegoat for white

society - which is based on myths of progress, civilization, liberalism, education,

enlightenment, refinement - will be precisely the force that opposes the expansion

and the triumph of these myths (Black Skin 194). For Fanon, the neo-colonial

elites are the obstructive forces that must be opposed if social transformation and

progress are to be achieved (The Wretched176); they must be opposed if the

process of retrogression - in which the nation is passed over for the race, and the

tribe is preferred to the state - is to be avoided (The Wretched148-9). Their

unwillingness to mobilize the masses and their incapacity to harmoniously unite

and develop the nation render them useless when national consciousness must

rapidly transform into consciousness of social and political needs, in other words

into humanism, (The Wretched204). Particularly useless is the national

bourgeoisie; not being authentic bourgeoisie, says Fanon, it lacks both the

capital and imagination to contribute to the material and cultural development of


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the nation (The Wretched176-9); and ultimately, the poverty of the people,

national oppression, and the inhibition of culture are one and the same thing

(238). For Fanon, as for Mart, a decolonized political and social consciousness

requires the disappearance of the colonized man (The Wretched246) and the

veritable creation of new men (36). Only then will forms of national culture

emerge that can contribute to human progress.

In the neo-colonial Spanish American republics, the realities and

aspirations of the majority were systematically excluded from the road to progress

charted by the ruling elites and from the exclusive we that defined for the

privileged the identity of the nation. The authority of representation rested with

the letrados, for whom the interests and desires of the elite urban sectors

represented the welfare and good of the nation. The modernizing spirit that

emerged around 1870 created professions and institutions less dependent on the

state, but did little to include the margins within the representation of the nation.

Nor did it reduce the authority and prestige of the letrados. It did, however, allow

educators and journalists a degree of autonomy from the state and opened a space

for writing outside the lettered city, mostly through journalism, to intellectuals

who could not or would not include themselves within that privileged space. The

spirit of modernity thus gave rise to the literato, made possible an autonomous

literary voice, and enlarged the space for creative writing. In so doing, it also

initiated a struggle for legitimacy attended by the need to situate the locus of


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authority for letters in the literary sphere, for autonomy from the state also

removed the writers claim to that authority. It was not until 1896, following a

break between letters and law, that letters was institutionalized as a separate

authority in the academic domain (Ramos 49-53). Nevertheless, larger urban

populations, gradually expanding literacy, and expanded markets for newspapers

and magazines in cities and towns made the literato accessible to unprecedented

numbers of new readers (Rama 50-7). The neglected countryside, however, was

largely excluded from the institutionalized ideologies and educational reforms.

Even when elements of rural customs and oral traditions became incorporated into

the canonized literatures of the new nation states, the subaltern remained beyond

hearing distance of the critical voice, and outside the dialogue of discourse and

the written word.

Re-imagining the Nation: the Inversion of Values

Marts nuestroamericanismo discourse subverts the civilization-barbarism

dichotomy by re-ordering the hierarchy of knowledge, culture, and values to

claim the autochthonous and original as the spiritual foundation of national

identity. This discourse of identity, affiliation, and resistance challenges the

authority and relevance of European rationality for the task of creating a new

people and original republics; it also redefines national identity to meaningfully

integrate all social and economic sectors. To the extent that the non-literate

subaltern remains beyond hearing distance of Marts discourse, and thereby


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excluded from the you and I of dialogue and the written word, it is

subordinated in a hierarchical relationship with the intellectual and the reading

public. However, Mart reverses this hierarchy by privileging the indigenous and

original over the European and imported. Unlike Sarmiento, who claims an

unsuccessful attempt to mediate between civilization and barbarism, Mart

makes no claim to mediate between the margins and the governing ideologies;

nevertheless, his discourse effects such mediation. Neither does Mart claim to

represent the subaltern voice, but the marginalized sectors are included in his

collective we as the foundational elements of the re-imagined national identity.

They are no longer the other - the undisciplined, irredeemable force of barbarism.

The other is represented in Marts discourse by the forces of retrogression and

imperialism: the outside-looking artificial intellectuals (the metaphorical

crouching tiger within the republic), and the aggressive industrialized United

States (the tiger that threatens from outside) (OC 6: 19). However, all sectors are

redeemable in his discourse of unity.

Humanism propels both Mart and Fanon to challenge to the intellectual

status quo and elitist ideologies. Marts idea of progress is informed by social and

historical consciousness and founded on the principle that self-development,

freedom, justice, and dignity for everyone are necessary and achievable through

social and political transformation. While technology and material accumulation

are important elements, a just society is the critical measure of human progress.


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He anticipates Fanons idea that the nature of social relations and the placement

of the people in the vision of the nation are factors that will either open the future

or lead to retrogression. To transform society and open the future, leadership

and national institutions must take account of the realities and aspirations of all

the people and govern for the good of all. For Fanon, like the elitist sectors that

promote them, ideas of progress that do not involve the combined effort of the

masses (The Wretched175) and lead to the harmonious development of the

nation are good for nothing and must be opposed (176). The leaders of the

nation must be highly conscious and armed with revolutionary principles (The

Wretched175), says Fanon, for no leader, however valuable he may be, can

substitute himself for the popular will; and the national government, before

concerning itself about international prestige, ought first to give back their dignity

to all citizens, fill their minds and feast their eyes with human things, and create a

prospect that is human because conscious and sovereign men dwell therein (205).

For Fanon, everything else is mystification, signifying nothing (The Wretched

235). In both Mart and Fanon, economic growth and material accumulation

without social consciousness and development in social welfare is not genuine

human progress. Leadership, therefore, must extend beyond the interests of elites

and intellectuals to recognize the reality of the people and incorporate it into a

national agenda that is for the good of all. Otherwise it is an obstacle to social

transformation and betrays the peoples aspirations for personal and social


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development. InBlack Skin, White Masks, recalling Hegel, Fanon writes: Man is

human only to the extent to which he tries to impose his existence on another man

in order to be recognized by him It is on that other being, on recognition by

that other being, that his own human worth and reality depend (216-7). Social

transformation requires the marginalized sectors to impose their existence and to

participate in the national consciousness through free conscious activity, which

for Marx, as Petrovi! reminds us, is the species-character of the human being

(386). Meaningful social relations require reciprocal recognition and affirm the

humanity of individuals. Representation and inclusion are steps toward the future,

but alone cannot effect the necessary political and social changes. The

revolutionary intellectual, the empathetic activist, must recognize the other but

must also be recognized. In Mart, this reciprocity is enabled through a discourse

that remembers the past in order to situate autochthonous values, original

tradition, and local conditions at the centre ofnuestra Amrica. The intention is

not to attempt a return to the values, traditions, and cultural forms of the past, but

to separate the autochthonous from the denigrating myth of barbarism,

acknowledge the roots and the original character of America, and bring the

marginalized sectors into the centre of national life and culture. The colonized

man who writes for his people, says Fanon, ought to use the past with the

intention of opening the future, as an invitation to action and a basis for hope

(The Wretched232). Enabling reciprocity is a concrete step toward the future.


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A rhetoric of the nation

Marts discourse of resistance can claim its authority from the culture of

resistance that characterizes the history of the region. Roberto Fernndez Retamar

has long contended, in Calibn y otros ensayos, that a defining characteristic of

Marts nuestra Amrica mestiza is the history and culture of resistance initiated

by its indigenous populations and continued throughout the independence wars

and other rebellions in the region, and furthermore that the importance of Marts

concept is in uniting indigenous, African and European populations in nuestra

Amrica within a common identity and a common cause. In a critique of the

culturalismo ideas of the Cuban Jos Antonio Saco and the Chilean Francisco

Bilbao, Ramos suggests that representations of the United States in Latin America

were significantly altered after the Norths expansion into Mexican territory

beginning in 1840 (Ramos 154-7). He suggests further that the development of a

literary and cultural authority is integral to the formation of modern

latinoamericanismo. He adds, referring specifically to Bilbaos writing, that in the

historical origins of modern latinoamericanismo are represented on the one hand

the exclusion and reification of the North (rationalization, reason, industry,

interest), and on the other, the inclusion of the distinct others in modernization

(the beautiful, disinterest, spirit, tradition, the subaltern) by means of the aesthetic

subjects integrating gaze (Ramos 157). Marts discourse of resistance

condemns Spains colonial hold on Cuba and warns against the United States


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hegemonic intentions in the region. It also condemns the internal obstacles to

cultural authenticity, particularly the tendency in the independent republics for the

ruling elites to disdain the autochthonous, maintain colonial traditions, and import

habits and traditions from Europe and the United States.

His resistance extends to the domain of aesthetic values and national

literature. In his Cuaderno No. 5, Mart suggests there will be no Spanish

American literature until there is a Spanish America. Without the essence there

can be no literary expression, and the immortalized writer in America will have

conveyed the essence of his complex epoch with consummate artistry (OC 21:

163-4). For Mart, the aesthetic and political dimensions of Americas

transformation are linked, giving the writer, artist or intellectual a central role in

the political and cultural emancipation of the nation. It was precisely the

transformative purpose ofLa Revista Venezolana (OC 7: 195-212) to encourage

the creation of original and uniquely Spanish American literary works. These

would reflect the essence and spirit of Spanish America and participate in the

development of national consciousness and the creation of emancipated nations.

Marts evaluative criteria consider artistic expression as well as social awareness,

reject the colonized mentality, and emphasize originality, authenticity, and

relevance. He exemplifies the revolutionary role he assigns to writers and

intellectuals in colonized and developing nations, one that requires empathetic,

non-alienated individuals who are fully aware of the true nature of social


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relations. Whereas for the letrados writing was a process for articulating

institutionalized ideologies and definitions of the national identity, for Mart, to

write is to challenge the governing ideologies, to subvert the sectarian

assumptions of the national good that jeopardize the future of the nation, and to

convey his revolutionized vision of progress and hemispheric relations. He urges

pride in the history of Spanish America, a celebration of the autochthonous as the

spiritual foundation of the nation, the integration of all sectors in the national

agenda, and unity among the nations ofnuestra Amrica to protect their political

and economic independence.

Marts writing brings together the activist and the poet to unite the

aesthetic and political. His essay, Nuestra Amrica, seamlessly combines

reason and poetics to warn against the expansionist politics of the industrialized,

modernized United States, and to urge the Spanish-speaking nations to unite in

defence of their sovereignty. It relies on history as well as figurative language

inspired by the forests and mountains of the hemisphere to convey a forceful and

timely warning: now is the time to stand guard, like the trees in close formation,

and to march united and strong, like the silver in the base of the Andes (OC 6:

15). The revolutionary nature of his aesthetic creativity gives form to original and

distinctive texts that challenge literary boundaries and represent the struggle to

create, legitimize, and establish relevant critical standards for modern literature in

Spanish America. His revolutionary spirit and the transformative nature of his


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aesthetic are evident in the poeticized prose, figurative language, and the

proliferation of images that overturn traditional constraints and characterize his

literary style. His persuasive strategies channel the power of mythology and

sacred oratory and the familiarity of religious symbolism toward his revolutionary

purpose Por smbolos, a la Mitologa: por aspiraciones, a la Religin, he

records in his Cuadernos de apuntes (OC 21: 161). National consciousness, social

awareness, and the will to resist colonialism, the new imperialism, and cultural

domination are conveyed through figures and tropes drawn from the natural

world, the ideology of work, indigenous mythology, and the world of religion. His

tropology and figurative allusions represent a harmony between nature and

humanity, include the autochthonous in the representation of national identity, and

value the everyday lives and work of the labouring classes. Nature, for instance,

though devastated by war, regenerates and provides the promise of food and

materials required by revolutionary soldiers. Figurative language also recovers the

past, concisely rendering history and the passing of time through a rapid

accumulation of images and the encapsulating power of symbols. Metaphors and

allusions represent knowledge that is confirmed by the reality of everyday

experience. Marts tropology speaks to peoples souls and intellects and moves

their passions, transforming literature into the vehicle of truth, communicating not

only through rational understanding, but also through direct appeal to their

intuitive soul.


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For Mart, the purpose of writing, the process of national consciousness,

and the authenticity of all forms of national culture are linked. Fanon observes,

generations later, that the strengthening of national unity propels the intellectual

beyond the indictment and appeal of his initial protest toward a literature of

combat (The Wretched239-40). For Fanon, national literature begins as a

literature of combat and emerges in the process of national consciousness at

precisely the moment that the writer abandons writing as a project directed toward

the colonizer as the intended reader and begins to address his or her own people

(The Wretched240). The conscious and organized undertaking by a colonized

people to re-establish the sovereignty of that nation constitutes the most complete

and obvious cultural manifestation that exists, and it is the struggle for national

liberation that provides the impetus for cultural authenticity and creativity (The

Wretched244-5). Like Mart, Fanon makes it clear that the objective is not to

return to former values, cultural forms, and social relations, for the end of the

struggle, which is fundamentally transformative, will mark the appearance of a

new humanity that will define a new humanism both for itself and for others

(The Wretched246). For Mart and Fanon active revolutionaries in anti-colonial

wars of liberation the intellectuals role is not limited to writing and speaking.

They emphasize the duty of insurrection when it is required to achieve a just

society, with all and for the good of all. The struggle that will give rise to a new

humanity and transform society, to paraphrase Fanon, involves the brain and the


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heart (The Wretched192); but it also usually requires a war of liberation and the

arduous physical work of reconstruction and nation-building. Marts intellectual

must participate physically in liberating and building the nation, for the hierarchy

that privileges intellectual labour over manual work undermines the work of

reconstruction to which everyone must actively contribute (e.g., OC 4: 264-5; OC

6: 12). He overturns and replaces this hierarchy with an ideology of work that

emphasizes meaningful labour that participates in national development.

Similarly, Fanons intellectual must take part in action and throw himself body

and soul into the national struggle. You may speak about everything under the

sun; but when you decide to speak of that unique thing in mans life that is

represented by the fact of opening up new horizons, by bringing light into your

own country, and by raising yourself and your people to their feet, then you must

collaborate on the physical plane We must work and fight with the same

rhythm as the people to construct the future and to prepare the ground where

vigorous shoots are already springing up (The Wretched232-3).

Mart led the struggle for Cubas liberation through the ideological

preparation and mobilization of the people to ensure popular support for the

independence war that would achieve dignity for each Cuban in a just and

sovereign state. For Mart, although Cuba would achieve its independence late in

the century, through governance for the good of all and faithful adherence to the

concept of nationhood as the embodiment of the popular will, it was poised to


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avoid the neo-colonial trap fallen into by the Spanish American nations that

entered the world as new republics at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

Nevertheless, the historical transformation of these nations into inclusive and just

societies, and the development of valid forms of national culture, as well as

regional unity, and vigilance in a world of competing ideologies would secure

their sovereignty and their future. He affirmed that Cuba, the doorway to the

Americas, would complete the final stanza in the poem of 1810. Its liberation

would precipitate the true independence ofnuestra Amrica, save the honour of

English America, and contribute to the equilibrium of the world. His

internationalism and contribution to ideas of human progress resonate in the

politics of liberation and revolutionary activism of Franz Fanon. Ultimately, both

Mart and Fanon urge transformation in the political, social, and economic

dimensions of national culture in order to create and defend sovereign states and

just societies. Within this moral and cultural space, and if we understand praxis to

be the criterion of truth, then ultimately, it is the peoples affirmation of the truth

it conveys, realized through praxis, that legitimizes the authority of discourse, art,

and other valid forms of national culture. For Mart, as for Fanon, these include

the political, social, and economic dimensions of national life, embody the

aspirations of the people, ensure the existence and sovereignty of the state, and

contribute to human development beyond national borders. Their ideas of human

progress are clearly relevant to contemporary discourses on national culture,


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humanism and global justice, and continue to inspire social activism and

liberation movements in a world in which the new imperialism has fully exploded

into hegemony on a global scale.


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Bibliography

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York: Grove Press, Inc., 1967.

_______________. The Wretched of the Earth. Trans. Constance Farrington. New

York: Grove Press, Inc., 1963.

Fernndez Retamar, Roberto. Calibn y otros ensayos. La Habana: Editorial Arte

y Literatura, 1979.

Larsen, Neil.Determinations. London: Verso, 2001.

Mart, Jos. Obras completas. 27 vols. La Habana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales,

1975.

Petrovi!, Gajo.A Dictionary of Marxist Thought. Tom Bottomore, et al, eds.

Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard U.P., 1983.

Rama, Angel. The Lettered City. Trans. John Charles Chasteen. Durham: Duke U.

P., 1996. (La Ciudad Letrada. Hanover, N.H.: Ediciones del Norte, 1984.)

Ramos, Julio.Divergent Modernities. Culture and Politics in Nineteenth-Century

Latin America. Trans. John D. Blanco. Durham: Duke U. P., 1996.)

Said, Edward. Culture and Imperialism. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993.

Sarmiento, Domingo. F.Facundo. Civilizacin y barbarie. Vida de Juan Facundo

Quiroga. Mexico: Editorial Porrua, S.A., 1966.

Re-Imagining the Nation

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