R.B.hussein CASAE 40-Libre[1]

8/11/2019 R.B.hussein CASAE 40-Libre[1]

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SUPPLMENT AUX ANNALES DU SERVICE DESANTIQUITS DE LGYPTE

CAHIER NO40

Edited by

Zahi HawassPeter Der ManuelianRamadan B. Hussein

Perspectives onAncientEgyptSTUDIES IN HONOR OF EDWARD BROVARSKI


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(CASAE 40) 2010

CONSEIL SUPRME DES ANTIQUITSDE LGYPTE, LE CAIRE, 2010

All i h d N f hi bli i b d d

Graphic DesignerMagdy Ezzeldin

Director of PrintingAmal Safwat


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CONTENTS

HAWASS ZahiPREFACE ....................................................................................................... 9

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................... 11

NORD DelEDWARD BROVARSKI: AN EGYPTOLOGICAL BIOGRAPHY ......................... 13

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF EDWARD BROVARSKI .................................................. 23

ALLAM SchakNOTES ON THE DESIGNATION 'ELDEST SON/DAUGHTER'

(z/z.t smsw : r /r.t .t)........................................................................ 29

ALTENMLLER HartwigSESCHAT, DIE DEN LEICHNAM VERSORGT, ALS HERRIN BER

VERGANGENHEIT UND GESCHICHTE ........................................................ 35

AYAD Mariam F.RE-FIGURING THE PAST: THE ARCHITECTURE OFTHE FUNERARY CHAPEL OF AMENIRDIS I AT MEDINET HABU,

A RE-ASSESSEMENT ....................................................................................... 53

BIETAK ManfredTHE EARLY BRONZE AGE III TEMPLE AT TELL IBRAHIM AWAD

AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR THE EGYPTIAN OLD KINGDOM ........................ 65

EL AWADY TarekMODIFIED SCENES AND ERASED FIGURES

FROM SAHURES CAUSEWAY RELIEFS ......................................................... 79


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CONTENTS

HAIKAL FayzaOF CATS AND TWINS IN EGYPTIAN FOLKLORE .......................................... 131

HANDOUSSA TohfaTHE FALSE DOOR OF HETEPU FROM GIZA ................................................ 137

HAWASS ZahiTHE EXCAVATION OF THE HEADLESS PYRAMID,

LEPSIUS XXIX ................................................................................................. 153

HOUSER WEGNER JenniferA LATE PERIOD WOODEN STELA OF NEHEMSUMUT IN

THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM OFARCHAEOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY .................................................... 171

HUSSEIN Angela MurockBEWARE OF THE RED-EYED HORUSTHE SIGNIFICANCE OF CARNELIAN IN

EGYPTIAN ROYAL JEWELRY .......................................................................... 185

HUSSEIN Ramadan B.'SO SAID NU'

AN EARLY Bwt SPELL FROM NAGA ED-DR.................................................. 191

KANAWATINaguib

CHRONOLOGY OF THE OLD KINGDOM NOBLESOF EL-QUSIYA REVISITED ............................................................................. 207

LESKO Barbara S.THE WOMEN OF KARNAK ........................................................................... 221


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CONTENTS

MEEKS DimitriDE QUELQUES INSECTESGYPTIENS

ENTRE LEXIQUE ET PALOGRAPHIE ............................................................ 273

MYLIWIEC KarolFATHERS AND ELDEST SONS OVERLAPPING FEET

AN ICONOGRAPHIC MESSAGE ................................................................... 305

NORD DelTHE EARLY HISTORY OF THEPTSIGN(GARDINER SIGN LIST O45/O46) ............................................................... 337

PANTALACCI LaureLE BOVIN ENTRAVAVATARS DUNE FIGURE DE LART ET

LCRITURE DE LGYPTE ANCIENNE ........................................................... 349

PREZ DIE M. CarmenTHE FALSE DOOR AT HERAKLEOPOLIS MAGNA (I) TYPOLOGY AND

ICONOGRAPHY ........................................................................................... 357

RADWAN Ali(BRITISH MUSEUM STATUE EA 480 BANKES STELA 15) ................ 395

SHEIKHOLESLAMI Cynthia May

PALAEOGRAPHIC NOTES FROM TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY THEBES ........... 405

SILVERMAN David P.A FRAGMENT OF RELIEF BELONGING TO

AN OLD KINGDOM TOMB .......................................................................... 423


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'SO SAID NU'AN EARLYBwtSPELL FROM NAGA ED-DR

Ramadan B. Hussein

Iam indeed most privileged for having the opportunity to study under

Professor Edward Brovarski for two years during my graduate studies atBrown University. Eds meticulous approach to, and deep understanding of,

ancient Egyptian art have always made his classes a stimulating experience for all hisstudents. As an assiduous researcher, Ed always advised his students to develop akeen eye when studying Egyptian paleography, iconography and epigraphy, to whichEd has made signicant contributions. I am also fortunate to have worked underEds directorship at the Giza Plateau during the Brown University-Cairo UniversityEpigraphic Expedition to the Abu Bakr Cemetery. I am in fact grateful to him forsupporting my application to the Egyptology doctoral program at Brown University;and it is with utmost pleasure that I dedicate this contribution to Edward Brovarski, agreat teacher and a loyal friend.

Introduction

The idea for this article stemmed from discussions of the Naga ed-Dr epigraphicmaterials during a class on the First Intermediate Period taught by Edward Brovarskiat Brown University in 2002. With his extensive knowledge of the period, Ed wasalways eager to teach me and my colleagues the inscribed materials of Naga ed-Dr within their broader Egyptian chronological, artistic, stylistic and paleographic

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R. B. Hussein

into the texts of the cofns backside. They are, however, thematically interrelatedwith the textual genres of the cofn. One of these spells has already been published bythe present author, and this paper discusses the other unparalleled spell.

UnparalleledBwtSpellThe spell in question is written in thirteen columns of hieroglyphs (cols. 29-41) on

the third panel of the backside of the cofn (Figs 1-2). The hieroglyphic columns arealternately painted black and green on a yellowish background. Parts of the panelsstucco have fallen away along with the painted hieroglyphs, creating rather largelacunae in some parts of the text. This in fact adds a layer of difculty in attempting tocomprehend the theological concepts inherent in the spell.

Among the curious features of this text is the inconsistency in the reading directionsof the hieroglyphs. Although, the hieroglyphs face right, a normal reading of the entire

panel, i.e. from right to left, does not yield a coherent text. A retrograde reading for theentire text, however, is not possible either. Our examination of the text suggests thatthe direction of the reading of the columns must have been intended to be as follows:cols. 33-29 retrograde,4and cols. 34-41 normal from right to left.

TransliterationCols. 33-29iw(.i) twr.k(w) wsSt [. ] i(i).(n).f n.k m HD-wr

mr iww rxyt Hzy pAwty psDt iwnwy xy &m[ ] nj wnm.n(.i) Hsi

pw Hsi nj wnm (.i) st Htp-kA xmy(.i) st anx(.i) (m) xt bnrt

kAwy dSrwy sTAw(t) bwt.i nj wnm.i st bwt zp sn

pr n.i Hst.n.i hA n(.i) Smat.n.i

Cols. 34-41anx(.i) m irp anx(i) m iw.i n [w]r [r]mHw-A wr pn m rm[.s]n rH[ty] snsny imnt Hna At

rm.sn sw [r itrt] .. [r]mwt nTr pw

gwA.n.i awy.i Hr nn mi [m] [h]rw 5 Hryw rnpt

h [ ] [ ] [a]b H D


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AN EARLYBwtSPELL FROM NAGA ED-DR

for excrement, I shall not eat it.7As for Htp-kA, I shall ignore it. I shall live on date-cake,8two red oxen, and the contents of the sTAwt-containers. What I detest, I shall not eat;abomination, abomination. What I have sung shall come forth for me; what I havechanted shall go down for me.9

Translation: Cols. 34-41I will live on wine. I will live on [] [] [I] belong to the [G]reat one who weeps.

I do wish that10 this Great One was one who weeps [for] them, the Two SisterlyCompanions, West and East (?), when they mourn him [at the cofn] . these are thetears of god.11I have stretched my arms on these like [in] the ve-epagomenal days.O Horus, few and small are the spt-measures [of offerings] [on] the offering stone,although the tomb is intact. O One who is in the scepter of [Thinis] this every day.I shall give to you your knife,12the nger that cuts open One shall be blind for

him,13

twice, so saidNw.14

[My] bAis respectful the One numerous15

of forms shallcome into being.

Notes on the Translationtwr.ki

The group in twr.k(i)is a corruption of , the Middle Egyptian stativeending.16

i(i).n.f n.k

A portion of the text is lost right after the passage iw(.i) twr.ki wsSt, encumbering ourattempt to comprehend this part of the spell. In this lacuna, the verb of the followingsentence is mostly missing, except for the majority of its initial reed leaf. Therefore,we suggest the restoration of the verb ii 'to come'. The third person singular sufx

pronoun in 'ii.n.f' perhaps modi

es a deity, whose name is lost in the lacuna.

mr iww rxty

The writing of mrwith a tick in the middle is met with on Naga ed-Dr documentsfrom the First Intermediate Period.17The verb mris a polysemous word, whose core

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rather focuses on the mourning state of the iww rxtyregion. The entire passage alludesto the mourning of Osiris by the Two Kites, i.e., Isis and Nephthys.

pAwty psDt

The exact reading of the group is mysterious, and the lack of parallels allowsfor only mere guessing for both its reading and translation. Perhaps, the sign is acursive form of pAwt/pAt,22meanwhile the glyph possibly represents a variant of

N 9. Hence, the readingpAwty psDtis proposed for this group of hieroglyphs. In fact,pAwty psDtis a designation of Horus attested on the cofn Vatican 25012.2.1, dating tothe Third Intermediate Period.23A similar epithet, i.e.,pAwty psDt aAt, denotes Sobek ona Middle Kingdom document.24Nevertheless, that the preceding passage refers to themourning state of the iww rxtyregion over the death of Osiris suggests that Horus,who is more connected to the Osirian myth than is Sobek, is intended here.

iwnwy

The iwn-sign adopts the form , which was common in inscriptions from Denderaduring the late years of King PpyII.25It also recurs on the much later inscriptions ofMrriof Dendera, which Fischer dated to the Ninth Dynasty.26In the present discoursefocusing on the mourning of Osiris, the 'two pillars' are probably Isis and Nephthyswho stand at the deceaseds head and feet.

xy &m

The orthography for the word xy, i.e., 'child' varies slightly from the writing ,which is employed in col. 21 on the frontside of the cofn. The word xyis followed bya group of two glyphs: the rst is most likely the tm-sign , while the second ishence the reading xy &m, meaning 'the Child of Atum'. Christian Leitz has listed only

one attestation of xy &m.27

It apparently refers to Osiris, whose death is alluded to inthe preceding passages.Noteworthy here is that the editor ofPpy-imAs text interrupted the ow of the bwt

spell by interjecting the passages 'mr iww rxyt Hzy pAwty psDt iwnwy xy &m' that areseemingly unretaled to the bwt spells with respect to their theme. Such interjection

f h h i h i i f b ll i i f i P i f


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paleographic feature that occurs frequently in First Intermediate Period documentsfrom Gebelein and Moalla.28

The hieroglyph below kAwy is not entirely preserved; its rear part is missing.Nevertheless, the sign appears to be the amingo , i.e., dSr. Unlike the normal formof the amingo hieroglyph, the bird onPpyimAs cofn has a long neck that is loweredto the level of the legs. A similar dSr-sign is found on the cofn ofAgyfrom Naga ed-Dr.29I, therefore, propose the reading kAwy dSrwy, meaning the 'two red bulls'.

In fact, titles pertaining to cattle breeding are not uncommon on Naga ed-Drdocuments, particularly the titles imy-r kmwt (overseer of the black cattle) and imy-rdSrwt(overseer of the red cattle).30Brovarski suggests that the dSrwcattle must havebeen bred for the cult of Onuris at Thinis.31Therefore, the two red bulls might havebeen sacred offerings desired byPpy-imAfrom his local temple.

sTAwtThe word sTAwt is written out phonetically; its feminine ending as well as most

of the determinative sign is missing. In Old Kingdom tombs, sTAwt designates slimconical box-like containers decorated with ostrich feathers.32The scene of draggingand delivering the sTAwT-containers to the tomb constituted an integral theme in thedecorative scheme of tombs from late Dynasty Four to early Dynasty Six.33 Whenoccurring in tomb decorations, sTAwt-containers are traditionally integrated into

different contexts, being depicted among offering piles,34 and in conjunction withslaughter scenes35as well as granary scenes.36The variability of the sTAwtcontexts havein fact resulted in multiple interpretations of the word; such as 'bundles',37'offeringsledges',38 'sledges',39and 'containers'.40 In the same manner, the content of the sTAwtcontainers is another point of argumentation; it is thought that they contained grainsnecessary for bread-baking and beer-making.41However, Berlandini suggests that the

sTAwtcontained cuts of meat, for they are sometimes depicted with butchery scenes.42

Von Bissing posited that the Old Kingdom sTAt-containers were the prototype ofthe well-attested mrt-chests of the New Kingdom, perhaps because of the strikingsimilarities between the two containers.43However, judging by the contexts of the sTAwt-containers, it seems that the New Kingdom rite of presenting the mrt-chests did noth h li i i i M b li h h h i i


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a papyrus roll determinative, appears in the tombs ofPtH-Htpat Saqqara47

and t-katGiza.48In t-kAs tomb, the deceased is represented seated receiving his funerary serviceperformed by a lector priest who reads from an open papyrus a nis sTAt 'proclamationof the sTAtofferings'. Junker believes that the phrase nis sTAtshould be an analogous tothe common phrase of offering proclamation, nis dbHt Htpw.49

Since sTAtis apparently parallel to dbHt-Htpw, and was mentioned along with the 'xtbnrt' and 'kAwy dSrwy' on Ppy-imAs cofn, I believe that sTAtwas not a certain kind ofoffering, but rather the different offerings demanded by either the lector priest or thekA-priest for the funerary service.

pr n.i Hst.n.i hA n(.i) Smat.n.i

A variant of this passage is attested in the text of the sarcophagus of Bb fromDendera.50In an entirely different context, the sarcophagus of Bbrecords:pr.n.i s.i hA

n.i s (.i).51

iw.[i] n [w]r [r]m Hw-A wr pn m rm[.s]n [rH]ty snsnty imnt Hna At rm.s[n] sw [r itrt]

The lacuna after iwallows only one glyph to be restored and traces of the paintsuggest the restoration of the rst person singular sufx . A variant of this part ofthe spell is found in the passage CT VI, 385a-c on the cofn of piof El-Bersha.52TheEl-Bersha version reads: wr rm Hw-A wr pn rm m rmm snsnty imnt Hna iAbt rm.sn sn r itrt.Faulkner renders it as 'O Great One, weep; I do wish that this Great One who weeps

were one who weeps for the two Sisterly Companions, West and East, when they weepfor themselves at the cofn'.53

Demonstrating a number of editorial modications, Ppy-imAs version evidentlyfollowed a different textual tradition. For example, while the El-Bersha version startswith the vocative wr rm, Ppy-imAs text utilizes the adverbial sentence iw.i n wr rm.This alteration changed the discourse from addressing the wr rminto identifying the

deceased with him. What is also peculiar inPpy-imAs version is the replacement of iAbtwith the desert god A in the passage 'rHty snsnty imnt Hna iAbt'. Traditionally,Awasassociated with the Western Desert as one of its lords.54Yet, the inclusion of this god inPpy-imAs text as opposite to imnt(i.e., west) re-introduces him as the personication ofthe East, an identication that is unique toPpy-imAs cofn. It should also be noted thath i f P i dd d f i i di h i i f


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[r]mwt nTr pwA parallel of [r]mwt nTr pwcould be found in CT VI, 385 d, which reads: iw rmwt

nTr m HwAAt awt m.i 'the tears of the god are the putrefaction of the members in me'.58Although, Ppy-imAs editor commences with the variant: 'these are the tears of god',in agreement with the El-Bersha version, he eliminated the rest of the passage,composing a less meaningful passage. One, however, could construe that this passagedeals thematically with a negative concept of 'the tears of the god', which is portrayedas the agent of putrefaction in the decomposition process.

wAg.n.i Hr nn mi [h]rw 5 Hryw rnpt

At this point, the editor of the text starts a series of unparalleled passages that arenot related to the traditional genre of the bwtspells. In the passage wAg.n.i Hr nn mi [h]rw 5 Hryw rnpt, The inclusion of the ve epagomenal days is instructive as to the

purpose of the passage, though it is hard to construe the entire meaning because of theillegible hieroglyphs in the middle of the passage. The ve epagomenal days give atemporal aspect to the event alluded to in the coming passages. In addition, since thistime of the year was considered a period of cosmic turmoil, they represent a periodduring which there is a threat to the process of creation in general.

r nhw Srr sp[t] . [a]bA HAt wDAt

This section of the spell interrupts a series of new passages. Variants are attested in:CT III, 391 e 'nhy Srr spt nt xt abA HAt wDAt' in S1C;CT IV, 45 j 'nhy Srr spt t abA HAt (w)DAt' in B1C; andCT VI, 299 f-g 'nhy Srr spt nt t xbA HAt (w)DAt' in B1BO.As Faulkner has noted, the meaning of this passage is obscure. It is, however,

apparent that variants revolve around the word spt, a clear denition of its meaning

would help construing this passage. In the aforementioned variants, sptis connectedwith offerings 'spt n xt' in S1C, and bread 'spt tand spt nt t' in B1C and B1BO respectively.Unfortunately, we cannot decide as to which of the two traditions Ppy-imAs textconforms because almost two groups of hieroglyphs are missing after the word spt.

In the context of the Cofn Texts, Faulkner rendered sptas 'banks' or 'threshing- ' 59 H h h d d i h b i h i


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When considering the thematic relationship of the passager nhw Srr sp[t] [a]bA HAtwDAtwith the preceding passage that mentions the ve epagomenal days, it becomesapparent that the notion of the scarcity of offerings and perhaps other ritual paraphernaliaemphasizes the chaotic state of the world during the ve epagomenal days.

HA.k Imy-sxm n [&A-wr]

Imy-sxm'One who is in the sxm-Scepter' is evidently a deity, for it is written with thedeterminative . In fact, Imy-sxmrecalls the scepter 'sxm imy &A-wr', i.e., 'the Scepterwhich is in This', mentioned in Pyr. 754c. Based on this analogy, one might proposerestoring the name of the Thinite Nome '&A-wr' after the genitival ninPpy-imAs text. Itis evident that 'sxm imy &A-wr' designates Osiris in the cemetery of Abydos,62where thecult of a great scepter was established during the Ramesside Period.63Yet, evidenceoffers earlier date for the cult of the Scepter in Abydos and probably in the environs

around the Thinite Nome. Brovarski called attention to a scene in the tomb of +awin Deir el-Gebrwi from late Dynasty Six, where the tomb owner is depicted beinghonored in front of a divine Scepter.64A similar cult object in the form of a sceptercalledMATwwas worshiped in Naga ed-Dr during the First Intermediate Period.65

It is evident that the text here refers to the deceased in his Osirian identity,particularly the local Naga ed-Dr scepter form, Imy-sxm n &A-wr. Such a form wasconnected with the resurrection of Osiris in later textual and representational sources.

rdw.i n.k ds.k

As demonstrated below,Nw, the god of the Abyss is clearly addressing the deceasedin his Imy-sxmform. The presentation of a knife to the deceased during this transitionalepisode from chaos (i.e., the ve epagomenal days and scarcity of sustenance) toresurrection (i.e., association with Imy-sxm n &A-wr) is particularly interesting, especially

in the contexts of the passages discussed below. What one would expect here is aninimical animal that would hinder the process of the resurrection of the deceased.

Dbaw wgs(?)The determinative of the verb is probably the knife-glyph. Therefore,

i i ibl i f h b 66 i ' ' '


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Spwt.n.fLise Manniche suggests that Sp/t, in religious context and ritual scenes particularly

those of the blind harpist, denotes a temporary loss of vision because of being exposedto the blasting radiance of a divinity.68 If Manniches assumption is true, perhapsour passage refers to the radiance of the deceased whose bA, as we will see below, isrespectful in the Netherworld. That the god Nwdeclares the blinding of the inimicalanimal by the blasting radiance of the deceased implicitly expresses the watery natureof the location, where this episode of the struggle takes place.

In fact, this series of passages (i.e., rdw.i n.k ds.k Dbaw wgs (?) Spwt.n.f m sp snDd Nw) portrays mythological events closely allied to the Heliopolitan myth of thecosmic struggle betweenRaand the snake app. All elements of this continuous struggleare present in these passages: the waters of Nw, where the cosmic serpent appresidesawaiting to hinder the process of creation (i.e., the raising of the new sun), and the

weapons that the deceased will have to use against him (i.e., the knife and the

ngerof the deceased as well as the blasting radiance of the sun). Reference to this episodeof the cosmic struggle are inherent in passages of the 'serpent spells' of the PyramidTexts.69For example, the cataclysmic state of the universe is well explained in Pyr 234a Sn pt Sn tA Sn mDr HA rxyt'Sky will entwine, Earth will entwine, the male who turnsaround the subjects will entwine'.70Also, Pyr 237a is straightforward in giving themythological and cosmological identity of the watery region of the conict. It reads:

'the cobra that came from the earth has fallen, the re that came fromNwhas fallen'.71Moreover, reference to the knife and the claw of the feline form of the sun are found inPyr 228a 'the dapple knife, all black and green, has emerged and swallowed the oneit has licked', and Pyr 229a ant tw nn nt &m'this is the ngernail of Atum'. The radianceof the sun as a weapon in the ght against the cosmic serpent is also referred to in Pyr 226a xr Hm psDt m mw'the incarnation of the sunshine has fallen in the water'.

xpn aSAt nt xpn(w)

The verb xpnis listed in the Wbas a variation of xpr.72Although unveriable,the Wbs suggestion suits our context. As for the epithet aSAt nt xpn(w)/xprw'One whois numerous of forms', it clearly designates a female deity. Leitz lists a similar divine

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though the last sections of the spell that allude to the cosmic struggle are ritualistic innature (they are direct addresses to the deceased), they conclude with the deceasedsdeclaration that his bAis respectful. This uctuation between passages that are utteredby the deceased and others that are spoken to/about him is rarely met with in the latervariants of the bwtgenre.

In addition, Ppy-imAs spell seems to have been composed under the inuence ofa local textual and theological tradition in Naga ed-Dr. Within the framework ofsuch tradition, major editorial activities in the form of interpolations resulted in thecomposition of a multi-themed bwtspell that transcended its genre. While the majorityof the bwtspell variants adhere to the main theme of the genre, namely ghting hungerand resisting consuming feces and urine,Ppy-imAs text appears to be a conation ofparalleled and unparalleled passages that focus on the concepts of cosmic disturbanceand resurrection along with that of ghting consumption of excrement in the

Netherworld. The former concepts are indeed unique to Ppy-imAs bwtvariant, sincethe process of resurrection was never the purpose of the known spells of that genre.74Also,Ppy-imAs text demonstrates a number of discrepancies with the later variants

of the Cofn Texts bwtspells. For example, it lacks the common title of the bwtspells(i.e., A spell for not walking upside down in the Realm of the Dead), which in factindicates that the reversed order of the Netherworld is what elicited the deceasedsfear of consuming excrement. In this regard, Ppy-imAs text conforms to the exemplar

model of the bwtspell, as titles were glosses to later variants.75What is also noticeableis the absence of passages identifying the source of pollution in the Netherworld, aconcept that evidently was a point of disagreement among Egyptian theologians andeditors of the Cofn Texts corpus.76In the same manner,Ppy-imAs text deviates fromits genre as far as the source of sustenance and its kinds are concerned. Generally, thebwtgenre offers celestial sources (like the sxt-Htpand the sxt-iArw) as well as terrestrial

sources (like the altar of the Sun god in Heliopolis). However,Ppy-imA

s text uniquelyguaranteed that the deceased will live on kAwy dSrwy'two red oxen'. These probablycame from the temple of Onuris at Thinis, where red cattle were bred for his cult duringthe First Intermediate Period. Another food item mentioned in the texts is the offeringsof thesTAt-box, which probably contained all the necessary offerings requested by thel i d h k i f h f i


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others that relate to the process of creation, an editorial attempt that is unprecedentedin the bwtgenre.

Endnotes1 E. Brovarski, The Inscribed Material of the First Intermediate Period from Naga ed-Dr, PhD. thesis (University of Chi-

cago, 1989).2 For the early date of Ppy-imAs coffin, see R. B. Hussein, 'A New Coffin Texts Spell from Naga ed-Dr', in P. Der

Manuelian, et. al (eds), Egypt and Beyond: Studies Presented to Leonard Lesko on the Occasion of his Retirement,(Providence, 2007), 171-195.

3 More Coffin Texts from Naga ed-Dr are found on a fragment of a coffin excavated in tomb N 361. I am thankful toEdward Brovarski for providing me with a photograph of this fragment.

4 Retrograde texts are uncommon in the pre-New Kingdom documents. Therefore, this portion ofPpy-imAs text representsone of the early examples of such writing convention. Recently, however, Phillipe Collombert identified a 'semi retrograde'text in the newly discovered pyramid of Queen Behnu of the Sixth Dynasty at Saqqara. Inscribed on the northern wall ofthe burial chamber of the queen, this text runs in the form of a band of hieroglyphs through the middle of a palace faadedecoration (I am grateful to Dr. Collombert for his generosity during my visit to the site of the pyramid of queen Behnuin March 8, 2010, and for allowing me to make a note of the semi retrograde text).

5 The passage iw (.i) twr.ki wsStis of the construction 'iw+ subject + stative'; a pattern that is syntactically used as anindependent clause expressing a fact or possibly a wish in Old Egyptian; see E. Edel, Altgyptische Grammatika,Analecta Orientalia 34/39, (Roma, 1955/1964), 909-910; also, J. P. Allen, Inflection of the Verb in the Pyramid Texts,Bibliotheca Aegyptia2 (1984), 570-571; and Allen, Middle Egyptian: An Introduction to the Language and Cultureof Hieroglyphs(Cambridge University Press, 2000), 204. In his analysis of the syntax of the stative forms of transitiveverbs in Old Egyptian, Doret termed this construction as resultative, 'because it describes the state which results froman action', see . Doret, The Narrative Verbal System of Old and Middle Egyptian(Genve, 1986), 102, 97, and no.1210.

6 For an enumeration of the attestations of HD-wr, see Chr. Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen,OLA111 (Louvain, 2002), 5, 601; also for his occurrences in the Coffin Texts, see R. van Der Molen, A HieroglyphicDictionary of Egyptian Coffin Texts(Brill, Leiden, Boston, Kln, 2000), 368.

7 In the passages 'Hsi nj wnm.i st' and 'Htp-kA xmy (.i) st', emphasis on Hsiand Htp-kAwas accomplished by fronting them.

On the topicalization by fronting, see F. Junge, 'Emphasis' and Sentential Meaning in Middle Egyptian, GttingerOrientforschungen20, (Wiesbaden, 1989), 69ff

8 For the earliest attestation of xt bnrtin the offering list of Imtfrom Saqqara; see W. S. Smith, The Art and Architectureof Ancient Egypt (Harmondsworth, 1959), Pl. 13. Also, see W. Barta, Die altgyptische Opferliste, von der Frhzeitbis zur griechisch-rmischen EpocheOpferliste(Berlin, 1963), 26; and G. Lapp, Die Opferformel des Alten Reiches:unter Bercksichtigung einiger spterer Formen (Mainz am Reihn, 1986), 134-138. For the meaning of xt bnrtas date-cakes, see I. Wallert, Die Palmen im Alten gypten; eine Untersuchung ihrer Praktischen, Symbolischen und religisenBedeutung(Berlin, 1962), 45-46.

9 The passagepr n.i Hst.n.i hA n(.i) Smat.n.i, although apparently consisting of two balanced clauses, ends with twosubjunctive sDm.fforms. The subject in each sentence is syntactically dealt with as a substantivized relative sDmt.n.f.This

form was first recognized by Erman in 1881 (Erman, 'Altgyptische Studien', ZS19 (1881), 53-58). He explained thetin sDmtas a necessary morpheme that modifies an omitted antecedent. He also underscored that the Pyramid Textsinclude quite numerous examples of relative sDmt.fforms, which functions as nominal objects of prepositions and verbs.Its clearest example is in Pyr. 937a-d: wnm Mry-n-ra m wnmt.Tn im anx Mry-n-ra m anx.Tn'MayMry-n-ra eat from what you eatthere. May Mry-n-ra live on what you live on'. While the Pyramid Texts examples use nominalized relative sDmt.fform,Ppy-imAs coffin utilizes thesDmt.n.fform.

10 For the use of Hw-Aas a particle expressing a wish, see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar (Oxford, 1950), 119, 238.


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20 Faulkner suggested the reading iww HAtyinstead of iww rxty, judging by the phonetic spelling 'HAt' for the word 'kite' inthe passage CT, IV, 331g (see, Faulkner, Coffin Texts, I(Warminster, 1973), 274, no. 3). However, the orthography ofPpy-imAs coffin clearly utilizes two lapwing birds 'rxty'.

21 Cf. CT 338.22 H. Goedicke, Old Hieratic Paleography(Baltimore, 1988), 47a-b.23 For the attestation and dating, see Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen, III, 2224 See Gardiner, 'Hymns to Sobk in A Ramesseum Papyrus', RdE11 (1957), 43-56; and Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen

Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen, III, 2225 Cf. for exemple, the inscriptions of Idw II of Dendera, see Henry G. Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C., down

to the Theban Domination of Upper Egypt(New Jersey, 1968), fig. 15.

26 Fischer, Dendera, 129-31; and fig. 15.

27 Leitz, Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen, 5, 62328 H. G. Fischer, 'The Nubian Mercenaries of Gebelein during the First Intermediate Period', Kush9 (1961), 44-80; and

Fischer, Dendera, 89, nos 403-404. Note that the examples collected by Fischer exhibit a slightly different form. Theyshow a reclining bull with one leg extended.Ppy-imAs example could be perceived as a variation of a relatively commonwriting of cows and bulls from the late First Intermediate Period.

29 For the date of this coffin, see Brovarski, Inscribed Material, 399ff.30 Both titles were held by HAgy; see Brovarski, Inscribed Material, 399ff.31 Brovarski, Inscribed Material, 399ff. Also, in Dendara, Tnnt-cattle were bred for Hathor, see Fischer, Dendera, 26-27.;

see also M. Galvin, The Priestesses of Hathor in the Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period(Massachusetts,1981). Passim.

32 In his study of the mrt-chests, Arnold Egberts included a list of the sTAtscenes occurring in tombs from the Old andMiddle Kingdoms; see A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning: A study of the Ancient Egyptian Rites of Consecrating theMeret-chest and Driving the Calves(Leiden, 1995), Appendix 1.

33 For the early scenes of the sTAwt-containers, see Lapp, Typologie der Srge und Sargkammern von der 6, bis 13Dynastie(Heidelberg, 1993), 8, fig. 7.

34 Macramallah, Fouilles Saqqarah. Le masaba dIdout(Le Caire, Impr. de lInstitut franais darchologie orientale,1935), 12, Petrie,Antaeopolis; the Tombs of Qau(London, 1930), 26; and J. Vandier, 'Sur une scne d'offrande de latombe de Ouahka II Antopolis', CdE19 (1944), fig. 14.

35 Moussa and Altenmuller, Das Grab des Nianchchnum und Chnumhotep(Mainz am Rhein, 1977), 116; and von Bissing,Die mastaba des Gem-ni-kai(Berlin, 1905-1911), pl. 11-12.

36 Von Bissing, Gem-ni-ka, pl. 8; and P. Munro, Das Unas-Friedhof Nord-West: topographisch-historische Einleitung,(Mainz am Rhein, 1993), 6; pl. 3 and 38.

37 Von Bissing, Gem-ni-ka, 29-33.38 L. Klebs, Die Reliefs des alten Reiches (2980-2475 v. Chr.): Material zur gyptishcen Kulturgeschichte(Heidleberg,

1915), 43.39 N. de Garis Davies, The Mastaba of Ptahhetep and Akhethetep at Saqqareh(London, 1900-1901), 17.40 Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 419ff.41 Von Bissing, Gem-ni-ka, 29-33; Klebs, Die Reliefs, 42-44; and R. Krauspe, Das gyptische Museum der Universitt

Leipzig(Mainz am Rhein, 1997), 137. Egberts indicates that sTAwtcontained a particular kind of bread made from thenbs-fruit, i.e. the Christs Thorn fruit, see Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 422.

42 Berlandini, LIV, 92. The Wbtoo translates it as 'presentation of meat'; see WbIV, 355, 7.43 Von Bissing, Gem-ni-ka, 29-33.44 A. Moret, La Mise a mort du dieu en gypte(Paris, 1927), 24-31. figs 3-11.45 Vandier, Manuel darchologie gyptienne, VI (Paris, 1952-), 201-203.46 P. Posener-Kriger, Les archives du temple funraire de Nferirkar-Kaka (Les papyrus dAbousir): traduction et

commentaire(Le Caire, 1976), 180; and Posener-Kriger, 'Quelques pices du matriel cultuel du temple funraire deRneferef', MDAIK47 (1991), pl. 38.


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56 CT619.

57 CT 220, for more on the functions of rHty, cf. A Egberts, In Quest of Meaning, 161-162.58 Faulkner, Coffin Texts2, 289.59 Faulkner, Coffin Texts 1, 201, 218; and 2, 241.60 Cf. J. Mlek, 'sptin Urk. IV ,23,9', RdE30, (1978), 168-171; Meeks,Anne Lexicographique. gypte ancienne, 2 (Paris,

1978), 319.61 W. Ward, 'Comparative Studies in Egyptian and Ugaritic', JNES20 (1961), 40; Cf. also, W. Erichsen, Papyrus Harris I:

Hieroglyphische Transkription, in Biliotheca aegyptiaca5, (1933), 44 and 62.62 Although indications for Osiris are strong in PT 422, The Meir version of CT546 associated the Scepter of Abydos with

Inpw: 'ink Inpw nb sxm m AbDw'.

63 A. M. Calverly and Gardiner, The Temple of King Sethos I at Abydos, 3 vols (Chicago, 1933-38), 3, pl. 7; W. Spiegelberg,'Varia': Zum gyptischen Stabkultus', RecTrav28 (1906), 163-164; and A. Awadalla, 'La Stele de Nfrw au Musee deLeyde V 38', Bulletin Socit dgyptologie Genve14 (1990), 5-14

64 N. de G. Davies, The Rock Tombs of Deir el-Gebrwi, 2 (London, 1902), pl. 8, and Brovarski, Inscribed Material, 485-486.

65 On his stela from Dynasty Eleven, Hniof Naga ed-Dr held the title 'imy-r Tbwt nb nt Sms MATw' the overseer of the retinueof the 'Scepter'MATw, cf. Dunham, Naga ed-Dr Stelae of the First Intermediate Period(London, 1937), 83, pl. 24.2; andfor the date of the Hnis stela, see Brovarski, Inscribed Material, 479-486.

66 See WbI, 377, 13; and R. Hanning,gyptisches Wrterbuch I: Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit(Mainz am Rhein,2003), 385.

67 Hanning,gyptisches Wrterbuch, 385.68 L. Manniche, 'Symbolic Blindness', Chronique dgypte53 (1978), 13-21.69 The cosmological significant of the 'serpent spells' of the Pyramid Texts (Group A) is discussed in extenso in the

authors PhD. thesis; see Ramadan B. Hussein, The Saite Pyramid Texts Copies in the Memphite and HeliopolitanShaft-tombs: A Study of their Selection and Layout, PhD. thesis (Brown University, 2009), 150ff.

70 Following Allens translation, see also his comment on 'the male who turns around the subjects'. He believes it refers toeither the living king or the sun; see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (Leiden, 2005), 17, no. 8. Perhaps thelatter fits the context of cosmic disturbance better.

71 Following Allens translation, see Allen, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, 18. The italicization of Nu is mine.72 Cf. Wb. III, 260, 5.73 Leitz,Lexikon der gyptischen Gtter und Gtterbezeichnungen, 2, 227.

74 D. Topmann, Die Abscheu- Sprche der altgytischen sargtexte: Untersuchungen zu Textemen und Dialogstrukturen,Gttinger OrientforschungenIV, Reihe gypten39 (Wiesbaden, 2002), Passim.

75 Cf. D. Silverman, 'Textual Criticism in the Coffin Texts', in W. K. Simpson (ed.), Religion and Philosophy in AncientEgypt, Yale Egyptological Studies3 (1989), 29-54.

76 In the El-Bersha tradition, for example, the pollution comes from the rear of Osiris (CT173), but in the Theban versionof CT214 it is said that excrement is brought to the deceased by Khnum and sqdy. Also in spell CT205 from El-Bershaand Asyut, we learn that the deceased distances himself from a group of seven spirits 'who live on feces and quenchtheir thirst with urine'. Also in spell CT203 from Asyut and Thebes, the deceased takes a similar attitude toward 'he-who-collects-excrement'(Hs Hsy).


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Fig. 1.Backside ofPpy-imA's coffin.


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Fig.2.Third panel, Backside ofPpy-imA's coffin.

R.B.hussein CASAE 40-Libre[1]

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