R EPENTHETIC+VOWELS+IN+ J L 16 21irwin/site/Home_files/Replication...JAPANESE+LOANWORDS+FROMTHE+16TH...
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REPLICATION OF EPENTHETIC VOWELS IN JAPANESE LOANWORDS FROM THE 16TH
TO 21ST CENTURY
Mark Irwin山形大学准教授
Epenthetic Vowels: Overview
When analysed from a synchronic viewpoint, epenthe8c vowels in Japanese loanwords are largely uncontroversial
So uncontroversial that, in the brief overview to follow, I will not bother to cite any references
All syllables in Japanese must be either open, or have a coda in a mora obstruent /Q/ or /N/ (ッ or ン)
The closed syllables and consonant clusters found frequently in donor words are adapted to Japanese phontac8cs by means of vowel epenthesis: e.g. Eng. phrase > fureezu
Synchronically, the most commonly found epenthe8c vowels are /u/ and, to a lesser extent, /i/, both of which are conspicuous in Japanese for undergoing regular devoicing in certain environments. The vowel /u/ is also the most subject to weakening and dele8on in Japanese in general
It is important to remember that the value of the epenthe8c vowel is determined not by the adapted Japanese consonant, but by the donor consonant: e.g. peeji < Eng. page (g = [dʒ]), but beeju from Fr. beige (g = [ʒ])
I will not list here those donor consonants which aRract an epenthe8c /u/, as they are too numerous
Those donor consonants which aRract an epenthe8c /i/ include borrowings with a [ks] cluster (tekisuto, tekisasu); the affricates [tʃ] and [dʒ] (iNči, peeji); and all retroflex (burejinefu) and palatal (čuuriQhi) donor consonants
Those donor consonants which aRract an epenthe8c /o/ include donor [t d] (sutoreeto, aNdoroido); and [Cwa] clusters from French (kurowaQsaN, fowagura)
However, three rela8vely infrequent donor phones, the velar frica8ves [x ɣ] and the pharyngeal frica8ve [ħ], appear in Japanese borrowings with four possible epenthe8c vowels /a i u o/
Before looking at this unusual synchronic case more closely, it is necessary to examine epenthe8c vowels diachronically
Japanese loanword borrowing can be divided diachronically into three phases:
Phase Dates Donor Languages Engine
IBERIAN mid-‐16th > mid-‐17th
chiefly Portuguese, some La8n and Spanish
Catholic prosely8sing
DUTCHmid-‐17th > mid-‐19th overwhelmingly Dutch
European science and technology (蘭学)
WESTERNmid-‐19th > present
German, French, Russian, Italian, but now overwhelmingly English
moderniza8on and the opening of Japan, coupled with the collapse of
the Qing Empire > American economic and poli8cal power
In the IBERIAN borrowing phase, we find a paRern of vowel epenthesis crucial to my presenta8on today. It was first noted as long ago as Ichikawa (1930) and Doi (1933), and termed by Ichikawa vowel harmony
Since, in modern linguis8cs, vowel harmony has a different meaning, Ichikawa’s term is no longer appropriate. I will term it vowel replica8on (母音複製)
The vowel replica8on found in IBERIAN borrowings is overwhelmingly an8cipatory (先行複製), as shown in the
following slide
green = epenthetic vowel orange: replicated vowel
keredo Por. credo (1600)
kirišitaN Por. cristão (1587)
poroheeta Por. profeta (1600)
batereN Por. padre (1569)
sakarameNto Por. sacramento (1592)
ekerešia Lat. ecclesia (1600)
There are, however, also examples of IBERIAN borrowings where vowel replica8on does not occur and the epenthe8c vowel is the expected /u/:
irumaN Por. irmão (1568)
arutaru Por. altar (1591)
bapučizumo Por. baptismo (1591)
maručiru Por. mártir (1600)
bisupo Por. bispo (1636)
Sawada (1985) claimed that vowel replica8on in borrowings from the IBERIAN phase is most likely to occur when the final consonant in a donor cluster is a liquid, i.e. before Japanese /r/ (< Por [l] and [r])
Her claim appears to be broadly correct, especially when one reviews the examples just cited:
REPLICATION: keredo kirišitaN poroheeta batereN sakarameNto ekerešia
NO REPLICATION: irumaN arutaru bapučizumo maručiru bisupo
An8cipatory replica8on can also be found in some DUTCH borrowings:
garasu Du. glas (1763)
taraQpu Du. trap (1848)
sutorikiniine Du. strychnine (1837)
Ves8ges of rarer persevera8ve replica8on (後続複製)
remain in some very early WESTERN borrowings:
sarada Eng. salad (1874)
toroQko Eng. truck (1907)
So much for the diachronic analysis. I return now to a synchronic analysis of the epenthe8c vowels found arer the donor back frica8ves [x ɣ ħ]
These three frica8ves all > Jp. /h/, but paRerning of epenthe8c vowels is as follows:
PRECEDING DONOR VOWEL
EXAMPLE 1 EXAMPLE 2
open front Ger. Bach baQha Ar. fataħ fataha
non-open front Du. Maastricht maasutorihito Ger. Büchner byuuhina
close back Ger. Buchner bufunaa Ger. Bruch buruQfu
non-close back Du. van Gogh baNgoQho Gae. loch roQho
no preceding
vowelDu. Groningen furooniNgeN
Du. van Doesburg faNdoosuburufu
This epenethic vowel paRerning differs from the an8cipatory replica8on found in the IBERIAN and DUTCH borrowing phases in one crucial respect:
With the synchronic back frica8ves [x ɣ ħ], it is the previous donor vowel which determines the epenthe8c vowel
With IBERIAN an8cipatory replica8on, it is the previous adapted vowel which determines the epenthe8c vowel
Why does anCcipatory replicaCon conCnue to be found with the donor back fricaCves [x ɣ ħ]? Why has it not been replaced by the more dominant epentheCc vowel /u/?
One clue towards finding an answer to this quesCon lies in some borrowings from Russian and Polish:
Ru. Казахстан kazafusutan *kazahasutaN
Ru. Ахматова afumaatova *ahamaatova
Pol. Lech refu *rehi
Here, epentheCc /u/ has indeed replaced anCcipatory replicaCon
The answer to both why an8cipatory replica8on con8nues to be found with most borrowings containing donor back frica8ves [x ɣ ħ], and also to why it has been replaced by dominant epenthe8c /u/ only in borrowings from Russian and Polish, lies in a socio-‐historical linguis8c phenomenon known as the dic;onary tradi;on
Borrowing in Japanese has overwhelmingly stemmed from orthographic, not auditory sources
This applies not only to the three borrowing phases I have already men8oned (IBERIAN, DUTCH, WESTERN), but equally to the preceding centuries-‐long borrowing phase from various Chinese topolects which resulted in the kango layer of Japanese vocabulary
There have been some auditory borrowings, however, and together borrowing routes in Japanese have resulted in three types of loan: auditory, dic8onary and spelling
These are illustrated in the following slide
Japanese borrowing routes
donor word
dictionary pronunciation
assigned
dictionary traditions
orthographicauditory
auditory input
auditory loan
dictionaryloan
spellingloan
❶SOURCE
➌ADAPTATION
BASEDON...
➍RESULT
➋
from Irwin (2011: 77)
donor word
dictionary pronunciation
assigned
dictionary traditions
orthographicauditory
auditory input
auditory loan
dictionaryloan
spellingloan
❶SOURCE
➌ADAPTATION
BASEDON...
➍RESULT
➋
The source of a donor word may be auditory or, far more likely, orthographic
If orthographic, it is frequently assigned a dic8onary pronuncia8on
donor word
dictionary pronunciation
assigned
dictionary traditions
orthographicauditory
auditory input
auditory loan
dictionaryloan
spellingloan
❶SOURCE
➌ADAPTATION
BASEDON...
➍RESULT
➋
All loanwords undergo adapta8on to Japanese phonology
This adapta8on is based on an auditory input in the case of an auditory source
a dic8onary tradi8on in the case of an orthographic source
Dic;onary tradi;ons vary according to donor language, but all have in common the fact that their adapta8on rules were established and standardized by Japanese scholars of foreign languages, then perpetuated through their pedagogical prac8ces and foreign language textbooks
donor word
dictionary pronunciation
assigned
dictionary traditions
orthographicauditory
auditory input
auditory loan
dictionaryloan
spellingloan
❶SOURCE
➌ADAPTATION
BASEDON...
➍RESULT
➋
Since its spelling is notoriously opaque, orthographic loans from English are typically assigned a dic8onary pronuncia8on at a point prior to adapta8on
The same is the case for most French orthographic loans, for the same reason
For donor languages whose spelling is more transparent (German, Russian, Italian, etc.) a dic8onary pronuncia8on frequently remains unassigned
donor word
dictionary pronunciation
assigned
dictionary traditions
orthographicauditory
auditory input
auditory loan
dictionaryloan
spellingloan
❶SOURCE
➌ADAPTATION
BASEDON...
➍RESULT
➋
Some English and French loans have not had a dicConary pronunciaCon assigned and their adaptaCon, according to dicConary tradiCon, has been based on a spelling which is an innacurate representaCon of pronunciaCon
These are spelling loans or, in the Japanese tradiCon, 綴り字発音
Well-‐known examples include buzaa, moNkii or rajio
2 examples to illustrate
fasutofuudo is a rela8vely recent borrowing from English, first aRested in wri8ng post-‐1980
We know it is not an auditory borrowing: if it were, we would expect *fasufoodo (from a UK source [fa:sfu:d]) or *fesufoodo (from a US source [fæ:sfu:d])
Instead, this orthographic borrowing has had the dic8onary pronuncia8on [fa:swu:d] assigned according to English dic$onary tradi$ons formulated in the late 19th century by Japanese scholars of English
This dic8onary pronuncia8on has been adapted to Japanese phonotac8cs to give fasutofuudo
wikipedia is an even more recent borrowing from English. It is not alested in any dicConary but can be presumed to have been borrowed around 10 years ago
We know it is not an auditory borrowing: if it were, we would expect *wikipiidia or *wikipiija
However, this orthographic borrowing has not had any dicConary pronunciaCon assigned; if it had we would expect an assigned [wikipidia], which English dic;onary tradi;ons would then adapt to *wikipiidia
Instead English dicConary tradiCons have adapted the orthography <wikipedia> directly to give wikipedia
In the Japanese tradiCon, wikipedia is a 綴り字発音
Given their nature, dic8onary tradi8ons are grounded in Japanese foreign language scholars’ deep knowledge of donor language phonemics
When many dic8onary tradi8ons were formula8ng in the late 19th century, influence from お雇い外国人 was
strong
Over two-‐thirds of English na8ve speaker お雇い外国人
were Bri8sh (UNESCO 1975) and this has influenced tradi8ons accordingly (e.g. the adapta8on of rho8c vowels, which do not follow the now dominant US English pronuncia8ons)
Dic;onary tradi;ons are prescribed adapta8on strategies and an excellent example of codifica8on which, socio-‐historically and pan-‐culturally, has been controlled by elite groups of scholars
Since each donor language has its own codified adapta8on strategy, the same source sound may follow more than one adapta8on pathway
Examples are illustrated on the following slides
[ŋ] from East Asian languages is adapted as Jp. /N/, while [ŋ] from European languages is adapted as /Ng/:
Bei. zhájiàngmiàn 炸酱面 jaajanmeN
Kor. p’yŏngyang 평양 pyoNyaN
Viet. việt cộng betokoN
but
Eng. ranking raNkiNgu
Ger. Doppelgänger doQperugeNgaa
Sw. Helsingborg herušiNgubori
Schwa [ə] is consistently adapted to /e/ in loans from German, consistently to /u/ in loans from French, and frequently as a spelling loan in borrowings from English:
Ger. These teeze
Ger Gelände gereNde
Fr. Bretagne burutaanyu
Fr. reportage ruporutaaju
Eng. police porisu
Eng. garden gaadeN
Eng. op8on opušoN
[v] from Russian and German is consistently adapted as Jp. /w u/ before /a e i o/ and /b/ or ø before /u/; while from English, French and Italian [v] is consistently adapted as /b/ or, in some very innova8ve borrowings, as /v/:
Rus. Москва mosukuwa
Ru. Владивосток urajiosutoku
Ger. Wien wiiN
Ger. Wuppertal buQpaataaru
but
Eng. veteran beteraN
Eng. violin baioriN / vaioriN
Fr. vinyle biniiru
It. da Vinci dabiNči
To these we must add the epenthe8c vowel found arer donor [x]
When borrowed from Slavic languages, this epenthe8c vowel is the standard /u/:
Ru. Казахстан kazafusutan
Ru. Рахманиновъ rafumaninofu
But when borrowed from German, the epenthe8c vowel varies according to the preceding donor vowel:
Ger. Bach baQha
Ger. Koch koQho
Ger. Buchner bufunaa
Conclusions
The history of borrowing into Japanese cannot be adaquately explained by simply having recourse to one of the two standard hypotheses of a phonological (e.g. LaCharité & Paradis 2005) or a phone8c (e.g. Silverman 1992) input
It has to be remembered that the vast majority of borrowing into Japanese is and always has been (cf. kango) orthographic
The crea8on of dic8onary tradi8ons in order to facilitate such borrowing is in line with the strong Japanese pedagogical culture of focusing on wri8ng and reading over speaking and listening, and in line with according huge esteem to those who teach
REFERENCESIchikawa, Sanki. 1930. The Pronuncia:on of English Loan-‐words in Japanese. In A Gramma:cal Miscellany Offered to OEo Jespersen on His Seven:eth Birthday, ed. N. Bøgholm, Aage Brusendorff & C.A. Bodelsen, 179-‐190. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard. Irwin, Mark. 2011. Loanwords in Japanese. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.LaCharité, Darlene & Paradis, Carole. 2005. Category Preserva:on and Proximity Versus Phone:c Approxima:on in Loanword Adapta:on. Linguis8c Inquiry 36.Silverman, Daniel. 1992. Mul:ple Scansions in Loanword Phonology: Evidence From Cantonese. Phonology 9.UNESCO東アジア文化研究センター. 1975. 「資料御雇い外国人」、 東京: 小学館.
澤田田津子. 1985. 「外来語における母音添加について」、国語学 143.
土井忠生. 1933. 「日本耶蘇曾の用語に就いて」、外来語の研究 3.