The Implementation of Quotas:

Asian Experiences

Quota Workshops Report Series

Jakarta, Indonesia

25 September 2002

3

Preface

© International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2003

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The International Institute for Democracy and ElectoralAssistance (IDEA), an intergovernmental organizationwith member states across all continents, seeks to sup-port sustainable democracy in both new and long-esta-blished democracies. Drawing on comparative analysisand experience, IDEA works to strengthen electoral pro-cesses, enhance political equality and participation anddevelop democratic institutions and practices. Theinclusive and responsive nature of those institutions isconsidered of particular importance if there is to beeffective governance, benefiting a wide spectrum ofgroups in society. In this context, IDEA is committed topromoting women’s participation and representation inpolitical life.

The implementation of gender quotas is increasinglyviewed as an important policy measure for increasingwomen’s access to decision-making bodies. The intro-duction of gender quota systems is highly influenced byrecommendations from international organizations andcross-country inspiration. In 1995, the Beijing Platformfor Action called on governments to take measures toensure women’s equal access to, and full participation in,power structures and decision-making bodies, and to setspecific targets and implement measures to increase sub-stantially the number of women, through positiveaction, among other means. Gender quotas present uswith new challenges, both in practice and as a new fieldof research. IDEA is engaged in a research project on theimplementation and practice of quotas in a global per-spective in cooperation with Stockholm University’sDepartment of Political Science. By comparing the useof gender quotas in different political contexts it is pos-sible to gauge whether, and under what conditions, quo-tas can be successfully implemented. This project aimsto raise awareness about the use of gender quotas as aninstrument to increase women’s political representationand to show that they can and are being applied suc-cessfully. IDEA also seeks to develop skills and know-ledge as well as useful networks and partners among theinterested parties to assist them in making progress inthis important policy area.

As a means of generating comparative informationon quotas, IDEA is convening a series of regional work-shops. This report documents the discussion and fin-dings from the first in the series, The Implementation ofQuotas: Asian Experiences, which is to be followed by

workshops in Latin America, Africa, Eastern Europe andthe Caucasus and the Arab World. The workshop washeld in Jakarta, Indonesia, in September 2002. IDEAhas been operating a country programme in Indonesiasince 1999, and the location of the meeting provedtimely given the vigorous debate regarding quota imple-mentation that was going on during 2002. The debateculminated in the passage of a new Electoral Law inFebruary 2003, which carries the provision that politicalparties ‘should consider’ including women as 30 per centof all electoral candidates. While weak in its implemen-tation, this was a mild victory for the groups that hadlobbied hard for quotas, and it is viewed as a first steptoward gender equality within political institutions inthe country.

IDEA’s workshop on quotas in Asia was supported bymany individuals and organizations in Indonesia andthe region, and we are grateful for their enthusiasm andexperience. We thank Professor Drude Dahlerup fromStockholm University for her expertise and knowledgein organizing the event, and the staff at IDEA’s offices inJakarta and Stockholm, especially Jocevine Faralita andKathy Hyttinge, for assisting with logistics and arrange-ments for this event.

We also thank the speakers and authors who madethis report possible, particularly Professor NajmaChowdhury, Professor Drude Dahlerup, Dr ChusnulMar’iyah, Ms Milena Pires, Dr Vasanthi Raman, and DrSocorro Reyes. From IDEA we are especially grateful forthe expertise and untiring efforts of Ms Julie Ballington,Manager of the Gender Project, and Ms Cecilia Bylesjö,IDEA’s gender consultant in Indonesia, who pulled theevent and report together. We also thank Dr PatrickMolutsi, Director of the Political Parties and InstitutionsProgramme, and Dr Sakuntala Kadirgamar-Rajasingham, Manager of the South Asia Programme,for their input. Lastly, we would like to thank IDEA’smember states and the Swedish InternationalDevelopment Cooperation Agency (Sida), for their sup-port which made this event possible.

Karen FoggSecretary-General

International IDEA

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Table of Contents

About the Project and the Report 6

1. Introduction: Research on Quotas in a Global Perspective 91.1. Overview of Presentation 91.2. Overview of Discussion 9Paper Presented: ‘Quotas - A Jump to Equality’ by Prof. Drude Dahlerup 10

2. Implementation: Quotas at the Local Level in India 20

2.1. Overview of Presentation 202.2. Overview of Discussion 21Paper Presented: ‘The Implementation of Quotas for Women: The Indian Experience’ by Dr Vasanthi Raman 22

3. Imposing Quotas from Above: The Case of East Timor 34

3.1. Overview of Presentation 343.2. Overview of Discussion 35Paper Presented: ‘East Timor and the Debate on Quotas’ by Ms Milena Pires 36

4. Empowering Women Elected through Quotas: The Pakistani Experiment 40

4.1. Overview of Presentation 404.2. Overview of Discussion 40Paper Presented: ‘Quotas in Pakistan: A Case Study’ by Dr Socorro Reyes 42

5. Repealing Quotas: The Bangladesh Experience 48

5.1. Overview of Presentation 485.2. Overview of Discussion 49Paper Presented: ‘The Bangladesh Experience: Dependence and Marginality in Politics’ by Professor Najma Chowdhury 50

6. Lobbying for Quotas: The Indonesian Experience in 2002 60

6.1. Overview of Presentation 606.2. Overview of Discussion 61Paper Presented: ‘The Political Representation of Women in Indonesia: How Can it be Achieved?’ by Dr Chusnul Mar’iyah 62

Conclusion: Lessons Learned from the Asian Experience with Quotas 66

About the Authors 70

List of Participants 73

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quota implementation and enforcement, and todevelop a network of researchers and experts wor-king in this field. The workshop held in Jakarta onAsian experiences with quotas was the first in theseries. Asia is an interesting region in terms of gau-ging experimentation with quotas, providing someof the earliest examples in the world. Pakistan imple-mented ‘reservations’ as far back as 1956, andBangladesh implemented reserved seats for womenin the 1970s. Today, constitutional quotas exist inIndia and previously in Bangladesh, and legislatedquotas are implemented in Pakistan, Indonesia andChina. As a region, there is a tendency for quota pro-visions to be legislated, rather than for political par-ties to implement their own informal party quotas,as is common in Western Europe and parts of Africa.There is also a tendency for quotas to take the formof reserved seats, a popular method of quota imple-mentation in first-part-the-post systems, which tendto predominate in the region.

The objective of the workshop was to provide aforum to analyse comparative information andtrends, share experiences and provide networkingopportunities for those involved in this debate in theregion. The workshop also aimed to encourage fur-ther research about quotas for women. Key issuesexamined include: the types of quotas in use in theregion (including legislated and political party quo-tas); when, where and how quotas have worked; thechallenges of implementation and enforcement; andthe controversies concerning, and the consequencesof, the use of quotas. The resource people includedresearchers and practitioners from Bangladesh,India, Indonesia, East Timor, Pakistan andScandinavia. Other participants included researchersand representatives from civil society organizationsand political institutions involved in gender equality

advocacy, democracy and electoral issues inIndonesia.

This report is structured around the themesaddressed in the Asian context, providing an overvi-ew of the presentation and discussion that emerged.The full papers submitted by the experts are alsoincluded. The themes addressed include how tolobby for and implement quotas, whether or not it isdesirable for quotas to be implemented by the inter-national community, the negative effect of reservedseats for women, and whether quotas lead to theempowerment of women. Conclusions and areas forfurther research are also presented. In this way it ishoped that the report will serve not just as a recordof activity but also as a reference and informationdocument for ongoing discussions and planningregarding women’s political participation in Asia.

The project will result in a number of outputs,including a continually updated web site on electoralquotas for women, a handbook or series of policypapers providing the above mentioned informationin a format accessible to a large audience, and an aca-demic book produced by Drude Dahlerup ofStockholm University, provisionally entitled Quotas:A key to Equality? An international comparison of theuse of electoral quotas to obtain equal politicalcitizenship for women. More information about theproject and quotas for women is available atwww.quotaproject.org, or by contacting IDEA.

Julie Ballington

Programme Officer, Political Parties and Institutions Programme

International IDEA

Obstacles to women’s political participation existthroughout the world in prevailing social and econo-mic regimes, as well as in existing political structures.In 2003, the representation of women stands at 15per cent globally. Although this total has increased inrecent years, minimal progress throughout the worldmeans that the ideal of parity remains a long way off.Given the slow rate at which the representation ofwomen is increasing, various methods, such as elec-toral quotas, have been proposed or implemented toaddress the present gender imbalance in decision-making. Consequently, governments and politicalparties have experimented with different types ofquotas. Electoral quotas may be constitutionally orlegislatively mandated or take the form of politicalparty quotas. They usually set a target or minimumthreshold for women, and may apply to the numberof female candidates proposed by a party for elec-tion, or they may take the form of reserved seats inthe legislature.

Increasing women’s representation and participa-tion in decision-making bodies requires well-develo-ped strategies and information about which measu-res have worked successfully in different countrieswith different political contexts. In terms of infor-mation on quotas, there is limited comparative rese-arch and information about how quotas have beensuccessfully, or unsuccessfully, implemented andenforced. Certain country case studies or regionalstudies are available, but there is a pressing need toexamine different country and regional examples toassess the pros and cons of quota implementation ona global and comparative basis.

As the debate about the use of quotas as a tool toincrease the political participation of women gainsmomentum, IDEA is participating in a global rese-arch project leading to the production of a compara-

tive practical resource on electoral quotas for womenin collaboration with Stockholm University. Theproject includes the first global comparative analysisof the discursive controversies surrounding quotasand how they work in practice. The project aims tostudy the debates and decision-making processesthat led to the introduction of quotas, the imple-mentation of various types, including formal andinformal quotas, and the consequences of quotas.

As a first step in this process, a Global Database ofQuotas for Women web site has been produced provi-ding an overview of the use of electoral quotas forwomen worldwide (www.quotaproject.org). It is ajoint project between IDEA and StockholmUniversity’s Department of Political Science. Theweb site provides information on the various types ofquotas in existence today, detailing the percentagesand targets in countries where they are applicable.Data is presented for over 90 countries, including 74countries where quotas have been stipulated in theconstitution, regulations and laws or where politicalparties have implemented their own internal quotas.However, as the web site provides quantitative infor-mation about quota types and rules, it aims to pro-vide the data and not to draw conclusions about theconnection between types of quota provisions andthe representation of women globally. Further quali-tative research is needed to illustrate the effect ofquotas for women and quota enforcement in diffe-rent countries, and the effect of other factors thatimpact on the representation of women, such as thestrength of the women’s movement.

As a means of collecting this much needed quali-tative research, IDEA is convening a series of regio-nal workshops during 2002-2004. These will bringtogether researchers and practitioners in order to col-lect country and region specific information on

About the Project and the Report

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1.1. Overview of Presentation

Professor Drude Dahlerup provided an introductoryoverview of the use of electoral quotas for women inglobal perspective. She noted that the implementa-tion of gender quotas can be controversial but thatsupport for their implementation has, nonetheless,been gaining momentum in many countries. Wemight talk of a ‘quota fever’ in Asia, where evenChina has adopted them at the local level. There is agreat need for research and fact finding on the issueof quotas, to learn from the experiences, positive andnegative, of countries where quotas have been appli-ed.

The need to examine experiences with quotas pro-vides the impetus for the project being conducted byProf. Dahlerup in the Department of PoliticalScience, Stockholm University, with the support ofthe Swedish Research Council and IDEA. The rese-arch will commence with fact finding on countrieswhere there is little information, to provide systema-tic comparative knowledge. The research questionsare comparative and contextual, with the aim of pro-viding an analysis of the effect of electoral quotas.

The research questions focus mainly on the likeli-hood of quotas being introduced in a country, thelikelihood of quotas being implemented, and the lik-elihood that quotas will contribute to the empower-ment of women in parliament. These questions needto be considered in different contexts, for example,in relation to the type of citizenship defined by acountry, which may be based on the individual or ongroups, the institutional setting, including the elec-toral system, the political party structure and partyorganization and the culture or ‘gender regime’ orthe type of power relations that are prevalent in soci-ety. The primary areas of investigation include: (a)the discourse, including the controversies, resistanceand support among the women’s movement, (b) thedecision-making process and key actors involved,leading to the successful adoption of quotas, (c) theimplementation and enforcement provisions, and(d) the consequences of quotas, intended and unin-tended. It is anticipated that this study will cover 40to 50 countries. The project is expected to result in athematic book on the use of quotas worldwide edi-ted by Prof. Dahlerup, an IDEA and Stockholm

University global web site with information aboutquotas and research in global perspective, an IDEAhandbook on the application of quotas available indifferent languages, and a network of researchersinvolved in the study of quotas.

1.2. Overview of Discussion

In the question and answer session, the need for acomparative study on quotas was highlighted. Thiswas particularly noted with regard to different expe-riences of advocating for quotas. For example: howwere they lobbied for in Indonesia and could resis-tance from political parties with their own interestsbe overcome? Prof. Dahlerup noted that this is animportant area of investigation that will be coveredin the research, examining the decision-making pro-cesses that led to the adoption of quotas, the advoca-cy campaigns and how obstacles were overcome in acomparative perspective. There is also a need to inve-stigate whether, as a precondition, women need acertain amount of power in society to lobby for quo-tas successfully.

A further point was made in the discussion regar-ding Indonesia, where at the time of the workshop,women’s groups and activists were pushing stronglyfor the adoption of quotas in the political party orelectoral law then under discussion. The quota deba-te in Indonesia needs to be informed by two impor-tant factors: there is still strong and adverse genderstereotyping that creates an obstacle to lobbyingefforts, and there is often misinterpretation and mis-understanding of religious teachings. The partici-pants welcomed and applauded the research on quo-tas being undertaken by IDEA and StockholmUniversity.

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1. Introduction: Research on Quotas in a Global Perspective

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For many years feminist organizations around theworld have looked upon the Scandinavian countries,Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Finland, as a modelfor women’s equality. One key factor has been thevery high representation that women have obtainedin parliaments and local councils in theScandinavian countries, especially since the 1970s.

Table 1: Percentage of Women

in Scandinavian Parliaments Today

Sweden 42% (1998)Denmark 38% (2001)Norway 36% (2001)Finland 37% (1999)

This extraordinarily high level of representation(seen in a global perspective) has led to the question:“How did you come that far?” What can we learnfrom the Scandinavian experience? As Nordic resear-chers we have tried to answer these questions bypointing to structural changes in these countries,such as secularization, the strength of social demo-cratic parties and the development of an extendedwelfare state, women’s entrance into the labour mar-ket in large numbers in the 1960s, the educationalboom in the 1960s, and the electoral system.Strategic factors are also seen as important, especial-ly the various strategies used by women’s organiza-

tions in the Nordic countries in order to raise wome-n’s political representation.

I will, however, argue that the Scandinavian expe-rience cannot be considered a model today, becauseit took 80 years to get that far. Today, the women ofthe world are not willing to wait that long.

The introduction of electoral quotas is a symbolof women’s impatience today and is often an efficienttool for increasing women’s representation. A verygood example is South Africa, where the introduc-tion of quotas by the African National Congress(ANC) made women’s representation in this newdemocracy jump to a world high of about 30 percent.1

Electoral Quotas

Quotas are very controversial, yet several countriesaround the world, including such diverse nations asArgentina, Bosnia, France, South Africa, Sweden andUganda, have recently introduced gender quotas inpublic elections. An electoral gender quota systemsets up a quantitative prescription for the minimumrepresentation of either sex, such as 40 per cent.Sweden’s “every second a women” and “parité”(France, Belgium) are other names for quota sys-tems.

In political life, quotas have often raised vehementdebates. Research on quotas so far has tended to con-

Quotas - A Jump to Equality?The Need for International Comparisons of the Use of Electoral

Quotas to obtain Equal Political Citizenship for Women

By Drude Dahlerup

Why the Scandinavian Countries are No Longer a Model

centrate on these debates and on the actual decision-making process. These discursive controversies arealso an essential part of the present research project,but, in addition, an emphasis is being placed on thetoo often neglected aspect of the troublesome imple-mentation of quotas and on the consequences ofintroducing quotas. From studies of single countrieswe know that a decision to introduce a requirementof a minimum of 30 per cent of each gender on theelectoral lists, for instance, does not automaticallylead to women acquiring 30 per cent of the seats.Thus, by comparing the use of quotas in many simi-lar and different political systems, it is possible tohighlight whether and under what conditions theycan be considered an equal policy measure that doescontribute to the stated goal: equal political citizens-hip of women.

Introduction of quotas is always highly contro-versial and yet the debates are often confused andonly understandable if the hidden assumptionsabout women and the position of women are scruti-nized. This makes it possible to see why quotas forsome are seen as discrimination and violation of theprinciple of fairness, while others consider them acompensation for structural barriers that prevent faircompetition. The idea of quotas is often in conflictwith other notions like the prevailing discourse offairness and competence, and the idea of individua-lism. However, quotas are seen as an efficient measu-re to reach “real” equality, that is, equality of results.

An unclear debate and lack of legitimacy of theclaim often leads to problems at the implementationstage. In an earlier survey (about quotas) of politicalparties in the Nordic countries and of women’s orga-nizations in the same parties, the Norwegian LabourParty stated that it takes three elections to implementa quota system. This is because the party does notthrow out a male incumbent Member of Parliament(MP) in order to include a women.

The results of previous single country studies arequite diverse: from the partial failure of the attemptto introduce women’s short lists in a single majorityelectoral system like that of England, which never-theless has shown some positive results,2 throughoften “minimalistic” compliance with the rules by thepolitical parties in Latin America, which has resultedin small and uneven gains in women’s representationin the region,3 to the somewhat stigmatizing conse-quences of reserved seats for women in Uganda.4

Research on Women in Politics

Today, we see a worldwide increase in women’s repre-sentation, but the regional differences are immense(world average 14 per cent)5. The international rese-arch community has taken a strong interest in theresults of Nordic research, because, since the 1970s,the representation of women here has been extraor-dinarily high by international standards. This hassometimes been attributed to the introduction ofquotas.6 However, this is not accurate, since quotasin the Nordic countries were introduced after wome-n’s representation had taken off in the 1970s, andnot all Nordic political parties use quotas, mostlycentre and leftist parties. Furthermore, the fewDanish parties with quotas abolished the systemafter just a few years. The Swedish principle of “everysecond a women” is not even considered a quota sys-tem by the general public, even if it is in fact a radi-cal one, demanding, and in many cases leading to,50 per cent of each sex as a result.

We need more international comparative studiesof quota systems and of women in politics in gene-ral.7 The many empirical single country studies andanthologies of women in politics over the past twodecades8 have paved the way for new, cross-nationalcomparative research projects.

Research on gender and politics has tried to ans-wer the two most frequently asked questions, whichfrom a research perspective are rather complicated.First, how did this increase in women’s representa-tion come about?9 Second, what difference does itmake to have many women in politics?10 The inter-action between the elected women and women’sorganizations has been seen as important to the per-formance of female politicians and vice versa.11 Oneconclusion is especially relevant for the introductionof quotas: in almost all political systems, no matterwhat electoral regime, it is the political parties, notthe voters, that constitute the real gatekeepers toelected offices. Consequently, party nominationpractices should be kept in focus.12

A new trend is also the growing interest in theore-tical questions within gender studies, including thestudy of gender and politics. The concept of citizens-hip has been central to many feminist research pro-jects in recent years, focusing on welfare state deve-lopment and on the historical connection betweenpolitical, social and civic citizenship.13 The conceptof citizenship focuses our attention on comparisons

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between the political exclusion and inclusion ofwomen and that of other groupings or categories.The new philosophical discussion of women as a con-tested category is also highly relevant for studies ofgender and politics, and will be examined later.

The Stockholm University Research

Project: “Quotas - A Key to Equality?”

Quotas in politics, the labour market and universiti-es may been seen as an expression of growing impa-tience among the supporters of equal political andsocial citizenship for women, since quotas can leadto a quantitative jump - if implemented. Whetherquotas per se lead to a qualitative change, that is, toactual empowerment of women, or may even cause acertain stigmatization, is an open question whichneeds further investigation.

There is a clear consensus among comparative stu-dies of the representation of women in parliamentthat quotas make a positive impact on the numbersof women represented. To date, there has been noevaluation of the extent to which the form and effi-cacy of gender quotas are determined by the modelof citizenship and political system operating withinparticular countries. This project addresses thisabsence. It seeks to establish whether the preciseform and perceived efficacy of quotas depend on thenature of citizenship at a discursive level, and thenature of the political system at an institutional level.

The use of quotas is increasingly influenced byinternational recommendations and by cross-coun-try inspiration. The international idea of quotas,however, encounters very different contexts in indi-vidual countries. This meeting is the core of the pro-ject. Consequently, quotas are being introduced incountries that do not have a long history of mobili-zation of women and of women’s integration into thelabour market and political life as the backgroundfor introducing quotas, as was the case in the Nordiccountries.14 There are several models concerning theempowerment of women, usually defined as the abi-lity to act and to prevent action, while citizenshiprefers to rights and to capacities for collective action.

The theoretical discussion

In the discussion of quotas, several important discus-sions about principles merge. Quotas represent achange in public equality policy, from “equal oppor-tunities” to “equality of results”. But quotas also

touch on fundamental questions in democratic the-ory and in feminist theory, and this project intendsto contribute to these theoretical discussions.15

In her classic text, Hanna Pitkin argues that thereis no common understanding about the nature ofrepresentation and about what fair representationis.16 In terms of the distinction between representa-tion of ideas versus social representation,17 quotas forwomen fall within the latter. Opponents of quotasystems often argue from the standpoint of the firstposition. Concepts of universal versus differentiatedcitizenship are under discussion here. Also at play aredifferent concepts of the role of the politician: thedelegate with a closed mandate versus the true repre-sentative or the public servant versus the grouprepresentative.18

Anne Phillips advocates gender quotas in a systemthat combines a politics of ideas with a politics of pre-sence. Even if she sees the many arguments againstquotas, Anne Phillip asks why everybody agrees onthe demand for the equal participation of women,but not for equal representation? The fact thatwomen all over the world have been excluded fromrepresentation must be taken as the starting point,not the abstract principles of representation.19

Even if quotas often meet with suspicion, all elec-toral systems include some kind of quotas, forinstance, geographical based quotas, where moredensely populated areas are given a disproportionalnumber of seats in parliament. The relationship bet-ween gender quotas and quotas for other social grou-pings is complicated, since there are women in all(other) social groups.

Quotas touch on the discussion of why women’srepresentation is important. Three arguments aremade today, including those used in the campaignsfor suffrage: (a) women represent half of the popula-tion and have the right to half of the seats (the justi-ce argument); (b) women have different experiences(biologically or socially constructed) that ought to berepresented (the experience argument); and (c)women and men have partly conflicting interests andthus men cannot represent women (the interest groupargument).20 A fourth argument deals with theimportance of women politicians as role models thatmay pave the way for other women.

In her book Gender and Citizenship, Birte Siim21

distinguishes between three models of citizenship:the liberal (the UK, the USA), the participatory

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(Scandinavia) and the republican (France). Theintroduction by Belgium and France of quotas underthe name of parité is supposed to transcend the con-troversial concept of group representation. Based onand developing a republican understanding of citi-zenship, parité does not mean simply adding women,but implies the recasting of the social pact that ena-bles women to be representatives of the universal.This allows ample room for the recognition of a plu-rality that is irreducible to the plurality of opinionsand therefore makes room for the introduction ofotherness in representation.22

Quotas also touch on the present philosophicaldilemma within feminist theory about “the categorywomen” and point to the old problem, so well-known by the feminist movement, that not allwomen identify with the group “women”. Women asa group is both the Achilles heel of the feministmovement and its raison d’être.

The proletariat say “We”, Negroes also. Regardingthemselves as subjects, they transform the bourgeois, thewhites, into “others”. But women do not say “We”...Men say “women”, and women use the same word inreferring to themselves23

The present critique within feminist theory ispartly a critique of Western ethnocentrism, stressingthe principle of multiple identities, and partly a post-structuralist critique, that feminism tends to con-struct the very category it wants to dissolve.24 Butinstead of labelling it with static concepts of “essen-tialism”, the dilemmas it and strategic choices ofwomen in various contexts should be explored empi-rically.25 Studying quota systems implies analysingwhat concepts of representation and what under-standing of women as a group are at play in theworldwide discussions of quotas for women.

International Comparisons

of Electoral Gender Quotas

A comparative research design allows for analysis ofhow quotas are introduced and of work in differentcontexts (structures as well as actors). A selectednumber of countries from all regions in the worldwill be included, based on the expertise of the inter-national research network created for this project. Itwill be necessary to supplement previous singlecountry studies to fill gaps. The project will result inarticles for scientific journals and a larger book onquotas, which will include single country studies by

the internationally well-reputed scholars, in additionto chapters dealing with the comparative aspects.Furthermore, a handbook for a general audience isplanned in cooperation with International IDEA,Stockholm. The international project will deal withthe following four aspects of quotas as a policy mea-sure (a-d):

a. The Discourse

The Stockholm University project will study thedebate on quotas. This seems to be peculiar to eachcountry, as it is connected to other recent debatesand to the general discourse on the meaning of gen-der and on democratic representation (see above).Even if discourses are increasingly international, theactual debates still take place predominantly withinnational or regional linguistic boundaries. ThusMala Htun and Mark P. Jones argue that the princi-ples of gender equality in Latin America have beengradually incorporated into the prevailing under-standing of democracy and modernity, which givesquotas a symbolic value.26 Notions of difference ver-sus sameness are at play in these debates: whetherquotas are seen as a temporary or permanent meanscan be used as a test of the ontological understandingof gender differences.27 Furthermore, if quotas arethe answer, what then is the understanding of theproblem and how is it constructed in the publicdebate?28

b. The Decision-Making Process

The project will compare the decision-making pro-cess in the included countries. Here the institutionalsetting, the party structure and the influence of thewomen’s movement become crucial. Who were themain actors behind the introduction of quotas?Some countries have introduced quotas by amen-ding their constitution or by law. In these cases, thestate intervenes in order to secure equal representa-tion. In the Nordic countries, gender quotas haveonly been decided by law in the case of appointedrepresentation on public committees and boards.29 Inpublic elections in the Nordic countries, quotas areexclusively based on the political parties’ own deci-sions, as in the case of the Swedish “zipper system”.Consequently, it is easy to remove quotas again, asthe Danish case reveals.

c. The Implementation

of Different Kinds of Quotas

The project will scrutinize the implementation pro-cess, a usually neglected aspect of quotas - carried outby researchers as well as by policy-makers. This studydeals only with quotas that are applied in processesof selection potential or actual candidates for publicelections. The issue of internal party quotas is thusomitted, as are quotas for public commissions andboards. National elections are the main focus, butregional and local public elections are included, pro-viding the data is available.

Even if constitutional amendments and new elec-toral laws may seem more commanding, when itcomes to implementation it is not at all evident thatthis method is more efficient than party decisions. Itall depends on the actual rules and possible sanctionsfor non-compliance. A distinction must be madebetween: (a) the pool of potential candidates, (b) theactual nominees, and (c) the elected. There are exam-ples of quota requirements on all three levels, butmost quota systems relate to the second level. Herethe crucial question is where, for example, the 40 percent of required women are placed on the lists or ifthe districts offer real chances of election. The partlyunsuccessful “women’s short lists” in England pre-sent an example at the first level, which broadens thepool from which the selection committee or the pri-mary may chose candidates. “Reserved seats forwomen” is a different quota system, in which certainseats are set aside, as in Uganda, for example, wherecertain regional seats are reserved for women.30

This comparative study can contribute to a muchmore solid understanding of how different types ofquotas work, seen in relation to different electoraland nomination systems (such as primaries or not,the degree of centralization of the party organiza-tions, closed versus open lists). It is a preliminaryfinding that quotas are less likely to be applied andto succeed in electoral systems based on single-mem-ber constituencies, where each party only presentsone candidate - contrary to proportional representa-tion (PR) systems. But even in a PR-system, smallparties and parties in small constituencies have diffi-culties implementing quotas without controversialcentral interference in the usual prerogatives of thelocal party organization to select their own candida-tes.31 Thus conflicts with other principles might hin-der implementation. The legitimacy of the quota sys-

tem is crucial. It is one of the hypotheses of this pro-ject that the character of the debate leading to theintroduction of quotas is just as important to theresult as the electoral system.

d. Consequences of Quotas

The result of introducing quotas will be studied inquantitative as well as in qualitative terms. Electoralstatistics can tell the number of women elected.Unfortunately, the official electoral statistics in manycountries do not have sufficient data on those nomi-nated by sex, which must be provided through otherchannels, for example, through the parties. The con-sequences of quotas should also be studied in quali-tative terms, looking into both the intended and theunintended consequences (such as stigmatization,glass ceilings preventing the percentage of womenfrom rising above the quota requirement - or unin-tended splits between different groups of women).

The preliminary hypothesis of this project is thatquotas that rest on previous mobilization and inte-gration of women into all parts of society have a bet-ter chance of succeeding than those without this pre-condition, leading to permanent empowerment ofwomen with equal political citizenship. Since quotasin themselves do not remove all of the other barriersto the full citizenship of women, the crucial questionis whether quotas imposed because of internationalinspiration without mobilization among largergroups of women themselves can achieve the goal.Does a critical mass of women count in itself?32

The interplay between the national and the interna-tional level will also be subject to analysis, especiallythe influence of the many international bodies thatincreasingly issue recommendations and even rulesin the field of equality policy. Quotas have beenrecommended by the United Nations (UN), theInter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), the EuropeanUnion (EU) and the Organization for Security andCo-operation in Europe (OSCE), and in internatio-nal instruments like the Convention on theElimination of all Forms of Discrimination AgainstWomen (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform forAction. Many international organizations have wor-ked on this question: IDEA, the OSCE, the IPU andthe EU, which all have projects on women and deci-sion-making. No doubt, these international recom-mendations have given legitimacy to the use of quo-tas.

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To what extent and under which circumstanceshas it been possible for actors like the women’s move-ment to use the international recommendations andcross-national cooperation between organizations topromote their case at home? The theoretical frame-work for this study is the present discussion as towhether social movements in general derive moreopportunities through internationalization and glo-balization, or whether in fact they are disempoweredby these developments, unless they give up their verycharacter as democratic grassroots movements andbecome professional non-governmental organisa-tions (NGOs).33

The Importance of Research

on Quotas

Studying various quota regimes will contribute tothe theoretical discussion of notions of equality, ofrepresentative democracy and of understandings ofgender in politics. Through international compari-son of the use of quotas, new knowledge is produced,especially about a previously neglected aspect: theimplementation of quotas and the consequences andoutcomes of introducing quotas under various con-ditions. The results will be relevant for research intoequality policies and affirmative action in otherfields, for example, in the labour market.

This knowledge will also be useful to policy-makers working on equality policies and affirmativeaction. Under what conditions do quotas contributeto the empowerment of women in politics? When doquotas lead to stigmatization? Today, decisions to usequotas are often based on insufficient discussion ofthe principles and a lack of knowledge of whetherspecific types of quotas do lead to the stated goal.The publishing of a global handbook on the imple-mentation of quotas together with IDEA will makethe research results available to a larger audience. Ingeneral terms, this project will contribute to ourunderstanding of the interaction between discourse,institutional setting and actor strategies in promo-ting policy change and new policy outcomes.

Notes and References

1. Ballington, Julie, 1998. “Women’sParliamentary Representation. The Effects ofList PR”. Politikon. South African Journal ofPolitical Studies. Vol. 25, no. 2, Dec., pp. 77-93. Ballington, Julie, 2000. “Representation ofWomen in Political Parties”. South AfricanLocal Government Elections 2000. EISA, no. 6.

2. Squires, Judith, 1996. “Quotas for Women:Fair Representation?”. In J. Lovenduksi and P.Norris, eds. Women and Politics. Oxford:Oxford University Press, pp. 73-90.

3. Htun, Mala and Jones, Mark P, 2002.“Engendering the Right to Participate inDecision Making: Electoral Quotas andWomen’s Leadership in Latin America”, paper,New School of Social Research/Michigan StateUniversity.

4. Christensen, Trine Grønborg, 1999. “AWoman’s Place is in the House - State House!”.Speciale, Dept. of Political Science, Universityof Aarhus.

5. Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2001. Available onthe Internet at http://www.ipu.org.

6. Phillips, Anne, 1995. The Politics of Presence.Oxford: Clarendon Press.

7. See Rule 1987, Karam, Azza, ed, 1998. Womenin Parliament: Beyond Numbers. Stockholm:International IDEA.

8. See e.g. Dahlerup 1986 and 1988-90,Lovenduski & Norris 1993, 1998, Nelson &Chowdhury 1994, and Jalusic & Antic 2001.Dahlerup, Drude, 1986. The New Women’sMovement. Feminism and Political Power inEurope and the USA. London: Sage. Dahlerup,Drude, 1988-90. Vi har ventet længe nok (Wehave waited too long). In Danish (1988),Icelandic (1988), Norwegian (1989), Swedish(1989) and in Finnish (1990). Lovenduski, Joniand Pippa Norris, eds, 1993. Gender and PartyPolitics. London: Sage. Gender and PartyPolitics. London: Sage, pp. 263-290. Nelson, J.Barbara and Najma Chowdhury, 1994. Womenand Politics Worldwide. New Haven andLondon: Yale University Press. Jalusic, Vlastaand Milica G. Antic, 2001. Women - Politics -Equal Opportunities/ Zenske - Politike -Moznosti. Ljublijana: Politikz.

9. See Bergqvist et al. 1999; Haavio-Mannila,Eduards, Dahlerup et al. 1985; Karvonen &Selle 1995; Lovenduski 1986, Sainsbury 1993.Bergqvist, Christina et al., eds, 1999. EqualDemocracies? Gender and Politics in the NordicCountries. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press.Haavio-Manilla, Elina, Drude Dahlerup, MaudEduards et al., 1985. Unfinished Democracy.Women in Nordic Politics. New York: PergamonPress. Karvonen, Lauri, and Per Selle, eds,1995. Women in Nordic Politics. Closing theGap. Aldershot: Dartmouth. Lovenduski, Joni,1986. Women and European Politics. Brighton:Harvester Press. Sainsbury, Diane, 1993. “ThePolitics of Increased Women’s Representation:the Swedish Case”. In Lovenduski, Joni andPippa Norris, eds. Gender and Party Politics.London: Sage, pp. 263-290.

10. See Skjeie 1992, Walby 1999, and Wängerud1998. Skjeie, Hege, 1992. Den politiske betyd-ningen av kjønn. En studie av norsk topp-poli-tikk. Oslo: Institutt for samfunnsforskning,rapport 92:11. Walby, Sylvia, ed, 1999. NewAgendas for Women? Basingstoke: Macmillan.Wängnerud, Lena, 1998. Politikens andra sida -om kvinnorepresentation i Sveriges riksdag.Göteborg: Göteborg Studies in Politics 53.

11. Dahlerup, Drude, 1998. Rødstrømperne. Dendanske Rødstrømpebevægelses udvikling, nytænk-ning og gennemslag 1970-85. Vol. 1-2,Copenhagen: Gyldendal. Gustavsson, Gunnel,et al., 1997. Towards a New Democratic Order?Women’s Organizing in Sweden in the 1990s.Stockholm: Publica.

12. Dahlerup, Drude, 1998. “Using quotas toincrease women’s political representation”. InKaram, Azza, ed. Women in Politics BeyondNumbers. Stockholm: IDEA. Available on theInternet at http://www.idea.int/women.Lovenduski, Joni and Pippa Norris, eds, 1996.Women in Politics. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress.

13. See Lister 1997, Sainsbury 1999, and Siim2000. Lister, Ruth, 1997. Citizenship: FeministPerspectives. New York: New York UniversityPress. Siim, Birte, 2000. Gender andCitizenship. Politics and Agency in France,Britain and Denmark. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press. Sainsbury, Diane, ed, 1999.

Gender and Welfare State Regimes. Oxford:Oxford University Press.

14. Bergqvist, Christina et al., eds, 1999. EqualDemocracies? Gender and Politics in the NordicCountries. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press.

15. See Fraser 1997, Phillips 1995, and Young1990. Fraser, Nancy, 1997. Justice Interruptus.Critical Reflections on the ‘Postsocialist’Condition. New York & London: Routledge.Phillips, Anne, 1995. The Politics of Presence.Oxford: Clarendon Press. Young, Iris M, 1990.Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton:Princeton University Press.

16. Pitkin, Hannah, 1967. The Concept ofRepresentation. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press.

17. Esaiasson, Peter and Søren Holmberg, 1996.Representation from Above - Members ofParliament and Representative Democracy inSweden. Aldershot: Dartmouth. Phillips, Anne,1995. The Politics of Presence. Oxford:Clarendon Press.

18. Squires, Judith, 1996. “Quotas for Women:Fair Representation?”. In J. Lovenduksi and P.Norris, eds. Women and Politics. Oxford:Oxford University Press, pp. 73-90.

19. Phillips, Anne, 1995. The Politics of Presence.Oxford: Clarendon Press.

20. Dahlerup, Drude, 1978. “Women’s Entry intoPolitics. The Experience of the Danish Localand General Elections 1908-20”. ScandinavianPolitical Studies. Vol. 1, new series, nos. 2-3, pp.139-162. Phillips, Anne, 1995. The Politics ofPresence. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

21. Siim, Birte, 2000. Gender and Citizenship.Politics and Agency in France, Britain andDenmark. Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress.

22. Marques-Pereira, Bérengere, 2000. “PoliticalRepresentation in Belgium. Women’sCitizenship, Change and Contribution inParliamentary Debates”, Text no 3-2000, GEP,Aalborg University. Available on the Internet atwww.i4.auc.dk/GEP, p. 23.

23. Beauvoir, Simone de, 1949. The Second Sex.London: J. Cape.

24. Benhabib, Seyla et al., 1995. FeministContentions. New York & London: Routledge.Caul, Miki, 1999. “Women’s Representation in

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Parliament”. Party Politics. Vol. 5(1), pp. 79-98.25. Dahlerup, Drude, 2001. “Ambivalenser och

strategiska val. Om problem i kvinnorörelsenoch i feministisk teori kring särart och jämlik-hetsbegreppen”. Kvinnovetenskaplig Tidskrift.No. 1, pp. 17-40.

26. Htun, Mala and Jones, Mark P, 2002.“Engendering the Right to Participate inDecision Making: Electoral Quotas andWomen’s Leadership in Latin America”, paper,New School of Social Research/Michigan StateUniversity.

27. Dahlerup, Drude, 2001. “Ambivalenser ochstrategiska val. Om problem i kvinnorörelsenoch i feministisk teori kring särart och jämlik-hetsbegreppen”. Kvinnovetenskaplig Tidskrift.No.1, pp. 17-40.

28. Bacchi, Carol Lee, 1999. Women, Politics andPolicy. London: Sage.

29. Dahlerup, Drude, 1988-90. Vi har ventet længenok (We have waited too long). In Danish(1988), Icelandic (1988), Norwegian (1989),Swedish (1989) and in Finnish (1990).

30 Christensen, 1999.31. Matland, Richard E, 1998. “Enhancing

Women’s Political Participation: LegislativeRecruitment and Electoral Systems”. In Karam,Azza, ed. Women in Parliament: BeyondNumbers. Stockholm: International IDEA.Dahlerup, Drude, 1988-90. Vi har ventet længenok (We have waited too long). In Danish(1988), Icelandic (1988), Norwegian (1989),Swedish (1989) and in Finnish (1990).

32. Dahlerup, Drude, 1988. “From a Small to aLarge Minority: Women in ScandinavianPolitics”. Scandinavian Political Studies. Vol. 11,no. 4, pp. 275-298.

33. Dahlerup, Drude, 2000. The Women’sMovement and Internationalization.Disempowerment or New Opportunities? AalborgUniversitet.

Further Reading

Bacchi, Carol Lee, 1996. Politics of AffirmativeActions. Women, Equality and Category Politics.London: Sage.

Ballington, Julie, 2000. “Representation of Womenin Political Parties”. South African Local Government Elections 2000. EISA, no.6.

Caul, Miki, 1999. “Women’s Representation inParliament”. Party Politics. Vol. 5(1), pp. 79-98.

Freidenvall, Lenita, 1999. Betydelsen av kön i kom-munalpolitiken ur ett generationsperspektiv. MA thesis, Department of Political Science, StockholmUniversity.

Gustavsson, Gunnel, et al., 1997. Towards a NewDemocratic Order? Women’s Organizing in Sweden inthe 1990s. Stockholm: Publica.

Hedlund, Gun, 1996. Det handlar om prioritering-ar. Kvinnors villkor och intressen i lokal politik. Örebro Studies 14, Högskolan i Örebro.

Inglehart, Ronald and Norris, Pippa, 2000. “TheDevelopmental Theory of the Gender Gap:Women’ s and Men’ s Voting Behavior in GlobalPerspective”. International Political Science Review.Vol. 21(4), pp. 441-462.

Inter-parliamentary Union, 1999. Participation ofWomen in Political Life. IPU Reports andDocuments. No 35. Geneva: IPU.

Inter-parliamentary Union, 2000. Women inNational Parliaments. Available on the Internet atwww.ipu.org. Lovenduski, Joni, 1997. “GenderPolitics: A Breakthrough for Women?”.Parliamentary Affairs. Vol. 50, (4), pp. 708-19.

Marques-Pereira, Bérengere and Patricio Nolasco,2001. La représentation politique des femmes en Amerique latine. Paris: L’Harmattan.

Norris, Pippa, 2000. “Women’s Representation andElectoral Systems”. In R. Rose, ed. The International Encyclopedia of Elections. WashingtonDC: CQ Press, pp. 348-351.

Russell, Meg, 2000. Women’s Representation in UKPolitics: What can be done within the Law? London: The Constitution Unit.

Skjeie, Hege, 1992. Den politiske betydningen avkjønn. En studie av norsk topp-politikk. Oslo:Institutt for samfunnsforskning, rapport 92:11.

Squires, Judith, 1999. Gender in Political Theory.Cambridge: Polity Press.

Stetson, Dorothy and Amy Mazur, eds, 1995.Comparative State Feminism. Oxford: OxfordUniversity Press.

Wängnerud, Lena, 2000. “Representing Women”. In P. Esaiasson & K. Heidar, eds. Beyond Westminsterand Congress: The Nordic Experience. Columbus:Ohio State University Press, pp. 132-154.

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2 fears that the question of women’s reservations willraise questions about caste, religion and other ‘divisi-ve’ categories. As Dr Raman notes: ‘The crux of theissue is whether indeed the generalized oppositionand exclusion of women characteristic of society is asufficient basis for transcending the divisions ofcaste, religion and ethnicity and whether indeed thewomen’s movement is representative enough toaffect such a unity’.

2.2. Overview of Discussion

The example of India shows that the introductionand implementation of quotas can have a greatimpact in terms of ensuring women access to politi-cal institutions and decision-making bodies. Theparticipants raised the issue of the problems ofimplementing the Reservation Bill at the nationallevel, and whether this was in any way tied to a per-ception that real power does not lie at the panchayatlevel but rather at the national level, and hence thereis a reluctance to give up that power. The discussionalso stressed the importance of political parties wit-hin the process, and the participants agreed that togain the parties’ support in introducing and imple-menting quotas was an essential part of creating astrong foundation for increased gender equality. Itwas agreed that a demand for gender equality requi-red extensive research and comparative studies toovercome the above mentioned obstacles.

21

The second theme of the workshop focused on dif-ferent strategies that have been used to lobby for, andindeed legislate and implement, quotas at the locallevel in India. While quotas at the local level havebeen implemented successfully, quotas at the natio-nal level have not been adopted and the issue hasremained on the parliamentary agenda for manyyears. The purpose of this session was to discuss lob-bying efforts and the legal discussion preceding theimplementation of quotas at the local level, and toexamine the ongoing advocacy that is taking placearound the Women’s Reservation Bill, which propo-ses a reservation of 30 per cent for women at thenational level.

2.1. Overview of Presentation

The discussion of quotas for women should be seenas part of a wider discussion of reservations for his-torically disadvantaged groups. Dr Vasanthi Raman’spresentation examined the issue of quotas for margi-nalized groups in India. She also presented the expe-riences of quotas at the local government level, andanalysed the different positions regarding the Eighty-Fourth Amendment Bill, which seeks to reserve 30per cent of seats at the national level for women. DrRaman noted that the issue of separate politicalreservations for women first emerged during thecourse of the nationalist movement in the 1920s, butthe principle reason for opposing the suggestion ofreserved seats then was that it was at odds withwomen’s demands for universal adult suffrage andthe right to stand for election on the same terms asmen. The issue of reservations for other backwardcaste groups was brought up again by civil societyorganizations in the 1950s when special provisionfor the ‘scheduled castes’ and ‘scheduled tribes’ waswritten into the Constitution of India and reservedseats in parliament for these groups were allocated.

The question of quotas or reserved seats forwomen emerged again in 1974 with the Report ofthe Committee on the Status of Women in India(CSWI). The report noted that women’s presence inthe state and central legislatures had been decliningover the past 25 years. While some activists were infavour of reservations, most women legislators wereof the opinion that quotas were retrogressive and

contradicted the principle of equality enshrined inthe constitution. However, Vasanthi Raman descri-bed the debate as fruitful and one of the positive out-comes was that it resulted in an agreement amongparties that there was a need for reserved seats forwomen at the local level and in particular for womenfrom lower castes. In the 1990s, the issue was onceagain raised and the recommendation of the CSWIregarding reserved seats for women at the local levelwas passed by parliament in the Seventy-ThirdAmendment to the Indian Constitution in 1992,which came into effect on 24 April 1993. Theamendment mandates that there be one-third repre-sentation for women in the local self governing insti-tutions (panchayats); within this one-third represen-tation for women, the women from the ScheduledCaste and the Scheduled Tribes were to be givenrepresentation in proportion to their percentage inthe population at the three different levels, that is, atthe village cluster level, and at the block and districtlevels. The reserved seats for women opened the doorto women’s political participation. In 1994 and 1995the first round of elections at the village level wereheld and nearly one million women entered the poli-tical institutions of local self-government. Thesecond round of elections to the local bodies tookplace in 2000.

When quotas or reserved seats were introduced atthe local level, the women’s movement continued tolobby parliamentarians to agree on implementingthe reservations at the national level. The Eighty-Fourth Constitution Amendment Bill, or Women’sReservation Bill, seeks to provide one-third reserva-tion of seats to women in state and central legislati-ve bodies. Once again, the Reservation Bill high-lights questions concerning identity, caste and reli-gion. Civil society groups and the women’s move-ment support the reservations, as they are viewed asa protest against the patriarchal power structure andsystem of exclusion in India. However, there hasbeen strong resistance to the Bill from certain politi-cal forces representing ‘other backward classes’(OBCs) and minority groups. Such resistance hasalso come from women within these groups. Thedebate about a quota for women is usually part of awider debate on quotas based on caste, and there are

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2. Implementation: Quotas at the Local Level in India

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Citizenship in India made by the Karachi session ofthe Indian National Congress, 1931, which calledfor equality before the law, irrespective of religion,caste, creed or sex, universal adult franchise andwomen’s right to vote, represent and hold publicoffice.3 In the face of opposition from the British,however, the women’s organizations agreed to a com-promise that restricted the right to vote for womenin urban areas. The assumption was that the urbanwomen would be in a better position to represent thewomen of India. But the opposition to reservationremained and merit was to be the only criterion.

It is important to note, though, that the opposi-tion to the idea of reservation was not restricted tothe question of women alone. The AIWC in theirresolution expressed their opposition to the British‘Communal Award’ of 1932, which sought to provi-de separate electorates and reserved seats for Anglo-Indians, Christians, Muslims and Sikhs, and for the‘depressed classes’. The rationale behind such oppo-sition was that divisions along the lines of religion,caste and sect would weaken the struggle againstcolonial rule and that legislatures must be filled withthose who would rise above personal or communalconsiderations and think of the country’s best inter-ests. There were dissenting voices: Begum SakinaMayuzada felt that desiring the good of one’s com-munity need not be at the cost of inflicting harm onothers; and K.B. Firozuddin felt that the comparati-ve educational backwardness of Muslim womenmight put them at a disadvantage in joint electora-tes. A separate resolution calling for the abolition ofuntouchability was adopted.

What is relevant to our present discussion on theissue of women’s reservation is that a certain defini-tion of nationalism came to prevail, which claimedto be above the sectarian pulls of caste and commu-nity and which was quite different from that whichprevailed until the early twentieth century, when, infact, discrete religious communities were not viewedas inconsistent with an overarching national identity.The inclusive nationalism that gave space to diffe-rent identities gave way to a homogenizing form ofnationalism, in which identities based on caste, creedand so on were seen as obstacles to an Indian natio-nalist identity. Women’s organizations like theAIWC shared these perceptions.4

It is important to note, however, that the nationa-list movement did arrive at a consensus on the issue

of affirmative action or reservation for the depressedclasses and this was given constitutional status in1950, when special provisions for the ‘scheduled cas-tes’ and ‘scheduled tribes’ were written into theConstitution of India. These groups were to be givenreservation in the parliament, state legislatures, edu-cation and employment sectors in proportion totheir population. Thus, while Article 15(1) of theconstitution prohibits discrimination on the groundsof religion, sex, caste, birth and a host of other fac-tors, Article 15(4) states that: ‘Nothing in this article... shall prevent the State from making any specialprovisions for the advancement of any socially andeducationally backward classes of citizens or for theScheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes’. Likewise,Article 15(3) lays down the basis for the state-making special provisions for women and children.

The Committee on the Status of

Women in India (CSWI) 1974

The question of women’s reservations came up onceagain in the Committee on the Status of Women inIndia (CSWI) in 1974. The report noted that, inspite of equal rights and universal adult suffrage gua-ranteed by the Indian constitution, women’s presen-ce in the state and central legislatures had been decli-ning steadily over 25 years. While the Committeerecorded arguments in favour of reservations, main-ly by women activists, women legislators were of theopinion that women’s reservation would be retro-gressive and would contradict the principle of equa-lity guaranteed in the constitution. Those who areagainst any form of affirmative action, particularly inpublic or government service, often seek recourse inArticle 15(1) or Article 16. The dominant opinion inthe CSWI was against reservations, although therewere two notes of dissent. The arguments in favourof reservations dealt with: (a) the difficulties womenface in gaining entry into male-dominated politicalparties and hence the necessity of reservations; (b)that reservations for women would ensure a signifi-cant presence, enabling them to act as an importantpressure group; and (c) the presence of a critical massof women would heighten the sense of responsibilityamong women, ensuring that their interests wouldbe adequately represented. The arguments againstreservations were: (a) reservations for women wouldbe a departure from the constitutional principle ofequality; (b) women’s interests cannot be isolated

23

This paper attempts to situate the discussion ofreservations (quotas) for women both in the widerhistorical and contemporary context of reservationfor historically disadvantaged groups in India.1 It alsoexamines the contemporary experience of one-thirdreservation for women in the local self-governingbodies (panchayats and municipalities), which wasconstitutionally mandated by the 73rd and 74thAmendment of the Indian Constitution, whichcame into effect in 1994. And finally it attempts toanalyze the different positions on the currentdemand for one-third reservation for women in theassemblies at the state level and in the UnionParliament, that is, the Eighty-Fourth AmendmentBill, which is due for discussion in parliament. Thepaper focuses on political reservations, since it is thisissue that has been at the forefront of policy anddebates both among policy-makers and the women’smovement.

Historical Background

A little on the history of women’s reservations isnecessary to disentangle the various discursivestrands that have to be taken into account to arriveat an understanding of the basis and tenor of thediverse positions on the current demand for one-third reservations for women in the state assembliesand in the Union Parliament.

The issue of separate political reservation forwomen came up during the course of the nationalistmovement in the 1920s. The principal reason foropposing the idea of reserved seats was that it deflec-ted from the demand for universal adult franchiseand to stand for elections on the same terms as men.Besides, it was felt that there should be no hint ofsuccumbing to the British strategy of ‘divide andrule’ by referring to divisions within the nationalmovement. ‘The public, official language of politics,especially before a colonial government, had to be alanguage of equality and for fundamental rights ofcitizenship irrespective of sex, caste, religion orcreed.’2 This opinion was supported by the promi-nent and leading women’s organizations of the time(All-India Women’s Conference (AIWC), theWomen’s Indian Association and National Councilof Women in India) and by the Home Rule League,the Indian National Congress and the MuslimLeague. In 1932, a Joint Memorandum on the Statusof Indian Women by the all-India women’s organiza-tions to the Franchise Committee (set up at the endof the Second Round Table Conference) expressedtheir demand for universal adult franchise ‘irrespec-tive of any property or literacy qualification, with noexpedients such as nomination or reservation ofseats’. The women’s organizations also endorsed thedeclaration of the Fundamental Rights to

The Implementation of Quotas for Women:

The Indian ExperienceBy Vasanthi Raman

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Introduction

ment and social justice schemes for which appropri-ate functions and responsibilities have to be devol-ved. The constitutional amendment was soon follo-wed by state-level legislation, which brought theirpanchayat laws into conformity with the require-ments of the constitution. The logic behind the sys-tem of reservations is that institutionalized inequali-ties require institutionalized countermeasures fromabove to ensure some semblance of genuine demo-cracy.9

Women in Local Self-Governing

Institutions

The most significant and new feature has been bring-ing about a certain uniformity regarding representa-tion of the weaker sections of society. While reserva-tion of seats for scheduled castes and tribes has beenwritten into the constitution from the outset, thereservation for women is new and the most impor-tant contribution of the amendment. According tomany analysts, it has brought a critical mass ofwomen into these institutions and holds forth tre-mendous potential. In 1994 and 1995, the firstround of elections to the panchayats was held andnearly one million women crossed the threshold ofpolitical institutions of local self-government. Thesecond round of elections to local bodies was conc-luded in 2000.

What has been the experience of women partici-pating in these institutions for the first time, both interms of transforming these institutions and for thewomen themselves? This will have to be assessed interms of India’s traditional social structure, which ischaracterized by a socially legitimized hierarchy,based on the caste system, an integral element ofwhich has been gender discrimination. The caste-based social order still holds sway in Indian societyand politics, in spite of the fact that the IndianConstitution is a democratic one which upholdsequality of all and forbids discrimination on the basisof caste, class, creed or gender.

Women’s marginalization is almost a given in theIndian social setting. Given this, has the formalchange brought about a significant change in thissituation? Evaluations done on women’s participa-tion in the PRIs have highlighted the followingdimensions.10

1. Women have responded overwhelmingly andparticipated with full enthusiasm in the elec-tions and in the proceedings of the PRIs, thusexploding the myth that they were uninterestedin politics and public life. There is near-unani-mous opinion among the women that theywould have been unable to accede to thesebodies were it not for statutory representation.

2. While there is a great degree of variation acrossthe different states in the country, nonetheless,one generalization can be made - approximately40 per cent of the women who have enteredthese bodies come from marginalized sectionsand communities, although the positions ofchairpersons tended to be occupied by womenfrom the more well-to-do sections of rural soci-ety.

3. The female representatives generally enjoyedthe support of their families during the elec-tions and also in the performance of their newpolitical roles. Marginalized sections like thescheduled castes and tribes saw the womenfrom their groups as representatives of theinterests of their group in the political arena,while the better-off sections saw women fromtheir own groups as helping to consolidate theirpositions.

4. The self-esteem of the women has increased tre-mendously, an observation that holds trueacross the board. The stepping of women intothe public realm has long-term implications forgender relations within society and the family.There are already small but significant changesas men take over some roles within the familywhen women attend meetings.

5. While the presence of women in these institu-tions over the past eight to nine years has nottransformed the power structure in rural areasin any significant manner, and vested interestshave tried to use the provision for women’sreservation to consolidate their position, theoverall experience has been positive. Thuswomen are engaging in power struggles thatused to be dominated by men, sometimes asactors and at other times as pawns. However,

25

from the economic, social and political interests ofgroups, strata and classes in the society. And linkedto this was the notion that women are not a com-munity, they are a category; and (c) systems of speci-al representation for women may generate similarsuch demands from other groups and interests andthus threaten national integration.5 However, therewas agreement on the need for reservations forwomen in local bodies so as to protect the interestsof rural and poor women.

The two notes of dissent in the CSWI6 are verysignificant because they mark a shift in the percep-tion of the ‘daughters of independence’ generationand also because they raise questions about the wayin which political representation has functioned.Sarkar and Mazumdar note with disarming andrefreshing candour that, as members of the pre-inde-pendence generation, they had never been suppor-ters of special representation and that they had inacademic discussions criticized the system of reserva-tions for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes as ‘alegacy of the colonial period which institutionalisedthe backwardness of certain sections of our popula-tion’.7 However, the reality has forced them to take afresh look at the question. The main reasons for dis-senting with the majority opinion within the CSWIalso arise out of, and are consistent with, the findingsof the Committee. That is, despite progressive legalchanges, the actual situation of the mass of Indianwomen has not changed significantly and the cont-inuing under-representation of women preventsthem from participating in the country’s decision-making process. The authors also draw attention tothe narrow social base of women legislators, repre-senting mainly the upper strata of society. The conc-luding paragraphs of the ‘Note of Dissent’ meritquoting:

When one applies the principle of democracy to a socie-ty characterized by tremendous inequalities, such speci-al protections are only spearheads to pierce through thebarriers of inequality. An unattainable goal is as mea-ningless as a right that cannot be exercised. Equality ofopportunities cannot be achieved in the face of tremen-dous disabilities and obstacles which the social systemimposes on all those sections whom traditional Indiatreated as second or even third class citizens. Our inve-stigations have proved that the application of the theo-retical principle of equality in the context of unequal

situations only intensifies inequalities, because equalityin such situations merely means privileges for those whohave them already and not for those who need them.8

Women in Local Self-Government

The recommendations of the CSWI remained incold storage until the early 1990s, when the IndianParliament passed the Seventy-Third Amendment tothe Indian Constitution with near unanimity inDecember 1992. The purpose of this amendment,which came into effect on 24 April 1993, was torevitalize local self-governing village councils (whichhad been in existence in some states of the countryeven prior to this amendment). The Seventy-ThirdAmendment has been considered historic and one ofthe most significant attempts to move the Indianpolity in the direction of greater democratizationand decentralization of powers. It has also beenregarded as an important instrument for drawing inthe vast sections of marginalized people in the task ofself-government.

The amendment has mandated wider representa-tion for historically marginalized and excludedgroups like the scheduled castes, the scheduled tribesand women, thus deepening the roots of democracy.Following the introduction of the amendment, peo-ple from the scheduled castes and tribes are nowrepresented in proportion to their population in thearea of the panchayat (village council) - in its mem-bership and in proportion to their population ineach state in the positions of the chairpersons ofthese panchayats; one-third of the seats are reservedfor women in general in each panchayat, that is, atthe village cluster level, at the block level, and at thedistrict level. Women from the scheduled castes andthe scheduled tribes have similar one-third reserva-tion in regard to positions reserved for these com-munities. Finally, there is one-third reservation forwomen in relation to the chairpersons of these bodi-es.

The reservation is to be rotated among the variousconstituencies and panchayats to ensure the widestspread. Regular elections are to be held every fiveyears and financial resources are to be devolved bythe setting up of state finance commissions and cen-tral finance commissions. The states have been man-dated to make the panchayats institutions of self-government and to give them responsibility for plan-ning and the implementation of economic develop-

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point out that it is likely to exclude women from the‘other backward classes’ (OBCs) and the minorities.Almost all of the political parties except theCommunist Party of India (CPI) and theCommunist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)) aredeeply divided on this issue. The Hindu nationalistparty in government, the Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP), is in favour of the Bill in its present form,although one of its women members of parliamentexpressed reservations about the Bill on the groundthat OBC women were likely to be excluded.Needless to say, there is also strong resistance on thepart of a considerable number of political leaders to‘encroachments’ into what has been a traditionallymale preserve. The media has trivialized the debateby often characterizing it as a battle between ‘femi-nists’ and ‘casteists’. The crux of the issue is whetherindeed the generalized oppression and exclusion ofwomen characteristic of society is sufficient basis fortranscending the divisions of caste, religion and eth-nicity and whether indeed the women’s movement isrepresentative enough to effect such unity.Unfortunately, so far, the statements of leaders ofwomen’s organizations that support the Bill have notrevealed enough awareness about the complexity ofthe problem nor even enough critical reflectionabout the variegated nature of gender relationsamong the OBCs and the minority communities.The tendency on the part of women’s organizationshas been to point to stronger patriarchal norms pre-valent among the OBCs and the Muslims and theattitudes of the men of these communities as beingparticularly ‘backward’ and ‘male chauvinist’, thusfocusing on the family as the principal site of patri-archal control and oppression and ignoring its widersocial context.12 The fact that the women and themen of these groups face the consequences of beingon the lower rungs of a social hierarchy still princi-pally dominated by upper castes and the reality andprospects of marginalization as groups must surelyaffect the texture of gender relations.

Recent analyses of the Women’s Reservation Billraise important although disturbing issues regardingthe relative ease with which the question of women’sreservation has been accepted by the ruling elites inthe 1990s, as compared to the resistance of the1970s.13 Menon points to two developments thatcould explain the shift. First, the challenges to theauthority and legitimacy of the nation state by

various movements from below in the wake of aneconomic and political crisis in the early-to-mid1970s; the resurgence of backward caste movements,regional movements and radical left movementschallenged the nation state and its legitimacy.Second, women emerged as a significant force inpolitics from the 1970s onwards.

However, it is the changing composition of theparliament with a significant number of membersfrom the backward castes that challenges the hege-mony of the upper castes and has made the questionof women’s reservation more acceptable. Thus gen-der has been pitted against caste. And it is not a coin-cidence that this is accompanied by the rise to poli-tical dominance of right-wing Hindu chauvinist for-ces. Besides, there is another dimension: the fact thatthe women’s movement is no longer perceived as athreat to the social order is also a result of the coop-tion of gender issues both by the state and non-governmental organisations (NGOs).

Other opinions have been expressed by womenactivists and scholars, who seriously question theefficacy of reservation as an instrument to achievethe goal of equality. These scholars focus on the factthat even the experience of women’s reservations inthe institutions of local self-government has not beenentirely positive, and that women need to traverse along road before they reach the portals of parlia-ment. They point to the loopholes in relation to themanner in which Panchayat Raj institutions havefunctioned; the crying need for training women andthe need for greater gender sensitivity among theadministration. Besides, there is a feeling that, ifwomen want to be in national and state-level poli-tics, they must fight their way up, and as a first stepthey must fight for 33 per cent seats for women inthe respective political parties. It is important to notethat usually this reservation about quotas for womenis also accompanied by a reservation about the wholequestion of quotas on the basis of caste. There is afear that the question of women’s reservations willraise questions about caste, religion and other divisi-ve categories.14

What is happening to Indian society is a criss-crossing of movements of various oppressed sections.Often these movements pull in different and evenopposite directions, thus defeating the process ofdemocratization in the short run. It is a challengingtask both for the leaders of these movements and for

27

participation in the public realm for womenmeans that hitherto marginalized groups andcommunities are finding a legitimate space toarticulate their interests and aspirations, and thefemale members of these groups are becomingpoliticized, although slowly.

But regarding the question of women’s empower-ment: (a) Are women beginning to break their silen-ce, to challenge patriarchal ideology? (b) Are theybeginning to transform institutions and structures ofgender subordination and inequality? (c) Are thenew women in panchayats beginning to gain accessto, and control over, material and knowledge resour-ces and altering their self-image? (d) Are they gainingnew skills and self-confidence? (e) Are they succee-ding in avoiding cooption and dilution of the empo-werment process by pervasive patriarchal forces vianew ways of exercising power and becoming a poli-tical force?

Buch’s study of women in the PRIs in the threemost backward states concludes that less than half adecade is too short a period to see a major shift in thedominant patriarchal structures reinforced by anequally patriarchal and paternalistic state apparatus.However, for a group long marginalized in politics,even small beginnings are giant steps. Moreover, onecannot ignore the powerful counter forces.11

The Women’s Reservation Bill

The Eighty-Fourth Constitution Amendment Billmeant to provide one-third reservation of seats towomen in state and central legislative bodies. Thecurrent discussions and controversies surrounding itmirror the contradictions within Indian society andthe contestations in regard to access to power andresources between those who have been traditionallyexcluded and the socially and politically dominantsections of Indian society. The Women’s ReservationBill once again throws up questions concerning cer-tain kinds of identity, specifically caste and religiousidentity, the intermeshing of gender identity withcaste and religion and their articulation in the publicrealm, in the field of politics. What is significant isthe sea change in attitude to the question of wome-n’s reservation among leading women’s organizationsand activists in key periods in the 1930s, 1970s andthe 1990s.

The core questions to our mind relate to the hie-

rarchy of Indian society and the manner in whichthis hierarchy operates in the field of politics andpolitical representation. It also raises questions aboutthe nature of representation.

The near unanimous support for the Bill amongnational-level women’s organizations is premised ona certain understanding of the patriarchal forms ofoppression and exclusion that characterize Indiansociety and the undeniable reality of declining parti-cipation of women in political life, specifically in thelegislatures. And historically, the suppression andexclusion of women has been extremely important inmaintaining a Brahmanical and caste-dominatedsocial order. Affirmative action for women willundoubtedly contribute towards the democratiza-tion of society.

The protagonists of the Bill highlight the traditio-nally sanctioned exclusion of women from the publicsphere as crucial. However, emphasizing the dimen-sion of gender oppression at the expense of otheroppressions (of caste, ethnicity, class, and religion,for instance) glosses over the complex and intricateways in which gender oppression is embedded inthese categories. Historically, women’s suppressionhas no doubt been very important in maintainingupper-caste exclusivity and hegemony. Affirmativeaction for women would certainly play a role inundermining male and upper-caste dominance.Even so, certain recent developments suggest theneed to address gender oppression in more subtleand nuanced ways, if access to power and resourcesto all categories of women is to be ensured.

The continued dominance of the upper castes ineducation, administration and structures of govern-ment is a reality that cannot be glossed over. This hasbeen paralleled by the increasing presence and visibi-lity of women from the upper-caste middle classes.Yet, the women (and men) from the subaltern com-munities and classes have largely been victims of‘development’. Besides, the neo-liberal paradigmcombined with the ideology of a right-wing, majori-tarian, Hindutva nationalism has only exacerbatedthe caste, class, religious, ethnic, regional and genderdivides, with women being only more and not lessembedded in their groups, leading to much greaterdifferentiation among women, which, in turn, hasalso meant a more diverse and varied political articu-lation.

The opponents of the bill in its present form

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social analysts to unravel the myriad oppressions thatcharacterize Indian society and to draw out themajor strand that will strengthen and contribute tothe overall process of democratization of society. Thelevers of change have to be sought in an overalldemocratization of society. And this is even more soin a plural society like India where the political sys-tem has to ensure a modicum of equality between allgroups if history’s longest system of oppression is tobe seriously tackled. This would imply that thestruggle for gender equality and justice will have tobe woven into the struggle for emancipation of eachof the oppressed groups and communities.15

Annex 1:

Women in Decision-Making

Positions in India

Table 1: Women’s Presence in the Lok Sabha

Seats Women % Women

MPs MPs

1952 499 22 4.41957 500 27 5.41962 503 34 6.81967 523 31 5.91971 521 22 4.21977 544 19 3.31980 544 28 5.21984 544 44 8.11989 517 27 5.21991 544 39 7.21996 543 39 7.21998 543 43 7.9Average 527 31 5.9

Source: Election Commission of India

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Table 2: Electoral Candidates by Gender

Party Women Contestants Women Elected Men Contestants Men Elected

(as % of (as % of (as % of (as % of

total contestants) women candidates) total contestants) men candidates)

BJP 7.4 60.0 92.6 53.2Congress 11.0 28.0 89.0 24.8Other parties fielding women candidates 7.2 22.2 92.8 17.3Independents 4.0 1.3 96.0 0.3

Source: Election Commission of India

Table 3: Representation of Women in State Assemblies (% of Women MLAs)

1952 1960–65 1970–75 1979–83 1993–97 1998–99

Bihar 3.6 7.9 3.8 3.7 3.4 --Uttar Pradesh 1.2 4.4 5.9 5.6 4.0 --Rajasthan 0.0 4.5 7.1 5.0 4.5 7.0Kerala 0.0 3.9 1.5 3.2 9.3 --West Bengal 0.8 4.8 1.6 2.4 6.8 --Andhra Pradesh 2.9 3.3 9.1 4.1 2.7 9.5

Source: Election Commission of India

Table 4: Women in Decision-Making

Women Men Women as % of Men

Executive bodies of political parties -- -- 9.1%Cabinet Ministers 8 76 10.5%High Court Judges 15 488 3.1%Civil Services -- -- 6.8%Executive bodies of trade unions 6 108 5.6%

Source: South Asia HDR, 2000

Table 5: Women in Decision-Making Positions in PRIs

State % Women as % Women as % Women as

GP Chairpersons PS Chairpersons ZP Chairpersons

Andhra Pradesh -- 33.76 30.00

Himachal Pradesh 36.62 31.94 33.33Karnataka 33.33 33.71 35.00Madhya Pradesh 38.66 26.80 37.78Manipur 33.13 -- 50.00Uttar Pradesh 33.81 41.29 30.26West Bengal 4.62 3.00 0.00INDIA 40.10 33.75 32.28

Source: Government of IndiaGP Gram PanchayatPS Panchayat Samiti ZP Zilla Panchayat

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Source: Mathew, G., ed, 2000. Status of Panchayati Rajin the States and Union Territories of India. New Delhi:Institute of Social Sciences, Concept Publication.Choudhury, R.C. and Jain, S.P., 1998. India: RuralDevelopment Report. Hyderabad: NIRD.GP Gram PanchayatPS Panchayat Samiti ZP Zilla Panchayat* Scheduled tribes (SC)** Revised figuresNA Not available# The above figures are for the new Madhya

Pradesh as of 1 November 2000% Figures in parentheses are the percentages

of the totals.

Table 6: State-wise Break-up of Elected Women Members

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S.No. State PRI Total Elected

Elected Women

Repre- Repre-

sentatives sentatives

1. Andhra Pradesh GP 230,529 78,000 (33.8)

PS 14,644 5420 (37.0)

ZP -- 363 (33.2)

2. Arunachal Pradesh GP 5,733 86 (1.5)

PS 1,205 39 (3.2)

ZP 77* NA

3. Assam GP 30,360 5,469 (18.0)

PS 2,584 669 (25.8)

ZP 845 NA

4. Goa GP 1,281 468 (36.5)

PS -- --

ZP 35 NA

5. Gujarat GP 123,470 41,180 (33.3)

PS 3,814 1,274 (33.4)

ZP 761 254 (33.3)

6. Haryana ** GP 54,159 17,928 (33.1)

PS 2,718 807 (33.3)

ZP 303 101 (33.3)

7. Himachal Pradesh GP 18,258 6,013 (32.9)

PS 1,661 558 (33.5)

ZP 252 84 (33.3)

8. Karnataka GP 80,627 35,305 (43.7)

PS 3,340 1,343 (40.2)

ZP 919 335 (36.4)

9. Kerala GP 10,270 3,883 (37.8)

PS 1,547 563 (36.3)

ZP 300 104 (34.6)

10. Madhya Pradesh # GP 314,847 106,410 (33.8)

PS 6,456 2,159 (33.4)

ZP 734 248 (33.8)

S.No. State PRI Total Elected

Elected Women

Repre- Repre-

sentatives sentatives

11. Maharashtra GP 303,545 100,182 (33.0)

PS 3,524 1,174 (33.3)

ZP 1,762 587 (33.3)

12. Manipur GP 1,556 576 (37.0)

PS -- --

ZP 61 22 (36.0)

13. Orissa GP 81,077 28,595 (35.2)

PS 5,260 1,870 (35.5)

ZP 854 294 (34.4)

14. Punjab GP 87,842 31,053 (35.3)

PS 2,441 326 (13.3)

ZP 274 89 (32.4)

15. Rajasthan GP 119419 38,791 (32.4)

PS 5257 1,740 (33.1)

ZP 997 331 (33.2)

16. Tamil Nadu GP 9,7398 32,795 (33.6)

PS 6,499 2,295 (35.3)

ZP 648 225 (34.7)

17. Tripura GP 5,685 1,895 (33.3)

PS 299 105 (35.1)

ZP 82 28 (34.1)

18. Uttar Pradesh GP 68,2670 174,410 (25.5)

PS 58,165 14,002 (24.0)

ZP 2551 648 (25.4)

19. West Bengal GP 50,345 17,907 (35.5)

PS 8,579 3,015 (35.1)

ZP 723 246 (34.0)

3332

Notes and References

1. Many of the ideas discussed in this paper havebeen elaborated in Raman, V., 2001. “TheWomen’s Questions in Contemporary IndianPolitics”. Asian Journal of Women’s Studies(Korea). Vol. 7, No. 2. Raman, V., 1999.“Women’s Reservation and Democratisation:An Alternative Perspective”. Economic andPolitical Weekly (Bombay). 11 December 1999,pp. 3494-3495.

2. John, M., 2000:3. Incomplete reference.3. Indian Journal of Gender Studies. Vol. 6, No.

1, January-June, pp. 129-133. 4. John, M, 2000:5. Incomplete reference.5. Government of India, Department of Social

Welfare, 1974. Towards Equality, Report of theCommittee on the Status of Women in India.New Delhi.

6. Sarkar, L. and Majumdar, V., 1999. “Note ofDissent”. Indian Journal of Gender Studies.Vol. 6, No. 1, January-June, pp. 134-137.

7. Ibid., p. 134.8. Ibid., pp. 136-137.9. Majumdar, V., 1997. “Historical Soundings”.

Seminar, September, New Delhi.10. Buch, N., 1999. From Oppression to Assertion:

A Study of Panchayats and Women in MadhyaPradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh (unpu-blished report). New Delhi: Centre forWomen’s Development Studies.

11. Ibid., pp. 21-22.12. John, M., 1999. “Democracy, Patriarchies and

Reservations for Women”. Indian Journal ofGender Studies. Vol. 6, No. 1, January-June.

13. Menon, Nivedita, 2000. “Elusive ‘Woman’:Feminism and Women’s Reservation Bill”.Economic and Political Weekly. 28 October2000, pp. 3835-3844.

14. Dhagamwar, V., 1997. “Reservations about fur-ther Reservation”. Seminar, September, NewDelhi.

15. Raman, V., 1999. “Women’s Reservation andDemocratisation: An Alternative Perspective”.Economic and Political Weekly (Bombay). 11December 1999, pp. 3494-3495. Raman, V., 2001. “The Women’s Question inContemporary Indian Politics”. Asian Journalof Women’s Studies (Korea). Vol. 7, No. 2.

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3 mandatory quota for the Constituent Assembly elec-tion. The prolonged discussion as a result of theunwillingness of the IEC and the ElectoralAssistance Division of the UN in New York to inclu-de quotas in the electoral law ended when the majo-rity of National Council members contravened theiroriginal decision and rejected the inclusion of man-datory quotas in the electoral regulation. Followingpressure from women’s organizations, the head ofUNTAET, Sergio Vieira de Melo, instituted a num-ber of measures to encourage political parties toinclude women on their lists, such as the use of extraair time. The UNTAET Gender Affairs Unit toget-her with the United Nations Development Fund forWomen (UNIFEM) also trained over 150 potentialwomen candidates. These measures resulted in theelection of 23 women to the 88-memberConstituent Assembly in the 2001 ConstituentAssembly elections.

Ms Pires noted that recent experience and dividedopinion over the introduction of mandatory quotasprobably mean that it will be more difficult to intro-duce quotas for future elections in East Timor,although advocacy is planned. People who did notsupport the use of quotas argue that favourableresults for women were achieved without a quota.This argument has been put forward despite a nega-tive experience: one political party was found to haveplaced a woman at the top of its list as a strategy toobtain extra airtime for its campaign. After the elec-tions and having obtained only one seat, that partysubstituted the woman with the next person on theparty list: its male president. Furthermore, the quotahas become a controversial issue and there is no con-sensus among political players if this is a desirablemeasure for the future or even a politically correctapproach. Ms Pires stressed, therefore, the great needfor revision of quotas and other affirmative actionstrategies in East Timor so as to level the playingfield, as the state has a responsibility to guaranteeequal participation between men and women.

3.2. Overview of Discussion

The presentation resulted in a discussion on whethera top-down or bottom-up approach was desirable forthe Asian context, particularly in Indonesia. The

Indonesian participants viewed international imposi-tion of quotas as both positive and negative. On theone hand, the international community’s involve-ment in the discussion was devastating for the intro-duction of quotas in East Timor. But, on the otherhand, the participants stressed the need for supportfrom the donor and international community for thedevelopment of strong civil society mobilization andto provide the necessary knowledge and resources tothe groups lobbying for the political participation ofwomen. It was noted that external organizationswith cooperating networks could provide womenwith the necessary support, but that further involve-ment could jeopardize the focus of oppositiongroups, drawing attention away from the real issue,quotas, towards the matter of external interference.

35

The third theme addressed in the workshop was therole of the international community in supportingelectoral quotas. The East Timorese experience oflobbying for quotas differs from the Indian example,given the nature of the intervention by the interna-tional community. The lobbying by women’s groupsto introduce special measures to guarantee women aplace in the new political dispensation took place lar-gely during the United Nations (UN) administrationof the country through the United NationsTransition Administration in East Timor (UNTA-ET), between October 1999 and April 2001. Theimplementation of a gender quota was ultimatelyrejected by the UN administration in East Timorafter the National Council voted against it.

3.1. Overview of Presentation

Ms Milena Pires described the experience with quo-tas as a ‘best and worst case’ of the UN intervention.There were clear divisions within the UN adminis-tration: on the one hand, some members of the UNshowed their willingness to support the idea of spe-cial quotas for women, while, on the other, a greatcontroversy emerged within the UN as to whether tostand behind such a measure. This resulted in confu-sion among UN organs and was also a source of ten-sion among those Timorese supporting the measureand those who were opposed. The response from theUN divided Timorese society; some applauded thereform while others opposed such a measure withinpolitical institutions.

In June 2000, over 400 Timorese women from allof East Timor’s 13 districts attended the FirstCongress of Women and adopted the Platform forAction for the Advancement of Timorese Women.The Congress discussed affirmative action as a poli-cy measure to increase the number of women indecision-making positions, drawing inspiration fromthe Beijing Platform for Action. The Congress advo-cated that 30 per cent of members elected to deci-sion-making positions should be women and inclu-ded strategies for training and special support. Adelegation of women lobbied at the NationalCouncil of East Timorese Resistance (CNRT)Congress, where a resolution regarding women’srights was adopted, mandating the CNRT to pressu-

re UNTAET into adopting a policy of 30 per centminimum representation of women in decision-making positions.

Previously, UNTAET had adopted quotas with aone-man, one-woman policy for the developmentcouncils on the establishment of the CommunityEmpowerment Project (CEP). The CEP was esta-blished at the village and sub-district level. The maingoal was to promote stronger grassroots support, thatis, bottom-up practices and participatory decision-making. A 30 per cent quota had also been adoptedby UNTAET for women in public administration.However, when it came to implementing a quota forthe Constituent Assembly, Timorese women had avery different concept in mind than that of UNTA-ET. It was proposed that women should make up 30per cent of party lists and be placed in ‘electable’positions, and if a party could not meet the target itwould be disqualified from the election. This wasviewed as an interim measure to level the playingfield and to accelerate women’s access to decision-making.

Ms Pires noted that the debate on quotas dividedopinion in East Timor among both the Timoreseand the international community. Some argued thatquotas would promote the assignment of unqualifi-ed women to important positions, that there wouldbe no substantial improvement for women, aswomen had nothing to gain by appointing incapableand unqualified women, that the selection of candi-dates should be based on merit, and that there was alack of women willing and capable of being elected.Some political parties also stated that they would beunable to meet the quota and did not have enoughqualified women to put forward. Opinion amongthe donor community was also divided, with mostdonors supportive of Timorese demands, but withothers arguing that gender equality was a luxury andthat the demand for quotas was being driven bywomen from the Diaspora.

Within the UN administration, opinion was alsodivided between those who supported affirmativeaction as means of attaining women’s rights in EastTimor and those, primarily from the IndependentElectoral Commission (IEC), who did not supportquotas. The debate culminated in the rejection of a

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3. Imposing Quotas from Above: The Case of East Timor

36

training and peer-support strategies. Although sym-bolic in some districts, where the councils were con-trolled by traditional (mainly male) power structu-res, the inclusion of women in the councils createdthe expectation that they should participate and hada place in decision-making.

UNTAET also continued its attempt to promotefemale participation through informal measures,such as during the setting up of the NationalCouncil (NC), a quasi legislature nominated by theSpecial Representative of the Secretary-General(SRSG) and the UN Administrator. Due to criticismof women being under-represented in the NationalConsultative Council (NCC),2 which preceded theNC, the UN Administrator issued a directive requi-ring that at least two of the four nominees to be pro-posed for selection from each of the 13 districts andcivil society organizations be women. This resultedin 13 of the NC’s 33 members being women.

During UNTAET, the SRSG also adopted a mini-mum 30 per cent quota for women in public admi-nistration. This resulted in just over 18 per cent ofwomen being recruited. Special measures were alsotaken in regard to the establishment of the Timoresepolice force, resulting in women making up 40 percent of the first wave of new recruits.

The progressive use of quotas was severely tested,however, when quotas were proposed for theConstituent Assembly elections. The NationalCouncil was to adopt an electoral regulation for elec-tions to the Constituent Assembly, which woulddraw up the constitution for an independent EastTimor. These elections were to be run completely bythe UN.

The debate was led by REDE, a network of 16women’s organizations. In keeping with the Platformfor Action, REDE proposed that a mandatory quotabe contained in the electoral regulation. At least 30per cent of women candidates were to be proposed inthe political party lists and placed in winnable posi-tions, with every third candidate from the top of thelist being a woman.

REDE argued that this was a temporary measureto even the playing field and to open the door towomen’s participation in the constitution-makingprocess and to hasten women’s participation in thepolitical arena. As well as being a rights issue, REDEaverred that the constitution-making process couldonly be representative and truly legitimate if more

than one-half of the population was represented.Like the CEP, the election of women to theConstituent Assembly would also create a furtherexpectation that women should participate and hada role to play in all aspects of Timorese society.

REDE recognized and advocated that quotasalone were not enough. To ensure active participa-tion, training and support should be part of a pack-age for women candidates and later members of theConstituent Assembly.

Opponents of the use of quotas argued that sucha measure was degrading for women and that theirparticipation should be based on merit. Others con-tended that it was symbolic and that it would con-tribute nothing to women’s rights. Members of somepolitical parties asserted that it would contravene therights of political parties, as they would be forced tochoose and put forward a particular type of candida-te. Some political parties were more direct in theiropposition, stating that they did not have qualifiedwomen who could be put forward.

The Constituent Assembly elections were basedon a mixed system. Seventy-five national seats werecontested through a proportional system allowingfor candidates to be put forward via political partylists or on an independent, individual basis. Thirteendistrict seats were contested on a first-past-the-postbasis; candidates could be put forward by politicalparties or run as independent individuals. The quotaproposed by the women’s network targeted the poli-tical parties contesting the 75 national seats.

The debate on quotas divided opinion in EastTimor, among both the Timorese and internationals.The international non-governmental organization(NGO) community was, for the most part, behindthe women’s network and provided practical supportthrough research and information-sharing.

Opinion was also divided within the donor com-munity with representatives in Dili. For the mostpart, donors were supportive of the inclusion of quo-tas, provided that this was what the Timorese wan-ted. Reportedly, at least two foreign missions, havingfunded the 1st Congress of Timorese Women,expressed the opinion that gender equity was a luxu-ry and inappropriate for East Timor at that stage. Atleast one of these missions also argued that the use ofquotas was being driven by Timorese women fromthe Diaspora.

Although the Beijing Platform of Action of

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The debate on the introduction of special quotas forwomen in East Timor took place largely while thecountry was being administered by the UnitedNations Transition Administration in East Timor(UNTAET), between October 1999 and April 2001.The perception that the United Nations (UN) itselfis a great advocate and upholder of human rights andequity principles had a mixed influence on the deba-te and its outcome. In some instances, UNTAETreadily adopted affirmative action policies, while inothers it had to be dragged kicking and screaming.In some cases, members of its staff even activelyinterfered in and hindered the debate on the use ofquotas. This is not to say that all Timorese were infavour of the use of quotas. However, for advocatesof quotas, the UN mission provided to be a double-edged sword.

In June 2000, over 400 Timorese women from allof East Timor’s 13 districts met together for the 1stCongress of Women and adopted their ownPlatform for Action for the Advancement ofTimorese Women. Throughout almost one week ofmeetings, the Congress analysed the position ofwomen in Timorese society and concluded that,although women constituted more then 50 per centof the population, they did not partake in decision-making, nor did they enjoy the same rights as men.The Congress discussed affirmative action as a stra-

tegy to increase women’s participation and recom-mended a series of measures, including a minimum30 per cent target for women in decision-makingbodies, together with special training and supportfor women to achieve this goal.

Next, in August 2000, a delegation of women lob-bied the National Council of East TimoreseResistance (CNRT) Congress, where a resolutionpertaining to women’s rights was adopted. This reso-lution was passed unanimously and tasked theCNRT with pressuring UNTAET to adopt a policyof 30 per cent female representation in decision-making fora. The Platform for Action and theCNRT resolution were two important documentsused by women to lobby for equal rights.

Prior to this, UNTAET had already adopted quo-tas. Following pressure from Timorese women, itincluded a one-man, one-woman policy when itissued a regulation for development council electionson the establishment of the CommunityEmpowerment Project (CEP).1 The CEP set up vil-lage and sub-district development councils whosemain goal was to promote bottom-up and participa-tory decision-making in regard to development. Itwas conceived as a possible basis for local govern-ment.

The CEP also sought to support the contributionand participation of women, once elected, through

East Timor and the Debate on Quotas

By Milena Pires

Introduction

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Protests were held by the women’s network, for-cing UNTAET to make available funds to train closeto 200 potential female candidates for the elections.Incentive mechanisms were informally introduced,whereby political parties that included at least 30 percent women candidates on their party lists earnedextra campaign airtime on UNTAET-run radio andtelevision. However the issue of mandatory quotas inelections remains an unresolved issue in the UN inNew York.

REDE also backed three women candidates forthe national constituency, although none was elec-ted. Of the Constituent Assembly’s 88 members, 23of those elected were women.5 Criticism of membersof the National Council who voted against the quo-tas and belonged to political parties made some par-ties adopt informal internal quotas for their list ofcandidates.

The Democratic Party, the second-largest party inthe Constituent Assembly and now the national par-liament, has no female members. A woman headedthe list of the Socialist Party, but having won onlyone seat it substituted her with the next person onthe list, who was a man.

Recent experience and the split in opinion overthe introduction of mandatory quotas probablymean that it will be more difficult to introduce quo-tas for future elections in East Timor. SomeTimorese are of the view that the election resultshows that a mandatory quota was not needed, as wenow have one of the largest rates of participation ofwomen in parliament in the entire region.

The constitution is another important instrumentfor women. Although it does not include mandatoryquotas, it tasks the state with ensuring equality ofopportunity between men and women. The consti-tution also enshrines the principle that equal partici-pation is a necessary component of democracy. EastTimor will most likely become a signatory toCEDAW and other human rights conventions whenit becomes a member of the UN, which will furtherformalize the state’s responsibility.

The second Congress of Timorese Women isunder discussion. It will be a good opportunity forwomen once again to analyse their place in societyand to pick up the pieces of the many missed oppor-tunities that could have been afforded by UNTAET,had there been a standard policy within the UNitself. There is no assurance that future elections will

deliver the same or better results in terms of the par-ticipation of women. In fact, quotas and other affir-mative action strategies may need to be revisited tolevel the playing field.

Notes and References

1. Cultural incompatibility was initially used bythe Governance and Public Administration pil-lar of UNTAET as an argument against the 50per cent quota for women in the CEP regula-tion.

2. The NCC had two Timorese women membersout of a total of 11 members.

3. Communication from UNIFEM in New York,“Request from Milena Pires, Deputy Speaker ofthe East Timor National Council, for UNI-FEM assistance on the following issue raised byUNTAET: The introductions of quotas willdetract from the free and fair principle of theelection in East Timor, as it will force politicalparties to chose certain types of candidates”,March 2000.

4. Communication from the Political AffairsDivision at UN headquarters in New York tothe Political Affairs Division of the UNATETDepartment of Political Affairs in Dili, March2001.

5. This is equal to approximately 27 per cent.

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the UN World Conference on Women makes directreference to the inclusion of statutory quotas toaddress inequality in the electoral sphere, warningwas given that the UN would be forced to pull out ifquotas were included in the Constituent Assemblyelections. UN staff members openly supportive ofquotas were told that they should be defending ‘theparty line’ and that their jobs were under threat ifthey continued to support the ‘opposition’.

Article 7 of the UN Convention on theElimination of all forms of Discrimination AgainstWomen (CEDAW) states that:

State Parties shall take appropriate measures to eli-minate discrimination against women in the politicaland public life of a country and in particular shallensure women on equal terms with men the right:

a) To vote in all elections and public referenda and tobe eligible for election to all publicly held bodies;b) To participate in the formulation of governmentpolicy and the implementation thereof and to holdpublic office and perform all public functions at alllevels of government.

In fact, UNTAET’s first regulation, which sets outthe principles and framework for the mission, makesdirect reference to its obligations to the principlesenshrined in the CEDAW.

The debate on the electoral regulation was exten-ded because the National Council and UNTAETcould not reach a compromise. Although the NChad adopted the electoral regulation including quo-tas in principle, final approval was put off in order totry and convince the Electoral Assistance Division inNew York to agree to their use.

Divisions also emerged within the UN in NewYork. The United Nations Development Fund forWomen (UNIFEM) stated that:

citizenship is inextricably linked to the political rightsto vote and to stand for public office. On account ofsocially constructed gender roles, women face a greaternumber of obstacles in participating in political deci-sion activity than men. These obstacles need to beacknowledged by policymakers, lawmakers and electo-ral authorities when they determine the conditions offree and fair elections. Overlooking them will result inthe conclusion that women and men are equally placedto participate in political life. This conclusion can lead

to unfair discrimination on the grounds of gender ...and an oversight of the unfair and deeply entrenched,systemic attitudes and stereotypes that assign women tothe private, and men to the public domain.3

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rightswas also reported to have contacted the SRSG inEast Timor to express support for the use of quotas.The UN Division for the Advancement of Womenin New York was also reported to be in favour oftheir use. However, the Electoral Assistance Divisionunder the Under-Secretary-General for PoliticalAffairs was of a different opinion, and the issue thusremains unresolved in the UN.

The municipal elections in Kosovo, also heldunder a UN peacekeeping mandate, included the useof quotas for women and became an important focusfor the women’s network. However, although theregulation for the Kosovo municipal elections waspromulgated by the SRSG, the elections were run bythe Organization for Security and Co-operation inEurope (OSCE), because it appears that a similardispute arose.

In response to an enquiry made by the ElectoralAffairs Division of UNTAET on mandatory quotasfor women it stated:

UNTAET has exclusive responsibility for holding freeand fair elections in East Timor...(and)...while somecountries do have quotas for women (and for othergroups), other democratic countries vehemently opposethe practise. This would include some members of theSecurity Council...Electoral quotas for women (or anyother group) do not constitute international best practi-ce for elections.4

While Timorese women’s attention was focused onexerting pressure internationally, specific UN staffmembers in Dili were actively lobbying NationalCouncil members. In the end, the majority of NCmembers contravened their original decision andrejected the inclusion of mandatory quotas in theelectoral regulation. Ironically, the majority ofwomen in the National Council who acquired theirseats through affirmative action by the SRSG andhad been active participants of the Women’sCongress voted against the inclusion of quotas.REDE had miscalculated its own level of internalsupport.

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4 change came about through the continued efforts ofwomen. The government of Pervez Musharraf,which contains women ministers who are gendersensitive, has helped the situation. One lesson washow to deal with Islamic conservatives, who areslowly becoming more liberal. Ultimately, womenare demanding a share of political power, and thisstrengthens the image of democracy. This was notedas a problem for Indonesia, where women have con-fronted the challenge of convincing men that theobjective is not to take their power away, but tobecome equal partners in decision-making. Animportant strategy is to develop arguments that willconvince men of the merits of sharing power andthat their power will not be diminished.

It was also noted that once quotas are implemen-ted there must be continual support and lobbyingfor women in decision-making positions. There is aneed to highlight that both men and women haveresponsibilities. For example, in the home, domesticwork is not just women’s work. Furthermore, womenshould identify public issues that directly affectthem, such as poverty or HIV/AIDS, and demon-strate they have a role to play in policy formulation.

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The fourth theme addressed in the workshop focu-sed on the empowerment of, and the provision ofskills training for, women newly elected to decision-making bodies. Quotas that are properly implemen-ted ensure the presence of women in parliament, butthis does not mean that they will be equipped withall of the skills needed to make a real difference inparliament. The experience of Pakistan highlightshow quotas and skills training are used as simultane-ous strategies for the empowerment of women.

4.1. Overview of Presentation

Dr Socorro Reyes began by supporting Prof.Dahlerup’s description of a ‘quota fever’, but notedthat it is not only present in Asia, but also in Europe,Latin America and the rest of the world. In her pre-sentation, she began by stating that quotas are notnew to Pakistan, but have been in existence invarious forms in the past. Reserved seats for womenwere in existence in Pakistan in 1956, 1962, 1970,1973 and 1985 in both provincial and nationalassemblies, but in small magnitudes of between fiveand ten per cent. In 1988, the reservation provisionslapsed, and in the general election of 1997 womenonly constituted four per cent in the provincialassemblies, two per cent in the Senate, and four percent in the National Assembly.

As part of the democratization process in 2000,the military government adopted a Devolution ofPower Plan whereby a 33 per cent quota for womenwas to apply at the district, tehsil and union councillevels. Women contested not only the reserved seatsbut also the open seats on the union, tehsil and dis-trict councils and the posts of nazims. Non-govern-mental organisations (NGOs) were involved in lob-bying and provided training to women consideringrunning for office. The 33 per cent quota adopted bythe government opened up the political space forwomen and provided a strategic opportunity forthem to make a difference in setting and implemen-ting the agenda of local governments. Women fromdifferent socio-economic, political and religiousbackgrounds took their place on local councils,demonstrating that the quota opened the door fordisadvantaged groups. Yet there were challenges toimplementing the quota, including cultural barriers

- women’s citizenship is not always recognized andreligious leaders or ‘mullahs’ believe that a woman’splace is in the home - and financial barriers -womengaining enough financial resources for campaigning.

But as Dr Reyes points out, a key questionremains: how can women use their critical mass toaffect public policy issues, particularly those relatedto poverty reduction, the biggest challenge inPakistan? Mentoring and education programmes arebeing implemented, but this is a challenge, giventhat the majority of women councillors are illiterate,mirroring the lack of educational opportunities forwomen in society. Hands-on, participatory populareducation methods are, therefore, the best approachto training. The fact that the majority of womenhave never sat on local councils before means thattraining must start with the basics. In an effort toascertain what training was needed, many organiza-tions conducted surveys and initiated dialogues withwomen councillors.

Dr Reyes also addressed the need for furtheraction to be taken to strengthen women’s politicalparticipation, and also to increase the number ofseats reserved for women at the national level, whichcurrently stands at 60 (17%). She suggests that thereare three methods that can be used to overcome cul-tural barriers and ensure women’s full citizenship,including (a) awareness-raising through a nationwi-de campaign that highlights the importance of thepolitical representation and participation of womenand the important contribution that they can maketo politics, (b) capacity-building that covers therights of women as voters, candidates and electedofficials, and provides training for women elected todecision-making bodies, and (c) research and docu-mentation, highlighting the difference that womenmake in institutions and to policy decision-making.In sum, the political participation of women is asmuch about numbers as it is about their effectivenessand impact.

4.2. Overview of Discussion

The discussion focused on the lessons learned fromPakistan that may be applicable to Indonesian orga-nizations lobbying for quotas. Dr Reyes noted that,although there was initially resistance from men,

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4. Empowering Women Elected through Quotas:

The Pakistani Experiment

4342

and the six seats for peasants and workers (two forwomen). Each union council thus has six seats forwomen.

The middle tier, the tehsil council, is composed ofthe Naib Nazims of all union councils and represen-tatives elected from reserved seats for women (one-third of the number of unions), peasants and wor-kers (five per cent of the total number of unions),and minority communities (five per cent).

The top tier, the zila council, consists of all UnionNazims in the district and, like the tehsil council, ofmembers elected through quotas: 33 per centwomen, five per cent peasants and workers, and fiveper cent from the minority communities.

The numbers of seats reserved for women in thedifferent councils are as follows.

Table 1: Seats Reserved for Women

Type of Council Seats Reserved for Women

Union Councils (6,022) 36,132Tehsil Councils (305) 1,749Town Councils (30) 161District Councils (96) 1,988Total 40,030

Except for the union councils, the members of all ofthe other councils are indirectly elected. The electedcouncillors at the union level form the electoral col-lege for all elections to the tehsil/town and districtcouncils.

Election Results

The women contested not only the reserved seats butalso the open seats in the union, tehsil and districtcouncils and the posts of Nazims and Naib Nazims.However, in some areas of the Northwest FrontierProvince (NWFP),4 women were prevented fromvoting or running for office or both by religiousgroups and political parties, resulting in a loss ofapproximately 650 seats. Overall, women got electedto 36,187 out of 40,049 reserved seats in the localcouncils, while 11 were elected as Union CouncilNazims, one as Naib Nazim and two as DistrictNazims.5

Pakistan’s efforts to fulfil its commitments in inter-national treaties and conventions to promote thefree, equal and full political participation of womenare summed up in the Report of the Commission ofInquiry for Women (August 1997), the NationalPlan for Action (September 1998) and the NationalPolicy for Development and Empowerment ofWomen (NPA) (March 2002). The commissionreport and the NPA recommend 33 per cent reservedseats for women on local as well as national electivebodies through direct elections and joint electorate.They also suggest the simplification of rules and theadoption of measures to ensure that women canexercise their right to vote. The National Policy,meanwhile, mandates the adoption of ‘affirmativeaction to ensure a desirable level of representation ofwomen in the Senate and the National andProvincial Assemblies’.

Quotas are not new to Pakistan. Popularly knownas ‘reservations’, the 1956, 1962, 1970, 1973 and1985 constitutions all provided for reserved seats forwomen in both the provincial and national assem-blies, but of small magnitude, mostly five to ten percent and through indirect elections by the membersof the assemblies themselves. Reservations lapsed in1988 after three general elections, as provided for inthe 1985 constitution. In the last general election of1997, women’s representation hovered between four

per cent in the provincial assemblies (two out of 460)to two per cent in the Senate (two out of 87) andfour per cent in the National Assembly (seven out of217).2 At the local government level, where five to 12per cent of the seats were reserved for womenthrough indirect elections by the councils themsel-ves, women constituted only ten per cent of themembership in 1993 (8,246 out of 75,556).3

Local Level Quotas in Pakistan

As part of the democratization process, in March2000, the military government adopted aDevolution of Power Plan, of which the importantfeature was the provision of a 33 per cent quota forwomen on the district, tehsil and union councils, thelocal legislative bodies mandated to approve by-laws,taxes, long-term and short-term development plansand annual budgets. The union councils, in addi-tion, facilitate the formation and functioning of citi-zen community boards and cooperatives to reducepoverty, the overriding development goal ofPakistan.

The union council is composed of 21 members:the Union Nazim, the Naib Nazim, one memberelected from the minority communities, 12 Muslimrepresentatives elected to general seats and six elec-ted for peasants and workers. The one-third reserva-tion is applied to the 12 Muslim seats (four women)

Quotas in Pakistan: A Case Study1

By Socorro L. Reyes

Table 2: Election Results for Reserved Seats

Province Union Tehsil Town District Total

Councils (6,022) Councils(305) Councils (30) Councils (103) (6,460)

Punjab 20,718 1,074 50 1,115 22,246Sindh 5,878 297 59 360 6,594NWFP 3,963 175 30 278 4,446Balochistan 2,374 215 22 152 2,763Total 32,933 1,761 161 1,905 36,049

Introduction

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Table 4: Women’s Representation

in Provincial Assemblies

Province General Women Non- Total

Muslims

Punjab 297 66 8 363Sindh 130 29 9 159NWFP 99 22 3 121Baluchistan 51 11 3 62Total 577 128 23 705

Women’s groups argued that the NRB ignored thecollective call of women for 30 per cent reservationexpressed in the national consultation conducted bythe Ministry of Women and Development(MOWD) in May 2001 and the National Campaignfor Restoration of Women’s Reserved Seats in 1998.It also failed to reflect the same recommendation ofthe Report of the Commission of Inquiry forWomen and the National Plan for Action. Elevenpolitical parties endorsed the 30 per cent quota forwomen in the provincial and national assemblies.10

Quotas and the Electoral System

The issues raised in regard to female political partici-pation have focused not only on the 33 per centquota for women but also on the electoral system.

According to the present policy on reservations, the60 seats for women will be filled through proportio-nal representation (PR), that is, based on the num-ber of popular votes received by political parties inthe elections.

While PR is considered the most woman-friendlyof all electoral systems and used by all ten countriesin the world with the highest number of women’sseats in parliament, there was vigorous opposition toit among women activists in Pakistan. They conten-ded that women will be beholden to political partieswhose structures, processes and agenda are generallypatriarchal. Those who are directly elected will mostlikely treat women in reserved seats in the provincialand national assemblies as second-class members.With their own constituencies as a mass base, theywill be able to respond more effectively to theirneeds.

The women demanded direct election by a jointelectorate of women and men in enlarged constitu-encies created through the fusion of two normal-sized constituencies. For the general seats, the nor-mal-size constituency will be operable. All eligiblevoters will have two votes: one for the reserved seatin the enlarged constituency and another for thegeneral seat in their normal constituency.11

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Difficulties and Challenges

The unprecedented number of women6 elected todistrict, tehsil and union councils in the recent elec-tions following the adoption of a 33 per cent quotaby the government opened up not only an enormouspolitical space but also a strategic opportunity forwomen to make a difference in setting and imple-menting the agenda of local governments. With thedevolution process, this level of government is expec-ted to have the most impact on people’s lives andoffers the greatest hope for social change. But thebasic question is how women can use their criticalmass to affect public policy issues, particularly thoserelated to poverty reduction, the biggest challenge inPakistan.

To determine their readiness and competence toserve as movers and shakers on local councils, it isimportant to examine the characteristics of thesewomen: their age, education, socio-economic status,and political background. While very limited infor-mation is available on this subject, existing studiesshow that most are less than 45 years old (57 percent); more than half are illiterate (53 per cent);most are housewives (73.7 per cent); very few ownland; and an overwhelming majority has never con-tested elections (79 per cent), neither have theirfamilies (64 per cent).7

What are the implications of the socio-economic,political and demographic profile of the womencouncillors? First, it shows that the quota system hasopened doors for socially disadvantaged and margi-nalized groups that otherwise stand no chance ofwinning positions of formal political authority tradi-tionally obtained through the politics of money,family influence and party patronage. Second, therelative youth of the women councillors indicatesthat young women have placed enormous faith inthe ability of the political system to address existingsocial ills and to institute reforms. Being young, theyare expected to be more open to innovation and cre-ative change. Third, the fact that housewives contes-ted and won electoral seats reflects their willingnessto go beyond their reproductive roles as bearers andnurturers of life and to assume the task of commu-nity leadership as active agents of social change. Butthis also has serious implications for the gender-based assignment of household roles and responsibi-lities, as well as for the way that local councils willschedule the conduct of their business. Men have to

participate in household work in order to providewomen with the time to perform their legislativeduties, and council schedules have to be adjusted toallow women to combine their multiple roles.Fourth, that the majority of women councillors areilliterate underlines the general lack of educationopportunities for women and should be a major fac-tor to consider when designing not only the curricu-lum but also the choice of mentoring approaches.Hands-on, participatory popular education methodscertainly are most appropriate under these circum-stances. Finally, their newness to politics is both anasset and a liability. On the one hand, their freshnessbrings insights, vision and perspective that politicalveterans may have lost through time. On the otherhand, their newness means that training must startfrom ground zero. Their capacity to learn, however,can never be underestimated and the skill withwhich they can use their life experiences to developpragmatic, workable solutions to concrete socio-eco-nomic problems might far exceed ordinary expecta-tions.

To ascertain their training needs, several organiza-tions8 conducted surveys, dialogues and interviewswith women councillors. In all of these consulta-tions, the women disclosed their total lack of aware-ness of their rights, roles and responsibilities. Thewomen councillors also complained about beingignored by their male counterparts and the Nazims.In addition, they do not have any office space, tablesand chairs, and they do not receive stipends to covertheir meals and transportation. The women were notgiven the opportunity to participate in council deli-berations. And their projects were not allocated bud-getary resources.

National and Provincial Level Quotas

While the government was supportive of reservingone-third of the seats on local councils for women,the same did not hold true for its policy towardsfemale representation in the Senate and the nationaland provincial assemblies. After much speculationand debate about what percentage the governmentwould come up with, the National ReconstructionBureau (NRB) announced that 17 of the 100 seats(17 per cent) in the Senate will be reserved forwomen and that 60 of the 342 seats (18 per cent)9 inthe National Assembly will be distributed amongfour provinces as follows.

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Table 3: Women’s Representation in the National Assembly

Province/Territory General Reserved Reserved Seats Total

Seats Seats for Non-Muslims

for Women (Nationwide)

Punjab 148 35 — 183Sindh 61 14 — 75NWFP 35 8 — 43Baluchistan 14 3 — 17Federally-Administered Territory (FATA) 12 — — 12Islamabad 2 — — 2Non-Muslims — — 10 10TOTAL 272 60 10 342

In the provincial assemblies, 22 per cent of seats were reserved for women. Like the National Assembly, seats are to becontested in open, general elections.

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Notes and References

1. Discussion paper read at the “Workshop on theImplementation of Quotas: Asian Experiences”,organized by the International Institute forDemocracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA) inJakarta, Indonesia, 25 September 2002.

2. “History of Women’s Reserved Seats inLegislatures in Pakistan”. Legislative Watch,November-December 2001.

3. Citizens’ Campaign for Women’s Representation inLocal Government. Aurat Publications andInformation Service Foundation.

4. Women were not allowed to run in 21 unioncouncils of districts Swabi and Mardan and in34 union councils of district Dir, ibid.

5. Ibid., pp. 24-25.6. A total of 36,049 women were elected to the

councils7. “Local Government Elections, Phase 1,2,3,4,5”,

a series of studies conducted by PattanDevelopment Corporation, 2001. The authorsare Farzana Bari, Sarwar Bari, and Bilal HassanKhan.

8. The Ministry of Women and Development(MOWD) commissioned Sarwar Bari of Pattanto conduct a Training Needs Assessment for itsWomen’s Political Participation Project.

9. Legal Framework Order, 22 August 2002.10. Bari, Farzana, 2002. “Women’s Representation

in Legislatures: The Way Forward”. January2002, p. 11.

11. “Possible Election Modalities”. LegislativeWatch. Issues No. 15 and 16, November-December 2001.

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Conclusions

To ensure the full and equal participation of womenin decision-making structures and processes at alllevels of governance, a strategic framework is requi-red that explores ways of overcoming the culturaland structural barriers to gender balance in politicalrepresentation. Three strategic methods are sugges-ted to address the cultural barriers to the full exerci-se of women’s citizenship: awareness-raising, capaci-ty-building and research and documentation.Support for policy reform in political parties, electo-ral systems and campaign finance, meanwhile, isrecommended as the best possible way to overcomestructural obstacles.

Awareness-raising A nationwide informationcampaign to highlight the importance of the repre-sentation and participation of women in decision-making, the transformational politics of women, andthe political participation of women as a humanright.

Capacity-building A three-phase training program-me which will encompass the whole range of wome-n’s citizenship information as voters, candidates andelected officials. It will include: rights awareness ofvoters; young women’s leadership training; how torun and win; and skills-building for women who gotelected to local councils, and provincial and nationalassemblies. These skills include developing a policyagenda, articulation and negotiation, influencingand shaping policy decisions, and allocation ofresources.

Research and documentation To show thatwomen make a difference, their work in regard toshaping the institution’s rules, practices and norms,as well as its policy decisions, should be documented.

Policy analysis and advocacy Three importantareas for policy advocacy to enhance the politicalparticipation of women are democratization of poli-tical parties, quotas as temporary special measures toachieve gender balance, and campaign financereform.

In conclusion, the political participation of womenis not only about increasing their numbers but alsoabout effectiveness and impact. Women should be

able to participate in open, transparent, accountabledecision-making processes within policy-makinginstitutions and mechanisms, not as beneficiaries/objects of development programmes but as agents/subjects of developmental change. Their effective-ness is indicated by the extent to which they are ableto influence institutional rules, norms and practicesand consequently shape the policy agenda and deci-sions about the use and allocation of resources. Theirimpact, however, will be seen in the entitlements,capabilities and rights that they are able to secure forwomen to redress gender disparities and to changetheir lives, especially the lives of poor women.

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5 parties. Key lessons that can be learned from theBangladesh experience include: quotas should bebased on an understanding of the dynamics ofpower, politics and gender relations; quotas shouldensure genuine rather than token representation; theimplementation of quotas should be endorsed as ameans of achieving gender equality; and quotas arefacilitated if there is a sizeable number of womencommitted to their implementation.

5.2. Overview of Discussion

In the discussion session, the example of quotas inBangladesh was highlighted for the important les-sons learned regarding gaining understanding andsupport from all levels of decision-making and wit-hin political parties. The importance of political par-ties as gatekeepers and the need to make women anintegral part of the political establishment is notnegotiable under any circumstances. The responsibi-lities of women politicians to support these kinds oflegislative measures will not only strengthen wome-n’s political gains but will also build a foundation fora critical mass. The participants that had joined theIDEA study visit to the Philippines in August 2002saw similarities with both the political structure inthe Philippines and their own so-called nepotismwithin political institutions, as described by Prof.Chowdhury, and noted that this was one of the gre-atest obstacles to overcome in their struggle for gen-der equality. The issue of the ‘quantitative’ aspect ofquotas was of great interest. During the discussion,interventions were heard that both defended thequantitative aspect of quotas in terms of guaran-teeing women’s visibility in parliament, and opposedit on the grounds that it may not lead to a qualitati-ve change for women in politics. While there was noagreement on whether numbers alone are enough,most participants agreed that, ultimately, the quotashould lead to the empowerment of women andmove beyond the question of numbers to ensure theeffective participation of women in decision-makingbodies.

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Not all country experiences with quotas have beenpositive, as the case of Bangladesh illustrates.Depending on the type of quota provision, the targetof women to be elected, and whether women aredirectly or indirectly elected, quotas can act as a ‘glassceiling’ for women and marginalize them in politics.In Bangladesh, the introduction of quotas forwomen in Parliament has been largely negative, asProfessor Najma Chowdhury argued in her presenta-tion.

5.1. Overview of Presentation

The words quotas and reservations are used inter-changeably in the Bangladeshi context. Prof.Chowdhury began by explaining that there has beena long history of reserved seats in Bangladesh, butonly a few seats have ever been made available towomen, either through direct or indirect election.The Constitution of the Peoples Republic ofBangladesh provides for a 300-member parliament.In the early stages, the parliament comprised a totalof 315 seats, of which 15 were reserved for womenfor a period of ten years. Both men and women wereeligible to contest the 300 ‘general’ seats, whilewomen were indirectly elected to the 15 reservedseats. Since 1978, the situation has improved; a pre-sidential proclamation enlarged the number of reser-ved seats to 30 (an increase from 4.7 per cent to 9.9per cent) and extended the period of reservation to15 years from the date of the proclamation of theConstitution in 1972. In December 1987, the con-stitutional provision lapsed and was re-incorporatedinto the Constitution by an amendment in 1990, tobe effective for ten years. This provision lapsed in2001. The present parliament elected in October2001 does not have reserved seats for women, whichis clearly demonstrated by the composition of theHouse.

Prof. Chowdhury raised the question: for whosebenefit was the quota introduced? Electoral andparty history shows that, in the first election held in1973, political parties used the reserved seats as themeans to elect women. The quota was treated as thesole avenue for women’s entry into the legislatureand the general seats as the monopoly of male poli-ticians. This approach to reserved seats left electoral

politics open to male domination and control, withwomen left to contest the reserved seats. Partiesdemonstrated no political commitment to sharegeneral seats with women.

Prof. Chowdhury also raised the important issueof whom the women legislators represent. Whilequotas ensure that a critical mass of women are elec-ted, the quota moves beyond numbers and involvesan expectation among those whose entry was facili-tated by the quota to intervene in policy issues. Byand large, women in Bangladesh have not served asadvocates of women’s rights. The system by whichwomen are elected into politics limits their possibili-ty to become political actors in their own right, aswell as their ability to function as advocates forwomen’s issues. Women who seek to introduce agender perspective into politics risk their own posi-tion in the political establishment, and if a woman iselected through special measures she is also not seenas a full member of parliament. The need for civilsociety backing and networking among differentgroups of society is necessary to support women andto promote women’s issues in the larger establish-ment.

The debate about quotas in Bangladesh continuestoday, with much criticism of how quotas have in thepast afforded women visibility, but not empoweredthem. The women’s movement in Bangladesh hasbrought the issue of quotas into public discourse byvoicing criticism of quotas as practiced previouslyand by articulating demands to change fundamen-tally the constitutional provision. The movement hasurged ‘representation’ to be grounded at the grass-roots level, and has argued for a higher representa-tion of women in the legislature and for the intro-duction of direct election of the seats. In 2001, 20women’s groups formed a women’s council and lob-bied the government, political parties and parlia-mentarians. The council carried out street activities,formed human chains and hosted discussions. InSeptember 2002, further protests were held, butthese attempts at reform have so far failed. Themovement has continued to lobby and push for itsdemands. But Prof. Chowdhury noted that the patri-archal system and public policy are factors that cont-inue to produce negative responses from political

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5. Repealing Quotas: The Bangladesh Experience

the date of promulgation of the constitution of therepublic in December 1972. To trace the latter deve-lopments in brief, the constitutional provision lapsedin December 1987 and was re-incorporated into theconstitution by an amendment in 1990 to be effec-tive for ten years from the first meeting of the legis-lature next elected. This provision also lapsed in2001. The present parliament, elected in October2001, does not have reserved seats for women, as wasthe case with the House elected in 1988.1

Reserved Seats: Making Women

‘Visible’ in the Legislature

The prime consideration for granting reserved seatsto women was their political weakness in contestingmale candidates for general seats. The quota or reser-vation was considered an appropriate political devicefor guaranteeing women ‘protected’ representationin the legislature. The constitutional debates over thedraft articles incorporating the provision of thequota or reservation for women in the legislaturebasically centred on the number of seats to be reser-ved and the move was justified as a safeguard madeconstitutionally in view of women’s drastically une-qual political strength.

In 1972, the constitution framers thought thatten years would be an adequate period for women toacquire the skills and resources to enter successfullythe arena of electoral politics. Thirty years later, in2002, the demand to reintroduce the quota contin-ued. During these 30 years, a total of eight parlia-ments were elected, of which only two containedreserved seats. The ongoing discourse envisages thequota as a tool for women’s political empowermentand is premised on the affirmation of voter supportgained through direct election to an increased num-ber of legislative seats.

Quota: FOR Whose Benefit?

The electoral history of the Bangladesh Parliamentshows that, beginning with the first election in inde-pendent Bangladesh, in 1973, the party that attainedmajority seats in the general election had its ownwomen party members elected to the reserved seats.Electoral nominations in the early years indicate thatthe quota was treated as the sole avenue for women’sentry into the legislature and the general seats werethe monopoly of male politicians. The trend diver-

ged somewhat with the emergence of two women2 asthe leaders of their respective parties. On the path oftheir political career following their lateral entry intoparty leadership, they have sought a peoples’ manda-te and contested in direct election from multiple ter-ritorial constituencies as demonstrations of popularsupport and political strength. There is some inhe-rent contradiction in that they have treated the gene-ral seats as a reservoir of political power, but have nottaken proactive measures to encourage women oftheir respective parties to contest and claim theseseats. This approach to reserved seats has left theentire electoral field open to male domination andcontrol. The nominations awarded by the parties,especially the party that expected to win the majori-ty of seats, reflected their stand on the issue: whethernovice or experienced, women who aspire to holdlegislative seats must find their way into the legislati-ve arena via the pathway of the reserved seats.However, a few women from all three parties thatheld state power in Bangladesh, the Awami League(AL), the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) andthe Jatiyo Party (JP), received party nominations tocontest general seats and won. These women repre-sent basically three categories: (a) those who hadblood or marriage ties with the leadership, (b) awife/daughter of a deceased member of parliament(MP), and (c) those whose political strength accruedfrom years of association with the party organization.

Segregated in the ‘separate enclosure’,3 as it were,the reserved seats also served as a ‘vote bank’ for theparty in power, because it is the numerical majorityof the party that enabled all of its nominees to getelected to the reserved seats.

The reserved seats also came to be bartered for thesake of building a majority alliance with a willingpartner. The barter took place following a parlia-mentary election when the parties were in a positionto assess their respective numerical strength in thelegislature, and before the formal nomination pro-cess to the reserved seats began. In such cases, theleading party negotiated the support of a coalitionpartner in exchange, among other considerations, fora certain number of reserved seats. Such politicalunderstanding loosened the monopoly grip of theruling party on the reserved seats, as the coalescingpartner received two or three seats to nominate andget its women members elected as members of parli-ament.4

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Bangladesh’s experience with quotas for women inparliament has been largely negative. Instead of con-tributing to women’s political agency and autonomy,they have accentuated their dependence in politicsand reinforced their marginality. The present paperis organized around issues and processes that haveundermined the effectiveness of the quota as a stra-tegic political device for ensuring that women’s voi-ces are heard and their priorities reflected in statepolicies.

Some clarification is necessary at the outset aboutthe use of the word ‘quota’. In this paper, it is usedinterchangeably with the term ‘reservation’. Thereservation of seats for women refers to the principleof organizing the composition of a legislative/localbody, according to which a certain number of seatsare exclusively earmarked for women. The term‘reservation’ in this context has colonial roots, refersto safeguarding the participation of a vulnerablegroup and has been used in the constitutional lang-uage of Bangladesh from before liberation.

In a way, the word ‘reservation’ has a passive con-notation in that it refers to numbers without muchreflection on the interface between numbers andoutcome. Quotas relate to gender politics and con-textualise the inner dynamics and policy outcomes ofa body in terms of gendered representation.Although there are some intrinsic differences, the

terms quotas and reservations have been used inter-changeably both by Bangladeshi and foreign scholarsand political observers.

This paper provides a brief history of the quota,notes its salience in regard to the participation ofwomen in legislative and electoral politics, assesses itsworkings and examines the ongoing discourse on there-institution of quotas. In doing so, the paper tou-ches on the standpoint of major actors in the debateas constructed.

Reserved Seats for Women in the

Bangladesh Legislature

The Constitution of the Peoples Republic ofBangladesh provides for a 300-member parliament(the Jatiyo Sangsad). Originally the parliament com-prised a total of 315 seats, of which 15 were reservedfor women for a period of ten years. The 300 ‘gene-ral’ seats represent single-member territorial consti-tuencies that both men and women are eligible tocontest. The 15 seats reserved for women were indi-rectly elected. Members elected to general seats con-stituted the electoral college for the reserved seats.

In 1978 a presidential proclamation enlarged thenumber of reserved seats to 30 (increasing the mini-mum guaranteed representation of women in thelegislature from 4.7 percent to 9.9 percent) andextended the period of reservation to 15 years from

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Bangladesh’s Experience - Dependence and Marginality in Politics

By Najma Chowdhury

Introduction

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dates from the need to campaign and canvass forvotes or to strengthen constituency linkages. Thusthe allocation of electoral zones (women’s constitu-encies) practically amounted to procedural formali-zation. This relative detachment from grassrootsmobilization and dependence on the party leaders-hip marginalized the political status of the reservedseats of parliament.

The Discourse on Quotas

in Bangladesh

The framers of the constitution provided for thereservation of seats for women in view of the obsta-cles they faced in contesting elections. Their percep-tion and that of subsequent (male) politicians reflectsa paternalistic approach towards the reserved seats -affording visibility to a small group of women butnot empowering them. Indeed, the method of elec-tion disempowered the reserved seats.

The women’s movement in Bangladesh broughtthe issue of quotas to public discourse by voicing cri-ticism of quotas as practiced and by articulatingdemands for redesigning or reintroducing the consti-tutional provision with some fundamental changes.In the construction of the debate, the movementurged for representation to be grounded in the grass-roots, claimed a larger share of representation forwomen in the legislature and stood for negation ofmale domination in order to ensure women’s politi-cal survival and advancement.

Coalition-building on the issue of quotas

The dissolution of parliament in December 1987caught the women’s organizations unprepared, as theHouse, elected in 1986 and carrying the reservationprovision with it as stipulated under the constitu-tion, was to complete its tenure in 1991.Nevertheless, individually and collectively, they reite-rated their stand in conventions, seminars and con-ferences. They urged re-incorporation of the consti-tutional provision and were practically unanimouson two issues. They demanded an increase in thenumber of reserved seats (most put the figure at 64to correspond with the country’s 64 administrativeunits), and the introduction of direct election tothese seats with a view to bringing women into thepolitical mainstream. Several organizations alsourged that political parties award a certain percenta-ge of party nominations (the figures ranged between

ten and 20 per cent) to women for general seats. The reservation provision was re-inserted into the

constitution in 1990, to be effective from the nextelection to the legislature. The measure was one ofpolitical expediency; it retained the earlier systemand was in no way attuned to the demands of themovement. The next legislature was elected in 1991and the constitutional amendment thus came intoforce. Towards the end of the following ten years, themovement mounted a concerted effort to mobilizeopinion and to create the necessary political will toprovide for a quota system that reflected their statedstand. Before the impending dissolution of parlia-ment in 2001, some 20 women’s groups and non-governmental organisations (NGOs), mobilized bythe Mohila Parishad (Women’s council - the largestmovement-oriented women’s organization), lobbiedthe government, political parties and parliamentari-ans. Women activists instigated street activities, for-med human chains, and staged rallies and symbolicprotests. Women’s organizations, civil society groupsand NGOs shared discussion sessions. However, thisheightened level of advocacy failed to have anyimpact.7

The women’s movement offered various formula-tions with regard to numbers, basically in response towomen politicians’ concerns that the demarcation of64 electoral constituencies covering the entire coun-try would render electioneering unmanageable. Thevarious formulations were also intended to assurethat any scheme to increase the number of women’sseats would also involve an increase in general seatsand that women’s constituencies were expected tosuperimpose on and not cut across the territorialconstituencies, which constituted the power base ofmale politicians.

Most of those elected to reserved seats preferredthe existing system, as it made the electioneeringprocess less expensive, strenuous and uncertain.They distanced themselves from the movement onthe grounds that direct election to women’s seatswould involve extensive campaigning, requiringboth expense and political workers even if the con-testants were all women. As practitioners of politics,they tended to regard the movement’s stand as beingrather detached from politics as it is. They also feltthat the recent trends of extravagant spending andviolence in elections seriously disadvantaged wome-n’s participation in direct election, which pitted

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The provision of legislative quotas or reservation ofseats for women in parliament benefited the rulingparty, which explains to some extent the approach ofthe two major parties in Bangladesh to the ongoingdiscourse on quotas. The provision also benefitedmale politicians in control of the patriarchal partymachinery, who demonstrated no political commit-ment to share the general seats that, being directlylinked to constituencies, could contribute to or rein-force the political strength of women.

Quotas across the Board

Bangladesh’s experience shows that the successful useof quotas (in terms of representation and participa-tion) in the legislature is dependent on the existenceof similar provisions along the way that leads to thelegislature. In other words, there is a need for quotasin the executive or decision-making body of succes-sive units of the party organization, stretching fromthe local to the national level, as well as in other deci-sion-making bodies, for example, the parliamentaryelection committee entrusted with the nominationof party candidates. Political parties in Bangladesh,however, provide for, in pursuance of respectiveparty constitutions, a women’s affairs secretary in theparty units at different levels. Parties also havewomen’s fronts, which are relatively isolated bodiesin terms of their interaction with the party leaders-hip as compared to other front organizations of theparty, such as the student front, youth front andtrade union.

However, women legislators and political deci-sion-makers on the whole did not attach importanceto the need for the provision of quotas to be orche-strated in all representative and statutory bodies inorder to maximize its gains.5 The theory of criticalmass illustrates the strategic importance of numbersand proportions in terms of the capacity of a socialcategory or group to influence the policy environ-ment of the institution. The quota moves beyondnumbers and involves commitment and capacity onthe part of those whose entry was facilitated by thequota to intervene in policy issues. The ability andwillingness to mediate and negotiate state policies inregard to the gendered interests of its citizens is aprime test for quotas. With a few exceptions, womenmembers of the Bangladesh legislature have not ser-ved as advocates for women’s rights in their capacityas legislators.6

Representational Issue: Dilemma of

Representatives in Reserved Seats

Who does a woman legislator, elected to a reservedseat, represent? The issue of a women’s constituencyhas surfaced from time to time in the nominationprocess for reserved as well as general seats. Being atransitory member of her natal family, a woman isnot in a position to nurture and claim her constitu-ency of birth. Being a stranger/newcomer to her hus-band’s constituency area, she is also likely to face dif-ficulty in adopting her constituency by marriage.

Women MPs also suffer the drawback of having tonurture constituencies, which, on average, are tentimes larger than territorial constituency areas forgeneral seats. This is due to the fact that, for the pur-poses of election to reserved seats, the country isdivided into 30 electoral zones, while for the purpo-ses of delimitation of constituencies for the 300directly elected seats, the country is divided into 300constituencies.

On the whole, women legislators elected to gene-ral or reserved seats tend to define their representa-tional role in a broader sense. In the context of apatriarchal political culture, a woman MP faces someinherent political risks in being seen as an advocateof women’s rights and issues even if she is committedto these causes.

(Male) MPs elected from territorial constituenciesto the legislature have, on occasion, belittled the sta-tus of women MPs in reserved seats as nominated,and not elected, members of the House. There is alsoa strong popular perception that women members inreserved seats were nominated to the legislature bythe majority party largely because the final stage ofthe electoral process, that is, the contest, did not takeplace, as no opposition candidates were put up.Consequently, the process of entry into the legislatu-re devalued the political strength and status ofwomen members in reserved seats, and quotas orreservation came to be viewed as falling short of‘genuine’ representation.

The question as to ‘who does a woman legislatorelected to a reserved seat represent’ is quite superflu-ous in view of the electoral process. The nominationprocess was more conditioned by the social networkof political support, where ‘social work’ and somelinkage (at the formal/informal/personal/familylevel) with the party organization were recognized.Nomination by the majority party spared its candi-

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The nomination procedure gave rise to allegations ofmanipulation by the social elite and political hierar-chy as well as by the civil administration. Later chan-ges increased the number of nominated womenmembers to three and provided for indirect election,giving rise to similar criticisms to those levelledagainst the process of indirect election prevailing atthe national level.9 In 1993, direct election to reser-ved seats for women in the union parishad (unioncouncil) was provided for through legislation by par-liament.10 Under the new provision, the first elec-tions to the union parishad were held in 1997 andbrought into the local government system some12,828 women in reserved seats through direct elec-tion.

The direct election of women to local bodies hasbrought about a qualitative change in their role perception. On the whole, they have claimed aspace within the local bodies and have raised spiritedcalls to have their terms of reference and spheres ofactivity defined. NGOs have come forward withprojects to develop the skill and capacity of thesemembers elected directly in seats reserved forwomen.

The bigger and richer national pie

Obviously, allocation of a one-fourth quota forwomen in local bodies through direct electiondemonstrates that there was strong political will todo so behind it. What explains the strong resistanceto reintroduce quotas for women in the legislature(advocacy groups have put forward various figuresbut none have exceeded one-third)? Such resistancemay be due to apprehension that any reorganizationof constituencies through fresh delimitation with aview to accommodating the women’s quota wouldexpose some of them to the risk of losing their holdon the party organization and electoral constituency.There are bigger stakes involved in being closer tostate power and higher prospects of access to resour-ces and policies. Finally, patriarchal apathy towardswomen’s claim to power, policy-making and inclu-sion in the public space could be a factor in shapingthe response of political parties and leadership toquotas for women in parliament. Implementation ofquotas would require amendment of the constitu-tion. The ruling coalition led by the BNP has thenecessary majority to carry forth an amendment. Itseems that neither the AL nor the BNP would be

averse to reintroducing quotas as they were. Whatthey are unwilling to accede to is the demand forimplementing a meaningful quota.

Lessons Learned:

Concluding Comments

Bangladesh’s experiment with legislative quotas wasconditioned by political factors and processes withinwhich it operated. An analysis of these factors andprocesses highlights the following lessons:

1. The provision of quotas should be based on anunderstanding of the interface of power, politics andpolicies in terms of gender relations.

2. The purpose of quotas should be ‘authoritative’representation rather than ‘token’ representation andhence adequate consideration needs to be given toissues of number/proportion of representation, selec-tion/nomination and election procedures.

3. Successful implementation of the quota dependson its acceptance and endorsement as a workabledevice for achieving gender equity, by all majoractors in the political process, including political par-ties.

4. The effect of quotas is facilitated when there is arelatively sizeable number of committed womenmembers within the institutions/organizations/committees.

5. Success in advocating for the introduction of quo-tas by the women’s movement is likely to be con-tingent on the movement’s capacity to build strategicalliances across political parties, women’s groups,women in politics, citizen bodies.

6. Provision for quotas enjoys a better prospect ofimplementation at the local level as it opens upwomen’s access to limited resources and power onlyto deal with local issues. The perception of politics interms of a zero-sum game on the part of the (male)political hierarchy and (male) party leadership inmatters of access to state power and resourcesexplains, to some extent, the resistance to quotas atthe level of national politics.

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them against male contestants. There have beenexceptions, though, who saw in the existing methodof reservation the reasons for women’s subservientstatus in politics and wanted the system to be repla-ced.

Political parties, with the exception of some leftistparties, do not give much credence to women’s claimto ‘substantial’ and ‘substantive’ representation. Theissue is not considered central to the political pro-cess. Parties have made pledges, based on strategicconsiderations, to take necessary steps to incorpora-te the movement’s demands once elected to power.The pledges have not been redeemed on one pretextor another.

Following the formulation of the National Plan ofAction after the Beijing conference, the Governmentof Bangladesh announced, in 1997, a NationalPolicy for the Advancement of Women. The Policycalled for a larger number of reserved seats in thelegislature for women through direct election. Theprovisions of the draft Fourteenth (ConstitutionAmendment) Bill prepared by the AL government in1999, proposing, in essence, the replication of anearlier system, trifled with an important policy decla-ration that aimed to strengthen women’s politicalparticipation.

However, women’s groups continue to lobby andagitate in a bid to push forward their demand. As theparliament convened for a session in September2002, the women’s movement took to the streets,spotlighting several issues, including the demand forwomen’s seats. A source of weakness in relation tothe movement’s agitation for reserved seats has beenan occasional tendency to put several issues on theplatform, all of which deserved to be regarded as cri-tical; lumping them together appeared to dilute theimpact. Second, the movement’s varied and at timesshifting stand on the number of seats to be reservedand the method of election to be adopted appearedto undermine its underlying unity of purpose. Maleparty stalwarts called for consensus and unanimitywithin the movement as a precondition for any mea-ningful dialogue. A third factor that weakened theforce of the movement was the occasional regroupingor re-mapping of strategic options by groups andorganizations in order to be in a position to lead themovement and to perform a mediating role in nego-tiations.

Linking quotas to a time frame and the building of apolitical resource

Advocacy for implementation of quotas inBangladesh has always stipulated a limited timefra-me. Quotas are viewed as an interim measure andwomen politicians in the legislature were expected tobuild their political bases within the stipulated peri-od. It was felt that quotas for women in party nomi-nations to general seats would eventually make themredundant.

Gains Made Through Quotas

Quotas provided women with the only viable routeto the legislature, as the successive parliamentaryelection results indicate. The number of womendirectly elected to the legislature is yet to exceed 2.5per cent of the total 300 seats.8 Indeed, when apowerful woman party politician was defeated in thegeneral election, she was later nominated by herparty (which obtained a majority) for a reserved seat.Quotas, in providing women with a convenient con-duit to the legislature, opened up for them theopportunity to enter the power spheres. In practice,they were nominated to the panel of chairpersons topreside over the House in the absence of the Speaker,Deputy Speaker and others in order of precedence,and as members of select and standing committees.They enjoyed access to distribution of goods andpatronage and the potential to bring in resources,especially for development projects in their constitu-encies. They were relatively powerful women in asociety where women are generally denuded anddevoid of power. Also, being elected to the legislatu-re made them eligible for ministerial positions.

A few of the women whose entry into the legisla-ture was facilitated by quotas in course of time ‘gra-duated’ as active participants in national politics.They emerged as important members of the entou-rage of women leaders in electoral campaign trailsand in supportive roles during risk-laden periods ofpolitical agitation.

Quota at the Local Level:

How is it Different?

Article 9 under the Fundamental Principles of StatePolicy of the Constitution of Bangladesh stipulatesthe representation of women in local governmentinstitutions. Women’s representation was first provi-ded through nomination of two women members.

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Article 65 (2)

Parliament shall consist of three hundred membersto be elected in accordance with law from single ter-ritorial constituencies by direct election and, for solong as clause (3) is effective, the members providedfor in that clause; the members shall be designated asMembers of Parliament.

Article 65 (3)

Until the dissolution of Parliament occurring nextafter the expiration of the period of ten years of theParliament beginning from the date of the first mee-ting of the Parliament next after the Parliament inexistence at the time of the commencement of theConstitution (Tenth Amendment ) Act, 1990, thereshall be reserved thirty seats exclusively for womenmembers, who shall be elected according to law bythe members aforesaid:

Provided that nothing to this clause shall preventa woman from being elected to any of the seats pro-vided for in clause (2).

Annex 2: Votes and Seats Received by Women

Contestants in Parliamentary

Elections

The following table illustrates the enormously vulne-rable status of women in electoral politics.

Election Year % of Women % of General

Candidates for Seats Won

General Seats by Women*

1973 0.3 0.01979 0.9 0.7 1986 1.3 1.71988 0.7 1.31991 1.5 1.71996 1.4 2.3

Source: Chowdhury, Najma, 1994. “Women in Politics”.Empowerment A Journal of Women of Women. Vol. 1,p. 42. Naribarta (Women’s News, a Bangla newsletterpublished by Women for Women). Vol. 1, September1996. Figures for elections held in February 1996 andOctober 2001 not included in the table.

* The third column represents figures following the sur-render of seats where candidates won more than one,and those who subsequently entered the legislature via aby-election.

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What is the theoretical construct within which advo-cacy for quotas is grounded in Bangladesh politics?Discursive issues, such as whether men, who are theprimary actors in politics, are able to mediate wome-n’s concerns have not featured in the discourse on thequota. The purpose of reservation of seats in parlia-ment was not seen in terms of creating equality ofopportunity or outcome for a disadvantaged socialcategory. Reservation or quota was considered a con-venient device to facilitate entry into the legislatureby an excluded and vulnerable group. The idea ofreservation or quotas as a strategy for political empo-werment came into focus in later years. By then, theconcept of women’s empowerment was already invogue in development dialogues and initiatives. Thebasic thrust of the argument for the reinstitution ofquotas hinges on the right to political representationof half of the country’s population. In other words,the argument was tacitly built around issues ofdemocratic representation, governance and citizens-hip.

Annex 1: Provisions Regarding the Quota

or Reserved Seats

Constitution of the Peoples Republic

of Bangladesh

Article 65 (2)

Parliament shall consist of three hundred membersto be elected in accordance with law from single ter-ritorial constituencies by direct election and, for solong as clause (3) is effective, the members providedfor in that clause; the members shall be designated asMembers of Parliament.

Article 65 (3)

Until the dissolution of Parliament occurring nextafter the expiration of the period of ten years fromthe commencement of this Constitution there shallbe reserved fifteen seats exclusively for women mem-bers, who shall be elected according to law by themembers aforesaid:

Provided that nothing to this clause shall preventa woman from being elected to any of the seats pro-vided for in clause (2). Second Proclamation Order No IV, 1978

Article 65 (2)

Parliament shall consist of three hundred membersto be elected in accordance with law from single ter-ritorial constituencies by direct election and, for solong as clause (3) is effective, the members providedfor in that clause; the members shall be designated asMembers of Parliament.

Article 65 (3)

Until the dissolution of Parliament occurring nextafter the expiration of the period of fifteen years fromthe commencement of this Constitution there shallbe reserved thirty seats exclusively for women mem-bers, who shall be elected according to law by themembers aforesaid:

Provided that nothing to this clause shall preventa woman from being elected to any of the seats pro-vided for in clause (2). Constitution (Tenth Amendment) Act, 1990

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59

Notes and References

1. For successive constitutional provisions relatingto quotas, see Annex 1.

2. They are: Begum Khaleda Zia, the presentPrime Minister of Bangladesh and chairpersonof the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP); andSheikh Hasina, past prime minister of thecountry, and presently leader of the oppositionin parliament and party chief of the AwamiLeague (AL).

3. The seating arrangement for women MPs inreserved seats inside the chamber of the legisla-ture reflected their segregated status.

4. In the Fifth Parliament, the BNP gave tworeserved seats to the Jamaat-I-Islami; in theSeventh Parliament, the AL conceded threeseats to the JP; and in the current parliament,the BNP surrendered three seats to Jamaat.

5. A draft private members’ bill submitted by awoman member in a reserved seat proposed amaximum two-third/minimum one-third for-mula for male and female representation respec-tively in the parliament, in the cabinet, in partynominations for elections, in parliamentarystanding committees, in the higher judiciary, inthe election commission and in the public ser-vice commission. The draft proposal, however,failed to elicit support among members, bothmale and female. Also, a private members’ billcannot propose a constitutional amendment.

6. See for example, Begum, Maleka, 2000.Songroksita Mohila Asan Sorasori Nirbachan(Bangla: Reserved Seats for Women DirectElection). Dhaka: Anyaprokash, p. 20.

7. Also see Chowdhury, Najma, 2001. “ThePolitics of Implementing Women’s Rights inBangladesh”. In Bayes, Jane H. and Tohidi,Nayereh eds. Globalization, Gender, andReligion: The Politics of Women’s Rights inCatholic and Muslim Countries. New York:Palgrave, pp. 207-208. Chowdhury, Najma,1994. “Bangladesh: Gender and Politics in aPatriarchy”. In Nelson, Barbara andChowdhury, Najma eds. Women and PoliticsWorldwide. New Haven and London: YaleUniversity Press, pp. 98-101.

8. See Annex 2.

9. For background, see Chowdhury, Najma, 1985.“Women in Politics in Bangladesh”. In Qaziholiquzzaman, Ahmad et al. UN Decade forWomen 1976-85: Situation of Women inBangladesh. Ministry of Social Welfare andWomen’s Affairs, Government of the PeoplesRepublic of Bangladesh, pp. 259-63.

10. Ordinance 1983 as amended by Act No. 20 of1993, section 3. See The Union ParishadsManual, 1998. Dhaka Law Reports, 2ndEdition 1998, p. 6.

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6 to representation of women of at least 30%’. This was a mild victory for the groups that had

lobbied hard for quotas, and as a first step towardgender equality within political institutions it wascelebrated. However, it also affected other politicaldynamics in Indonesia. For example, there are now28 women among the 150 members of theIndonesian Electoral Commission at national, pro-vincial and kabupaten/kota levels. However, the dis-cussion and debate between different groups contin-ues and the women’s lobby is now focusing on pro-viding training and skills development to potentialcandidates. The aspiring candidates have had theopportunity to meet with former and current parlia-mentarians to discuss strategies, and the internatio-nal community has contributed information on theelectoral system and candidate recruitment proces-ses. The Indonesian quota discussion has movedfrom a theoretical discussion to a practical imple-mentation phase, where women are working hard todevelop their skills and capacity to stand for election.

6.2. Overview of Discussion

The participants were pleased to hear of the debatethat has been ongoing in Indonesia and the mobili-zation of the women’s movement. There was a dis-cussion as to whether it is a better option to lobby forquotas within political parties, or whether it prefera-ble that quotas should be legislated in political partyor electoral laws. Some country experiences showthat if a majority party adopts its own party quota,then contagion may result and opposition partiesmay also include quotas. But there was no consensusas to what is the best method. In East Timor, thewomen’s lobby advocated for both approaches, usingthe law as a first means, but lobbying for politicalparty quotas as a fall-back strategy. But in Indonesia,most political parties do not support the idea of quo-tas, and there is also a problem of leadership withinpolitical parties, where the president herself is openin her criticism of quotas.

In terms of mobilization, it was noted that there isno ‘consolidated’ women’s movement in Indonesiawith a clear strategy and way of working. This hassimilarities with the Bangladesh case where thewomen’s movement put too many issues on theagenda, which diluted the impact of having a conso-lidated women’s movement. The implementation ofquotas failed because the women’s movement did not

have alliances with women in political parties, themedia and civil society organizations. It was noted bythe Indonesian participants that there is no strategicplan of action, and that alliances do need to be for-med. However, there are different networks ofwomen’s organizations. One network lobbied mem-bers in committees where the laws are being debated,and also drafted an alternative electoral law with aminimum 20 per cent quota provision at the natio-nal, provincial and district levels. A second proposalwas to allow independent candidacies so that womenin parliament can unite without being restricted byparty discipline. It was also noted, though, that nothaving a consolidated women’s movement may alsobe an advantage if there is mobilization among andpressure from different sectors of society. It was alsonoted that it is important to include men in lobby-ing efforts and that alliances should be sought withthe media.

In the Nordic countries, a strategy was employedof doubling the number of members of committeesto avoid conflicts with men, and that way to complywith the quota provision. The women’s lobby alsoworks with nomination committees of political par-ties, as they determine who will be on party lists.Women argued that this was where a 50 per centquota for women should apply.

It was also pointed out that there are negativeaspects when only women lobby for women’s issues,as that takes the onus off men to address those issu-es. In this sense, the resource argument can be used,where women and men together define the commongood, as is the case in France. It may be more advan-tageous to talk about gender and governance than totalk about women’s issues in political decision-making. Men should be included in lobbying effortsaround quotas and in discussions about gender issu-es.

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At the time of the workshop, Indonesia was a coun-try-in-waiting regarding the implementation of spe-cial measures to increase the political representationof women, with various proposals for quotas beingforwarded by the women’s lobby. The workshop,therefore, provided interesting examples about howto lobby for, implement and evaluate quotas, and itserved as a great opportunity to gain knowledgeabout different country experiences in Asia. It alsoprovided impetus to embark on new strategies thatmay be applicable to the Indonesian political envi-ronment.

6.1. Overview of Presentation

Dr Chusnul Mar’iyah provided an overview on thestatus of women in politics and lobbying efforts thathave been conducted by the women’s movementaround the quota issue. The application of quotas isconsidered by those demanding them to be the mostexpeditious means of increasing the representation ofwomen in the political process. Dr Mar’iyah pointsout in her paper that the general opinion among thewomen’s movement is that, if quotas aim to reducegender injustice without a definite quota being intro-duced, injustice between men and women willremain. The issue of gender equality is often raised insocieties in transition to democracy. The issue hasbecome an integral part of the Indonesian politicalagenda when discussing such political concepts asdemocracy, citizenship and nationalism, which areoften considered gender-neutral. In practice, theseconcepts are extremely gender biased. Political rightsfor women are basic human rights, and human rightsare an integral part of democracy.

Dr Mar’iyah provided an overview of the debateregarding quotas in Indonesia, and some of the chal-lenges that have emerged. At the time of the work-shop, there was a debate about which law quotasshould be legislated in, either in the general Law onElections, or the Law on Political Parties. Withregard to political parties, it was noted that it hadbeen a hard battle to win them over, but five politi-cal parties - Golongan Karya (Functional GroupParty in Indonesia), Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa(National Awakening Party), Partai PersautuanPembangunan (National Development Party), Partai

Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party) inclu-ding FKKI (Awakening of the Indonesian Nationfraction) and Reformasi - were supportive of thequota debate. While there is general support amongwomen’s organizations for the implementation ofquotas, there is a perception that that there is a shor-tage of women wanting to enter politics. Other chal-lenges include the economic condition of women. InIndonesia the discussion concerning quotas is close-ly linked with the overall socio-economic position ofwomen: women need to be part of economic deve-lopment. Political culture also tries to convincewomen that their most effective contribution is to bemade at the local level; hence politics at the nationallevel is seen as less ‘attractive’. The internal mecha-nism of the political party recruitment system is themost challenging factor for the women activists orpoliticians.

As was mentioned in other presentations, DrMar’iyah noted the importance of examining politi-cal and social contexts when discussing gender issu-es. She stressed the importance of lessons learnedfrom other countries seeking to implement genderquotas and to undertake comparative studies of gen-der in politics in the region as well as globally. Shedefines groups like civil society activists, politicalparty members, academics and the media as impor-tant for positive developments, and stressed that gre-ater cooperation between them was necessary tolobby the political establishment.

The issue of electoral systems has been an issue ofparticular interest for the women’s movement inIndonesia. In developments since the workshop tookplace, in 2003, a new General Law on Elections waspassed and the Political Party Law was amended. Theelectoral system to be used in the 2004 election is aproportional representation (PR) system with openlists. A ‘weak’ quota for women was included inArticle 65 of the election law: ‘Each participatingpolitical party may nominate candidates for theDewan Perwakilan Rakyat (House ofRepresentatives), Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah(Regional House of Representatives), and DewanPerwakilan Rakuat Daerah I and II (People’sRepresentative Council Provincial and District/Citylevel), for each electoral district, giving consideration

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6. Lobbying for Quotas: The Indonesian Experience in 2002

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women’s political interests are represented.A quota for women is intended to ensure that

women hold a specified percentage of positions inpolitical parties, parliament, state committees andgovernment institutions. The quota system is amechanism to reduce obstacles in the recruitmentprocess, not at the individual level, but at the level ofthose who control the recruitment process. It is oftensaid that the problem lies in the availability ofwomen qualified for the positions in question, orthat women are not interested in becoming involvedin the political arena. This issue relates to the socialand cultural context of the nation. In the context ofmodern political life, a quota system ensures that therecruitment of women into political life is guaran-teed to reach the significant level of 30 per cent. Thequota is a provisional mechanism to ensure therecruitment of women into the political domain sothat political, economic and ideological obstacles inthe path of women’s progress are minimalized. Inshort, the quota is intended to overcome prejudicesthat prevent the entrance of women into the politi-cal arena.

The quota system can also be implemented in agender-neutral fashion. For positions usually domi-nated by women, the quota system can be utilized bymen. In practice, though, it should be noted that,within sectors in which women predominate, menoften control leadership positions. For example,many studies have demonstrated that, in the areas ofcigarette production and electronics assembly, amajority of workers are women, who are valued fortheir perceived manual dexterity in repetitive tasks.However, management and supervisory positions areusually held by men. A quota system could becomea mechanism for increasing productivity, becausewith the implementation of a quota, we would notsuffer the loss of half of the available human resour-ces in Indonesia.

Comparative Experiences

Over the past decade, a number of nations have achi-eved significant increases in the proportion of womenin national representative institutions. This has beensupported by the Beijing Declaration for Action in1995 and the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) con-ference in New Delhi in 1997. A 1995 UnitedNations (UN) Progress Report, which analysed gen-der and development in 174 countries, stated:

While it is true that there is no direct connection bet-ween the level of participation of women in politicalinstitutions and their contribution to the advance ofwomen, a level of representation of 30% in politicalinstitutions can be considered critical to ensuringwomen have meaningful influence in the political pro-cess. (IFES)

There are several different examples of how a quotahas been utilized in the political process. First, aquota has been implemented through legislation inItaly to achieve a level of representation of 50 percent; since 1993, Argentina has imposed a quota of33 per cent; Brazil has a quota of 20 per cent; andIndia has a quota at the local level. In France, thelevel is 50 per cent. Second, a quota has been imple-mented through electoral legislation requiring politi-cal parties to present female candidates. InArgentina, there is a quota in districts of true belie-vers, or winnable seats. Third, political parties oftenhave a policy of implementing informal quotas. Forexample, the African National Congress in SouthAfrica imposes a quota of 30 per cent. The LabourParty in Australia and the PJ (Justicialist Party) andthe UCR (Radical Civic Union) in Argentina alsoimpose informal quotas.

In addition, a quota has been imposed throughthe constitution in a number of nations, includingUganda, where 39 seats are reserved for women. InArgentina, electoral legislation since 1993 has requi-red political parties to select women candidates for atleast 30 per cent of winning seats. The number ofwomen members of parliament in Argentina is 33per cent. In India, a quota of 30 per cent at the locallevel is enshrined in the constitution.

What About Indonesia?

The opinion expressed by President MegawatiSukarnoputri in various speeches that a quota forwomen would denigrate the position of womenmust be considered highly debatable.

First, in the context of the social problems of cor-ruption, collusion and nepotism that have destroyedthe nation’s economic system and social capital, thisissue must be considered as one related to the digni-ty of the country. The crisis of trust between mem-bers of the community and the state has resulted inthe outbreak of extreme communal violence. Stateviolence and communal violence, even domestic vio-

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In recent years, the issue of the representation ofwomen and their participation in the political pro-cess has become increasingly significant in Indonesia.On at least two occasions, on 22 December 2001and 21 April 2001, the president gave speeches towomen activists in which she pleaded with them notto press for a quota, on the grounds that its imple-mentation would have an adverse affect on the stan-ding of women. It is clear that many politicians havea poor understanding of the importance of the repre-sentation of women and their participation in thepolitical decision-making process. It remains to beseen how the increasingly expressed demands ofwomen activists in political parties to raise the levelof female representation in the political process (as afundamental human rights issue) will be addressed.

The demand for a quota system for women is ademand for a policy that achieves a measurable out-come. The quota mechanism is considered by thosedemanding it to be the fastest means of increasingthe level of representation of women in the politicalprocess. Affirmative action through the impositionof a quota has even been proposed for professionalrecruitment processes in other areas. A quota is amechanism for reducing gender injustice; without adefinite quota, gender injustice will continue tooccur. The issue relates to the politics of presence.

The debate concerning the increased representa-

tion of women through the imposition of a quota isan integral part of the debate regarding the develop-ment of a democratic political system built on theprincipal of gender equality. The demands for aquota are an integral part of the demands for wome-n’s rights in the political sphere. Why are politicalissues important for women? Because women formthe majority of citizens in this country, yet theirrights as citizens are given insufficient consideration,and they are continually marginalized in the deci-sion-making process. In this short essay, issues rela-ted to the quota will be explored, and examples ofimplementation in various other nations will be exa-mined in order to determine how a similar quotashould be introduced in Indonesia in order to deve-lop a democratic political culture.

What is a ‘Quota’?

Political concepts such as democracy, citizenship andnationalism are often considered neutral. In practice,however, they are extremely gender biased. Politicalrights for women are basic human rights, and humanrights are an integral part of democracy. The invol-vement of both women and men in the decision-making process is a sine qua non in democracy. Thequota is a mechanism for achieving a significantincrease in the level of representation of women inthe political process and a means for ensuring that

The Political Representation ofWomen in Indonesia:How Can It Be Achieved?

By Chusnul Mar’iyah

Introduction

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an initiative to achieve this goal. This issue mustbecome the responsibility of all elements of the com-munity and the state, including the executive and thelegislature, as well as political parties, NGOs, themedia and the academic world.

Conclusion:

Affirmative Action Through Quotas

We hope that a policy of affirmative action willchange the face of politics by drawing attention tothe issue of gender justice. This issue should not beseen in terms of a ‘gift’ (to women) of positions onstate committees, but in the context of the need forthe state not to lose more than half of the potentialleaders required to solve the nation’s problems - anation in which more than 51 per cent of citizens arewomen. In order not to lose valuable human resour-ces, a quota is essential. By involving women in thedecision-making process, the process of democratiza-tion can begin. Democracy without the involvementof women is not democracy.

Affirmative action is a policy to reduce genderinjustice. When the goal of true equality is achievedthrough education and throughout all areas of thenation’s life, affirmative action will no longer berequired. We are still in a society that is highly dis-criminatory of women. Existing stereotypes ofwomen create prejudice. The quota is a provisionalmechanism to achieve the objective of acceleratingthe rise in the level of women involved in the deci-sion-making process. With a quota, we can reducethe level of injustice and discrimination practicedagainst women. Without a quota, such injustice anddiscrimination will continue. Drude Dahlerup’schapter in the Women in Parliament handbook pro-vides a complete overview of the necessity for affir-mative action and of the experiences of other coun-tries, demonstrating that it is required to improvethe situation of the majority of citizens of this nationand showing that justice is a required principle in thedevelopment of a country.

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lence, appear to be a common occurrence in ourcountry. Look at the cases of Aceh, Ambon, IrianJaya, Poso, Sambas and Ternate. Who are the actorsin these war-making forces? The question is whetherwomen have been involved in negotiations in Aceh(in fact, following criticism on this issue, a few havebeen included) or in Poso? We must ask whether themajority of women citizens of Indonesia are trulyregarded as citizens or stakeholders in this nation.Thus, the contribution of women is required toresolve national problems.

Second, in the political sphere, what percentage ofmembers of the DPR (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat,House of Representatives) or MPR (MajelisPermusyawaratan Rakyat, Consultative People’sAssembly) are women? Approximately nine per centof members of the DPR, and an even lower percen-tage in the DPRD I (province) and DPRD II (dis-trict) are women. In fact, there are no women mem-bers in some DPRD II in several provinces. The per-centage of Echelon I civil servants in Indonesia isonly 4.3 per cent, while only two members of cabi-net are women, in addition to the president.According to an official government report, there areno women Ulama (religious scholars) in Indonesia.This is because the concept of the Ulama is identifi-ed with men, despite the fact that many religiousscholars and experts are women. In Indonesia, notone single chairperson of a KUA is a woman, despi-te the fact that there are 6,000 such positions. Nowoman holds the position of provincial governor,and only 1.5 per cent of regents/mayors, or six indi-viduals, are women.

What is the condition of our political system? Atpresent, Indonesia is displaying its ugliest characte-ristics. As Peter Merkl has stated, politics has a ‘goodface’, when it is involved in the establishment of ajust social system. However, politics also has an ‘uglyface’, when it is involved in the search for power andwealth for its own sake. One way of improving thewelfare of members of the community would be toinvolve both women and men in the decision-making process.

Third, the economic crisis that began in 1997 hashad different effects on men and women. Women’shealth conditions have declined because, for exam-ple, a housewife traditionally eats last at mealtimes.The government has not paid attention to the esta-blishment of policies targeting women. Indonesian

women working overseas (TKW) form a significantforce in the economy these days. What strategies hasthe government implemented to protect thesewomen? There have been many cases of thesewomen being exploited, even raped, by theiremployers overseas. At the same time, macroecono-mic policy has not addressed the issue of improvingconditions for women. The problems of domesticeconomics and unemployment have not become apriority for the government.

Thus, if we are addressing the issue of the stan-ding of women, we should first examine the existingpolitical and social context. Let us analyse the meansby which the position of women can be improved inthe democratic process. Let us learn from the exam-ples of countries that have successfully implementedaffirmative action through the imposition of a quotato determine the strengths and weaknesses of thesesystems. We also need to undertake studies of genderin politics. The male stream theory of politics is stilldominant in Indonesia. Development of a new poli-tical theory that engages the issue of gender has yetto occur in Indonesia. There are extremely few poli-tical scientists who have conducted studies on thedeconstruction of male stream political theory.Gender blindness in political science in Indonesiaand male domination of the political process haveprevented the achievement of gender justice in therealm of politics. Consequently, the demands for aquota system by women activists in political parties,non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and inacademia are extremely relevant in this context.

Until now, the government and the majority ofwomen’s organizations have placed greater emphasison practical issues affecting women. For example,issues like women’s poverty, poor health, and lowlevels of education have been addressed throughmeasures intended to generate income for womenthrough the establishment of cooperatives and othermeans, to improve health by opening mother andchild health clinics, and to improve education byopening schools. However, since independence,there have been few strategies to address directly theissue of why women are impoverished, because thishas not been a national priority.

The establishment of a policy to ensure the invol-vement of a critical mass of women in the politicalprocess is not merely the president’s responsibility.However, the president could become the leader of

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Conclusion:

Lessons Learned from the AsianExperience with Quotas

Julie Ballington and Cecilia Bylesjö

governments. Women from different socio-econo-mic, political and religious backgrounds took theirplaces on local councils, demonstrating that thequota indeed opened the door for disadvantagedgroups.

Quotas are Controversial

The case of East Timor is illustrative of the contro-versial nature of quota implementation. While theUN administration had initially endorsed the use ofquotas in some forms (particularly at the village anddistrict level and in the administration of the UN),when it came to electoral administration, quotaswere rejected, with UNTAET stating that: ‘Electoralquotas for women (or any other group) do not con-stitute international best practice for elections’. EastTimor is also illustrative of the argument often usedby those opposing quotas, namely that unqualifiedwomen will be elected, that candidate selection is aparty prerogative best based on merit, and that thereis a shortage of ‘willing’ women to contest the poll.

Sharing Power with Men

Introducing quotas for women implies that theiraccess to political power will increase, but this sug-gests a commensurate decrease in access to power bymen, which many view as a threat. The issue of sha-ring power was viewed not as taking power frommen but rather as distributing power evenly amongcitizens in the development of a democratic system.This perception emerged in the discussion on India,a country that has a long history of applying reservedseats (for scheduled castes). The participants raisedthe problem of passing the Reservation Bill at thenational level, and whether this was in any way tiedto a perception that real power does not lie at thepanchayat level but at the national level, which crea-ted a reluctance to give up that power. This was alsonoted as a problem for Indonesia, where womenhave confronted the challenge of convincing menthat the objective is not to take their power away, butto become equal partners in power sharing. Animportant strategy is to develop arguments that con-vince men of the merits of power sharing and thattheir power will not be reduced. In order to makeroom for women in politics, traditional concepts of‘merits’ as synonymous with men’s experiences mustbe challenged

Reserved Seat MPs versus

Political Party MPs

An important area of investigation is the experiencesof governing by women elected to reserved seats.Evidence from suggests that, with the advent ofreserved seats in parliament for women, there waslittle pressure exerted on the political party to chan-ge or to take on the concerns of women. Chowdhurynotes that the quota was treated as the sole avenuefor women’s entry into the legislature while ‘general’seats were considered the monopoly of male politici-ans. Therefore, parties demonstrated no politicalcommitment to share general seats with women. Inthis way, quotas may act as a ‘glass ceiling’ forwomen, as parties become less willing to address gen-der issues because women have ‘their seats’.

A further issue raised was: who do women legisla-tors in reserved seats represent? While quotas ensurethat a proportion of women are elected, there isoften an expectation that those MPs whose electionwas facilitated by the quota should intervene in poli-cy issues. By and large, women in Bangladesh havenot served as advocates of women’s rights. The sys-tem by which they are elected into politics not onlylimits their possibility of becoming political actors intheir own right but also limits their role as advocatesfor women’s issues. Women who seek to introduce agender perspective in politics may risk their ownposition in the political establishment. If a woman iselected through special measures she is also not seenas a full member of parliament, and, with no consti-tuency behind her, she might lack a power base ofher own.

Quantity versus Quality:

Do Quotas Empower Women?

A theme that was often touched on in the discussionsrelated to whether quotas really lead to the empower-ment of women. While quotas ensure women a pre-sence in parliament, there is no guarantee thatwomen will be able to use that power effectively. Thedebate about quotas in Bangladesh continues today,with many criticisms of how reservations have in thepast afforded women visibility, but not empoweredthem. The women’s movement in Bangladesh hasbrought the issue of quotas into public discourse byvoicing criticism of quotas as practiced previouslyand by articulating demands for fundamental chan-ges to be made to the constitutional provision.

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At the workshop in Jakarta in September 2002,various types of quota provisions were discussed,including constitutional, legislative and politicalparty quotas, with constitutional quotas beingimplemented in India and Bangladesh, legislatedquotas practiced in Pakistan and political party quo-tas introduced in East Timor. Asia provides some ofthe earliest examples of reservation in the world,with Pakistan implementing ‘reservations’ as far backas 1956, and Bangladesh implementing reservedseats for women in the 1970s, although on a smallmagnitude of between five and ten per cent. As aregion, there is a tendency for quota provisions to belegislated, although some political parties haveimplemented their own informal party quotas, as iscommon in Western Europe and parts of Africa.There is also a tendency for quotas to take the formof reserved seats, a popular method of quota imple-mentation in first-past-the-post systems, which tendto predominate in the region.

The comparative analysis that emerged from theworkshop is extremely valuable for identifying stra-tegies for quota implementation and for assessingboth positive and negative lessons learned. Theworkshop began with key questions: what is the lik-elihood that quotas will be introduced? What is thelikelihood they will be implemented? And what isthe likelihood that they will lead to the empower-ment of women? In the case of Indonesia, it emergedthat there is a strong mobilization of women withmany organizations involved, and that there are win-

dows of opportunity for reform, given that the elec-toral system is being debated and that the politicalparty law is being reformed. It is also important tonote how the argument for quotas is being articula-ted - what kinds of arguments are being forwardedfor the inclusion of women in democracy building,in terms of citizenship and in terms of the resourcesthat women bring to politics. In respect of successfulimplementation, it emerged that preciseness in theterms of sanctions for non-compliance is the key. Itis not apparent that quotas will lead to the empo-werment of women, but, as the case of Pakistan illu-strates, training and capacity-building are two com-ponents needed for a successful result.

Some of the main lessons from the region includethe following.

Quotas Open the Door

to Women in Politics

The examples presented at the workshop confirmedthe prime argument used for quotas: if properlyimplemented, they are an effective means of fast-tracking women’s access to decision-making bodies.In India, analysts acknowledge that the quotabrought a critical mass of women to institutions,with nearly one million women entering councils atthe local government level. In Pakistan, the 33 percent quota adopted by the government opened upthe political space to women and provided a strate-gic opportunity for women to make a difference insetting and implementing the agenda of local

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introduced until women already had obtained 20-25per cent in parliament, thus consolidating women’spolitical power. Quotas ensure a quantitative jump,shifting from a concept of equality of opportunity toequality of result. However, this will only happen ifquotas are properly implemented. In Sweden, theSocial Democratic Party has an internal quota of aminimum of 40 per cent women, combined with a‘zipper’ system (alternating one man, one woman onthe party list). Similarly, the African NationalCongress party in South Africa has a 30 per centquota for women. Yet countries like France have dif-ferent electoral systems and different quota rules,which have a direct effect on the number of womenelected in the system. For example, the implementa-tion of quotas was successful at the local level but lesssuccessful at the national level in France. Therefore,extensive research is required about the introduction,implementation and enforcement of quotas in diffe-rent political and social contexts and in differentelectoral systems. Other issues to consider includewhether there are sanctions for non-compliance, andagencies that enforce compliance, whether quotas aretemporary or permanent and what other types ofquotas exist, such as quotas based on geography orlanguage.

Country Contexts are Important

The discussion concerning identifying, implemen-ting and evaluating quotas within an Asian contexthighlighted the importance of considering country-specific contexts. If quotas are being implemented incountries with a limited history of women’s mobili-zation and women’s integration into political life, thetype of quota intervention needs to be chosen care-fully and determined by the social and cultural con-texts and political climate in the country. The highnumber of countries in the Asian region undergoingdevelopment and transitioning to democracy hasopened up the space for articulating a political agen-da that includes women, and thereby possibly layingthe foundations for controversial measures like quo-tas. The participants also pointed out the importan-ce of discussing gender quotas within the specificAsian context where there is a strict hierarchy amongclasses and castes, and where divisions exist based onreligion, culture and ethnicity. This was exemplifiedin the case of India.

In many aspects, these challenges are summed up

in the case of Indonesia. Cultural barriers and stere-otyping of women were presented as obstacles towomen’s political participation in Indonesia. Politicsis viewed by many women as dirty and corrupt,which acts as a deterrent. Violence connected topoliticking is also prevalent in Indonesia, where the1998 riots have been followed by increasingly highlevels of violence. The risk of violence increases clo-ser to the election, and for women who are conside-ring entering politics, this is a major hurdle to over-come.

The Need for Further Research

The successful implementation of quotas seems todepend on well-developed strategies and strong civilsociety mobilization, as well as political will. But thelack of comparative research makes it difficult togeneralize about successful strategies and to present‘best cases’ of how quotas can be implemented. It is,therefore, extremely important to generate morecomparative research and to learn both positive andnegative lessons of individual country experienceswith quotas. Questions such as the likelihood thatquotas will be introduced and implemented andwhether they will contribute to the empowerment ofwomen should be studied and compiled as case stu-dies in a global context. The study should focus onthe discourse, including the proponents and oppo-nents of quotas, what political parties believe andhow quotas were put on the legislative agenda.Enforcement and the consequences of implementingquotas are an important part of such a study. Theexamples and experiences contained in this reportare not only relevant to the Asian context but shouldalso be seen to contribute to a growing awareness ofthe need to generate global and comparative know-ledge about quota implementation and enforcement.While there is agreement that there is an emerging‘quota fever’, there is also some agreement that quo-tas in themselves are not sufficient to change funda-mentally women’s systematic under-representation.Yet quotas are a key step towards ensuring inclusivedecision-making processes and policy development,thereby involving women in the decisions that havea direct bearing on their lives and the lives of theirfamilies. Underpinning all efforts is the need to fos-ter political will that nurtures and promotes truegender equality.

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Dr Raman points out that a similar scenario isapparent in India where some women activists andscholars have seriously questioned the efficacy ofreservations as an instrument for the achievement ofequality. These scholars stress that the experiencewith women’s reservations in the institutions of localself-government has not been entirely positive andthat women need to traverse a long road before theyreach the steps of parliament. These groups questionthe manner in which local government institutionshave functioned, the dire need for training of womenand the need for greater gender sensitivity in theadministration. However, the reservation system inIndia did allow women to enter local government,largely for the first time. What is not apparent iswhether the impact women are able to make is ham-pered by the reserved seats they find themselves in,and how this may differ to PR systems, under which,typically, political party quotas are implemented.

This issue was of interest to the Indonesian parti-cipants, as much of the discourse has focused on thequalitative aspect of gender equality and the need tolook beyond numbers to develop strategies to incre-ase women’s skills and ability to participate activelyin politics. The issue has become important asIndonesian politicians have questioned women’scompetence and ability to stand for election and thecontributions that they can make to developingdemocracy. These arguments have been articulatednot only by males but also by the female politiciansalready involved and positioned within the politicalestablishment.

Training and Skills Development

The experience of Pakistan highlights how quotasand skills training are used as simultaneous strategi-es for the empowerment of women. The shortco-mings of many inexperienced politicians are acknow-ledged but measures are being taken to empowerboth women and men that are new to politics. As DrReyes argues, the empowerment of women is one ofthe fundamental tasks in building gender equality,and women need to use their critical mass to affectpublic policy, particularly that related to povertyreduction, the biggest challenge in Pakistan.Mentoring and education programmes are beingimplemented, using hands-on, participatory populareducation methods. She highlights the importanceof training and the need to educate not only women

in powerful positions but also women at the grass-roots level to overcome the stereotypes of politicsand politicians.

Are Quotas a Temporary Measure?

In Bangladesh, reserved seats have always been insti-tuted on a temporary basis. Following the expirationof the last quota provision in 2000, the representa-tion of women decreased from nearly ten per cent totwo per cent in one election. This raises importantquestions around whether quotas should be institu-ted on a temporary or permanent basis. Some of theparticipants argued that quotas should be consideredas a temporary measure, not only for strategic rea-sons when seeking to have them introduced, but alsobecause the quota in itself should change perceptionsabout gender equality, thereby levelling the playingfield for men and women to contest elections on anequal basis. However, the example of Bangladeshillustrates that timing is extremely important andthat quotas should not be abolished until the politi-cal playing field is truly even.

Women’s Networks and Mobilization

The papers suggest that a strong women’s networkand civil society support are key to successful intro-duction of quotas. For the implementation of quo-tas, pressure should not only come from above butalso be supported from below. This is clearly illustra-ted in the cases of Bangladesh and East Timor, wherenetworks of women continue to lobby for quotaimplementation, although they have not yet succee-ded in the legislature. The Indonesian example alsoillustrates how creating and maintaining networksand the mobilization of women can have successfulresults. An important lesson was how organizationsworked with extended networks among women,from both formal political institutions as well asfrom the grassroots level, at a critical time when boththe electoral law and political party laws were beingredrafted.

The Rules of Implementation

are Important

Professor Dahlerup cautioned that, while significantgains have been made in Scandinavian countries,they should not be considered the model, as it took80 years to shift from no women in parliament to35-45 per cent. In Scandinavia, quotas were not

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paign for gender balance in political representation(50:50: Get the Balance Right!!!), the centrepiece ofthe Gender and Governance Program of Women’sEnvironment and Development Organization(WEDO), which has now been endorsed by 170organizations from 52 countries. In Pakistan, shedesigned and wrote the curriculum for the trainingof 40,000 women councillors elected under thegovernment’s 33 per cent reservation policy forwomen.

VASANTHI RAMAN is a Senior Fellow at theCentre for Women’s Development Studies, NewDelhi. She is a sociologist, with a doctorate fromBombay University. She has been an activist with teaplantation women workers and peasant organiza-tions. Her current research interests include: com-munalism and gender, childhood studies, andwomen and governance. She is also actively associa-ted with a publishing house, Rainbow Publishers, inIndia.

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JULIE BALLINGTON is the Manager of the Genderand Political Participation Project at IDEA, based inStockholm, Sweden. Prior to joining IDEA in 2001,she was a researcher and Gender and ElectionsProject Manager at the Electoral Institute ofSouthern Africa (EISA) in Johannesburg, SouthAfrica. Her research interests include the politicalrepresentation and participation of women, voterturnout and electoral politics. She is currently com-pleting a Ph.D. on the participation and representa-tion of women in South African elections sincedemocratization in 1994.

CECILIA BYLESJO is the Gender ProjectConsultant for IDEA’s Indonesia Programme, basedin Jakarta, Indonesia. Prior to the assignment forIDEA in 2001, she worked as a researcher in theSoutheast Asian region (primarily in Malaysia), witha focus on women’s political representation and poli-tical parties. She is interested in studying ideologies,goals and strategies to increase women’s political par-ticipation and heighten their synergies. She has anM.A. degree in political science from UmeåUniversity, Sweden.

NAJMA CHOWDHURY is a Professor of PoliticalScience and Chairperson of the Department ofWomen’s Studies, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh.Professor Chowdhury has authored several impor-tant works on women in politics in Bangladesh, aswell as in comparative perspective. She is co-authorwith Barbara Nelson of Women in Politics Worldwide,first published by Yale University Press in 1994.

DRUDE DAHLERUP is Professor of Political Scienceat Stockholm University, Sweden. She has underta-ken extensive research on women in politics, socialmovements, the history of women’s movements, sexsegregation in the labour market and feminist theo-ry. She has published many articles and books inDanish, including most recently: Rodstromperne:Den danske Rodstrumpebeaefgelses udvikling, nyaenk-ning og gennemslag 1970-1985. Bd. I-II, Gyldendal1998. (The Red stockings: The Rise and Fall, NewIdeas and Impact on the Danish Women’s LiberationMovement, 1970-1985.) In English, among other

works, she has published The New Women’sMovement, Feminism and Political Power in Europeand the USA (Sage, 1986) and “From a Small to aLarge Minority: Women in Scandinavian Politics”,in Scandinavian Political Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4. Shehas also written a handbook on women’s representa-tion, which was published by the Nordic Council ofMinisters in all five Nordic languages.

MILENA PIRES is a founding member of PartidoSocial Democrata (PSD), was a member of theConstituent Assembly of East Timor from 2001-2002, and Deputy Speaker of the National Councilfrom 2000 to 2001. She has also worked as the Headof Office of the Catholic Institute for InternationalRelations in Dili, 1999-2001. During 2002 she wasa member of the review group on Women, Peace andSecurity for the report on Resolution 1325. She hasexperience in women’s inclusion in peace-buildingprocesses, and was actively involved in the campaignfor quotas in East Timor.

CHUSNUL MAR’IYAH is the director of the post-graduate programme in Political Science at theUniversity of Indonesia. She is also a member of theNational Election Commission, and is a board mem-ber of the Tifa Foundation and of TransparencyInternational Indonesia. An active feminist, she fre-quently lectures on women’s participation in parlia-ment and in political parties. She received a Ph.D. inpolitical science from the University of Sydney,Australia.

SOCORRO L. REYES is the Senior Gender Advisorto the Government of Pakistan and founding presi-dent of the Center for Legislative Developmentbased in the Philippines. She has worked as a legisla-tive development specialist for the past 12 years in14 countries, assisting democratizing legislatures inbuilding their institutional capacity for policy rese-arch and analysis, legislative drafting, committeework and legislative oversight. She has conductedseminars on strategic planning for advocacy andwomen’s political participation in 58 newly demo-cratizing countries. She conceptualized, organizedand implemented the launching of the global cam-

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About the Authors

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Ms Syamisiah Ahmad

Chairperson, Indonesian Centre for Women in PoliticsE-mail: icwip@cbn.net.id

Ms Julie Ballington

Programme Officer, Women’s Participation Programme, International IDEAE-mail: j.ballington@idea.int

Ms Cecilia Bylesjo

Project Consultant, Women’s Participation Programmein Indonesia, International IDEAE-mail: c.bylesjo@idea.int

Prof. Najma Chowdhury

Chairperson, Department ofWomen’s Studies and Professor,Department of Political Science, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh

Prof. Drude Dahlerup

Professor, Department of PoliticalScience, Stockholm University E-mail:drude.dahlerup@statsvet.su.se

Dr Indraneel Datta

Programme Officer, IndonesiaProgramme, International IDEAE-mail:Indraneel.datta@ideaindo.or.id

Ms Admira Dini

Office Manager, InternationalFoundation for Electoral Systems E-mail: mira@ifes.com

Ms Merita Gidarjati

Program Assistant, GenderDimension Program, NationalDemocratic Institute for International Affairs E-mail: marita@cbn.net.id

Ms Katharine S. Hunter

Senior Director Women’s PoliticalParticipation Program, The Asia Foundation E-mail: hunter@tafindo.org

Ms Yuda Irland

Director Gerekan PemberdayaanSwara Perempuan E-mail: gpsp@pacific.net.id

Dr Sakuntala Kadirgamar-

Rajasingham

Senior Director, South- and SE Asia Programme, International IDEAE-mail: s.kadirgamar-rajasingham@idea.int

Ms Dian Kartikasari

Coordinator, Indonesian Women’sCoalition for Justice andDemocracyE-mail: koalisip@uninet.net.id

Dr Chusnul Mar’iyah

Chairperson, Political Science StudyProgram, FISIP University ofIndonesia and Member of the KPU(Election Commission, Indonesia).

Ms Ninuk Mardiana

Pambudy

Journalist, Newspaper: KOMPASE-mail: ninuk@kompas.com

Ms Yuliani Paris

Chairperson, Women’s Caucus inPolitics, South Sulawesi E-mail: fvnii@indosat.net.id

Ms Milena Pires

Former Member of Parliament, East TimorE-mail: Milena_pires@hotmail.com

Dr Vasanthi Raman

Senior Fellow, Centre for Women’sDevelopment Studies New Delhi,India University E-mail: cwds@vsnl.net.in

Dr Socorro Reyes

Senior Gender Advisor, UNDP Pakistan E-mail: socorro.reyes@undp.org

Dr Francisia SSE Seda

Lecturer, School of Social andPolitical Science and GraduateProgram of Social Science,University of Indonesia andCoordinator Program on Womenand Election, Centre for ElectoralReform (CETRO), IndonesiaE-mail: fancisias@yahoo.com

List of Participants

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